eExtreme - December 2010

December 2010 Volume 11 Number 4

Electronic Newsletter of the ECPR-SG on Extremism and Democracy

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Managing editor Nigel Copsey Teesside University, United Kingdom Email: n.copsey@tees.ac.uk Co-editors Sarah de Lange University of Amsterdam, Netherlands Email: s.l.delange@uva.nl Matthew Goodwin University of Nottingham, United Kingdom Email: Matthew.Goodwin@nottingham.ac.uk

The e-Extreme is the newsletter of the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy and is published quarterly in March, June, September, and December. For any enquiries about the newsletter, please contact the managing editor, Nigel Copsey. For inquiries regarding book reviews please contact editor Sarah de Lange.

Copyright Š 2010 by the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, in any form or by any means, electronic, photocopying, or otherwise, without permission in writing from the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy

2|Page

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Table of Contents Standing Group Announcements……………………………………………………………..4 Conference Reports……………………………………………………………………………….5 Book Reviews.………………………………………………………………………………………9 Publications Alerts…………………………………………………………………….............15

3|Page

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Standing Group Announcements Managing Editor moves to pastures new This is last issue of e-Extreme that Nigel Copsey will be editing. Having been involved in the production of the newsletter since 2004, and having made an enormous contribution to the Standing Group over the years, Nigel is standing down as Managing Editor of e-Extreme this month. On behalf of the whole Standing Group, we would like to take this opportunity to thank Nigel for all his hard work and energies and would like to wish him all the very best in his next endeavours.

David Art and Elisabeth Carter (Standing Group Convenors)

Get in touch, get involved!

Please do keep us informed of any upcoming conferences or workshops you are organizing, and of any publication or funding opportunities that would be of interest to Standing Group members. We will post all details on our website. Similarly, if you would like to write a report on a conference or workshop that you have organized and have this included in our newsletter, please do let us know.

Please also tell us of any recent publications of interest to Standing Group members so that we may include them in the ‘publications alert’ section of our newsletter, and please get in touch if you would like to see a particular book (including your own) reviewed in e-Extreme, or if you would like to review a specific book yourself.

Finally, if you would like to get involved in the production of the newsletter, the development of our website, or any of the other activities of the Standing Group then please do contact us. We are always very keen to involve more members in the running of the Standing Group!

Email us at: info@extremism-and-democracy.com

4|Page

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Conference Reports Fascist Radicalism and the New Media Conference Report Organized by Dr Paul Jackson Northampton, paul.jackson@northampton.ac.uk)

(University

of

On 17 September 2010, the University of Northampton’s Radicalism and New Media Research Group (formed in June 2009) held its largest international conference to date.

Examining the use of new media by Britain’s contemporary far-right, this well-supported venture by a nascent research unit appealed to an audience drawn from police, probation, local and national government, journalism, as well as academia. The day was opened by veteran of far-right activism Gerry Gable, who gave a keynote address calling for a more joined-up approach to tackling far-right extremism. Gable’s contribution helped set the tone for the day, which sought to bring together academic analysis, concerns from state authorities, and perspectives from civil society.

Then panels engaged with key contemporary movements. The first of these looked at British cases. Three talks began with scrutiny of the English Defence League. This paper was delivered by me, presenting the EDL as a far-right social movement. Meanwhile, Trevor Preston, a PhD candidate at the University of Northampton, discussed the links between Britain’s extreme right-wing and cyber-terrorism. Finally, Benedict Addis from HP Labs, a pure research unit dedicated to analysing online behaviour, showed how the clandestine, online activity of far-right protagonists could be broken down, mapped out, and quantitatively assessed.

The afternoon saw two further panels. The first examined links between UK and international forms of online extremism. Dr Matthew Feldman – Director of the Radicalism and New Media Research Group – examined the case of the Aryan Strike Force, and its links to international neo-Nazi ‘groupuscules’. Dr Anna Castriota from the University of Cardiff explored the use of online spaces in Italy, focusing on the ways in which internet sites dedicated to Julius Evola are ostensibly presented as academic sources, masking their true role as disseminators of extremist ideology. Finally, Dr Anton Shekhovtsov discussed the interplay between far-right European music and the internet. As he made clear, a diverse range of far-right artists now use the internet as a tool for developing and sustaining radicalised cultures.

