2002 03 03 book reviews

This section includes book notes of 150-300 words as well as some book reviews of 600-900 words on books of particular interest to the members of our group.

If members have either suggestions for books they would like to review/see reviewed (including recent books of their own), please contact Cas Mudde.

Book Notes Chetan Bhatt, Hindu Nationalism: Origins, Ideologies and Modern Myths, Oxford: Berg, 2001, 232 pp., GBP 14.99/USD 21.50, ISBN 1-85973-348-4 (pbk) / GBP 42.99/USD 65.00, ISBN 1-85973-348-3 (hbk).

Reviewed by John Zavos (University of Manchester) This is a clear and accessible account of a complex and challenging set of developments in Indian social and political life. The book will be very valuable to anyone trying to get to grips with the sudden emergence in the heart of Indian politics during the 1980s of what had been perceived previously as a rather marginal force and way of thinking. Bhatt's intention is to explain how Hindu nationalism has in fact always been a key element in the development of political thought in the colonial and postcolonial periods. By examining the work of figures such as Lala Lajpat Rai, Swami Shraddhanand and V.D. Savarkar, Bhatt demonstrates how strains of Hindu nationalism were interwoven with the dominant discourses of the liberation struggle, and so with the development of postIndependence politics.

Although several other authors have noted the proximity of Indian and Hindu nationalism in this way, Bhatt's contribution is substantive in terms of his textual approach and his impressive ability to link developing Hindu nationalist thought to European thinkers such as Spencer and Comte. On the other hand, I do feel that the focus on reformist thinking in the early part of the book, especially on the Arya Samaj, tends to obscure

the influence of what might be termed 'non-reformist' thinking (Bhatt uses the term 'orthodox', which is rather more ambiguous in the context of Hinduism), which was particularly significant in the development of the Hindu nationalist approach to caste, and social organisation in general. More emphasis on the tensions created by these oppositional influences may have helped to put into perspective the rather neurotic approach to religion articulated by Hindu nationalist organizations in the contemporary period.

Joseph V. Femia, Against the Masses. Varieties of Anti-Democratic Thought Since the French Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, GBP 40.00, ISBN 0-19-828063-7 (hbk).

Reviewed by Agustín José Menéndez (ARENA) This book aims to explore anti-democratic thought. Its declared aim is to follow a "middle road between abstract analysis and historical exegesis" (p.6), in order to distinguish "what is living from what is dead in antidemocratic thought" (p.15). It devotes one chapter to each of the three main sets of arguments against democracy distinguished by Albert O. Hirschman in The Rhetoric of Reaction, namely the perversity, futility and jeopardy theses.

The argument of the book is rather unclear due to the confused notion of 'democracy' that is implicitly sustained. The author shifts from a minimalistic understanding of democracy, a la Bobbio (e.g. p.83), to a more demanding characterisation (immediately after the previous example, on p.84). Moreover, his reliance on Berlin's conception of negative freedom (explicit on p.148, fn.122) pushes him to identify negative freedom with democracy. This can be seen at work in his rather superficial analysis of Hayek's criticism of intervention in the market economy (p.150ff) and in the semi-optimistic finale of the book.

Conceptual confusion goes hand in hand with a rather heterogeneous content. While the second chapter, devoted to the perversity thesis, fits in

the description of the book made by the author, the third and fourth (on futility and jeopardy) seem to be more of a contextual reconstruction of the thought of a handful of authors than the stylisation of a more general line of criticism of democracy.

The author also does not succeed in showing "what is alive" in reactionary thought. Such ambition would have required an analysis of the present discourses of reaction, of the likes of Haider or Bossi. Only then could he have determined which of such arguments are borrowed from the repository of classical anti-democratic thought.

Valerie Jenness and Ryken Grattet, Making Hate A Crime: From Social Movement to Law Enforcement, New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2001, 264 pp., USD 29.95, ISBN 0-87154-409-1 (hbk).

Reviewed by Brian Levin (California State University, San Bernardino) Making Hate A Crime is a profoundly important scholarly work. The book scrupulously analyzes the processes by which modern hate crime law and policy in the United States progressed from amorphous social movements to an institutional legal and enforcement reality. The work effectively accomplishes what it sets out to do, but in the process will invariably leave some feeling it could have accomplished more.

