2003 04 01 book reviews

This section includes book notes of 150-300 words as well as some book reviews of 600900 words on books of particular interest to the members of our group. If you have either suggestions for books you would like to review or see reviewed (including recent books of your own), please contact Cas Mudde.

Book Notes Richard Antoun, Understanding Fundamentalism. Christian, Islamic and Jewish Movements, Walnut Creek, etc.: AltaMira, 2001, 181 pp., USD 19.95, ISBN 0-75910006-3 (pbk).

Reviewed by Cas Mudde (University of Antwerp) Among the various confusing concepts that are used to describe the even more confusing world around us, fundamentalism has become a key one. This excellent textbook is an extremely welcome aid to make sense of this both intriguing and disturbing concept and phenomenon.

For Richard Antoun, an American anthropologist with decades of research experience in Jordan and Iran, fundamentalism is first and foremost a revolt against modernism. As key themes of the fundamentalist 'ideal type' he distinguishes scripturalism, 'traditioning' (melding the 'good past' with the 'good present'), and the quest for purity. In an impure world, fundamentalists use three strategies in this quest: flight, separation,

and militant struggle. The struggle is fought in the political arena (parties, lobby groups), in the courts (in the US there are even "religious liberty law firms"), in the media (think: 'televangelism'), and, of course, in battle (war and terrorism). Though antimodern in essence, fundamentalists support selective modernization and controlled acculturation; i.e. "the modern means will be contained within a complex emphasizing fundamentalist religious goals" (p.118). Most importantly, they use certain modern means to fight modernity (think: www.jihad.org)!

These features are discussed in detail in the various chapters, in which the author always provides well-chosen empirical examples from the three different religions to explain and illustrate the key points. The book ends with a glossary of key terms, suggestions for further reading, and an index. A textbook as a textbook should be; and a fascinating read.

Excellent!

Uwe Backes and Eckhard Jesse (eds.), Jahrbuch Extremismus & Demokratie. Vol.14, Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2002, 464 pp., EUR 39.00, ISBN 3-7890-8254-6 (hbk).

Reviewed by Cas Mudde (University of Antwerp) The Jahrbuch Extremismus & Demokratie is the prime source on literature on extremism and democracy. This 14th edition again features (very) short and long reviews of

hundreds of books, mainly but not exclusively in the German language, on topics ranging from the Holocaust to democratisation in Eastern Europe, and from the KPD to the NPD. It contains the standard sections on elections, organisations, and documentation (on extremism in Germany in 2001) by the editors, while this year the biographical portrait is on DVU leader Gerhard Frey (Stefan Mayer), the country report is on Belgium (Dirk Rochtus), and the journal report is on the 'new right' weekly Junge Freiheit (Matthias Weber). In addition, there are articles on the conceptual relationship between Islamism, 'Jihadism', totalitarianism, and extremism (Uwe Backes); the development from classic Jihad to terroristic 'Jihadism' (Bassam Tibi); pariah states (Wilfried von Bredow); the PDS and REP compared (Harald Bergsdorf); Catholic traditionalism and democracy in Germany (Eric Steinhauer); the anti-globalisation movement Attac (Patrick Moreau); and 1 May 2000 and 2001 in Saxony (Peter Russig). A must for every extremism scholar that reads German!

Patricia Baird-Windle and Eleanor J. Bader, Targets of Hatred: AntiAbortion Terrorism, New York: Palgrave, 2001, 416 pp., USD 27.95, ISBN 0-31223925-4 (hbk).

Reviewed by Dallas A. Blanchard (University of West Florida) Patricia Baird-Windle operated an abortion clinic in Florida, which provided an

unwilling training ground for large numbers of Operation Rescue recruits from across the nation.

Motivated by her own first-hand experiences, she joins with Bader to draw on the records of the major abortion providing and supporting organizations. They interviewed 194 providers and their staffs in 37 states and eight Canadian provinces.

Highlighting the most egregious examples, they recount the shifting tactics of the various antiabortion organizations and individuals month-by-month over a thirty year period.

Tactics used by the anti-abortion forces range through the years from picketing; harassing staff and clients with threats of violence; sabotage of 800 telephone lines; illicit tapping of phone and e-mail files; stalking; denouncing provider family members at their work, schools, neighborhoods, or public places; invasion and blockading; injection of butyric acid into buildings (sometimes during abortion procedures); fire-bombing; explosions; and murder.

They also document the frequent collusion of public officials with these offenders: local police refusing to respond to calls for assistance or refusing to arrest offenders; judges releasing offenders on recognizance or minor, if any, fines; federal law enforcement refusing to enforce federal law except in rare instances; state legislatures attempting to severely limit access by instituting numerous restrictions on clinics and patients (thereby creating an air of legitimacy to the protesters' methods). While the public and many

public officials appear to regard the events destroying clinics and frightening patients and providers as a 'moral debate', this book establishes that there is a clear and frequently coordinated effort to enforce a religious fundamentalist definition of morality and law on every person in the US and Canada. It is a valuable documentation of modern terrorist tactics.

