European Geographer 14 - Scientific Symposium 2013

Issue 14 | July 2017

Magazine of the European Geography Association

Scientific Symposium 2013

ISSN 2518-3273 ISSN 2518-3524

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Scientific Symposium 2013 European Geographer 14 | 04/2017

Editorial Noora Rämö

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GIS-based site selection for bicycle rental stations in the city of Ulm, Germany using Fuzzy Logic

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Johannes Schaal

The Challenge of Sustainable Spatial Planning in Ireland

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GEOtalk

Francesca Alexandra Adam

Evaluation of mitigation strategies for the urban climate of Melbourne, Australia

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A book review of The Last Days of Detroit by Mark Binelli

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Andrew Watkin

Femke Faber

Crossing borders: shopping behaviour Robbert Kramer

Nature conservation in Moscow: Recommendations to local authorities

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EGEAscope Representing EGEA at the „Festival International de la Géographie“

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Raffaele Viaggi

Svetlana Samsonova

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Editorial Dear EGEAns, let me introduce to you the 14th Issue of the European Geographer - Scientific Symposium 2013!

The main purpose of this magazine is to act as a scientific platform for our association. It offers valuable experience for young professionals to practice the skills they will need during their working life and share their inspiring ideas with other geographers. Traditionally, EGEAns get the chance to present their research in the scientific symposium during our Annual Congress. Beside this the speakers are offered a chance to publish a scientific article in the European Geographer. Following this, the scientific articles for this issue are based on the Scientific Symposium held in Białystok, Poland, in September 2013. Publishing indeed is an important part of the scientific world, therefore it is a valuable lesson for all EGEAns to be able to take part in both sides of the process: writing and editing. In addition to this our confirmed ISSN number makes the articles in the European Geographer official publications: Don’t be afraid to take this chance while you have it!

As mentioned before, the writers are not the only ones who get precious experience in the process of publishing European Geographer (EG). It goes without saying that belonging to the editorial board of EG and working as the Chief Editor in particular has taught me a number of valuable things, naturally about the publishing process but also about life in general. The last few years of EG have been full of changes and despite the abundance of enthusiastic editors, all sorts of delays and drawbacks have thrown a shadow on the whole process. However, as a result of these times we are proud to present to you the new layout of the magazine. Thus, Issue 14 of EG is a fresh start and a new perspective on a series of scientific issues that everybody can look forward to reading.

It just so happens that the articles within Issue 14 also contain a personal aspect for me. Back in 2013, the Annual Congress in Poland was the first event I ever participated in. I was very impressed by all the passionate scientific presentations, and little did I know that I would be spending so much time with them. I joined the European

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Editorial

Geographer during that same congress, and the very first article I got to edit was based on one of the presentations at the scientific symposium.

Being a Chief Editor of this magazine, last year ended up being my most active EGEA-year by far. Now, while finishing the final touches for Issue 14, I am already on my way to Chile for a student exchange. This in turn means that I will be staying away from EGEA-happenings for a while. In a way, publishing this issue closes one circle for me. There are no words to describe how wonderful it has been to see the whole story behind these articles and everything around them develop from the first stages to the final versions.

So, enjoy the trip to the Scientific Symposium 2013. I wish all the readers, editors and especially our lovely new Chief Editors, Maike and Andreia, countless experiences to see through!

Noora Rämö Chief Editor

The Challenge of Sustainable Spatial Planning in Ireland Long-term vs. Short-term Sustainability As the economy of Ireland started to grow from the early 1990s, the demand for houses from a rising population, and changing lifestyle expectations increased the demand for houses in urban-rural fringe locations. Soon after, “competitiveness” agendas found their way into the planning system. Incorporating a model of sustainable spatial planning into the planning process became an important goal, particularly when it was being required at EU level via strategies. Based on a bachelor thesis, this article explores whether sustainable development has been achieved in terms of spatial planning in Ireland. It draws on the literature to establish a coherent conceptual understanding of sustainable development as it pertains to spatial planning. It focuses on the nature of residential development with a particular emphasis on urban-rural fringe locations. Using a case study approach it draws on both primary and secondary data sources. The empirical work indicates a range of shortcomings as experienced by residents concerning the Irish planning process, which has been rooted in an over-reliance on spatial development as a key driver of the Irish economy, leading to the undermining of sustainability objectives. It reveals that spatial planning has, in this instance, failed to achieve long-term sustainability in urban-rural fringe locations.

Spatial planning, sustainability, sustainable development, urban-rural fringe, urban sprawl, Ireland Francesca Alexandra Adam

Sustainable Spatial Planning in Ireland 1.1 Changes, Consequences and Measures Up to the late 1980s, there had not been much emphasis on environmental issues in policy agendas in Ireland and the economy was in a crisis (Winston, 2007). In the early 1990s, however, the Irish economy started to grow rapidly. Ireland experienced a fast “integration into the world economy” (Matthews and Alden, 2006) and thus an increasing competitiveness in the global economy (Scott, 2006; Moore and Scott, 2005). According to Haughton and Counsell (2004), the focus on competitiveness and globalisation neglected sustainable spatial planning.