The final panel re-introduced several non-academic voices. A representative from the East Midlands Community Contact Unit – which commissions bespoke interventions to prevent processes of radicalisation in individuals perceived particularly ‘at risk’ – discussed the strengths and weaknesses of the Prevent Agenda to reduce threats from far-right extremism. Then, Durham Constabulary outlined the police procedures employed in the arrest and prosecution of Ian and Nicky Davidson from the Aryan Strike Force. This was followed by a short roundtable discussion reflecting on the day’s presentations, in addition to planning future initiatives.

The event was the second in an ongoing series of projects developed by the Radicalism and New Media Research Group (the first, which launched the group in June 2009, was a symposium entitled “Speaking with Forked Tongues: The Rhetoric of RightWing Extremism Today”). All of these events will continue to be designed around an applied research agenda to bear on what is proving a troublingly timely topic. The current research interests of the Radicalism and New Media group members centre upon the far-right.

Moving forwards, our key areas of focus are examining the English Defence League and extreme right-wing movements in Britain, while also exposing relationships between online activism and offline behaviour. The group is very interested in hearing from scholars

5|Page

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

similarly working on the interplay between extremist politics and new media; potentially as a way to develop collaborative ventures. Our next one-day symposium will be in Spring 2011.

Titled “Think Global, Hate Local”, it will explore the relationships between grand ideological visions and localised expressions of extremist views. Meanwhile, “Fascist Radicalism and the New Media” was podcasted, and can be found by following the link below: http://backdoorbroadcasting.net/2010/09/fascist-radicalism-and-the-new-media/ To keep up to date with the Radicalism and New Media Group, we now can be found online: http://www.radicalism-new-media.org

6|Page

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Radicalismo, violenza politica e terrorismo: Nuove linee di analisi.

Organized by Dr. Lorenzo Bosi (European University Institute, lorenzo.bosi@eui.eu) and Prof. Donatella della Porta (European University Institute, donatella.dellaporta@eui.eu) In September we organized a panel on political violence and terrorism at the annual conference of the SISP (SocietĂ Italiana di Scienza Politica). It attracted 5 paperpresentations and about 30 people in the audience. It was designed to take some steps towards answering research questions concerning radicalization and de-radicalization processes and examined the various manifestations of violent repertoires of action, both historical and contemporary, around the globe. We explored the complex interactions between the social, political, and cultural environment (macro-level), and also examined the role of the internal dynamics of armed groups/organizations (meso-level) and of individual life-experiences (micro-level) of radicalization and de-radicalization processes. At the macrolevel we discussed how the dialectic interaction between structural conditions and socially constructed perceptions of different actors in the political system affects the emergence of political violence, its development and decline. We also explored how state repressive strategy impacts on radicalization. At the meso-level we investigated what makes some groups or organizations more ready to resort to political violence than others. We asked questions about the organizational factors that allow for the continuation of violence and those that lead to its abandonment. At the micro-level our discussion focused on why individuals join politically violent forms of actions. For example, why do they continue their militancy and commitment to political violence, and why do they exit from politically violent organizations?

We were successful in bringing together a very wide variety of researchers from the UK, Germany, Greece and Italy from different disciplines including political historians, sociologists and political scientists. There were intensive discussions (both methodological and theoretical) about the problems of studying political violence and terrorist forms of action, as well as constructive debates about the future of the subject.

Each of the contributors emphasized different issues in research on political violence.

Kevin Bean (Institute of Irish Studies, University of Liverpool) spoke about the strategy of the state in the process of disengagement from political violence in Northern Ireland; Francesco Marone (UniversitĂ degli Studi di Pavia) addressed the motivations for the micromobilization of Palestinian suicide bombers; Stefan Malthaner (Interdisciplinary Institute for Research on Conflict and Violence, Bielefeld University) explored the intra-organizational dynamics in the processes of radicalization of Hizbullah in Lebanon and the Egyptian groups al-Jamaa al-Islamiyya and al-Jihad; Seraphin Seferiades and Loukia Kotronaki (both Panteion University) explained the insurrectionary collective action phenomena with reference to the 2008 Greeks events; and Charlotte Heath-Kelly (The Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence, Aberystwyth University) investigated the radicalisation process of the Cypriot EOKA. A special issue on these themes, edited by the two panel chairs, will come out in the peer-reviewed Italian journal Partecipazione e Conflitto.