Its intensive examination of the effect of various modern social movements on subsequent policy and law formation is well researched, though at times a bit rigid and formulaic. To the less formal reader the style, while understandable, can be arduous. For example the authors state: "In light of the constructionist formulation of social problems as projections of collective sentiments rather than simple mirrors of objective conditions, understanding the construction of emergent and institutionalized victimization requires not so much a focus on objective harm as a focus on the categorization processes and institutional workings that bestow victim status upon select groups and individuals at particular points in time [citations omitted]".

Nonetheless, the expert analysis is organized in a manner that flows well from chapter to chapter. The authors are very effective in explaining the operation of social movements, definitions, contemporary legislation, recent judicial rulings and their overall impact on policy. They do not however, provide, nor intend to provide, other pieces of non sociological analysis that have significantly impacted the formation of hate crime law.

For example, research on the substantive impact of hate crimes on victims and community and an analysis of the historical evolution of first amendment and criminal civil rights law is unapologetically absent. While the absence of these factors is understandable it presents a context that appears to overstate the importance of social movements in the formation of hate crime definitions and policy. Notwithstanding its minor limitations, this excellent book is a necessity for any scholar interested in a superbly detailed analysis of the processes involved in making hate crime laws a reality.

Neil J. Kressel, Mass Hate: The Global Rise of Genocide and Terror, Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002, 321 pp., updated edition with new preface, GBP 13.99, ISBN 0-8133-3951-0 (pbk).

Reviewed by John Horgan (University College, Cork) This book presents a psychological analysis of mass hatred, notably questioning how, in the absence of obvious individual psychopathology, we might account for some of the worst atrocities of the 20th century.

Scholars may have analytical quibbles about the legitimacy of comparative analyses of events in Bosnia, Islamic fundamentalist terrorism, Rwandan genocide and Nazi Germany, but Kressel's primary concerns lie in exposing underlying features of our propensity for causing overwhelming suffering. Although not an analysis of terrorism, similarities are evident: – heinous atrocities are often committed for tactical and strategic reasons, with wartime rape a terroristic tool to both subvert individuality and ethnically humiliate entire populations.

Kressel's chapter on Muslim extremism is especially interesting although brief on sources of fundamentalism. Unfortunately, the Rwandan case is very under-developed across several themes (analysis in particular), and while the study of Nazi Germany is more detailed, analysis of the most pressing questions is again lacking. Chapters 6 and 7 appear to redress these issues, with situational and personality variables explored, and the author using plenty of examples from each of the case studies to illustrate his arguments. Despite their relevance however, the analogies (especially Milgram's obedience studies) we have seen countless times before.

Overall, Mass Hate has mixed fortunes. Little distinguishes the update from its predecessor, save the excellent September 11th-related preface with sporadic incursions throughout, and unfortunately the reader will not find the penetrating analysis promised. Fortunately, a more stimulating (if brief) final chapter is provided, almost prophetic in detail given what we now see in the depressing counterterrorism efforts post-September 11th.

The early confidence of opening chapters may not effectively mature enough for serious scholars of political violence, but an extended further edition, particularly with more conceptually sophisticated psychological content, would strongly benefit the author's well-researched and welldetailed case studies.

Athena S. Leoussi (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Nationalism, New Brunswick; London: Transaction, 2001, 314 pp., GBP 105.50, ISBN 0-7658-0002-0 (hbk).

Reviewed by Cas Mudde (University of Antwerp) Another Encyclopaedia of Nationalism, one might think, as since the fall of communism in 1989, and the consequent 'resurgence of nationalism' in the post-communist space, it seems that almost every publishing house has come out with at least one Reader or Encyclopaedia on the hot topic of nationalism. This specific one can be linked to the British-based

Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism (ASEN); the editor is a founding member, the consultant advisor, Anthony D. Smith, its key thinker, and many of the encyclopĂŠdistes are (leading) members.

The entries in the Encyclopaedia can be grouped into six broad categories (pp.ix-x): defining figures of nationalism in the 18th and 19th century; diverse aspects, manifestations and types of nationalism; relations between nationalism and other collective phenomena; relations between nationalism and other ideologies; various theories of nationalism; various accounts of the nation. They vary in size from less than one page to several pages. All contain a bibliography (ranging from two to more than twenty sources) and are identifiable by author. The quality of the entries is on average very high, while they still remain accessible to non-specialists.

Another major strength of the Encyclopaedia is its surveyability; not only are the entries organised in alphabetical order, there are two indexes at the end (one for 'entry titles' and one for 'subjects'). In sum, this Encyclopaedia of Nationalism is a must for all university libraries, and a pricey but valuable addition to all private collections.