Therefore it became necessary to look beyond solely economic discourses, and to place an emphasis on sustaina-

ble development in taking forward regional planning and economic development practices. This meant developing a perspective on sustainable development as an integrative concept, implying in turn the need to see economic, environmental and social issues as inter-related (Haughton and Counsell, 2004).

According to the United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) (1987), “Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (Berke and Conroy, 2007). In other words, sustainable development aims to ensure that basic needs of the world’s population are addressed, whilst guaranteeing that future generations will have the same quality of life (DEFRA, 2011). It is a question of obtaining a stable, effective economy, while forming an inclusive and powerful society, protecting the

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environment and achieving a certain balance (DEFRA, 2003, in Moore and Scott, 2005).

Nevertheless, the demographic change in Ireland caused a shift in the planning policy, especially in the rural planning policy (Scott, 2006). People who are not connected to the countryside through agriculture or other ways, moved there to live a rural lifestyle that is yet urban-generated but also near the city (Scott, 2006). According to Winston (2007), the tradition of families living in the countryside also deepens this process. Thus, there has been an in-

Figure 1: Triangle of Sustainable Development Source: Author’s own

creasing amount of single dwellings (one-off housing) in rural areas and the need to commute by car to work or services that are not in close distance (Scott, 2006). There has been a tense relationship between rural communities and local planning authorities in terms of non-agricultural intentions that shape the countryside and link rural regions more into their urban context without making allowance for much sustainability (Scott, 2006). Winston (2007) also points out that farmers and other land owners realised that it would be more lucrative for them to sell their land for housing instead of using it for agriculture.

There has been established corruption in the process of rezoning land for housing, as politicians have received a lot of money from landowners and developers to create more zones for housing – and, more importantly, without any approval of professional planners (Winston, 2007). Gallent (2003), Aalen (1997) ,McGrath (1998) and Gkartzios and Scott (2005) refer to the rural planning policy in Ireland as a laissez-faire regime and assert that the planning system is incapable of reacting effectively to rural settlement growth. The so called ‘Fringe Development’ may supply a profitable short-term development but fails to establish social criteria of long-term sustainability (MacLaran, 2005). The cost of private transportation is also

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The Challenge of Sustainable Spatial Planning in Ireland

problematic as the availability of fossil fuels decreases and without involving the local communities there will be no improvement in the planning progress in terms of sustainability (MacLaran, 2005).

According to Albrechts et al. (2003), several driving forces have evolved which can lead to uncontrolled spatial expansions and express the need for special measures in terms of sustainable spatial planning: the “competitiveness” agenda, changes in the financing of local government (reductions of national and local budget), socio-cultural movements and lifestyle changes (attention to environmentally sustainable resource management), reassertion of regional and local identity in the face of globalisation, new forms of multilevel governance (decentralisation), searches for new modes of territorial policy integration, discourses and practices of a trans-European spatial planning policy community and a local response to pressing local and regional problems. Many of these driving forces have led to the phenomenon of “sprawl”, or more precisely to the generation of an urban fringe or the expansion of an urban area (Harvey and Clark, 1965). Mieszkowski and Mills (1993) point out three detailed underlying forces of urban sprawl, which follow the economic growth: rising household incomes, population growth and transportation improvements. These factors are mostly responsible for this urban fringe growth.

The European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP), established in the late 1990s, tried to control the encroachment of spatial development out beyond the functional areas of urban centres by articulating “the sustainable development ideal in a way that combined the EU’s objectives of economic competitiveness, environmental sustainability, and social cohesion” (Albrechts et al., 2003).

It is about the concept of balanced development, which promised to focus on development across the regions of the EU, while simultaneously stimulating the dynamism of the major growth zones (Albrechts et al., 2003). Furthermore, it concentrated on polycentric development, redefining urban-rural relationships, securing access to infrastructure and knowledge, while encouraging more compact development and resource conservation (ibid.).

Another approach to improve sustainable spatial planning was the Local Agenda 21 (LA21), which was established in the early 1990s. LA21 promotes sustainable development within the community (Dempsey, 2001). This me-

thod prioritises the cultural, social, environmental and economic needs of the present and future residents of a community and links that community to the regional, national and international community. LA21 encourages the balance between the rivalling standards of development and environmental protection in a way that addresses the social requirements of a community (ibid.). Chapter 28 of Agenda 21 promotes the involvement of local authorities in the procedure of sustainable development models in their areas because their participation must play a huge role in realising its aims. It is said that every local authority needs to integrate its residents, local organisations and private enterprises to effect ‘a local Agenda 21’ approach.