Sten Berglund, Frank H. Aarebrot, Henri Vogt and Georgi Karasimeonov, Challenges to Democracy. Eastern Europe Ten Years after the Collapse of Communism, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 189 pp., 2001, GBP 49.95, ISBN 1-84064293-9 (hbk).

Reviewed by Cas Mudde (University of Antwerp) This is the last in a set of three volumes on the political development of Eastern Europe.

Despite the rather specific title, the focus of the book is rather broad and the content quite general. The various chapters, drafted by individual authors (which is clearly noticeable), deal with democratic consolidation; societal fragmentation and postcommunist party politics; democratisation and nationalism; human rights; and civil society. The concluding chapter summarises the findings and ends on a positive note: "All in all, the overwhelming impression is that the four challenges [party and political fragmentation; xenophobia and nationalism; absence of legal and bureaucratic traditions sustaining

human rights; weak civil society] were much more pronounced in the early 1990s than they are now. Today's challenges are best described as dormant." (p.174).

The key problem in judging this book is that it is hard to categorise it. It is not really a monograph as few original ideas and little original data are presented; therefore experienced scholars of the region will find little new in this book. It is not really a handbook, because -- though it includes a large number of useful tables etc. -the data and topics are quite selective and already somewhat dated. And it is not really a textbook as the style and content are too specialized for novices to the region.

Therefore, Challenges to Democracy is a useful addition to libraries that do not have to be too selective, on count of its wealth of data and tables rather than its analysis and conclusions.

Juan Cole, Sacred Space and Holy War: The Politics, Culture and History of Shi'ite Islam, London/New York: I.B. Tauris, 2002, 254 pp., GBP 13.95, ISBN 186064736-7 (pbk).

Reviewed by Charles E. Butterworth (University of Maryland) Though this book contains some chapters derived from articles published over 15 years ago, it is ambitious – even daunting. Cole seeks here to discuss Shi'ite Islam as an entity apart from any national locus by looking at its manifestation in the Arab world plus Iran

and South Asia as a whole rather than separately. His focus is upon the way Shi'ite Islam has developed in these areas since 1500, especially prior to the twentieth century.

In Chapter 9, whose title mirrors the book's, his account of the 1855 uprising in Ayodhya over a temple devoted to the Hindu monkey god Hanuman sheds light on inter-faith politics then and also, indirectly, on the 1992 Hindu destruction of a mosque and attempt to replace it with a temple. In 1855, the local Shi'i ruler repulsed efforts of Sunnis to build a mosque in place of the temple or merely abut it as a way of restoring the temple to its purported original status as a mosque. Cole carefully traces the steps taken by Shi'is, Sunnis, and Hindus, plus British officials, and persuasively identifies the political goals of each in explaining why the Shi'i ruler, though in the minority, sided with the Hindus against the Sunnis to achieve a peace of sorts. Moreover, his examination of the fatwas issued by a local jurist that reveals how different formulations of a question limited the jurist's response shows why fatwas must be read in context.

The last chapter, focused on Iran today, suggests that recent popular challenges to rule by the clerics will likely succeed. Cole's guarded optimism is occasioned less by any particular figure or movement than by the many clear signs that citizens themselves – the elusive civil society – are intent upon limiting clerical rule.

Peter Davies and Derek Lynch (eds), The Routledge Companion to Fascism and the Far Right, London, Routledge, 2002,430 pp, GBP 14.99, ISBN 0-41521495-5 (pbk).

Reviewed by Roger Eatwell (University of Bath) This addition to the Routledge Companion series is clearly aimed at undergraduates. Part I contains: an extensive Chronology; chapters on the Background and Historiography of fascism; an A-Z of historians; and a section of Maps. All this is very useful for the student new to fascist studies. Some of the potted biographies of historians (and political scientists) are not entirely accurate, but they help make the reader aware of general approaches (e.g. liberal versus Marxist) and to situate works within a wider literature.

Part II contains lively summaries of debates about a variety of key themes relating to the study of fascism: Roots and Origins; Evolution and Ideology; Nation and Race; Civil Society; The Economy; Diplomacy and International Relations; and the Practice of Politics in Government and Opposition. A small number of key documents of the type loved by history teachers are also provided. Again, lots of useful cramming material here.

