Place, Identity and Preservation of Vernacular Indonesian Architecture: Mbaru Niang, Tongkonan

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Place, Identity and Preservation of Vernacular Indonesian Architecture: Mbaru Niang, Tongkonan, and Baduy Houses

ABEE4033 Design, Culture and Context by: Farahiyah Nasution

20714664

Word Count: 6034

Figure 1 – Baduy Traditional Houses, Banten

Department of Architecture and Built Environment

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Part 1 – Introduction

Background to Research

The activities that occur within Indonesian vernacular houses, practices and beliefs of local communities form the foundation of place. According to Tuan, 1977, some places acquire meaning through certain activities. In Indonesia, this can be observed in the Tana Toraja houses, in Sulawesi, with its elaborate ceremonial events to commemorate death, as well as the Pentiritual in Wae Rebo, Flores, which includes the Caci dance and sacrifice of animals. Customs such as these result in a pull of visitors into these vernacular villages.

According to the Indonesian Ministry of Tourism and Creative Economy, the number of foreign tourist visits to the country has increased by 110.86% in January to November 2023 compared to the year before.1 In Wae Rebo Traditional Village, Flores, the number of international visitors has risen from 36 people in 2002, to 169 people in 2009. Visitors who come to local architectural sites such as these help to promote national identity. This is accomplished through the experience of creating stories from personal perspectives and forming connections to the vernacular. In the example of Wae Rebo villages, the arrival of architects from Jakarta to assist in the rebuilding of MbaruNianghouses commemorates the Indonesian spirit of “gontongroyong” or working together in mutual assistance. Through a communal effort, a positive dynamic between local tribes and outsiders is created, as well as new layers of identity.

According to Cresswell, it is argued that there are unspoken rules in the world of commonsense to define what is appropriate and what is not in a place.2 If people or practices contravene these set of invisible boundaries, they are considered to commit transgression 3 In Baduy villages in Java, the purity of teachings of the Baduy people prevents visitors from bringing their mobile phones and taking photographs in their villages, however, the rise of tourism in this area resulted in the infringement of locals’ customs, as well as a slow loss of culture. Therefore, it is vital that tourism is promoted and brought about in a way that is sensitive to local beliefs.

In addition to this, several Indonesian vernacular houses have observed the disappearance of local craftsmanship, as well as a need to rebuild run-down houses.

1 Ministry of Tourism and Creative Economy, “Foreign Tourists Arrivals Increase.”

2 Tim Cresswell, InPlace/OutofPlace , 10.

3 Tim Cresswell, InPlace/OutofPlace , 10.

This is observed in Wae Rebo village, in 2009; four of the initial seven houses which existed in Wae Rebo needed to be restored, and two of the houses were not deemed liveable.4 Through community efforts to utilise and gain construction efforts used in the past due to gradual loss of craftsmanship, as well as introducing training schemes and gathering of historical construction methods, the locals were able to conserve their homes.

Research Aims and Objectives

Through the example of three main case studies; Wae Rebo Village, in Flores, Tana Toraja in Sulawesi, and Baduy houses in Java, this essay aims to address the following research questions: What constitutes the identity of Wae Rebo Village, Tana Toraja and Baduy Villages in Indonesia? How do these vernacular dwellings define place? What are the risks and pressures to these three sites?

Methodology

Information gathered from secondary resources including books, e-books, theses, articles and magazines will be used throughout this essay. Interviews with architects involved in the construction of these traditional houses, such as Yori Antar were considered, however, the author was not able to conduct these due to time constraints.

4 Yori Antar,PesandariWaeRebo , 61.

Part 2 – Case Studies

Case Study 1:

Background to Case Study

Wae Rebo is located in the village of Satar Lenda, in West Satar Mese District, Manggarai Regency, and Nusa Tenggara Timur Province, Indonesia. It exists on a height of 1,100 m above sea level, amongst forests and mountains far from other neighbouring villages. The village itself is approximately 1,080 years old, and in 2009, it has a population of 1,200 people.5

Wae Rebo has a residential area of 18,420 m2 . 6 It is also known asmbaruniang , which translates to circular houses in the shape of a cone.7 There are a total of seven

5 Yori Antar, PesandariWaeRebo , 29-31.

6 Desak Putu Damayanti,PotretFotogrametriKelayakanHuni , 123.

7 Yori Antar,PesandariWaeRebo , 32.

Mbaru Niang, Wae Rebo Village, Flores
Figure2–WaeReboVillage,Flores

houses named Mbaru Gendong, Gena Mandok, Gena Jengkong, Gena Ndorom, Gena Pirung, Gena Jintam, and Gena Maro (Fig. 4).