(Dempsey, 2001)

has experienced considerable growth and development over the last decade or so. Methods to collect and analyse data relevant to the case study, which includes the examination of development plans, a survey conducted with a sample of residents, and direct observation of the area of Claregalway had been used. The village of Claregalway, where the surveys and observations were undertaken, lies 10 kilometres northeast of Galway City on the River Clare (Galway County Council, 2005). In 2002, there were 500 households with 1635 inhabitants and according to the Central Statistics Office Ireland the number of households increased to 1424 in 2006, while the population increased to 4379 persons (Galway County Council, 2005; Flanagan, 2008). The fast increase of population in Claregalway CW

Zoning Legend

9.2

CR 110 kv

14.5

Development Plan Boundary

38kv

10kv

CS

10.0 UND

Liable to Flooding

Agricultural

14.2

River Clare

10.2

Residential (Phase 1)

D UN

11.5

13.4

11.3

Residential (Phase 2)

D UN

12.7

D UN UND

Recreational & Amenity

Liable to Flooding 11.3

UND

11.4

Grave Yard

Commercial

Liable to Flooding Liable to Flooding

10.1

Grave Yard

10.3

er Riv

Industrial

re Cla

Community Facilities

Castle

8.9

D UN

11 0kv

(in ruins)

26.8

Liable to Flooding

UND

10.0

Neighbourhood Centre

10.7

9.3 Handball Alley

Grave Yard

10.3

10.1

River Clare

CW

26.5

38 kv

10.4

10.4

10.1

10.7

KILTROGE NRA Road (indicative only)

26.0

Spring

9.1

26.6

CR

Abbey (in ruins)

38 kv

11.2

Tower 8.5

CR

23.7

25.6

12.1 UN D

8.2

10.8 10.7 11.0

10.6 UND

10.4 10.8 11.0

8.8

25.2 10.6

11.3

10.5

10.6 11.0

Riveroaks 10.5

10.5

11.2

24.7

10.5

11.0

11.7

11.1 10.6

11.6

12.0

11.1

38 kv

12.7

CR

11.4 11.8

24.9

10.6

11.8

12.1

CR

11.6 11.4

11.5 11.4 11.4

11.4

11.7

12.3

UN D

23.1

11.8

16.6

CAHERGOWAN or SUMMERFIELD

11.6

CW

11.7

By Pass (Indicative only)

20.3

12.3

18.3

UND

River Clare

11.9 19.7 12.4

10.5

LAKEVIEW

UN D

D UN

12.2

Ri ve r Cl ar e

13.9

22.2

UND

16.7

11.7

11.8

11.5

16.7

21.0 9.2

D UN

Claregalway

9.1

13.3

CF

12.4

CO

CR

15.5

UN D

CR

21.4 10.0

12.5

16.4

20.7

14.6

12.6 110 kv

20.8

14.5

18.0

UN D UND

10 kv

CW

20.5

14.5

13.0

15.0 CR

12.0 13.1

16.1

UND

21.9

11.5

UN D

CREGBOY

11.4

23.2

13.6

13.1

CW

13.6

24.4 12.0

12.9

CS

13.3 13.9

13.2 CD

38 kv

UN D

25.6

27.1 13.3 15.0

28.0

UND

CW

16.0

13.3

10 kv

UND

17.0

CW

18.7

17.0

Comhairle Chontae Na Gaillimhe Title: Galway County Council

17.5

38 kv

13.2

15.2

CF

D UN

17.0

13.7

Plean Ceantair Áitiúil Baile Chláir na Gaillimhe 2005 - 2011 16.6

Date:

Scale:

Feb 2005 22.8

N.T.S.

16.8

13.8

Claregalway Local Area Plan 2005 - 2011 19.5

UND

Survey Ireland. All rights reserved.  Ordnance Licence number 2003/07CCMA/Galway County Council.

15.9

22.3

16.7

16.5

17.8

Land Use Zoning Objectives Map

Drawn: 23.1

JC

Drg. No.:

Map 1

Figure 2: Land Use Zoning Objectives Map of Claregalway 2005-2011 Source: Galway County Council, 2006

1.2 Urban fringe location as case study The case study, conducted for this bachelor thesis, focuses on Claregalway, a former rural village situated in the urban fringe of Galway City in the west of Ireland, which

and the accompanying on-going housing demand were reasons for choosing it as a location for this research.

As Claregalway has been experiencing an increase in population and households in the early 2000s according to the Census of Population, a Local Area Plan was establis-

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hed, aimed at controlling and organising the spatial development of the village (Flanagan, 2008). In this case, two maps of Claregalway from different time periods were analysed and compared: these include the map of the Galway County Development Plan 1997-2002, and a map of the Local Area Plan 2005-2011 of Claregalway (Figure 2).

These maps display the different areas zoned in agricultural, residential, recreational, community facilities and industrial land.

By comparing the Claregalway Land Use Zoning Objectives (LUZO) Maps of the years 1997-2002 and 2005-2011 (Figure 2), the most notable aspects are the enlargement of the Development Plan Boundary in the southeast, the disappearance of land zoned for agricultural use, which is now zoned for residential, recreational and amenity or community facilities and the increase of residential zoning.

Moreover, in the LUZO Map 2005-2011 more land is zoned for commercial use than in the map of 1997-2002.