However, predictably there is a notable lack of depth on key issues - such as why people voted for fascist parties. There are also some gaps: thus, whilst there is a section on religion, there is no serious discussion of the fascism-as-a-political religion thesis which has regained popularity in recent years. Part III offers further pointers: a Guide

to Sources; a Bibliography; and a Glossary. Perhaps the exact linkages and differences between fascism and the contemporary 'far right' (most European academics tend to use the term 'extreme right') needed bringing out more carefully. Nevertheless, this work can be strongly recommended to students.

James Eaden and David Renton, The Communist Party of Great Britain since 1920, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002, 248 pp., GBP 47.50, ISBN 0-333-94968-4 (hbk).

Reviewed by Cyrille Guiat (Herriot-Watt University) Eaden and Renton's book is a concise, single volume history of the CPGB from its creation in 1920 to its demise and eventual self-dissolution at its 43rd Congress in November 1991. In their introduction, the authors clearly state that they are sympathetic to the "original ideals" of the CPGB, but argue that one of the strengths of their account lies in their critical approach to the strategy of the Party. Thus, they mention the crucial role of the Comintern between 1920 and 1943, and of Soviet geopolitical interests thereafter, which sounds promising to any scholar interested in the international, teleological dimension which was so central in the history of all Communist parties in the world. Unfortunately, this self-proclaimed critical stance does not seem to extend much beyond their introduction, and the bulk of the analysis remains apologetic and

undermined by a number of traditional Leninist clichÊs. For instance, one encounters the idea that, through the "negative influence of the Comintern", the CPGB "degenerated" in parallel with the October Revolution, which was originally a "real workers' revolution".‌ Similarly, the highly biased assertion that, in the 1940s, the CPGB was "the largest force on the British Left" (p. 103) ironically raises a question which rather befitted the 1990s: whatever happened to the Labour Party?

Overall, Eaden and Renton's study emphasizes the more "glorious" episodes of the CPGB (e.g. the "patriotic years" of WWII, the fight against British Fascism), but systematically tones down its irrevocable ideological, organisational and strategic ties to the totalitarian polity that was the "Motherland of Socialism". Therefore, a truly critical history of this party remains to be written.

Geoff Eley, Forging Democracy. The History of the Left in Europe, 18502000, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, 720 pp., USD 74.00, ISBN 0-19503784-7 / USD 35.00, ISBN 0-195-04479-7 (pbk).

Reviewed by Herbert Kitschelt (Duke University) This ambitious treatment of the European left covers movements to extend democracy, to bring about an egalitarian redistribution of incomes, and to increase quality of life for all citizens, particularly that of women, in all of Eastern and Western Europe. Its overarching

thesis is to illuminate a continuity of struggles for human liberation in economics, politics and culture, with many victories and defeats along the way. It presents 'new' ecological, feminist and multicultural movements and their partisan representatives as the logical successors to working class movements whose organizations have become pillars of the political-economic status quo.

The ambitious scope of this 720 page book comes at a price. Cross-national variance of pathways is not covered as well as in Bartolini's masterful Political Mobilization of the European Left (2001). Some periods (1900-50 as opposed to 1850-1900) and some countries (Germany as opposed to France or England, but especially interwar Eastern Europe) are covered better than others. This reviewer also finds that treatment of important historical episodes is somewhat biased toward a traditional leftist interpretation, such as the revolutionary epoch 1917-21 or the beginning of the Cold War where the actions of the Western hegemon in securing bourgeois democracy in Italy or Germany are essentially placed on the same footing as the Soviet Union's installation of 'people's democracies'. In a similar vein, reasonable minds may disagree with Eley's characterization of social democratic parties in the 1980s and 1990s or his rendering of German unification. Nevertheless, for those who wish to acquire a first barebones overview of the development of the European left Eley's elegantly written account offers a place to start.

Graeme Hayes, Environmental Protest and the State in France, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002, 246pp., GBP 47.50, ISBN 0-333-99043-9 (hbk).

Reviewed by Guillaume Veillet (CIDSP / Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Grenoble) I am writing this book note just a few hours after attending a big demonstration in Grenoble, in support of 10 anti-GMOs activists who were tried at the local Court of Justice. Several thousand grass-roots activists changed the town into a small 'Porto Alegre' for a day of meetings and workshops. This event showed the diversity and vitality of the French environmental movement. Therefore I can only agree with Graeme Hayes that the academic literature has underestimated grass-roots activism in France, focussing on the professionalisation and institutionalisation of "les Verts" instead.

This book is based on the author's thesis, which recently won the Walter Bagehot Prize for Best Dissertation in Government and Public Administration. It uses two case studies: the opposition to the Serre de la Fare dam in Central France, and the opposition to the Somport tunnel in the PyrĂŠnĂŠes mountains. Hayes carefully studies the relationship between the French state and these movements. It allows him to challenge the common conception of French policy-making (a centralized state, based on a very rigid political

and legal framework, preventing successful extra-parliamentary mobilisation).