The mbaruniang houses consist of five stories, each dedicated to specific activities. For instance, the first level, lutur , is housed by the locals. The second level, lobo , is where food supplies are stored, whereas the third level, lentar , is used to store crops, corn and various nuts. The fourth floor, lemparae , is used for emergency food supply. Lastly, the fifth floor, hekangkode , is where the langkar(bamboo webbings used for ancestral offerings) is housed 8

Figure3 -SketchdiagramoftheWaeRebotraditionalhouse

The Wae Rebo village is accessible by foot; a journey of approximately 3 hours from nearby Denge village. The Wae Rebo tribal clan is predominantly Catholic, however still adhere to old rituals and practice It is said that Empu Maro founded the village 100 years ago. The current inhabitants in Wae Rebo are Maro’s 18th generation descendants.9

Having received the Top Award of Excellence from UNESCO in the 2012 UNESCO Asia Pacific Heritage Awards in Bangkok, August 201210, this village attracts high number of tourists every year. In 2002, the number of foreign tourists were 36 people, whereas in 2009, the population of foreign visitors increased to reach over 160

8 Yori Antar,PesandariWaeRebo , 32.

9 Wonderful Indonesia, “The Traditional Village of Wae Rebo.”

10 Wonderful Indonesia, “The Traditional Village of Wae Rebo.”

people.11 The increase in visitors in Wae Rebo greatly contributes to the local economy, whilst nurturing local identity in Manggarai

Social Customs

According to Tuan’s concept of place, the activities and beliefs of the Wae Rebo tribe embodies its notion of place.12 The Manggaraian people, who inhabit Wae Rebo in the Manggarai Regency, centre their customs, traditions around the relationship between human beings and spirit. The house takes on religious and metaphysical meanings whereby ancestors who used to live are the mediators to the supernatural world, making these houses a sacred place.13 The houses are truly people for the Manggaraians, where various generations imprint on houses, linking past to present and connecting inhabitants to their ancestors.14

11 Yori Antar,PesandariWaeRebo , 51-53.

12 Yi-Fu Tuan, SpaceandPlace , 148.

13 Maribeth Erb, TheManggaraians , 101.

14 Maribeth Erb, TheManggaraians , 18-19.

Figure4– ThesevenhousesofWaeReboVillageandtheirrespectivenames

As mentioned by Tuan, our understanding of a place is influenced by the practices that occur within it. The norms of HiangIneAmeand Di’aBaWeki

Lete Bari encompasses Wae Rebo people, translating to, ‘children should be respectful towards their parents, both who are viewed as a living God’, and latter, ‘to be courteous and polite to all others’.15 Before entering a house, they must perform greetings as a form of respect to ancestors and other inhabitants of the house. They must also make offerings to their ancestors through animal sacrifice, which is then placed in the field or pole in the centre of their house 16 This central house pole forms the connection between human beings in the houses, evil on the space beneath the houses and the spirits above, acting as an anchor between these three elements.

The practice of animal sacrifice is done for and before various events. For instance, sacrifice is made when constructing a new house, during harvest, as well as locals’ “New Year” ritual. This is done alongside prayers to seek ancestors’ blessings What is killed must be shared with the spirits, as well as humans. In constructing a new house, sacrificial rituals must be made as the house is a sacred place for the Manggaraians. The food is then shared with the ancestors, as well as the tribe. Through sharing food within the clan, a binding agreement is created. The ritual of eating the sacrificed animals within the community will act as a witness and create an enduring event, solidifying the building of the house.17

15 Yori Antar,PesandariWaeRebo , 54.

16 Maribeth Erb, TheManggaraians , 34.

17 Maribeth Erb, TheManggaraians , 133.

Figure5– CaciDance

The Penti or “New Year” ritual begins with locals carrying offerings to the courtyard of the main house in the village,RumahGendang , accompanied with sounds of gongs and gendangpercussions.18 They gather at the natural spring and invite the spirit of the spring’s keeper to attend the Penticelebration. The BarongWae , “invite the water” ritual, also commencing in the beginning through clearing weeds around the spring and sacrificing a chicken, as a form of invitation to the spirit of the spring to attend the ceremony. The ritual leader scoops up the spring water in a bamboo container, which is then carried around the compang(Fig. 6) a few times, with water spilling out, symbolising the end of a new year. According to Cresswell, human geographers approach the notion of place based on ‘experience’ and the relationship between people and the world through the realm of ‘experience’ 19 To the Manggaraians, water forms the continuity of life, marking death and birth of a new year or harvest.