Whereas the Galway County Council in 1997 only zoned commercial use of land on the west side of the N17, the map from 2005 also shows commercial zoning on the east side of the N17. Furthermore, it displays a change from zoned residential use in 1997 to zoned commercial use in 2005 on the east side of the N17 and it also indicates a modification from zoned commercial use to residential use in the west of the Development Plan Boundary. This change in zoning may relate to plans (which are currently stalled) to build a bypass around the village of Claregalway

Figure 4: Residential Area

new map, a big industrial area was zoned directly adjacent to residential areas. The two maps in comparison also clarify that there was no recreational and amenity area zoned in 1997. Thus, the comparison of these two maps points out that protection of fertile agricultural land in the older plan did not remain and a huge expanse of zoned residentially and commercially used land developed (Figure 3 & 4). Concerning the latest map, there seems to be a greater emphasis on industrial, residential and commercial zones

Figure 5: Sheep grazing on private land in the centre of Claregalway Village

Figure 3: Residential Area

to relieve the serious traffic congestion problem that has developed over time. There was no zoned industrial use area on the LUZO Map 1997-2002; however there was one zoned in the map of 2005-2011. In the southeast of the Development Plan Boundary, in the expansion of the

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The Challenge of Sustainable Spatial Planning in Ireland

for the first time. (Galway County Council, 1997; 2005).

A direct observation of the village of Claregalway and the actual manifestation of development in these different zones reveal that there are some gaps between what is on paper and what has happened in reality. It turns out that the zoned recreational and amenity has not been entirely used as this so far. In reality, there is no recreational and amenity space where it has been zoned on the map. My own observations do not reveal any play grounds or other kinds of infrastructure or features that would define it as an amenity space. Similarly, there is not much that would be described as ‘public space’ in the sense of a small park or area where communities could gather and meet casu-

ally. In fact, the zone has not been developed at all. In terms of commercial areas, my observations also indicate a new commercial development in the west side of the

Figure 6: Stagnant construction

road, but not on the east side as illustrated in the map of 2005. This is a result of private owners such as farmers in Claregalway refusing to sell their agricultural land for commercial or other use and therefore interfering with the planning process (Figure 5). The other way that private ownership has interfered with attempts to plan sustainably is where private landowners have held on to land, and waited in the hope that land values would continue to rise,

Figure 7: Unsold houses in Claregalway

therefore choosing the time when they would release it for development.

In some cases, as can also be seen from the more recent map, areas that have been zoned for residential development are now unlikely to have any construction for a number of years because of the situation of over-supply of housing in Ireland (Figure 6). There also seemed to be quite a number of empty houses, or houses for sale, which is another indication of poor sustainability processes (Figure 7). The planned By Pass has also failed to be built, although it has been planned since 2005.

Long-term vs. Short-term The consequences of uncontrolled spatial planning have been identified in the literature as especially affecting residents living in urban fringe areas. Brueckner (2000) refers to “market failures” such as the “failure to account for the social value of open space”, “the social costs of freeway congestion” and the “failure to fully account for the infrastructure costs of new development” (pp.163-166). Access to open space such as parks or play grounds is crucial for social life to enjoy nature and provide a balance of recreational and leisure activity against other activities of everyday life such as work, school, etc. However, the negative aspect for planners and developers is the low benefit they get out of open spaces in comparison to the profit they would draw on conversion of land into urban land uses (i.e. high density development). Certainly, private property owners would rather sell land to real estate developers to earn more money, even though the public do not benefit by this action (ibid.). Increasing car ownership and hence commuting in and out of the city to the workplace creates a private time cost, for it leads to a drop in traffic speed and consequently affects each commuter directly in terms of time spent in their car which is lost to family or other activities that would potentially be engaged in within their community. Another source of market failure, which influences urban growth, is the missing funding to build services and facilities such as sewers, schools or parks for new homeowners, as the tax they pay for infrastructure is too low to cover all of these facilities. (Brueckner, 2000) Drawing on primary and secondary data sources, one can conclude that a series of interconnected processes and practices have led to a form of spatial planning that is not sustainable. It has been established that the Irish economy was a key factor in influencing the process of planning.

However, its emphasis on competitiveness, which was too much reliant on the construction industry, prevented consideration and concern of sustainability in terms of planning. Changing lifestyle aspirations on the part of society in this period of economic prosperity has also been problematic, with the tendency for individuals to desire a particular type of home, in a particular location. In this regard, the urban fringe presented many attractions to planners, developers and consumers alike in terms of efficiency for construction, profitability, and affordability of

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housing. The owner-occupier model that is also a tradition in the Irish context fed into this cycle of often speculative development. The result for planning has been the conflict between economic, social and environmental targets that needed to be resolved to achieve a balance between these three interests and to plan sustainably, which has yet not been satisfactorily addressed.

This situation indicates the complicated, ongoing challenge of sustainable spatial planning in Ireland and reveals many failures in this process. This research demonstrates the missing balance between economic, social and environmental interests and so the ignorance of social and environmental targets in terms of planning. It strongly suggests that the Irish planning authorities are unable or uninterested in representing the ‘common good’ and fail to stress the importance of long-term sustainable development in the urban-rural fringe locations.