7|Page

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Southern Europe Research Network Organized by Riccardo Marchi (Lisbon University, riccardo.marchi@ics.ul.pt) Over the past couple of years an informal network has developed between Portuguese and Italian researchers who have a common interest in the study of the Right, either in its moderate or extreme version. These scholars have been able to meet on several occasions at international conferences to discuss their work at the national level (Italy, Portugal and Spain), and to consider it in a comparative (European) perspective. These meetings have encouraged the formation of links and have led to the development of research collaborations.

Specifically, three main international meetings took place. The first was a panel organized by Manuela Caiani (HIS – University of Vienna) and Giorgia Bulli (University of Florence) at the XXIII Congress of the Italian Political Science Association in September 2009. It focused on the new European radical right, at the party level (Nicolò Conti), the national level (Linda Parenti on Spain and Riccardo Marchi on Portugal), and in terms of transnational political culture (Marco Tarchi). The second meeting was held in Portugal, at the university of Aveiro, during the IV Congress of the Portuguese Political Science Association (March 4-6, 2010). The panel was put together by researchers from the University of Lisbon (Riccardo Marchi from ICS-UL; and Madalena Resende and Fernando Ampudia from FSCH-UL) and the focus was on nationalism and on right-wing political parties in Southern Europe. The last meeting took place in Venice at the XXIV Congress of the Italian Political Science Association (September 16-18, 2010) with a panel organized by Loredana Guerrieri (Universidade de Macerata) and Riccardo Marchi on cultural changes of the radical right. The panellists addressed such issues as Italian Neo-fascism (Loredana Guerrieri), the Spanish and Portuguese extreme-right in both countries’ transition to democracy (Riccardo Marchi), and the anti-globalization outlook of the European extreme right (José Pedro Zúquete, ICS).

8|Page

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Book Reviews Discourses and Practices of Terrorism: Interrogating Terror.

By Bob Brecher, Mark Devenny, and Aaron Winter (eds.) (London: Routledge, 2010), 208 p., ISBN 978-0415488082.

Reviewed by Lisa Stampnitzky

University of Oxford

Drawn from a wide range of contributors, including political scientists, philosophers, and sociologists, mostly based at universities in the UK, this collection brings together a relatively wide-ranging set of essays relating to “terrorism,” largely in the context of the US and UK led post 9/11 “war on terror.” Part of the Routledge series on “Critical Terrorism Studies,” this volume continues the series’ aim of producing works that move beyond “orthodox” theories of terrorism. All of the essays are thus informed by this critical perspective, seeking to deconstruct or challenge dominant understandings of terrorism. The book is also notable for its innovative format, which includes a comment from the editors and reply from the author after each chapter.

The editors’ introduction begins by noting that even though the ‘war on terror’ has been (at least discursively, if not in practice), shelved by the US and UK administrations, a “‘hegemonic discourse’ still persuades us that ‘terrorism’ and terrorists are our enemies’” (p.

1). They then engage in a brief ethical and factual debunking of some of these bases of the ‘war on terror,’ asserting that: “It still remains crucial, therefore, to insist that ‘terrorism’ names no political ideology; that terrorists are not agents of destruction whose (sole) objective is destructive terror itself; and that we in the West are not under attack by such terrorists. For terrorism would be a matter of creating, inducing or spreading terror as an end in itself, rather than as a means to some other end” (p. 1). Their goal in this volume, they suggest, is to “lay bare the political and discursive practices” which underlay the continuing “hegemonic formation” of “terrorism” (p. 3).

A number of the chapters present philosophical analyses of the ethics of the ‘war on terror.’ “Rediscovering the individual in the war on terror: a virtue and liberal approach” by Heather Widdows, presents a philosophical argument for a renewed attention to individual level ethics and responsibility in the ‘war on terror,’ concluding that neither a ‘virtue’ nor a ‘liberal’ approach to ethics allows individuals to ‘distance themselves from the acts f states to which they belong” (p. 14). Shahar Ali’s “Is there a justifiable shoot-to-kill policy?,’ similarly, applies the tools of ethics and philosophy to the ‘war on terror.’ “Fundamentalist foundations of terrorist practice: The political logic of life-sacrifice” by Jeff Noonan, argues that “whatever the specific history of struggle, it will always be the case that terrorist (including here, the ‘war on terror’) practice follows from a politically fundamentalist theory” (p. 97), with “political fundamentalism” here referring to politics “motivated by a drive intrinsic to his or her value system to subordinate, by any means necessary, anyone and everyone to a normatively particular conception of human good” (p. 97). While Mark McGovern’s “Ignatieff, Ireland, and the ‘lesser evil’: Some problems with the lessons learnt” takes on Michael Ignatieff’s book on strategies for the war on terror, in which he argues that torture and other exceptional measures may be taken justifiably in exemplary circumstances, arguing that Ignatieff’s argument is grounded upon a “highly selective and (it will be argued) erroneous historical narrative” (p. 135).