France has changed a lot during the last 20 years, especially because of the segmentation of policy sectors, in a context of decentralisation and European integration. By studying two very different local protests, Hayes shows that no generalisation is possible. The institutional context plays an important role in the outcome of a social movement (here, the water policy sector is seen as more open than its road transport counterpart).

Therefore, an analysis based solely on a macro-level approach (as provided by the political opportunity structures literature) is not sufficient to understand the complexity of French policymaking in its handling of social movements. The different phases of the policy process must be carefully studied.

Regine I. Heberlein (ed.), White Supremacists, San Diego: Thomas Gale Group and Greenhaven Press, 2002, 155 pp., USD 19.95, ISBN 0-7377-0846-8 (pbk).

Reviewed by Simon Baalham (Oxford Brookes University) This book will be of little or no interest to most of the members of this group other than those teaching school children, and even then its value is limited. It attempts to cover a vast topic in less than 150 pages. Although the structure of the book works well in theory; giving a general overview, a history of the Klan, personal encounters, its international aspect and methods of combating white supremacy, the editor fails to utilise

this by failing to explain fully the links between the chapters leaving the reader with only a vague sense of continuity, that is at times misplaced. Frequently the book seeks to generalise; for instance, in the overview and in subsequent chapters the Klan is referred to as a neo-Nazi organisation. This is a crude generalisation. The Klan today consists of tens, if not hundreds of small groups, some of whom propagate an ideology neo-Nazi in nature, however many do not and would categorically refute any such label.

Even accepting that there are neo-Nazi Klan groups no explanation is offered as to how a group preceding Nazism by over 50 years came to be so heavily influenced by it, nor why this was not an immediate influence.

Although this is a book produced with good intentions, and I would agree with the foreword that it succeeds in providing a diverse and wide ranging set of sources, it does not add anything to our understanding of the complexities of the issues surrounding white supremacy.

Vyacheslav Likhachev. Natsizm v Rossii [Nazism in Russia] (Moscow: Tsentr Panorama, 2002), 176 pp., ISBN 5-94420-005-7.

Reviewed by Stephen Shenfield The Panorama center is perhaps the best informed as well as the most prolific source of

information about Russian politics. In this book one of their leading experts on political extremism describes the development of Nazi movements in contemporary Russia. While Likhachev does not attempt to analyze the phenomenon in any depth, he writes in a lively style and demonstrates a behind-the-scenes knowledge that reflects his direct contacts within the national-extremist milieu. Successive chapters are devoted to: (1) Barkashov's Russian National Unity (RNU) and its successor organizations; (2) Limonov's NationalBolshevik Party (NBP) -- in the author's opinion now the largest Nazi organization following the breakup of RNU; (3) the skinheads; and (4) the most extreme (even by comparison with RNU and NBP) Nazi groups such as the Russian Party and the Werewolf Legion. At the end of each chapter biographical sketches of the most important figures are appended.

If you read Russian I recommend that you read this book. For one thing, the nationalextremist scene in Russia has been changing fast and this is the most recent publication.

The author also discusses some important aspects that have not been addressed in such detail by other publications. In particular, Likhachev examines the interaction between each Nazi organization and the federal security service (FSB). This factor helps make sense of the different ways in which the authorities have treated the various organizations. Their leniency and complacency regarding RNU – the subject of so many complaints by anti-fascist journalists and activists -- stem from the deep

infiltration of RNU by the FSB. The FSB was not afraid of RNU because it believed that it had the movement under control. State policy toward organizations that were not similarly penetrated has been much harsher.

Neil MacMaster, Racism in Europe 1870-2000, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001, 248 pp., GBP 16.50, ISBN 0-333-74440-3 (pbk).

Reviewed by Lars Rensmann (Free University of Berlin) The author convincingly demonstrates how anti-black and antisemitic stereotypes were politically constructed and specifically located throughout modern European history since the "key transitions" of the 1870s. Analyzing these paradigmatic formations of racisms comparatively and as interrelated phenomena, he shows that all racist stereotypes could flourish in the total absence of their objects; the more extreme the racist, the greater the hatred directed against all minorities. But anti-Jewish and anti-black racisms also mainly served distinct historical functions and followed what MacMaster calls "different modalities": while blacks were mostly constructed as inferior, serving a discourse of dominance and white supremacy, Jews were often portrayed as more ambivalent, intelligent but evil, conspiratorial manipulators and the 'enemy within' modern society.

Thus they seemed much more of an existential and powerful threat than blacks, whose

danger was rather seen in terms of crude numbers, a primitive 'breeding power'. The author exemplifies how right-wing neo-populists often re-mobilize along these lines today. Despite the historical caesura of 1945, according to MacMaster by now both antiJewish and anti-black racisms have become latent, generalized 'resources' within European culture.