References Aalen, F.H.A., 1997. The Irish rural landscape: synthesis of habitat and history. Atlas of the Irish rural landscape. Cork University Press, Cork, pp.4-30.

Albrechts, L., Healy, P. and Kunzmann, K., 2003. Strategic Spatial Planning and Regional Governance in Europe. Journal of the American Planning Association, 69(2), pp. 113-129.

Berke, P.R. and Conroy, M.M., 2000. Are We Planning For Sustainable Development. Journal of the American Planning Association, 66(1), pp. 21-33.

Galway County Council, 1997. County Development Plan 1997-2002.

Galway County Council, 2005. Claregalway Local Area Plan 2005-2011 .[Online] Available at: http://www.galway.ie/en/Services/Planning/DevelopmentPlans/LocalAreaPlans/AdoptedPlans/ ClaregalwayLocalAreaPlan/TheFile,6747,en.pdf [Accessed 05 June 2012].

Gkartzios, M. and Scott, M., 2005. Urban-Generated Rural Housing and Evidence of Counterurbanisation in the Dublin City-Region. In: Moore, N. and Scott, M., eds. 2005. Renewing Urban Communities: Environment, Citizenship and Sustainability in Ireland. Aldershot: Ashgate, pp. 132-156.

Harvey, R.O. and Clark, W.A.V., 1965. The Nature and Economics of Urban Sprawl. Land Economics, 41(1), pp. 1-9, Haughton, G. and Counsell, D., 2004. Regions and sustainable development: regional planning matters. The Geographical Journal, 170(2), pp. 135-145.

MacLaren, A., 2005. Suburbanising Dublin: Out of an Overcrowded Frying Pan into a Fire of Unsustainability?..In: Moore, N. and Scott, M. eds. 2005. Renewing Urban Communities: Environment, Citizenship and Sustainability in Ireland. Aldershot: Ashgate, pp. 60-74.

McGrath, B., 1998. Environmental sustainability and rural settlement growth in Ireland. Town Planning Review, 69(3), p.277.

Mieszkowski, P. and Mills, E.S., 1993. The causes of Metropolitan Suburbanization. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 7(3), pp. 135-147.

Moore, N. and Scott, M., 2005. Introduction: The Geographical and Policy Context. In: Moore, N. and Scott, M. eds. 2005. Renewing Urban Communities: Environment, Citizenship and Sustainability in Ireland. Aldershot: Ashgate, pp. 1-25.

Brueckner, J. K. (2000). Urban Sprawl: Diagnosis and Remedies.

International Regional Science Review, 23(2), pp. 160-171.

Scott, M., 2006. Strategic Spatial Planning and Contested Ruralities: Insights from the Republic of Ireland. European Planning Studies, 14(6), pp. 811-829.

Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA), 2011. Sustainable Development. Available at: http://www. defra.gov.uk/environment/economy/sustainable/ [Accessed 16 May 2012].

Winston, N., 2007. From Boost to Bust? An Assessment of the Impact of Sustainable Development Policies on Housing in the Republic of Ireland. Local Environment: The International Journal of Justice and Sustainability, 12 (1), pp. 57-71.

Department of the Environment and Local Government, 2001. Towards Sustainable Local Communities: Guidelines on Local Agenda 21 [Online]. Available at: http://www.environ. ie/en/Environment/LocalAgenda21/PublicationsDocuments/ FileDownLoad,1834,en.pdf [Accessed 17 May 2012].

Flanagan, S., 2008. Population Growth in the Claregalway Area – Census Results, August 2008, p.13. Nuacht Chláir .[Online] Available at: http://www.nuachtchlair.com/nlpdf/september08/ September%202008%20%2000013.pdf [Accessed 29 May 2012].

Gallent , N. , Shucksmith , M. and Tewdwr-Jones , M. eds.

2003. Housing in the European Countryside: Rural Pressure and Policy in Western Europe. New York: Routledge.

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The Challenge of Sustainable Spatial Planning in Ireland

Evaluation of mitigation strategies for the urban climate of Melbourne, Australia.

The Urban Heat Island is a phenomenon that describes the increased temperature in urban areas compared to the surrounding rural areas. As more and more people migrate to urban areas, it becomes increasingly important to fully understand this urban climate system.

In this article, the urban heat island of Melbourne is studied using the SUEWS model. First, this model is evaluated against measured values to check the quality of the model. Next, several mitigation strategies that reduce the effects of the urban heat island are evaluated by changing the relevant parameters in the model. The implications of this study are that several mitigation strategies can be used to mitigate the effects of the urban heat island efficiently. It is then up to the city to decide on a strategy or combination of strategies that are deemed to be the most desirable.