In “Feeling persecuted? The definitive role of paranoid anxiety in the constitution of ‘war on terror’ television,” Hugh Ortega Breton examines British television series such as Spooks, and news programs, to argue that counter-terror discourses, as presented on television, act to produce paranoia in the population of viewers, which then makes them

9|Page

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

more receptive to a government that presents itself as providing protection from threats such as terrorism. While intriguing, an analysis that moved beyond the ‘discourse’ of television programs themselves and was also attentive to the practices through which programs are produced and consumed, would be enlightening.

Several of the chapters are distinguished by their more empirical character, including those by Wallace and Kalaitzikis, Cetti, Evans, and Winter. “Torture and the demise of the justiciable standard of enlightened government: A US perspective,” by Don Wallace and Akis Kalaitzidis, analyses torture and legal perspectives towards “coerced confessions” in the US in historical perspective., arguing that the US has regressed in this regard, suggesting that “terror” has made normal a discourse, and thence a judicial practice, in which what would once have been regarded as entirely unacceptable has similarly become normal” (p. 40). In “Asylum and the discourse of terror: The European ‘security state,’” Fran Cetti, addresses “how and why the forced migrant, who appears so marginal to history, whose voice is so seldom noted in the historical record, whose numbers in the core European countries are insignificant when viewed through a demographic prism, has assumed such a crucial role in European security discourse” (p. 76). Cetti’s chapter examines the transformation of European approaches to asylum seekers in light of the discourse of terror by focusing upon the borders of the EU as a key site, suggesting that “(t)he border is where the dynamic of inclusion/exclusion that lies at the heart of the discourse of terror is created through everyday procedures and processes that identify and categorize ‘alien’ sources of insecurity, and, by so doing, transform highly vulnerable individuals into a collective force of danger” (p. 58). In “Specificities, complexities, histories: Algerian politics and George Bush’s USA-led ‘war on terror’,” Martin Evans suggests that, in the Algerian case, “local elites exploited events to maintain their grip on power, subtly remodeling their language in terms of the ‘war on terror” (p. 118). Aaron Winter’s final chapter, “American Terror: From Oklahoma City to 9/11 and after,” analyses “how domestic extreme right-wing terrorism has been constructed, represented, evoked or ignored in the American political imagination in the post-civil rights era, with a particular focus on its changing status following the Oklahoma City bombing and 9/11” (p. 157), pointing out that, while terrorism has come to be seen as a problem associated with Islam, the history of political violence and terrorism in the US shows that the “largest single group of perpetrators have been, like McVeigh and Nichols, domestic, Christian, white, nationalist, and self-proclaimed patriots” (p. 160-61).

My primary disappointment with the volume is that, despite the title, it focuses much more on “discourse” than “practice.” In so making this critique, I do not wish to detract from the solid and substantial work done by the contributors to this volume, but rather to point out openings where further research is needed. Why, if this hegemonic discourse is so obviously filled with patent untruths, is the discourse of terrorism still so widespread and effective? And if we observe that it is, indeed still widespread and effective despite (or even perhaps, because) containing such mistruths, does this not suggest that we need an intellectual strategy that moves beyond “speaking truth to power” (or, more likely in the case of this text, to other intellectuals, or ‘the left’ 1 )? Such an approach might lead to us to investigate further questions, such as: ‘where did this discourse come from,’ ‘why does it persist,’ ‘who promulgates it, and how is it received,” and “what are the practices through which the discourse of “terrorism” is enacted and has its effects?