Figure6–DiagramofWaeRebowithCompang

The Penti is highlighted with the display of Caci , a traditional martial art where two men are involved in one-onone combat using whips and shields (Fig. 5).20 The Penti ritual is overall accompanied with traditional chants called the Sandawhich commences in the middle of the night towards the morning. The Sanda chant must be made without interruption to honour the ancestral spirits, embodying place.21

18 Wonderful Indonesia, “The Penti Sacred Rituals in the Village of Wae Rebo.”

19 Tim Cresswell, Place , 4.

20 Wonderful Indonesia, “The Penti Sacred Rituals in the Village of Wae Rebo.”

21 Wonderful Indonesia, “The Penti Sacred Rituals in the Village of Wae Rebo.”

Building and Materials

Figure7–ConstructionofWaeReboHousesthrough“gontongroyong”showcasingvernacularmethods

In August 2008, found by a group of Jakarta-based architects on a trip to Flores, observed that four of the initial seven Wae Rebo houses remained, and two of which required rebuilding due to it being uninhabitable. This is due to the deterioration of materials as a result of old age. As this village forms a major source of economy in Manggarai through eco-tourism, architect Yori Antar, along with his colleagues founded the Rumah Asuh programme in 2008, which aimed to rebuild these houses. Through gathering donations from various local sponsors, a conservation programme was initiated.

Efforts between locals, architects and regional authorities, through the understanding of Wae Rebo’s history, culture, and aspirations together resulted in a joint effort between locals and volunteers, aligning with the Indonesian ethos of “gontong royong” or working together in mutual cooperation to reach a goal. This adds to the notion of place through a shared experience reviving traditional houses First, materials needed to be collected, which includes dry reed, timber, bamboo, and rattan.22 Dry reed is used for the roof, and used alongside palm fiber to

22 Yori Antar,PesandariWaeRebo , 274-275.

ensure the roof’s longevity. The various types of timber that were used for the structural elements of the building include uwuwood for the beams and worokwood used for the columns. In addition to this, ajangwood will be used for the floor boards. The bamboos are used for building pillars, whereas rattan are required to tie each of these elements together (Fig. 7).

Preservation

The spirit of “gontong royong” lies in Indonesian people, and especially the Manggaraian people of Wae Rebo, who rely on community efforts to rebuild their houses, preserve and display their architectural and cultural heritage to the fullest.

Figure 8 – Local tribe working together to rebuild their houses in Wae Rebo

The Rumah Asuh programme and efforts of the architects involved in the conservation initiative in 2008 initiated a transfer of knowledge, which enabled university students to gain practical experience building traditional architecture, and create a framework of architectural learning and construction for the future.23 The tribe in Wae Rebo themselves were provided with tape recorders to record the skills and knowledge possessed by elders in their tribe, which then allowed them to document historical cultural information on paper. This prevents the disappearance of traditional craftsmanship – a key pressure faced by these houses. Through training, open transfer of knowledge, and written record of information passed down between generations, erosion of place can be prevented whilst strengthening local identity.

23 Yori Antar,PesandariWaeRebo , 90.

Case Study 2: Tongkonan, Tana

Background to Case Study

The Tana Toraja traditional settlement is a series of 10 traditional settlements, including ceremonial and burial grounds, scattered within Tana Toraja Regency in the Province of South Sulawesi, Indonesia.24 Its area is roughly 3,205.77 km2 , with a height of 300-2889 meters above sea level.25 Tana Toraja is approximately 350 km from the capital of South Sulawesi, Makassar. According to a local Statistics Office within the region, the population of Torajan people was 367,371 in 1995, and Tana Toraja has an average population growth of approximately 0.98% per year.26

24 UNESCO World Heritage Convention, “Tana Toraja Traditional Settlement.”

25 Abdul Said, Toraja , 7.

26 Abdul Said,Toraja , 7.

Figure9–TongkonanHouses,Sulawesi

According to the belief of AlukTodolo , the Puang Matua or Creator, brought to existence the first human beings in a social hierarchical foundation, as a basis for the Toraja people’s life.27 This social belief system governs the Torajans activities and practices, relationships between locals, and elections; all which surround social status

The traditional house of the Toraja people is named Tongkonan , and has a vital relationship to the beliefs of AlukTodolo28 According to Cresswell, space becomes place as humans invest meaning.29 The symbolism which lies in the traditional Tongkonanhouses reflects the way of life, mythology and religious spirit of the Toraja people, a meaning which is solidified through the houses’ elaborate carvings, ornaments and form. The teachings from Aluk Todolo are in the form of the Tongkonan house, grounded and solidified as a means of passing philiosophical knowledge to future generations, ensuring the continuation of Torajan tradition and identity.