Urban heat island, Melbourne, mitigation, SUEWS, climate modelling, urban climate Femke Faber

Introduction In recent decades, the phenomenon known as global warming has received much attention, in both the media and academia. This is done for good reason, because the projected temperature rise and the projected consequences will have a great influence on mankind, for example by frequent or permanent flooding, severe droughts and extreme weather phenomena. It will be a challenge in the coming decades to mitigate the effects of global warming and prevent a global catastrophe.

However, there are other climate phenomena also influencing mankind with a direct effect on the quality of life, such as the so-called urban heat island. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, studies have shown that the urban climate is very different from regional climate systems and that it has its own characteristics (Howard, 1833). One of the main characteristics is that the temperature in urban areas is usually higher compared to the surrounding areas.

Urban areas are considerably warmer than the surrounding rural areas due to a number of reasons, all of them linked to specific urban characteristics. This means that the increase in temperature is different for every urban area, so calculating a simple model for this phenomenon

has proven to be a difficult task. This also implies there is no obvious method to reduce the increased temperature, even though there is a great need for this.

The aim of this study is to analyse one of the models developed to study the urban heat island and to assess the quality of this model. In the following section, this model will be used to assess the effectiveness of several mitigation strategies that might decrease the urban temperature.

These mitigation strategies are either based on previous studies or on the current urban policy.

This study is carried out for a specific site, Preston, in the urban area of Melbourne, Australia, as there exists enough data for this site to assess the quality of the model.

Theoretical Framework 2.1 Urban Heat Island The Urban Heat Island is a phenomenon that has been in existence since the origin of cities, but was first mentioned by Luke Howard in his work The Climate of London (1833). Howard (1833) was the first to take a look at the increase in air temperature in urban areas compared to their rural counterparts and he tried to explain this phenomenon. His analysis led to four main causes for this

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effect: an anthropogenic effect, an urban geometry effect, the effect due to urban roughness and the lack of moisture available in urban areas (IAUC, 2007). At present, this research continues, albeit from an energetic point of view rather than an empirical study (IAUC, 2007). The energetic balance of a city can be quantified by the following formula Q* + QF = QE + QH + ∆QS (1) In this equation Q* is the net Figure 1: The spatial variability of the Urban Heat Island in Melbourne all-wave radiation, QF is the an- Source: Coutts, Beringer and Tapper, 2010, p. 30. rounding rural areas. This means that the effects of the urthropogenic heat emission, QE is the latent heat flux, QH ban heat island are the most noticeable during mornings, is the turbulent sensible heat flux and ∆QS is the net stowith temperature differences up to 4.8ºC for this specific rage heat flux (Oke, 1987). The energetic balance becomes site and for this specific day (figure 1). The increase in important when modelling the urban heat island or when temperature is highest in the most urbanised areas, mainly studying the cause-effects relationships of the urban heat the Central Business District (CBD) or dense residential island. areas, with high population density (Oke, 1982).

There are several reasons responsible for the increased temperature in urban areas, for example (Oke, 1982; Stone et 2.2 Impacts of the Urban Heat Island al., 2001): 1. The high heat capacity and thermal conductivity of the The study of the urban climate has become increasingly building materials, which absorb energy and release them important in recent decades and will continue to be a foslowly at night. cus of climate research due to the increasing rate of urba2. The removing of original vegetation leads to less evanisation. Currently at least fifty percent of the world popotranspiration. Evapotranspiration is an exothermic repulation lives in an urban area and this percentage is only action, which takes energy from the air and thus cools the estimated to increase in the coming years (UN, 2009). surroundings.

The UN, for example, estimates that approximately seven3. Air is not allowed to move freely in a horizontal plane ty percent of people will live in urban areas by 2050 (UN, due to the buildings, resulting in increased friction. This 2009). The urban climate should be studied as a separate reduces the wind speed and, by extension, the ability of system instead of part of a regional climate system, and the city to disperse warm air. therefore it is crucial to understand the specific workings 4. The limited sky view factor (SVF), which also contains of the urban climate and to know what can be done to the warm air vertically, making it difficult for the warm mitigate the effects of the urban heat island. urban surface to cool down.

The thermal comfort is lower in urban areas in comparison 5. The dense population causes an anthropogenic effect, to surrounding rural areas due to the effects of the urban such as the burning of fossil fuels for transportation and heat island. Heat stress, the conditions with the potential heating, and the heat released due to air conditioning. to cause physical harm, can be measured using the maxiUrban building materials ‘trap’ the energy and release it mum temperature or the number of days or hours above slowly during the night, resulting in the city cooling siga certain temperature (Smoyer-Tomic et al., 2003). An innificantly less during the night in comparison to the sur-

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Evaluation of mitigation strategies for the urban climate of Melbourne, Australia

crease in temperature can lead to a higher mortality rate, as demonstrated during heat waves when mortality rates due to heat stress peaked. An example is the heat wave in the USA in 1998, from which the US National Climatic Data Center (2001) estimates the number of deaths due to heat stress between 5,000 and 10,000 (Smoyer-Tomic et al., 2003). In Melbourne there are also documented cases of higher mortality rates during heat waves, such as the heat wave in 1959 when approximately 145 people died (Rankin, 1959). Due to the nature of the urban heat island, heat stress will be a more significant problem in urban areas, and the effect of heat stress can be reduced by altering the urban design or by reducing air pollution (Smoyer-Tomic et al., 2003). This study focuses solely on the impact of altering the urban design on the thermal comfort.