1

The book is dedicated to ‘what’s left of the Left’

10 | P a g e

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Italy Today: The Sick Man of Europe

By Andrea Mammone and Giuseppe A. Veltri (eds.) (London: Routledge, 2010), 280 p., ISBN 978-0415561600.

Reviewed by Luciano Cheles

University of Poitiers

Italy Today is a collection of eighteen essays dealing with a wide range of topics, some authored by established scholars such as Percy Allum and Anna Cento Bull, but for the most part by younger ones. Italy’s contemporary ills have already received much scholarly attention. Unlike most previous studies, however, this volume does not focus mostly on political issues such as the elections, the political system, the Tangentopoli (Bribesville) scandals of the 1990s, the transition from the “First Republic” to the “Second Republic”, or Silvio Berlusconi’s impact on Italy since his foray into politics. The editors’ approach is more ambitious: they aim to provide a survey of the systemic crisis of Italy, in other words, to discuss the long-term issues of Italian politics and society that are responsible for its troubles.

Structured around five headings (“Politics and Society”; “History, Memory and Politics”, “Institutional(ized) Exclusion?”; “Mezzogiorno: a Never-Ending Problem” ; and “Economy and Political Economy”) the essays tackle issues such as the problem of creating a collective identity and sense of civic responsibility, the absence of a meritocratic culture, the troubled relationship between north and south, the distrust of political elites, the ongoing presence of fascism, xenophobic tensions, organized crime, the transformation of family life, the role of the Catholic Church, the legacy of the Anni di piombo (the years of terrorism), and labour and welfare reforms. Berlusconi is scarcely present in this collection. Resisting the temptation to ascribe Italy’s stagnation largely to him – a simplistic formula often adopted by scholars, Andrea Mammone and Guiseppe Veltri have chosen instead to provide an analysis of the political and cultural environment that have enabled Berlusconi to thrive.

The extensive range of topics dealt with, the quality and clarity of most contributions (jargon has largely been avoided), and the wealth of bibliographical references makes this a most valuable publication. The well-chosen illustrations that accompany the chapters on the contemporary far right’s use of fascist architecture as memorials to Mussolini’s regime, on the Lega Nord’s apparently harmless xenophobia, and on the policy initiatives on Roma and Sinti taken by Prodi’s last government and quite recently by Berlusconi are another welcome feature of the book: they attest to the major role played by public spaces and the visual media in Italian political persuasion and mobilization.

Italy Today should feature on all bibliographies of students of Italian studies, Italian politics and Italian cultural studies; it will also appeal to a more general readership.

11 | P a g e

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

The Populist Radical Right in Poland: The Patriots Rafał Pankowski (London: Routledge 2010), 258 p., ISBN 978-0415473538 Reviewed by Aleksandra Moroska

University of Lower Silesia

The book by Rafał Pankowski fits in the research on right-wing radicalism, populism and extremism, which has been intensively carried out in recent decades. Despite the vast number of publications on this subject it is difficult to speak of the exhaustion of these issues. This is due to, among other things, the fact that the available studies analyze the phenomena of radicalism and populism in Central and Eastern Europe only in a limited manner. In addition, modern European democracies, both the mature and the young ones, are struggling with ever-new forms of the analyzed phenomena that have had, although in varying degrees, an impact on state policy.

In this context, the reviewed publication seems extremely up-to-date and noteworthy. It shows the character of the Polish ‘extreme right and national populism’ and explains ‘how it was possible for them to make the rapid advances into the Polish political mainstream’. The monograph distinguishes itself through both its complexity of the approach to issues and its original capture of the subject. The author has proposed ‘a way of looking at the subject prioritizing its cultural and ideological aspects’. According to the author, ‘the specific cultural resources of Polish nationalist populism are deemed to be among the reasons for the relative success of the Polish radical right and their particular brand of identity politics’. His perspective is one of the main strengths of the book and constitutes its uniqueness. It is worth emphasizing that Pankowski did not omit the historical, political and socio-economic context which is of fundamental importance for understanding the analyzed phenomena and processes. The above-mentioned comprehensive look at the issues was largely possible to obtain through the adoption of the broad time frames. On the one hand, by revealing the roots of the contemporary phenomena, it dates back to the tradition of the early twentieth century. On the other hand, the story is brought up to 2009.