Misagh Parsa, States, Ideologies, and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of Iran, Nicaragua, and the Philippines. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, 336 pp., USD 22.00, ISBN 0-521-77430-6 (pbk) / USD 60.00, ISBN 0-52177-337-7 (hbk).

Reviewed by Jonathan Acuff (University of Washington) Parsa's analysis is representative of the 'third generation' of studies of revolutions, which moves beyond the pure structuralism of Moore and Skocpol, and involves the complex interaction between structures and dynamic processes. He examines an interesting group of cases occupying similar positions in the international system by way of significant US support, with enough variation in economic and social structure to allow him to get a great deal of mileage out of his variables. The scholarship here is strong. His command of the expansive literature on revolutions is

superb, while the empirical evidence draws upon years of primary and secondary source research. This is complex, thick historical sociology at its best.

Yet despite the title, Parsa inveighs quite heavily against approaches stressing ideology as a causal variable. For him, ideology per se is less important than the function it serves: mobilization of a coalition of students, clergy, workers, and capitalists. For example, Parsa does an excellent job of explaining the structural/processural reasons for the revolutionary situation in Iran, but is not nearly as convincing explaining the revolutionary outcome. How an obscure cleric who studied erfan (Gnosticism) and poetry rose to become the leader of Iran cannot be explained without a more comprehensive discussion of either the charismatic person of Khomeini or the charismatic content of this early version of militant Islam. A specifically Islamic, not liberal, Mosaddegh-like state was established: the ideological content of political Islam was decisive for the revolutionary outcome.

Parsa's analytical model of state intervention in the economy, exclusivity of rule, socioeconomic inequality, and coalition formation travels better overall in Nicaragua and the Philippines than it does in Iran. This is somewhat surprising, given the strength of his previous work on Iran.

Amory Starr, Naming the Enemy. Anti-Corporate Movements Confront Globalization, London; New York: Zed, 2000, 268 pp., GBP 16.95/USD 27.50, ISBN 1-85649-792-5 (pbk) / GBP 49.95/USD 69.95, ISBN 1-85649764-X (hbk).

Reviewed by Cas Mudde (University of Antwerp) This is one of the first books on anti-globalisation movements that has academic pretensions. Starr is not just an anti-globalisation activist, she is also a sociology teacher at Colorado State University. This notwithstanding, the academic quality of this study is at best superficial, limiting itself to a survey of sociological and post-modern theories on

social movements, structure and agency, etc. in the first chapter, and some (summary) tables and figures in the last chapter. First and foremost, Naming the Enemy is a descriptive overview of 'anti-corporate movements' worldwide, which are grouped into three broad categories on the basis of the "mode of anti-corporate ideology" (p.xi): contestation and reform, 'globalization from below', and 'delinking'.

The bulk of the book is about what the various movements do, e.g. in terms of sustainable development, while "naming the enemy" is often secondary, if not completely absent. Regarding the more analytical part of the book, this is full of (empty) jargon -- "Most of the movements are wielding discourse in a struggle for hegemony" (p.156) -- and of normative statements -- "Indeed, it is dangerous to position corporations as partners and allies" (p.157). Conforming to the rigid thinking of a radical (extremist?), Starr argues along the lines of 'the enemy of my enemy is my friend'. Consequently, religious nationalists are 'good', while all arguments that (also) suit the enemy (i.e. corporations) are by definition 'bad'.

In sum, this book is mainly useful for its data on a huge number and variety of anti-corporate movements (the appendix also includes a 'select list of organizations' with mail, email, and www addresses). In terms of analysis, it shows too little depth and structure and too much jargon and politics.

Sheldon Stryker, Timothy J. Owens, Robert White (eds.), Self, Identity and Social Movements, Minneapolis; London: University of Minnesota Press, 2000, 370 pp., GBP 17.50, ISBN 0-8166-3408-4 (pbk).