2.3 Mitigation Strategies When looking at the cause-effects relationships of the urban heat island, several causes emerge that can be mitigated by implementing several basic policies. For example, referring to table 1, some very simple conclusions can be drawn on how to mitigate the effects of the urban heat island, for example by the increasing of the sky view factor and the use of specific construction materials (Oke, 1982). However, these mitigation strategies might not be very realistic and feasible.

By changing the parameters responsible for the urban heat island, the effects of the urban heat island can be reduced.

Other options include the changing of roofs, for example into green roofs or white roofs, thus increasing the eva-

potranspiration or the albedo respectively (Oleson et al., 2010).

The most feasible mitigation strategies are perhaps not the most effective ones, as the urban climate is not a main priority in urban planning. However, certain urban policies can have an added impact on the urban climate, such as the creation of green spaces and the type of building materials used, which are usually implemented for the cause of sustainable development.

2.4 Climate of Melbourne Melbourne is situated in the South-East of Australia in the state of Victoria. The city is the second largest city of Australia with a total population of 4 million. The city is very widespread, with a rather low population density of 1,600 inhabitants per km2. The population of Melbourne is estimated to increase with another million before 2030, which is likely to also increasing the effects of the urban heat island.

The climate of Melbourne can be classified in the Kรถppen classification system as Cfb, with hot, dry summers, mild autumns and springs and cool winters (Sturman and Tapper, 2006).

Global climate change will also affect Melbourne and the state of Victoria. Effects include an increase of temperature, predominantly during the summer, an increase in the frequency of extreme maximum temperatures and a decrease in rainfall, especially during the spring. These effects combined result in an increase of the evapotranspiration, which will increase the moisture stress in the city (DSE, 2002; CSIRO, 2008, pp.117).

Methodology 3.1 Description of the SUEWS model

Table 1: Suggested causes of the urban heat island (not rank ordered) Source: Oke, 1982, p. 17

The model used for the evaluation of mitigation strategies is the Surface Urban Energy and Water Balance Scheme (SUEWS) model, developed by Jarvi et al. (2011). It differs from other urban energy models by also taking the water balance into account (Jarvi et al., 2011). SUEWS models several heat fluxes, namely the latent heat flux (QE), the storage heat flux, (QS) the sensible heat flux (QH) and the anthropogenic heat flux (QF). From the-

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se heat fluxes, the storage, anthropogenic and latent heat flux are calculated. The sensible heat flux is the residual heat flux, i.e. the available energy minus the latent heat flux. The net all-wave radiation (Q*) is modelled using the so-called Net All-wave Radiation Parameterisation (NARP) scheme, calculating the Q* using incoming short-wave radiation, relative humidity and air temperature (Jarvi et al., 2011).

Other urban energy models have had trouble calculating the latent heat flux by not calculating a proper water use scheme or by not calculating the water use at all, which gives distorted values for the latent heat flux (Grimmond, 2010). By using a new water balance scheme, the SUEWS model aims to give a better result, especially for the variables connected to water (Jarvi et al., 2011).

The SUEWS model is based on several sub-models as Figure 2: Scheme of the workings of the SUEWS model, based on surface shown in figure 2. With the use of these sub-models, characteristics and basic meteorological variables.

SUEWS allows the user to have only a minimum of Source: Jarvi et al., 2011, p. 221. taken into account, with one parameter of particular intemeteorological variables as input, namely the air temperarest to this study, namely: the fraction of irrigation grass. ture, the wind speed, the relative humidity, the station air This variable will become more important when looking pressure, the precipitation and the incoming short wave at different mitigation strategies. radiation (Jarvi et al., 2011). All these input variables have SUEWS has already been evaluated in two sites, one in to be measured on a local scale, due to SUEWS functioVancouver and one in Los Angeles, with good results (Jarning on a local scale: that of a neighbourhood. Several vavi et al., 2011). In this paper the aim is to evaluate the riables concerning the cover of the neighbourhood are also model similarly, to ensure comparability with this previous study.

Table 2 presents a list of the run options available for the model. The user can define if several parameters have to be modelled using a sub model or whether the observed values should be used when they are available. This means that the model can also run without any problems when these observations have not been made. However, if the input parameters are available as observations these can be used for the calculation of the output parameters.

Figure 2 shows the scheme that explains the internal workings of the model and an overview of the output parameters calculated. The figure shows the importance of both the urban energetic scheme and the urban water balance Table 2: Run options for the SUEWS model 1 The water use profile defines the fraction of daily water use duscheme. ring a fixed time period.

2 The external water use option is the option to either model the daily water use using the aforementioned water use profile or to use observed values.

Source: Adapted from Jarvi et al., 2011.