MacMaster's ambitious endeavour to cover 130 years of modern racist ideologies in Europe on such few pages does not fail because it is elegantly argued and based upon an inspiring theoretical framework linking the rise of racism to modernisation and nationalism. Drawing from a complex set of factors, he offers rich interpretations of varying racist public discourses and politics. However, some chapters are historiographically dated, such as the one on Italian fascism. Furthermore, what MacMaster views as a general feature of all modern racism, namely that its elaboration and implementation is always "primarily a result of the middle class, of educated ĂŠlites", I find a questionable revival of the old manipulation thesis. It undermines MacMaster's own multi-facet conceptualization of the phenomena discussed.

John F. Murphy Jr., Sword of Islam: Muslim Extremism from the Arab Conquests to the Attack on America, New York: Prometheus Book, 2002, 424 pp., USD 26.00, ISBN 1-59102-010-7 (hbk).

Reviewed by Vladimir Chukov (Center for Regional and Confessional Studies,

Sofia) Sword of Islam is an important retrospective work and a serious academic contribution to the revealing of the intricate and leapfrogging process of the transformation of Islam into Islamism. Through a historical approach Murphy traces how some of those who profess Islam misunderstood the Good tenets and forgot the message of love that accompanies each monotheistic faith.

The author sheds light on the logical process of Islamic state building and discloses the growing extremist trend stemming from the speculations of the Prophet's religious philosophy. He analyses in detail the interconnections between various terrorist cells that in practice constitute the so-called 'Islamic Terrorist International' – e.g.

Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda, the Talibans in Afghanistan, the Muslim Brotherhood spread throughout the Arab world, the Palestinian Hamas, Jihad and PFLP, the Lebanese Hizbulah, the Philippines' Moro Front, etc…

Murphy also sketches the common, terrifying threat that sprang from coordinated terrorist acts such as the killing of Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics in 1972, the suicide bombing of the USS Cole in the Yemen in 2000 and the 9/11 attacks in the United States in 2001. It is impressive how the research gains insight into Islamic terrorists' speculations and their manipulations of Islamic public opinion – particularly regarding US support for the state of Israel – with the objective to justify their crimes, to

recruit followers, and to topple the peace settlements for the entire region of the Middle East and Central Asia.

Sword of Islam relies on a wealth of monographs, travelogues, clippings, varied periodicals as well as personal contacts with participants in the described events that enrich the book on both the empirical and the theoretical level.

Martin Schain, Aristide Zolberg, and Patrick Hossay (eds.) Shadows Over Europe: The Development and Impact of the Extreme Right in Western Europe, New York: Palgrave, 2002, 304 pp., USD 65.00, ISBN 0-312-29593-6 (hbk).

Reviewed by Jeff Wm. Justice (Texas Tech University) With extreme right parties continuing to make an impact in Western Europe, it is appropriate that we update the literature to re-examine this ongoing political phenomenon of cultural identity taken to the extremes. Schain and his co-editors provide a new volume including the most up-to-date analysis available from a variety of wellestablished scholars in this field. The parties covered range from apparent flashes in the political pan, such as Italy's Lega Nord to established parties, including Vlaams Blok and Austria's FPĂ–.

Many previous volumes of this type in the literature feature chapters with country or

party case studies. This book differs from previous efforts with a truly comparative approach. For example, Betz provides a detailed analysis of the downfall of Lega Nord and compares it with the tactics taken by the FPĂ– that not only remained afloat in Austrian politics but also achieved government. As always, immigration and xenophobia are two major themes that permeate this work, but the contributors are careful to highlight efforts by these parties to embrace mainstream issues in an effort to draw in additional electoral support. They also highlight disastrous electoral outcomes for extremist parties that failed to do so. Patrick Hossay concludes the tome with a chapter chock full of up-to-date data by the country, which will provide the researcher with ready access to information needed to take this work and build upon it with further research.

While recent election results have not gone well for extremist parties, we cannot ignore the reality that they are a significant part of Europe's electoral landscape, and this new volume provides us with the fresh data needed to advance research in this rapidly developing area of electoral politics.

Ray Taras, Liberal and Illiberal Nationalisms, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002, 272 pp., GBP 50.00, ISBN 0-333-96119-6 (hbk).

Reviewed by Paul E. Sum (University of North Dakota)

Many scholars have wrestled with the dichotomous nature of nationalism: East-West or civic-ethnic for example. Taras introduces 'liberal' and 'illiberal' forms to the terminology; the former is defined through individual rights and tolerance, the latter emphasizes one's group over others. He draws an analytic distinction between nationalism and a conceptualization of 'home'. This is an important contribution to the field, which too often equates the type of nationalism with the political outcome that is sought. Taras divides 'home' into four categories: imperial, separatist, uninational (integral) and transnational communities. Both forms of nationalism are compatible with ambitions to achieve one of these imagined homelands and they often compete with one another.