Reviewed by Wolfgang Deicke (University College Northampton) This collection of essays sets out to make the case for the usefulness of recent social psychological work on the 'self' and 'social identity' for the study of social movements. In a brief, but very useful introductory chapter, the editors review the -- not always very simple -- relationship between

social movements researchers and social psychology and make a convincing case for their project: to overcome disciplinary boundaries between sociology and social psychology and to make the fraught relationships between 'self', personal identity and collective/movement identity a focus of social movements research. The subsequent fourteen chapters are organised into three main parts. While Part One -- with contributions

by Stryker, Snow and McAdam, Klandermans and de Weerd -- addresses more general conceptual and theoretical issues, Part Two works its way upwards from issues of personal identity in movement participation (Gecas, Kiecolt) and those of social and collective identity (Pinel/Swann, Brewer/Silver, Deaux/Reid) to issues of self-esteem (Owens/Aronson, Kaplan/Liu, Baumeister/Dale/Muraven, Britt/Heise).

To the credit of the editors and the contributors, this collection of papers 'flows' much more than one would expect from an edited volume of conference proceedings (initial versions of the chapters were presented at a conference hosted by Indiana University - Purdue University in 1996). All of the papers assembled here deal with two or more of the aforementioned concepts in relation to social movement participation. While, as a political sociologist, I remain a little wary of the shift towards more individualised takes on 'causes' for movement participation, I recommend this volume to anybody interested in the dialectical relationship between movement identity, participation and personal identity. At the very least, readers from a non-psychological background will gain an insight into how familiar (and awfully persistent) research problems are addressed in another discipline.

Book Reviews Alejandro ColĂĄs, International Civil Society: Social Movements in World Politics, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2002, 232 pp., GBP 15.99, ISBN 0-74562556-8 (pbk)/ GBP 50.00, ISBN 0-7456-2555-X (hbk).

Reviewed by Adrian van den Hoven (Robert Schuman Centre – European

University Institute) What impact can international civil society have on the international system and how should we study this phenomenon in international relations (IR)? There have been a number of good empirical studies on this topic and yet we still need a coherent historical and theoretical framework to explain this development in IR. Alejandro Colรกs has chosen a traditional theoretical approach (Marxist theory) to study what is often described as a new or a post-modern phenomenon and he should be commended for doing so. Indeed, this comprehensive study represents a much needed contribution to our theoretical understanding of international civil society.

In the book, Colรกs starts out with a critical assessment of transnationalist literature for being too descriptive, for failing to clearly define international society and for relying too heavily on the State and civil society dichotomy. Although these criticisms are valid, transnationalism's challenge to State-dominated theories of international relations such as realism has been important in shifting the focus of IR study from States to other actors in the international system. To be fair, however, it seems obvious that Colรกs' rejection of transnationalism was necessary to adopt the Marxist theoretical approach used in the book. By focusing on the evolution of the capitalist system, Colรกs argues convincingly that international civil society has much stronger historical roots than is suggested by post-modern analyses (chapter 2).

This study answers a number of important questions related to the role of international civil society in IR. In addition to properly surveying the vast literature on the topic, the author provides a clear and useful definition of international social movements as "the voluntary mobilization of [groups] across national or state boundaries in the pursuit of social and political change on a self-consciously international scale."(p.80) The author also clarifies Statecivil society relations by arguing that international civil society is not necessarily a threat to the international system of sovereign States. Instead, he shows that the development of international civil society is associated with the capitalist mode of production and State sovereignty, which he

describes as the underlying structures of the international system.(p.86) Thus, Colรกs argues that international civil society can be both a source of stability and instability in the international system.

Perhaps the most important contribution that Colรกs makes is found in the concluding question of chapters two and five which deals with "the promises of international civil society". In other words, how can international civil society live up to its theoretical potential by transforming the international system? The final lines of the book point to the general direction in which the author believes international civil society should evolve to live up to its promise. "Conceptualizing the complex and contradictory nature of the expansion of international civil society could represent the first step in the identification of the social and political sources of this new socialist internationalism."(p.178) Thus, the author remains faithful to the traditional inseparability of Marxist theory and praxis. We might not agree that international civil society should reorganise itself into the next socialist international, but we must concede that Colรกs has written an excellent book on this very difficult topic.

Doug Imig and Sidney Tarrow (eds.), Contentious Europeans: Protest and Politics in an Emerging Polity, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001, 320 pp., USD 75.00, ISBN 0-7425-0083-7 (hbk) / USD 26.95, ISBN 0-74250084-5 (pbk).

Reviewed by Alena Kantorova (Leiden University) Imig and Tarrow's latest publication is a pioneering work in the field of social movements. It introduces a European dimension to contentious politics, and brings together in one analysis various groups organised around a wide range of issues. It is the first attempt to provide an overview of the potential for, as well as the actual protest against, EUrelated issues on domestic as well as European level.