Social Customs

According to Toraja people, every object, living or dead, has a soul. The human soul is considered to continue to live on even after death. The spirits of the dead will then make their journey to Puya . 30

In conducting rituals, the location of these events is based on the unique and intentional placement of the Tongkonanhouses. To the Torajans, the East is identified as rampemataallo , the rising of the sun, as a connotation of ‘life’, whereas the West is where the sun sets and is associated with ‘death’. The East and West of Tongkonan are strategically placed according to the cosmological belief system of ‘life’ and ‘death’. The house itself is a center for the locals’ rituals, governing the principles of life.

The two main rituals in Tana Toraja are called RambuTuka’and RambuSolo’ . These two ceremonies involve worship and sacrifice of the water buffalo, pig or chicken. The RambuTuka’is a ceremony for any event which results in happiness, safety, and feelings of gratitude. The RambuTuka’translates to ‘smoke goes up’.31 The

27 Abdul Said,Toraja , 21-25.

28 Abdul Said,Toraja , 32.

29 Tim Cresswell, Placeashortintroduction , 10.

30 Abdul Said,Toraja , 26-32.

31 Kees Buijis, AncientTraditions , 43.

reason for this is animals are slaughtered and cooked from fire in the kitchen, an important place for the rituals of life, resulting in the rising of smoke from the houses 32 This event is held in the East of Tongkonan during sunrise.33

On the other hand, the RambuSolo’ , or smoke goes down, is a ritual to express grief, loss, and usually involves a funeral ceremony to commemorate death. It is held on the West of Tongkonan , where animal sacrifices are made to the person who has just died.34 No offerings to the deities and God are made, hence no smoke are released up from the kitchen, resulting in the term smoke goes down. The mourning family will not eat rice until a ritual mondamero’ohas been performed after the burial. The body of the deceased may be kept in the house up to a year and cared for throughout.

In the AlukTodolobelief, it is believed that a person who has just passed away has only shifted form from being a living person into a spirit within the supernatural realm. Therefore the deceased’s body is treated the same way it was when it was still alive, by being given ceremonial items, including puppets, animal sacrifice, clothes and belongings placed in the corpse’s funeral wrappings.35 The funeral ceremony varies depending on the deceased’s status in society. The higher the status, the more elaborate the funeral ceremony and animal sacrifices.36 The repetition of activities such as these in the daily lives of Torajan people is an expression of their culture, giving them their unique sense of identity and meaning.

32 Kees Buijs, AncientTraditions , 43-44.

33 Abdul Said,Toraja , 38

34 Abdul Said,Toraja , 39.

35 Abdul Said,Toraja , 40.

36 Abdul Said,Toraja , 37-41.

Building and Materials

The word Tongkonantranslates to ‘sitting place’. It is a place where forums are held and discussions are made.37 Based on the Torajan cosmological belief, the Tongkonanhouse always faces North in a manner to pay respect to PuangMatua , the Creator.38 All rituals to worship PuangMatuaare therefore held on the North side of the house. The intentional placement of the Tongkonansolidifies its meaning as a sacred building which aligns to Alukbeliefs.

The water buffalo, as a symbol of wealth, are used frequently in Tongkonan houses carved in woodwork, due to its importance in Torajans’ day-to-day life and the

37 Abdul Said,Toraja , 52.

38 Abdul Said,Toraja , 52-53.

Figure10– WaterBuffaloornamentsandhornsusedontheTongkonan façade , asasymbolofwealth

monetary value it brings (Fig. 10).39 The form of theTongkonanhouse itself resembles the horns of water buffalos. The roof of the Tongkonanis also similar to the shape of a boat, which has influenced roof forms of houses within the Austronesia region in the past 40 It is believed that the ancestors of the Torajan people are linked to boats, a story which has been passed down from generations forming the Torajan identity through the architecture of Tongkonan .