To demonstrate the distinction between nationalism and home, Taras develops case studies which are limited to one perspective (ethnic grouping). For example, Russian and Indian nationalisms are treated from a 'majority' perspective, South African and Canadian from the perspective of secessionism (Zulu and Quebecois). Yet all must address the multicultural character of their communities. Taras argues that nationalism should be judged on its merits of form (liberal or illiberal) not by its associated homeland.

He notes that, in particular, Western observers often discount liberal forms of nationalism, or support illiberal forms, in order to bolster a particular view of community (home). He asserts that adherence to multiculturalism generally falls into this trap.

The book's primary weakness is the absence of an integrated discussion of factors that contribute to the two forms of nationalism. Taras touches upon many elements, such as globalism and American hegemony, but falls short of developing a fully generalizable model. Despite this shortcoming, Taras provides a very informed discussion of the subject and a launching point for further exploration of the distinction.

Book Reviews Raphael Cohen Almagor (ed), Liberal Democracy and the Limits of Tolerance, Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2000, 320 pp., USD 60.00/GBP 42.50, ISBN 0-471-11016-0 (hbk).

Reviewed by Alberto Spektorowski (Tel Aviv University) This book tackles one of the most contested issues in current political debate in liberal democratic societies. Inspired by the Israeli political crises unleashed in the aftermath of Rabin's murder, Almagor attempts to contribute to a theoretical debate (not necessarily new) on one of most threatening challenges to democratic theory. "One of the problems of any political system", but especially democracy, Almagor notes, is that "the principles that underlie and characterize (them) might also, through its application, endanger it and bring about its destruction" (p.1).

The book begins by stressing the cost of tolerance in democratic societies.

Frederick Schauer's essay focuses on the cost of communicative tolerance and emphasises the price society and especially the victims of violent action have to pay when society tolerates harmful speech. David Feldman proposes a comprehensive answer to the problem of tolerance by using the spirit of British law, which prefers public order rather than freedom whenever these two principles are contrasted. Rights should be given weight in public order decision-making, but the formulation and the weight attached to them, Feldman argues, should vary between jurisdictions by reference to local social and cultural conditions. Jurisdictions have the prerogative to determine the level of tolerance they need in order to protect public order. The articles by Almagor himself attempt to explain what incitement is, based on the Israeli and American situations.

"Incitement is not only temporarily proximate to an act of violence but presupposes some likelihood to success" claims Fiss (p.74) He disagrees with Almagor's understanding of the backdrop of ideological incitement, which led to Rabin's murder. According to Fiss, the temporal proximity was lacking in the Israeli case. What should be considered a legitimate ideological opposition and a sound public protest to government policies, and what should be considered as an incitement to assassination? However, this central issue remains unclarified after Almagor and Fiss examination.

The next section also focuses on the distinction between legitimate protest and incitement to violence and analyzes the challenge of fundamentalism to democratic societies. Sam Lehman-Wilzig deals with religious extremism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. One of Lehman's claims is that religious fundamentalism is not the source of sedition in Israel.

However, he stresses the deficit of moderate Rabbis interpreting the Hallacha.

The problem thus should not be reduced to the issue of religious fundamentalism but to the political conflict itself, which radicalizes and politicizes religion. Another interesting explanation from another angle is provided by Harvey Chisick, who claims that although liberalism is a great achievement, sometimes the struggle for individual values undermines the idea of a common citizenship as conceived by the republican democratic tradition. This vacuum left the field open for highly militant ideological groups to undermine the underpinnings of liberal democracy. Other articles analyze, from different angles, the cost of hate speech. L.W. Sumner and I. Cotler bring to the forefront J. S Mill's analysis on hate speech as an intellectual guide. However, in more ways than one, the repetitive use of Mill's ideas is useless for contemporary culturally complex societies.

This point is especially noted by Cotler, who argues that the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom, furnished with one of the most complex legal regimes devised to combat hate propaganda, turned out to be a watershed for 'hate speech'. The community, he

claims, should confront commonly held racist views in order to defeat them.

Joseph E. Magnet, Robert E. Boeyink and Edmund B. Lambeth deal with the role of the press in contributing indirectly and without intention to incitement. The two last essays,

by David Goldberg and Michael Jaffe, tackle the issues of the legal and virtual international community and its relations to violent expressions.

This book was edited before the attack on the Twin Towers. If it had been written since, the issue of fundamentalism and the links between terror and fundamentalism would probably have been given greater space. Summarizing, this book has made a great leap forward in the debate on democratic defenses. Somehow however, the developments after 9/11 have raised new questions that this book hardly touches on. Whether or not the defense of democracy would lead us to Carl Schmitt's authoritarian solution, most notably. If that happens hate discourse and terrorism would have achieved their goal of transforming liberal democracies into very illiberal or even fascist societies.