The editors justly complain about the lack of academic focus on the possible emergence of a genuine 'Europrotest'. The contributors to this

volume focus on all the traditional forms of contentious politics (ranging from peaceful protest to violence against people), and apply these not only to traditional (occupational) contenders of EU policies (workers and farmers), but also to nonoccupational groups (environmentalists, women, immigrants, and anti-GM activists), who to date have been studied in a global rather than an exclusively European context. Together they are to establish the level of Europeanisation of contentious politics in twelve EU member states in the period 1984-97.

Imig and Tarrow are convinced that the emergence of a genuine European identity and a truly transnational European protest is unavoidable. In asserting this, they follow an interactionist approach, trying to answer the question of what kind of identity will (inevitably) develop depending on what kind of an EU we will be interacting with in the future. To be sure, Imig and Tarrow have their own (rather vague) vision of European integration, which gives little indication of what kind of protest we may expect in the future. This is the so-called composite polity where "actors at various levels and in different geographical units within a loosely linked system face both horizontal and vertical interlocutors and find corresponding opportunities for alliance building across both axes" (p.15).

There are two serious omissions in their argument. Firstly, they fail to elaborate the kind of interaction with the EU through which citizens (nation-wide?) develop a European identity. Arguably, media plays a great role. LefĂŠbure and Lagneau show in Chapter 9 how a local problem can turn into a European one by means of skilful framing by journalists.

However this leaves no indication of a stable pattern in which the media encourage and forge citizens' identification with the EU. The three other proposed mechanisms, (1) the brokerage of interests between national groups from different countries by the EU itself, (2) the calibration of activities of national groups with collective action in the EU around issues in which states and the EU share competence, and (3) the Europeanisation of values (p.23), are also supported by only rather anecdotal evidence.

Moreover, these mechanisms are reduced in the concluding chapter to only two: (1) the effect of the media, and (2) the formation of transnational coalitions; leaving the reader quite puzzled. The sketchy and speculative

style in the end poses more questions than it provides answers.

Secondly, there is an assumed but missing link between the emergence of a European identity and its translation into systematic EU-level contentious action. Indeed, if the system is (and remains) only 'loosely linked', one should not be surprised to find that most protest, even if it deals with EUrelated issues, is played out in the domestic arenas where transaction costs are lower, opportunity structures easier to grasp, and links between actors stronger. Indeed, Imig and Tarrow's contentious Europeans fulfil the criteria of Europeanisation only meagrely; of all the analysed protests, only 5% could be classified as Europrotests, and within this category, only 17% were truly transnational activities. But given that the empirical data does not enable conclusions to be drawn about the link between an emerging European identity and European protest, another idea could have been explored. It is possible to see an indication of a link between the expansion of EU competencies and the degree of Europrotest. The period which the analysis covers has witnessed two major treaty changes (Single European Act of 1986 and Maastricht Treaty of 1992), as well as preparations for a third treaty change (Treaty of Amsterdam of 1997). The authors surprisingly pay only little attention to the possible dynamics between European contentious politics and these major events in the history of the EU. Lastly, Imig and Tarrow fail to pay attention to one special group of contenders. The explicit decision to exclude all protests under the label of Euroscepticism, which supposedly bears a "faintly antique air" (p.233), implies that this type of protest with a very genuine European content escapes the analysis. This is unfortunate because these anti-Europeans, who certainly refuse to adopt a European identity and yet do organise transnationally, have also adapted their repertoire of action to the EU, which they often do not even recognise. Moreover, the crude label Eurosceptic does not do justice to their diversity. And in spite of the role they may play in the European as well as the national arena, these groups have to date completely escaped almost any scholarly attention.

In sum, Imig and Tarrow's work marks the beginnings of the systematic

study of contentious politics on the European level. Surely, the term 'Europrotest' will soon find its place in academic vocabulary. The many questions which remain open or unanswered pose a challenge not only to the European but also to the social movement scholarship.

Peter Knight (ed.), Conspiracy Nation: The Politics of Paranoia in Postwar America, New York and London: New York University Press, 2002, 278 pp., USD 55.00, ISBN 0-8147-4735-3 (hbk) / USD 18.50, ISBN 08147-4736-1 (pbk).