The teachings of AlukTodoloare present in the house in both its horizontal structure through its North-South placement, as well as through it’s vertical layers. In Aluk , the universe is divided into three sections; the world above, the world in the middle, and the world below. The Tongkonanadheres to this teaching, whereby the roof is identified as the world above, the body of the house as the middle, and the basement as the underworld.41

Symbolisms are used throughout the Tongkonanhouse in the form of carvings strategically placed on various parts of the house, accentuating their meaning. Amongst others, two vital carvings in all Torajan houses are the pa’barreallo(Fig. 11) and pa’manuklondong(Fig. 12). Both carvings are placed on the top parts of the ceiling on the front of the house.42

39 Abdul Said,Toraja , 55-56.

40 Abdul Said,Toraja , 58.

41 Abdul Said,Toraja , 164.

42 Abdul Said,Toraja , 123.

Figure11– Pa’barreallo
Figure12–pa’manuklondong

Pa’barre allo consists of various circles and triangles; the two main circles represent the sun and the moon. This carving symbolises light of the rituals, traditions and beliefs of Aluk which constantly shine down to the Torajans.43 The pa’manuk londongacts as a pair to the pa’barreallocarvings, and consists of a rooster. The rooster acts as a reminder to follow the teachings of Alukin the tribe’s daily lives.44 The symbolisms which lie behind the Tongkonanexpresses the Torajan character and ultimately crafts a sense of place

The building itself uses timber and bamboo; the bamboo is placed on the roof, arranged overlapping each elements (Fig. 13).45 By layering the boat-like roof with reed, the unique identity of the Tongkonan house is formed

The north part of the Tongkonan , tangdo’ , is a resting and sleeping area for guests of the family, and religiously a place where locals can express gratitude to the creator. The middle room acts as a kitchen, a place to eat, and an area where the deceased is place when it is in the process of burial.46 Each area giving rise to place and activities associated with the Torajan people.

43 Abdul Said,Toraja , 129-130.

44 Abdul Said,Toraja , 132-133.

45 Abdul Said, Toraja , 57.

46 Abdul Said, Toraja , 55.

Preservation

The pressures faced by Torajans include the introduction of new religions, a major push in tourism from the government, as well as globalisation. These issues resulted in the gradual loss of meaning and the symbolisms present in Tongkonan architecture, as well as a strain to Aluk as a religion, and traditional construction methods

The introduction of new religions, particularly Christianity in the 1900s resulted in a steep rise of Christian population in Tana Toraja. According to the Department of Religion in the Tana Toraja Regency, there has been a steep fall in the followers of Aluk , in Tana Toraja and a rise in Christian population with a rate of 20,000 people every 5 years.47 This strain results in the gradual disappearance of Aluk religion, practices and beliefs, as well as the generational knowledge brought by their ancestors, resulting in the gradual erosion of place.

Additionally, promotion of tourism from the Indonesian Tourism Board (DEPARI) in 1963, resulted in a misrepresentation of meanings and symbolisms of the Tongkonan . 48 Elements of Tongkonan architecture was placed in miscellaneous souvenir objects and hotel buildings for mere practical reasons,49 resulting in the loss and distortion of place and identity in Toraja. The traditional form and appearance of the Tongkonanalso experiences significant pressure from globalisation, as well as the emergence of new technology and methods of construction. This results in the use of new materials such as metal on the roofs, which strays away from natural materials originally used. For this reason, it is important to introduce new knowledge to the local tribe in a gradual and selective method, to prevent the disruption of balance within Tana Toraja culture and loss of identity.

To prevent the loss of Aluk rituals and beliefs, written records must be produced. This is particularly vital as the Alukfollowers only pass down information through theTongkonanarchitecture itself and the symbolisms related to it. Recording of this information in text can be promoted by the government, as well as local voluntary efforts, such as those observed in Wae Rebo through the Rumah Asuh

47 Abdul Said, Toraja , 220-221.

48 Abdul Said, Toraja , 222.

49 Abdul Said, Toraja , 222.

programme, in order to preserve cultural identity and generational knowledge of Torajans

Case Study 3: Baduy Houses, Java

Background to Case Study

The Baduy is an indigenous tribe in Kanekes Village, Leuwidamar District and Lebak Regency, Banten, roughly 46 km South of Rangkasbitung.50 Ethnically a Sundanese group, the Baduy people live a simple lifestyle, far from modernisation, in nature within the Kendeng mountains, around the Ciujung and Cikanekes river. The area of Baduy is 5,101 hectares.51 A majority of Baduy people adhere to SundaWiwitan , a belief that promotes simplicity in living, governing their behaviour, choices, and dayto-day life.

52

50 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 13.

51 Robby Binarwan, DayaTarikKampungBaduy , 21.

52 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 14.