Aristotle A. Kallis, Fascist Ideology. Territory and Expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922-1945, London and New York: Routledge, 2000, GBP 60.00, ISBN 0415216117 (hbk) / GBP 17.99, ISBN 0415216125.

Reviewed by Mario Sznajder (Hebrew University) In order to avoid any possible confusion, let us state that this book is not

about fascist ideology as a whole but about the role of territorial expansionism within the fascist ideological parameters that served as guidelines to the foreign policies of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, between 1922 and 1945. This clarification is necessary since the abbreviated form of the title - Fascist Ideology - could mislead the reader into placing upon the author an unwanted burden, that of theoretical innovation in the heavily populated area of the discussion about the existence of a fascist ideology, different fascist ideologies, the nature of it and its components. Kallis tackles this subject too, in the second chapter, "Fascist Ideology and Territorial Expansion", but he does it in order to explain how the issues related to Fascist and Nazi imperialism are related to the politicalintellectual framework of both regimes and to the ideologies that provide the general guidelines for their policies.

From a methodological point of view, it is clear that this is a very serious work, on a topic central to both Fascism and Nazism. The author discusses in a clear and synthetic way the main issues related to the problem of Fascist ideology. The intercalation of a wide variety of primary and secondary sources throughout the book and the rich bibliography at the end provide a strong basis for the analysis of the phenomena dealt with in this work. The structure of the book, in which the methodological problems are discussed in the introduction, followed by six thematic chapters and the conclusions, makes it

easier to navigate in the troubled waters of the Fascist period, following a chronological order that does not interfere with the main theoretical issues.

The relationship between Fascism and nationalism is a complex one. The occupation of Fiume by D'Annunzio in 1919 plays a premonitory role regarding future Italian Irredentism and expansionism. This episode is important because it touches upon three aspects that are closely related in the future development of Fascism. The revolutionary character of the Fiume episode and the attempt to institutionalize a new political model not only for Fiume but for Italy - as well as the Carta del Carnaro (the Constitution of the Regency of Fiume under D'Annunzio) serve, in revolutionary terms, as a factor that awards popular political legitimacy to Irredentism and expansionism. It is based not only on historical precedents and/or demographic and cultural considerations, but also on a revolutionary and modernizing project of social changes. Later, Fascism will claim that the Carta del Carnaro is one of its basic political models and documents. This observation is meant only to add to and complete the analysis that Kallis presents about the complex relationship between nationalism, Fascism and territorial expansionism on the basis of Irredentism or other beliefs and factors.

The author's knowledge of Fascist ideology enables him to also provide a general framework of guidelines related to the basic nature of Fascism: its elitism, mythical mobilizatory views, the role of violence in history and in social regeneration,

mass mobilization and political activism as core principles of regimes for which a static situation meant the beginning of decadence.

As Kallis points out in his conclusions, the expansionist practices require a serious explanation related to the nature of Fascism, and this explanation is found in ideology and the intellectual climate in which this ideology developed. In general, territorial expansionism is not only an ideological necessity, but it frames the general character of Fascist Ideology and the basic view about human and social nature as a perpetual state of war. It is also true that long-term policies cannot be explained only on the basis of ideological parameters. Still, in a given situation, states led by different ideological views will be much influenced by these views, not only in short-term political decision-making but also in long-term structural changes that eventually will also play a role in decisionmaking. Partially, Italian and German expansionism were related to traditions and events from the pre-Fascist period. Still, the specific character of expansionism under Mussolini and Hitler, differed, in scope and contents, to anything seen in the previous period. The author of this book is right when he notes that a common fascist expansionist ideology existed - it was shared by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany - and that it was eventually translated into action. Different results, related to different capacities, development and historical particularities of each of the cases do not diminish the validity of this

general conclusion.

Fascist Ideology. Territory and Expansionism in Italy and Germany, 19221945 is a very good book and a welcome addition to the learned discussion about the nature and role of Fascist ideology. The sources, the detail, and the analysis complement very well the theoretical direction undertaken by Aristotle A. Kallis, making this book necessary reading for all serious students of Fascism.

Luke March, The Communist Party in Post-Soviet Russia, Manchester: Manchester UP, 2002, GBP 16.99, ISBN 0-7190-6044-3 (pbk) / GBP 45.00 ISBN 0-71906043-5 (hbk).