Reviewed by Aaron Winter (University of Sussex) In the past few years there has been an increase in critical interest and academic literature on conspiracy theory, as a significant, albeit stigmatised, cultural phenomenon. Peter Knight's Conspiracy Nation is a welcome contribution to this literature as the first edited volume that brings together its diverse thematic and theoretical strands. Focusing on the recent proliferation and popularity of conspiracy theory, the authors not only challenge its marginalised or pathologised status, but re-evaluate its significance as a cultural phenomenon that has been central to American history, from the Revolution to Globalisation.

In the four sections that comprise this volume, the authors examine the various forms taken and themes addressed by conspiracy theory as well as the contemporary social, political, cultural and epistemological issues raised by it. In the first section, 'Theories of Conspiracy Theory', Skip Willman, Fran Mason and Timothy Melley examine conspiracy theory as a form of social-political interpretation and consider how it relates to contemporary conditions and questions of power and knowledge, reality and representation, causation and contingency, autonomy and agency, alienation and paranoia. In the second, 'Alien Nation', Jodi Dean and Bridget Brown examine how alien invasion and abduction conspiracy theories relate to or express scepticism of official government accounts and the dis-empowering effects of contemporary medical practices. In the third, 'The Enemy Within', Jack Bratich, Ingrid Walker Fields and Eithne

Quinn examine how sexual and racial politics are addressed by conspiracy theory, from those concerning AIDS, white revolutionary politics in William Pierce's The Turner Diaries and the music, image and murder of Tupac Shakur. In the fourth, 'The Ends of Conspiracy Theory', Douglas Kellner, Clare Birchall and John A. McClure look at the X-Files and novels of Thomas Pynchon and Don DeLillo, and examine the function(s) of conspiracy theory as a form of critique, its commodification and proliferation, and the question of narrative closure or resolution.

What results is a very successful critical re-evaluation of the politics of conspiracy theory that I highly recommend. If there were any criticism, it would be that the analysis of political conspiracy theories tends to focus on those expressed through popular cultural forms (e.g. television or literature) or in the case of The Turner Diaries, an extreme example that retains the association with marginal and/or racist politics. As conspiracy theories of an explicitly political nature have been the basis of both its centrality (e.g. the American Revolution) and stigmatisation (e.g. nativism and McCarthyism), perhaps it would be beneficial to also examine the mainstream proliferation of conspiracy theories about political power, interests and corruption in the post-Watergate era. In this way, the present volume could more effectively problematise this stigma and illustrate how conspiracy theory not only reflects but directly addresses and intervenes in contemporary social-political conditions, issues and antagonisms.

Marcel Lubbers, Exclusionist Electorates. Extreme Right-Wing Voting in Western Europe, Nijmegen: ICS, 2001, 276 pp., ISBN: 90-9015234-2.

Reviewed by Jocelyn Evans (University of Salford) Let me emphasise that much that this book has to offer is excellent, in particular the methodology that the author employs and the rigour with which he tests his case. As he notes in the introduction, the vast majority of work on the extreme right is descriptive and ad hoc, two charges that can in no way be levelled at the work in question. Lubbers offers a good overview of existing analyses of the social and attitudinal bases to extreme

right success, and argues very effectively that the methodologies used to date are mostly inadequate, in particular because they fail to test competing hypotheses in a multivariate setting and the few that do fail to employ appropriate multilevel analysis to include both micro and macro elements in the ERP voting equation. Basing his own "full model" of extreme right voting upon a troika of existing voting models and a range of sociological and psychological theories, Lubbers whittles away at the range of explanations offered until a relatively parsimonious array of explanations for different social strata's support for these parties is left.

The quality of cross-national electoral data being what it is – poor – he employs case studies of France, Germany and Belgium to test the level of regional variation in extreme right support, an analysis for which multilevel modelling is ideally suited. He then moves on to a longitudinal analysis of German ERP support, and finishes with a cross-national analysis of Europe and Norway, employing a more limited range of indicators, but including his own expert judgement data to look at the effect of ideological space and party strength (in terms of cadre activity, leadership charisma and organisation) on electoral support.

So far, so good – if you start reading at Chapter 3. Each empirical chapter's conclusions provide insight into direct and indirect effects of contextual and individual social and attitudinal indicators, including testing for crossclass interactions – a sensible but hitherto almost entirely ignored explanatory factor. Not for the first time Herbert Kitschelt's analysis proves to have been more of an interesting anti-monde than a depiction of reality, and many of the spurious factors revealed by the multi-level models will cause other doyens to run back to their own data to take another look. However, the conclusion is sadly disappointing in its breadth, mainly because it restricts itself to a bland summary of the three preceding chapters (very PhD). Similarly, the suggestions for future research are paltry. This is principally because the three chapters stand alone, rather than forming a cohesive whole. It is no surprise to find that all three have been, or will be, published separately and frankly I would strongly recommend any reader to consult these rather than face their collected equivalent.