Figure14–Baduylocalsintheirvillages

The people of Baduy are divided into three groups; the tangtu,panampingand dangka . The tangtu , Baduy Dalam or Inner Baduy group, adheres strictly to Sunda Wiwitanreligious customs and live in Cibeo, Cikartawana, and Cikeusik villages. They wear white and dark blue clothing, with a white headband; white, a symbol of purity. The panampinggroup or Baduy Luar (Outer Baduy) on the other hand, live in the villages surrounding Inner Baduy, including Cikadu, Kaduketug, and Cisagu villages. The Outer Baduy people are characterized by their clothes and headband which are black.53 Black symbolises freedom from customary rules, as Outer Baduy have been influenced by outside, modern culture and do not adhere to SundaWiwitancustoms as strictly as Inner Baduy. Lastly, the Danka group falls outside of the two groups mentioned and has been heavily influenced by modernisation.

Two systems of governance are observed in Baduy, which includes the national system and the customary system. The people of Kanekes are led by the Head of village, known as JaroPamarentah , and traditionally, by apu’un , or Head of tradition.54

The Sunda Wiwitan religion is based on animism and worship of ancestral spirits. The basis of SundaWiwitanlies in the concept of “without any changes” or as little changes as possible.55 The Baduy people believe it is their duty and purpose as protectors of nature to ensure that the natural world is kept in balance and harmony. Any interference from modernisation from the outside world is believed to disrupt the natural life in Baduy.56 For this reason, all tourists who come to visit Baduy are not allowed to bring any electronic devices including handphones into the village, to pay respect to the local customs. Visitors of the Inner Baduy in particular, are not allowed to use soap, shampoo or toothpaste whilst bathing in the rivers, as these objects are considered modern and may tamper with the natural environment.57

53 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 14.

54 Robby Binarwan, DayaTarikKampungBaduy , 36.

55 Robby Binarwan, DayaTarikKampungBaduy , 37.

56 Robby Binarwan, DayaTarikKampungBaduy , 57.

57 The Jakarta Post, “Baduy people ditch the word ‘tourism’.”

Social Customs

The rituals which occur in the Baduy village according to local beliefs and Sunda Wiwitaninclude the ngaseuk , ngalaksaand sebarituals. Ngasuekand ngalaksarituals surround local harvest periods, whereas sebais a formal event involving local officials.

Figure15–Localsdancingandplayingangklungmusicalinstruments

The ngaseukceremony marks the beginning of rice cultivation in Baduy, and is aimed to seek the blessing of NyiPohaciSanghyangSri , or known as DewiSri . She is considered as a guardian of rice in Baduy.58 Through the ngaseukevent, DewiSriis hoped to bring good harvest, fertilised soil and ideal conditions for growth of crops. Locals usually dance and play traditional instruments such as angklung throughout the ceremony. The ngaseukis a joyous event where elderly and young Baduy residents join to commemorate growth of harvest

To mark the end of the year in the Baduy calendar, as well as the end of the farming period, thengalaksaritual is held. This event occurs on the third month of the

58 Holil, “Myths of Nyi Pohaci Sanghyang,” Sri, 1.

Baduy year.59 During this time, a census is held for the people in Baduy, to keep track those who have been moved out of the villages. Laksa cake is also made to commemorate the ceremony and distributed to each family member, eaten following prayers 60 The lesungmusical instrument is also played by Baduy women to entertain NyiPohaci , in hopes for better harvest.61

During the seba ritual, Baduy people visit the Local Government of Lebak District and Banten province to meet with the local government and report current conditions of the Baduy village 62 The event is aimed for the recognition of Baduy tradition, culture, and village by the regional government. It is usually accompanied by sports and performing arts events, enjoyed by Baduy people, to promote good social order and community relations with local authorities.63

Figure16–Sebaritual,localsgatheringtowatchafilm

59 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 70.

60 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 72.

61 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 72.

62 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 78.

63 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 78.

The spiritual beliefs of Baduy people encompass their rituals and way of living, creating a distinct experience unique to Baduy villages. Through “gontong royong”, community events such as ngaseukand ngalaksaceremonies which include dancing and playing music, close connections are created amongst the tribe, strengthening their local identity. The sebaritual further establishes Baduy identity through local government’s recognition of their culture and promotion of tradition.