The structure adopted in the book clearly corresponds to the indicated objectives. It is worth repeating that the author’s intention was ‘to outline the journey of the populist radical right from political margins to the heart of Polish politics and back’, but also to pinpoint ‘what were the symbolic resources it used and the cultural frames that informed its outlook’ and finally to explain ‘what are the ideologies of the Polish extreme right and national populism’.

The publication can be divided into two compatible parts, although the author does not make that division in an explicit way. The first part covers the analyses of the precommunist and communist legacies and also the period after communism up to the end of the twentieth century. It is worth emphasizing that Pankowski resisted the temptation of an excessive description at the expense of actual analysis, and that he treated the analysis of past periods to show the sources, the continuity and the causes of a subsequent rise to power of the nationalist populist parties in a creative way.

The chapter about the main players of the populist radical right in the nineties and the growth of the extreme-right cultural resources draws the special attention of the reviewer.

From the analysis emerges the overall picture of the radical right-wing environment that includes both the organized but politically insignificant groups as well as the whole youth subculture. It is extremely interesting but rarely seen in literature to show the

12 | P a g e

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

interrelationships and the processes of merging between the various groups, right-wing extremist organizations and also mainstream politics.

Eventually, however, the author focuses on three main parties: the League of Polish Families, Self-Defence and Law and Justice. The second part of the book is entirely concentrated on the above-mentioned groupings. Systematic and detailed analysis of the ideological image and cultural resources of these parties is complemented by the last chapter’s description of the climate that was present while those three national-populist parties were governing the country. This last chapter constitutes a kind of climax. The author points out the effects of their policies. He also reveals some of the causes leading to the collapse of the government and the marginalization of the two coalition partners - the LPR and SRP. The second part of the book requires signaling both important elements and the issues which seem problematic from the perspective of the reviewer. The analysis of the ideological identity of the League of Polish Families exposes the extremist image of the party, which gets very often marginalized (among other things, its anti-Semitism and the rejection of liberal democratic values). However, it seems that the author did not explore the populist nature of the party in a sufficient way. He does not pay much attention to the LPR’s populist opposition to the alienated political elites.

This is particularly important because this protest or aversion to the elites (both the right wing and the left) and to the policy pursued by them was an important element of the election campaign of the LPR in 2001 and especially in 2005. It seems that the issue of euroscepticism has also been underestimated, though it was one of the main reasons of party’s electoral success in 2001, and also, although to a lesser extent, in 2005. However, these observations concern rather the amount of the attention which the author has paid to the certain elements of party’s identity than suggest the fact that he omitted any of the crucial elements of the above-mentioned identity.

What is certainly worth mentioning is the very accurate grasp of the eclectic identity of Self Defense. The author shows very clearly that the SRP was a formation that was basically non ideological, it was characterized by a lack of a stable position regarding most of the issues it dealt with as well as a lack of fixed principles on which those issues were founded.

He also points out that it had the nature of a radical protest party, whose rhetoric was based primarily on social and economic postulates. In view of these considerations, it seems risky to qualify the SRP as the populist radical right-wing party. The fact remains that the SRP showed some elements usually associated with radical right-wing parties, such as xenophobia (especially towards Germans), anti-Semitism, nationalism and “social conservatism”. However, in contrast to the LPR, these traits do not form a coherent system of ideas that would allow to classify Lepper’s party as a right-wing formation.

In the case of Law and Justice it is also problematic to describe this party unambiguously as a radical right-wing populist. Hence, the author is justified in warning against formulating too bold conclusions. It is undoubtedly well-founded to state that the party has ‘accepted radical right populist elements’, which were gaining more and more significance together with its evolution.

A certain inconsistency in applying the terms ‘the extreme right’ and ‘populist radical right’ could be considered as the shortcomings of the work. Although the author makes the distinction between the two categories in the introduction, he actually uses them interchangeably. This causes some confusion as to the classification regarding which parties belong to which categories of analysis. The author rightly underlines that ‘the distinction between the radical and the extreme right is sometimes difficult to maintain and that the political terminology in Poland has been particularly unclear’. Despite the fact that extremism and populism are phenomena which often accompany one another, there are also many extremist parties, which lack the qualities of populism and this should have been, in the

13 | P a g e

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

opinion of the reviewer, pointed out in a more explicit manner. Nonetheless, this book by Pankowski is undoubtedly an important voice in the debate on the ideological identity and the sources of success for national-populist parties in contemporary European democracies.