Why? Because to reach the excellent analysis, one has a mammoth slog through the scene-setting which provides next to no added value in terms of an advanced research monograph. The opening literature review is a good synthesis and critique of existing work, as noted above. However, the historical review of extreme right parties in Western Europe is cursory and confusing. But in a quantitative political science analysis, such an overview is simply unnecessary – the descriptive qualitative work which abounds can do the job much better. Secondly, the overview of three voting models – social-psychological, economic (rational choice, that is, not pocketbook et al) and sociological – is extremely scant and occasionally misleading. But again, why is this even included, except for reasons of doctoral completeness?

The final criticism can be levelled mainly at the array of sociological, psychological and contextual level theories which are considered. At a rough tally, I counted 17 different theories and derivatives. Clearly, one cannot test 17 different theories in one model, nor does the author do so.

Many of these overlap – for example, both sociological and psychological versions of subjective deprivation are presented, and in the models on pages 54 and 59, the only difference appears to be the replacement of the word 'immigrants' with 'minorities', but there is no evidence in the full model of page 72 of a substantive distinction being made between the two.

More generally, these theoretical elements together with the broader considerations of voting could have been presented more synthetically in support of the full model. This is certainly possible because the author himself recapitulates many of the key theoretical elements at the beginning of each empirical chapter, and in my opinion with far greater clarity than in the exposition. But I start to get irritated when I read the same arguments again and again. If it needed to be repeated, it can't have been stated clearly enough in the first place.

To conclude, I must reiterate that this is in no way a criticism of the analysis presented in the book. That is not to say that everyone will agree with all the conclusions. However, the approach to the topic, given the problems associated with modelling extreme right support, is rightminded, rigorous and sets a methodological standard for other work to

follow. Where it does not set a standard, however, is in the production of a tight readable monograph. My advice: go and read his articles instead.

Pascal Perrineau, Les croisés de la société fermée. L'Europe des extrêmes droites. Paris: Éditions de l'Aube, 2001, 426 pp., EUR 24.39, ISBN 287678624-9 (pbk).

Reviewed by Jens Rydgren (Stockholm University) Pascal Perrineau has gathered 19 essays in this volume, which together deal with various aspects of the radical right in Western Europe. This is not the first edited volume dealing with the recent wave of the new radical right (or right-wing populism) in Western Europe. The main question is therefore: Does this one add something to the existing literature? Yes and no. If you read French but not English you should definitely buy it. With its extensive scope it fills a lacuna in the French research literature. If you read English (and French, of course) you should also buy it if you are particularly interested in the Front National (FN) and French politics.

Despite its extensive scope—and somewhat at odds with its title—there is a certain bias towards essays dealing with France. It is also here that we find some of the best essays. However, if your interest in the radical right is more general you best browse through the chapters before you buy the book.

There is interesting stuff in this volume, however, and it would have benefited from stricter editing. First, there are too many essays. Some of them could have been excluded. Second, many of the essays are too long.

Taken together, this makes it difficult for the reader to find and appreciate all the good parts, which are there. Consequently, there is a risk that the reader will lose interest or stop reading altogether. Third, too many of the essays focusing on France and the FN are exclusively descriptive, and hence of limited general interest (Dominique Andolfatto's chapter on how the FN has tried to increase its influence over working class voters by

founding unions is an exception). Nevertheless, two of the essays succeed in combining the focus on France with a theoretical discussion of more general validity. Bert Klandermans and Nonna Mayer's essay deals with the militants of the radical right (the FN in this case), which is an underresearched area. They also integrate social movement theory with the literature on the radical right. In my opinion this is a happy marriage, which deserves further elaborations. The other essay that deserves a mention is Martin A. Schain's on the impact of the FN on the French political system. The dynamics of the political impact of the radical right still require more research, and Schain's application of the theory of critical elections is a contribution.