Figure17–TheBaduytribemeetwithgoverningofficials,maintainingrelationswiththegovernment

Building and Materials

The appreciation of nature known in the culture of Baduy is present in the way they construct and build their houses. The erection of structures occurs in a way that preserves and respects nature’s balance. For instance, customary rules prevent Baduy people from altering the ground’s contour in building construction. They are not allowed to excavate or introduce backfilling. All construction occurs organically, using natural materials

Although the use of modern construction materials including nails and saw can be observed in some Outer Baduy houses, these methods are strictly prohibited in Inner Baduy homes. The roof consists of palm fiber from dried coconut leaves, whereas the door and floor of the house are made from bamboo. The house itself is constructed by the tribe together through “gontong royong” by building each module in cooperation and assembling components together.

All Baduy houses are unique in which they only have one door, which always faces the North or South. To the Baduy people, having one door in each house symbolises loyalty; a key feature of their identity. The houses are divided into three rooms, consisting of the sosoro(front),tepas(middle), andipah(back) parts, each with

Figure18–Karucuk,usedtosignifycirculationspaces

various functions.64 The front part of the house is used to welcome guests, whereas the middle part or tepasis used as a sleeping area and communal space for families The pu’un’s house is always placed on the highest geographical point in the villages to the south, located close to the spring of Ciujung river. The Baduy believes that the pu’un is the highest individual, and aim to pay respect to authorities through the intentional placement of the pu’un’s house. This aims to promote tranquility amongst tribal members.

Figure19–rattandesignofthewallsofBaduytraditionalhouses

Vernacular methods can also be seen with ventilation spaces and use of rattan as a method of tying bamboo pieces together (Fig. 20). Karucuk, a method to signify circulation spaces (Fig. 18) can be observed in their houses, whereas rattan ties are utilised in abundance in Baduy construction, from bridge to house design. The Baduy people’s belief in living alongside nature can be seen in the way they embrace natural methods of construction, prevent exploitation of natural resources and rejecting modern construction methods – a distinct character of the Baduy people.

64 Robby Binarwan, DayaTarikKampungBaduy , 62.

In accordance to Baduy belief, the construction of houses is usually done outside of the Kawalu, Safar, Hafit lemah and Maulud months.65 Particularly during the Maulud month, sourcing of timber materials for house construction is not permitted.66

Figure20–Bamboocrossingsusingrattanasatietoconnectthebambooelements

65 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 101.

66 Iwan Tega Prihatin, SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia , 101.

Preservation

The management of the Baduy houses by the national government was successfully done through setting aside a special reserve of 5,200 hectares for the Baduy tribe.67 This land being used for Baduy harvest traditions, crops and traditional house strengthens Baduy tribal identity.

As the Baduy tribe are also led by the government, any programs introduced by the government which may affect the Baduy tribe should take account their unique customs. For instance, housing construction regulations should ensure modern materials are not used on Baduy houses. The biggest threat to the Baduy tribe however, is the degradation of their culture through tourism. Although tourism boosts local economy, the introduction of modern devices including tablets and phones due to high number of visitors poses a risk to traditional lifestyle. According to Tourism Office of Lebak Regency, 2023, the number of tourists in 2023 is 54,421, which is two times more than the number of tourists in Baduy in 2022.68 The local government has introduced measures to tackle the pressures resulting from increased tourism including limiting the duration of stay for visitors, only allowing them to stay for a maximum of one night. Additionally, international visitors are prohibited from entering Inner Baduy area.69

The Indonesian government has also introduced the “Saba Budaya Baduy”, regulated by the Baduy Customary Institution and ratified in Village Regulation Number 1, 2007, concerning the Protection of Baduy indigenous people.70 It is an endeavour undertaken to sustain tourism activities within a framework aligned with Baduy cultural values.71 It is vital that efforts to restrict influences from outside culture through tourism are maintained, monitored and regulated alongside cooperation with tribal head, to ensure cultural welfare and protection of culture. These measures are crucial to promote local identity and preservation of place through celebrating human practices that have been sustained throughout generations.

67 World Rainforest Movement, “Indonesia: The Baduy people of western Java.”

68 Yakti, Sriwarna, and Rumanti, “SYSTEM DYNAMICS MODELLING FOR TOURISM,” 19.

69 Robby Binarwan, DayaTarikKampungBaduy , 57-58.

70 Praptika et al, “Improving Cultural Sustainable Tourism”, 3.

71 Praptika, et al, “Improving Cultural Sustainable Tourism”, 3.

Part 3 – Conclusion

Each three sites offer their own distinct identity in the way the architecture approaches each site, symbolisms placed, form and materiality of the houses. All of the three villages use similar natural materials, such as reed, bamboo and timber, but are designed in a way that supports their activities. The rituals and customs which have occurred in these sites repetitively over time creates a unique and significant sense of place.