14 | P a g e

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Publications Alert Abdukadirov, S. "Terrorism: The Dark Side of Social Entrepreneurship." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 7 (2010): 603-17.

Ablovatski, E. "The 1919 Central European Revolutions and the Judeo-Bolshevik Myth."

European Review of History-Revue Europeenne D Histoire 17, no. 3 (2010): 473-89.

Abrudan, E. "Media, Democracy and Freedom. The Post-Communist Experience." Journal for the Study of Religions and Ideologies 9, no. 26 (2010): 249-53.

Arter, D. "The Breakthrough of Another West European Populist Radical Right Party? The Case of the True Finns." Government and Opposition 45, no. 4 (2010): 484-504.

Ben-Ghiat, R., and A. A. Kelikian. "Reflections on Italian Nationalism and Fascism: Essays for Alexander De Grand." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 3 (2010): 333-35.

Bidussa, D. "Fascism and History of Italy. Angelo Tasca Fifty Years after Death." Ponte 66, no. 3 (2010): 93-100.

Blee, K. M., and K. A. Creasap. "Conservative and Right-Wing Movements." Annual Review of Sociology, Vol 36 (2010): 269-86.

Blomberg, S. B., R. C. Engel, and R. Sawyer. "On the Duration and Sustainability of Transnational Terrorist Organizations." Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 2 (2010): 303-30.

Bos, L., and W. van der Brug. "Public Images of Leaders of Anti-Immigration Parties: Perceptions of Legitimacy and Effectiveness." Party Politics 16, no. 6 (2010): 777-99.

Browne, J., and E. S. Dickson. ""We Don't Talk to Terrorists": On the Rhetoric and Practice of Secret Negotiations." Journal of Conflict Resolution 54, no. 3 (2010): 379-407.

Byman, D., and S. E. Kreps. "Agents of Destruction? Applying Principal-Agent Analysis to State-Sponsored Terrorism." International Studies Perspectives 11, no. 1 (2010): 118.

Canetti, D., S. E. Hobfoll, A. Pedahzur, and E. Zaidise. "Much Ado About Religion: Religiosity, Resource Loss, and Support for Political Violence." Journal of Peace Research 47, no.

5 (2010): 575-87.

Chenoweth, E., and S. E. Clarke. "All Terrorism Is Local: Resources, Nested Institutions, and Governance for Urban Homeland Security in the American Federal System." Political Research Quarterly 63, no. 3 (2010): 495-507.

Chermak, S. M., J. D. Freilich, and J. Simone. "Surveying American State Police Agencies About Lone Wolves, Far-Right Criminality, and Far-Right and Islamic Jihadist Criminal Collaboration." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 11 (2010): 1019-41.

Cohen-Almagor, R. "Countering Hate on the Internet – A Rejoinder." Amsterdam Law Forum

15 | P a g e

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

2, no. 2 (2010): 125-32.

Copsey, N., and Olechnowicz, A. eds., 2010. Varieties of Anti-Fascism: Britain in the InterWar Period. Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan.

Costa Pinto, A. ed., 2010. Rethinking the Nature of Fascism: Comparative Perspectives.

Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan.

Dalgaard-Nielsen, A. "Violent Radicalization in Europe: What We Know and What We Do Not Know." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 9 (2010): 797-814.

Dawson, L. L. "The Study of New Religious Movements and the Radicalization of HomeGrown Terrorists: Opening a Dialogue." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 1 (2010): 1-21.

Fielding, D., and A. Shortland. "'an Eye for an Eye, a Tooth for a Tooth': Political Violence and Counter-Insurgency in Egypt." Journal of Peace Research 47, no. 4 (2010): 43347.

Finlay, C. J. "Legitimacy and Non-State Political Violence." Journal of Political Philosophy 18, no. 3 (2010): 287-312.

Fish, M. S., F. R. Jensenius, and K. E. Michel. "Islam and Large-Scale Political Violence: Is There a Connection?" Comparative Political Studies 43, no. 11 (2010): 1327-62.

Garau, S., and Tilles, D. eds., “Fascism and the Jews: Italy and Britain.� Holocaust Studies: A Journal of Culture and History, Special Issue, 15, nos 1-2, (2009).

Goldsmith, A. A. "Mixed Regimes and Political Violence in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 3 (2010): 413-33.