The main lacuna in the literature on radical right populism is the relative lack of good systematic comparative studies. If we want to achieve an increased theoretical understanding of these parties—whatever aspects we are particularly interested in—we need comparisons. Among the essays with a comparative outlook in this volume, Hans-George Betz's and Piero Ignazi's essays are good (and updated) summaries of what they have written elsewhere, but not much more than that. Gilles Ivaldi's essay is a quantitative mapping of the voters of radical right populist parties, based on the 1997 Eurobarometer survey. The results are interesting, but already slightly outdated. Michael Minkenberg's essay poses the question of whether electoral support for radical right populist parties should be conceived of in terms of political protest, xenophobia, or an effect of new voter groups becoming losers of the modernization process. It provides a good discussion of earlier research, and also contributes some analytical clarity. Alexandre Dézé's essay, finally, is a partly innovative comparison of how four different radical right parties (the FN, AN/MSI, FPÖ, and Vlaams Blok) have managed the conflict between ideological adaptation (which may be necessary to attract broader voter groups, as well as for creating room for alliances with the mainstream right) and ideological demarcation (which is usually favored by the hardcore activists).

There are also four one-country studies - Austria, Belgium, Germany, and Spain. These are generally competent studies, although they do not add much to the bulk of similar studies of these countries published in English

(with the exception of Xavier Casals' essay on Spain). However, I cannot help wondering why the Scandinavian countries are (almost) absent in this volume. The Danish People's Party has obtained something close to a hegemonic position in the domestic discourse on immigrants and immigration policy, and the Norwegian Progress Party has become increasingly important as well. They should have been represented in this volume.

Wolfgang Sofsky, Zeiten des Schreckens. Amok - Terror - Krieg.

Frankfurt: Fischer, 2002, 256 pp., EUR 19.90, ISBN 3-10072-707-X (hbk).

Reviewed by Lorenz Boellinger (University of Bremen) In "Times of Horror" Wolfgang Sofsky deals with the phenomenology and social forms of terror. In the first part of the book (Jenseits der Grenze) he meticulously describes the human history and ideology of killing. His implicit assumption is, very much in line with Thomas Hobbes: Mankind is cruel and destructive and all attempts to explain this sociologically or psychologically are ridiculous.

This section is incidentally the only one where his know-all attitude, irony and affectivity blur the otherwise precise and clear descriptive approach.

In his analytic approach, however, he uses more common sense. When he traces violent behaviour to human imagination, conscious obsession, and an inherent constant of evil, he falls short of modern science insights in several ways. He does not see - or withholds - the historical, sociointeractive and psychological definition, perception and construction processes that mould these phenomena. The same holds true for the systematic, microscopic and emphatic descriptions of all the facets of "Modernity and barbarianism". He discounts most theories about positive civilization development, arriving again at his own basic assumption: there is no evolution of human behaviour. Violence and cruelty are invariants of cultural history (p.67). This also enables him to discount allegations about the specificity of German Nazism or Stalinism. He sees violence as directly rooted in the basic forms of being social: governance,

community and nation all represent demarcation lines between friends and foes and bear the kernel of social violence to preserve order and, subsequently, of persecution of deviance.

The next chapter is devoted to war. It scrupulously, microscopically and emphatically describes the 'inside' of war, both on the societal and on the individual levels, and in the traditional and in the 'modern' wayward forms of global terrorism and counter-terrorism. It is a chilling demonstration of cruelty and suffering, of the human insanity of war that we all tend to forget or deny.

The last chapter (Nachwirkungen) is a very thoughtful and pensive reflection on revenge and -- to a certain extent necessarily -- oblivion. In the second part the author confronts us with a very sober exemplary description of the remains of three of the 1200 Nazi concentration camps that were dispersed all over Europe. This very moving narrative, including some account of the respective histories, seems not to be connected with the previous parts of the book. But it could be seen as another contribution to a necessary process of collective mourning that had long been thwarted in Germany.

Viewing the book as a whole I find it outstanding for its linguistic power of description. But I would criticize it even though it is meant for the general public. Sofsky fails to cite authors and works he draws from directly in the text, vaguely recognizing them in the appendix. This does give the impression of him as a thinker who has invented all these tenets and postulations. Many of his theses imply sociological, sociopsychological and psychological theories and empirical findings, but are not identified as such. The book does not appear to be a contribution to an open discourse where non-scientists will gain a better understanding or the scientific community could become involved and continue a truly transdisciplinary discourse. The basic assumption remaining in the end is definitely agnostic, one of cultural pessimism and even apocalypse: destructive violence is a human constant and we can't do anything about it.