In terms of preservation, all three sites observe a similar theme; a gradual loss of its respective cultures and traditions. For Tana Toraja and Baduy villages, the negative effects of tourism has greatly influenced sense of place and weakening of identity of both tribes. Tana Toraja observes a distortion and erosion of place due to tourism and misuse of symbolisms in souvenir objects, whereas the Baduy tribe are affected by modernisation brought about by tourism. In line with Cresswell’s idea of transgression, the Baduy people have experienced the negative effects of tourism through breach of their culture, resulting in a gradual erosion of place.

Wae Rebo village, on the other hand, suffers from neglect and lack of funding from national government. After efforts of local architects and various donators to Rumah Asuh programme for the conservation of their houses, the Wae Rebo tribe were able to rebuild their homes and preserve their identity.

Although there have been attempts made by the government to manage the negative effects of tourism, particularly for Tana Toraja and Baduy villages, it is important that tribal cultures are recognised, promoted and traditions recorded in paper to prevent the loss of identity. In Tana Toraja, it is vital to record cultural knowledge passed down from generations written in writing as a means of preservation of identity. For both Tana Toraja and Baduy villages, tourism must be monitored and regulated in a way that is sensitive to their customs and beliefs to prevent disputes within the community, placing the tribe’s needs first in all policies and efforts made by local communities and government.

As according to Norberg-Schulz, identity is manifested through dwelling and depends on man’s belonging to places.72 The purpose of architecture is therefore to create places and uncover the meanings present within the environment. Linking this to Relph’s idea of place, places play a significant role in human behaviour and mental

72 Christian Norberg-Schulz, GeniusLoci , 6.

health.73 Therefore, it is crucial that the experience and means of creating and maintaining significant places are preserved, and vernacular dwellings such as Wae Rebo, Tana Toraja and Baduy villages and their identity put the forefront of national agenda.

73 Hanks, “Place – Lecture.”

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https://www.indonesia.travel/gb/en/destinations/bali-nusa-tenggara/flores/waerebo-village.html

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Figure 4 – Juwono, Indri L. and Dalhar Susanto. “The Reeds Performance Study on Traditional Architecture as Building Material in Wae Rebo Village.” Architecture Department, Universitas Indonesia, 2018.

Figure 5 – aplay. “5 Facts About Wae Rebo Village, Indonesia’s Rural Gem.” Accessed January, 2025. https://explore.airasia.com/assets/bltb3c4a4f3d507f2e9/5-facts-aboutwae-rebo-village-indonesias-rural-gem

Figure 6 – Maribeth Erb. TheManggaraiansAGuidetoTraditionalLifestyles . Times Editions, 1999.

Figure 7 and 8 – Yori Antar. Pesan dari Wae Rebo Kelahiran Kembali Arsitektur NusantaraSebuahPelajarandariMasaLaluuntukMasaDepan . PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta, 2010.

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Figure 10 – Diaspora Iqbal. “Jelajah Toraja (V), Imajinasi Tanpa Batas di Pedesaan Toraja.” Accessed January, 2025. http://www.iqbalkautsar.com/2013/02/tana-toraja-vimajinasi-tanpa-batas-di.html

Figure 11 – Detik sulsel. “15 Ukiran Toraja Penuh Makna Mulai Penolak Bala-Pembawa Rezeki.” Accessed January, 2025. https://www.detik.com/sulsel/budaya/d6512516/15-ukiran-toraja-penuh-makna-serta-artinya

Figure 12 – flikr. “incito.vacations”. Accessed January, 2025. https://www.flickr.com/photos/ng_sebastian/

Figure 13 – Local Guide Indonesia. “Tongkonan – Toraja Traditional House with Rich Meanings.” Accessed January, 2025. https://www.localguides.id/2019/09/08/tongkonan-toraja-traditional-house/

Figure 14 – Discover Your Indonesia. “Exploring Indonesia: A Guide to Baduy.” Accessed January, 2025. https://discoveryourindonesia.com/baduy-guide/

Figure 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, and 20 – Agus Tomin. SukuPedalamanBantenIndonesia Baduy,RealGreenLiving . Canting Exploring Indonesia, 2012.

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Place, Identity and Preservation of Vernacular Indonesian Architecture: Mbaru Niang, Tongkonan by Farahiyah Nasution - Issuu