Gruner, F. "'Russia's Battle against the Foreign': The Anti-Cosmopolitanism Paradigm in Russian and Soviet Ideology." European Review of History-Revue Europeenne D Histoire 17, no. 3 (2010): 445-72.

Harrow, M. "The Effect of the Iraq War on Islamist Terrorism in the West." Cooperation and Conflict 45, no. 3 (2010): 274-93.

Heath-Kelly, C. "Critical Terrorism Studies, Critical Theory and the 'Naturalistic Fallacy'."

Security Dialogue 41, no. 3 (2010): 235-54.

Hoffman, A. M. "Voice and Silence: Why Groups Take Credit for Acts of Terror." Journal of Peace Research 47, no. 5 (2010): 615-26.

Howard, T. "Failed States and the Spread of Terrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 11 (2010): 960-88.

Juan-Navarro, S. "Fascism, Kitsch and Traditional Spanish Cinema (1939-1953)." Revista De Estudios Hispanicos 44, no. 1 (2010): 259-61.

Kaltenthaler, K., W. J. Miller, S. Ceccoli, and R. Gelleny. "The Enigma of Lone Wolf

16 | P a g e

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Terrorism: An Assessment." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 9 (2010): 815-35.

Mozes, T., and G. Weimann. "The E-Marketing Strategy of Hamas." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 3 (2010): 211-25.

Mudde, C. "The Populist Radical Right: A Pathological Normalcy." West European Politics 33, no. 6 (2010): 1167-86.

Omelicheva, M. Y. "The Ethnic Dimension of Religious Extremism and Terrorism in Central Asia." International Political Science Review 31, no. 2 (2010): 167-86.

Peters, R. "Historicism and Fascism in Modern Italy." History and Theory 49, no. 1 (2010): 115-29.

Plessz, M. "Blue-Collar Workers in Central Europe: A Vanishing Social Category in Statistics."

Sociologie Du Travail 52, no. 3 (2010): 340-58.

Pokalova, E. "Framing Separatism as Terrorism: Lessons from Kosovo." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 5 (2010): 429-47.

Pratt, D. "Religion and Terrorism: Christian Fundamentalism and Extremism." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 3 (2010): 439-57.

Rhodewalt, F., and B. Peterson. "The Self and Intergroup Attitudes: Connecting ‘Fragile’ Personal and Collective Self-Concepts." in J. P. Forgas, J. Cooper and W. D. Crano (eds), The Psychology of Attitudes and Attitude Change, New York: Psychology Press, (2010): 263-82.

Rummens, S., and K. Abts. "Defending Democracy: The Concentric Containment of Political Extremism." Political Studies 58, no. 4 (2010): 649-65.

Schuermans, N., and F. De Maesschalck. "Fear of Crime as a Political Weapon: Explaining the Rise of Extreme Right Politics in the Flemish Countryside." Social & Cultural Geography 11, no. 3 (2010): 247-62.

Sedita, G. "Vittorio Mussolini, Hollywood and Neorealism." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 3 (2010): 431-57.

Smith, J. M. "Does Crime Pay? Issue Ownership, Political Opportunity, and the Populist Right in Western Europe." Comparative Political Studies 43, no. 11 (2010): 1471-98.

Stanislawski, B. H. "Negotiating Being as Visible as Goliath, yet as Smart as David: Democratic Constraints and the Fight against Terrorism." International Studies Review 12, no. 1 (2010): 115-22.

Thomas, P. "Failed and Friendless: The Uk's 'Preventing Violent Extremism' Programme."

British Journal of Politics & International Relations 12, no. 3 (2010): 442-58.

Van De Velde, J. R. "The Impossible Challenge of Deterring Onuclear Terrorismo by Al Qaeda." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 8 (2010): 682-99.

17 | P a g e

e-Extreme

Volume 11, No. 4, December 2010

Weinberg, L., and W. Eubank. "An End to the Fourth Wave of Terrorism?" Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 7 (2010): 594-602.

Whitaker, B. E. "Compliance among Weak States: Africa and the Counter-Terrorism Regime." Review of International Studies 36, no. 3 (2010): 639-62.

ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy Convenors: David Art (David.Art@tufts.edu); Elisabeth Carter (e.carter@pol.keele.ac.uk)

18 | P a g e