Reviewed by Ruben Verheul (Leiden University) Is the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) a phenomenon to be dealt with in a newsletter on political extremism? The answer to this question is not straightforward, as Luke March demonstrates in his highly recommended treatise of one of Russia's few sizeable, durable and electorally relevant political parties. To be sure, Russia's 'mainstream' communists have had a difficult time adapting to the post-Soviet, pluriform (and largely hostile) environment and have at times displayed radical tendencies.

However, their ideology and activism cannot be simply placed on either the far left or the

far right ('red' or 'brown') end of the political spectrum.

As this study demonstrates, the CPRF is not the 'hardline' or 'unreconstructed' communist successor party as often portrayed. Its programme does not call for a return to communism; nor does it unequivocally advocate nationalism. Rather, to illustrate the CPRF's ambiguous stance, it advocates a "highly eclectic ideology which was too conservative to be fascist, too nationalist to be communist and yet too statist to be truly nationalist" (p. 114). Significant also, in this respect, is the author's account of how, notwithstanding its recurring rhetoric of 'irreconcilable opposition', the CPRF has gradually come to terms with the rules of the electoral-democratic game.

Furthermore, the CPRF is less of a monolith than is often assumed. March rightly poses that the party is in essence shaped by the ongoing "interaction between the moderates and the radicals in its ranks" (p. 9). The infighting and intrigues among the party's three main tendencies—'statist-patriotic communists', 'Marxist reformers' and 'MarxistLeninist modernisers'—have been at play throughout the CPRF's existence and offer interesting reading.

Not only has March thoroughly researched and documented the party's origins, organisational and programmatic development and (fairly successful) electoral strategy; he also places these phenomena in the broader context of Russia's transition from one-

party rule. Perhaps the greatest benefit of March's analysis is that it does all this without the mystification and simplification that are all too common in the field.

Serious, readily accessible, sources (in English) on the largest communist successor party to date are scarce. The Communist Party in Post-Soviet Russia is a valuable addition. In many respects, it picks up where Joan Urban and Valerii Solovei's 1997 primer left off (Russia's Communists at the Crossroads, Westview). Together these two works provide an excellent starting point for any researcher wishing to explore this fascinating subject.

Ami Pedahzur, The Israeli Response to Jewish Extremism and Violence: Defending Democracy. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002, 198 pp., GBP 45.00, ISBN: 0719063728 (hbk).

Reviewed by Ray Taras (Tulane University) This methodical and sophisticated study of post-independence Israeli politics addresses one overarching question: when has the state of Israel pursued a 'militant' route in combating Jewish extremism and defending democracy and when has it pursued an 'immunized' route? 'Militant' is effectively synonymous with state-sponsored violence against political extremists; the sinking in 1948 of the Altalena that was bringing in arms for the Etzel paramilitary organization is exhibit A in such militant state responses.

'Immunised' refers primarily to a prophylactic method of dealing with extremist views that is grounded in the rule of law; the tortuous judicial process that led ultimately to the disqualification of the racist Kach party but not Moledet, also a far-right party, for the 1988 Knesset elections are an example. More generally the author inquires whether there is a "'golden path' (…) enabling democratic systems of government to effectively protect themselves without crossing the legal and ethical boundaries on which they are founded" (p.3).

At the outset the author makes clear that Israel constitutes a non-liberal, even an ethnic democracy. Defending democracy therefore can encompass protecting the Jewish character of the state. But Pedahzur's nuanced handling of this paradoxical question – as of many other questions in this book – allows him to draw the connection between "the institutionalized preference of one ethnic group over another", typical of an ethnic democracy, and "the flourishing of ethnocentric, ultra-national and in fact xenophobic manifestations" (p.14).

The study is organized neither chronologically nor thematically (militant versus immunized approaches) but by political arena: parliamentary (political parties), extraparliamentary (both the radical left and radical right – including the movement that indirectly led to the assassination of prime minister Yitzhak Rabin), political socialization

(specifically, civic education which, on the basis of the author's survey results, has only marginally spread more democratic values), and civil society (its growth over the past two decades despite the overriding concern with state security). A concluding chapter makes several important points. One, "Until liberal democratic ideas are internalized by the majority (‌), the State will be goaded by its citizens and their representatives to strike as forcefully as possible at those perceived to be its 'enemies', whatever might be the price in terms of democracy" (p.174). Two, "the Israeli case has shown that the intensity of extremist threats is not the only determinant which shapes the nature of the state's response, but that other factors, including those related to its political culture, institutional structure, social issues and various political considerations, have parts to play" (pp.191-2).

While the monograph contains an occasional awkward turn of phrase and misses several salient bibliographic sources, its great strengths are its highly original organization of the argument, its exquisitely even-handed treatment of controversial subjects, and its disciplined focus on the problematic identified (there are no digressions on non-Jewish extremism, for example). The author's awareness of both the normative and methodological pitfalls of his research stands as a model for other scholars to emulate.