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3.2 Evaluation of the model There are several ways to evaluate this type of model, but

Evaluation of mitigation strategies for the urban climate of Melbourne, Australia

the most efficient method is to compare the modelled results with the observations. Several output parameters are available from measurements, namely the net radiation, the sensible heat flux, the latent heat flux, the storage heat flux and the anthropogenic heat flux. One important variable was added to this list to ensure the practical issues regarding the evaluation of the model, namely the surface temperature. The surface temperature was not available from measurements, but was derived from the upwelling long wave radiation, which was available, using the StefanBoltzmann equation. For the calculation of the surface temperature an emissivity of 0.95 was used, which is also the assumption Coutts, Beringer and Tapper (2007) make in their study of the impact of increasing urban density.

This way the calculated values of the surface temperature can be compared with the modelled surface temperature.

The model comes with a certain amount of options for the calculation of several parameters: they can either be modelled by a sub-model or the observed values could be used directly. An overview of these run options was already presented in table 2. The internal consistency of the model can be tested by changing these settings. If the SUEWS model, including all the sub-models, is consistent enough, there should not be a significant difference in results when using the modelled or the observed values.

The evaluation of the model can be divided into three different sections: a general overview, a seasonal variation and a daytime-night time evaluation. For the seasonal variation the dataset was divided by the day of year for summer (January and February), autumn (March, April and May), winter (June, July and August) and spring (September, October and November). As there exists no data for December this season was not taken into account. The day and night division was made based on the net radiation: the day is defined as the time where the observed net radiation is positive and night is defined as the time where the observed net radiation is negative. This is different from the division made by Grimmond (2010), but this division is a more practical one.

By making this seasonal and daytime-night time division, the eventual problems of the model will be highlighted and assumptions can be made on which data are the most reliable, which will be important when assessing the effectiveness of the mitigation strategies.

3.3 Evaluation of the mitigation strategies The main mitigation strategies were derived from the policy for the urban planning of Melbourne, “Melbourne 2030� (DSE, 2002). Besides these strategies, which are the most realistic strategies as they are already incorporated into current policy, some other strategies were also evaluated, namely the strategies suggested by Oke (1982), mentioned in the previous section. These are among the first basic strategies to mitigate the effects of the urban heat island, and even if they might not be feasible, it is still interesting to look at the maximum level of mitigation when following the most radical of strategies. The mitigation strategies evaluated in this study can be divided into three different categories.

The first category consists of the mitigation strategies linked to the vegetation, such as the fraction of irrigated grass or the type of vegetation, either grass, coniferous or deciduous vegetation. The second category includes strategies with a link to the availability of water by increasing the humidity and the surface covered by water. The final category is made up of the strategies linked to geometric, radiative and thermic properties of urban structures, such as surface albedo, emissivity and mean building height.

The surface temperature serves as the main parameter in testing the effectiveness of mitigation strategies. The more

Table 3: Statistical parameters used for the comparison of run options

the surface cools down by implementing a certain strategy or policy, the more effective that strategy or policy is.

Other parameters can also be taken into account, such as the heat fluxes, but for the practical use of mitigation strategies it is most logical to look at the surface temperature.

3.4 Statistical parameters For the evaluation of the model, several statistical parameters are utilised to compare the different model runs to each other. An overview of the statistical parameters used is given in Table 3. The calculated statistical parameters are

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and surface temperature, but the estimation for the anthropogenic heat flux and latent heat flux were rather bad, with a correlation of only 0645 and 0484 respectively.

Since the results of the first run for the anthropogenic and latent heat fluxes were fairly poor, Figure 3: Map and photo of the study area in Preston the second run was imSource: Coutts, Beringer and Tapper, 2007a, p. 54; Coutts, Beringer and Tapper, 2008, p. 1947. plemented with chanthe correlation, the root mean square error (RMSE) and ged settings. The net radiation, storage heat flux and the mean bias error (MBE). Whereas the RMSE shows the anthropogenic heat flux were not calculated in this run, mean error on the modelled data, it does not say anything but the observed measurements were used as input. This about the direction of the error, either positive or negative. way a comparison could be made between the model with The MBE is a solution to this problem, as it provides a modelled input (first run) and the model with measured figure for the direction of the error. input (second run).

The results were quite remarkable: even though the net ra3.5 Description of the study area diation, the storage and the anthropogenic heat flux now had a correlation of 1 and a RMSE of 0, the improvement The SUEWS model is run on a site in the neighbourhood on the latent and sensible heat fluxes were minor. In this of Preston, Melbourne, the coordinates are 37º49‘S and run there was not enough input to model the surface tem144º53‘E. This is a neighbourhood north of the Central perature, so this was not taken into account for the evaluBusiness District with a rather low density of detached ation of the model. buildings (Coutts, Beringer and Tapper, 2007a) (see figuThe third run was implemented with the modelled input re 3). The site is characterised by a vegetation cover of for the storage heat flux and the net radiation, as they were about 38%, including dense vegetation, which accounts modelled appropriately from the initial run. The anthrofor about 23% of the total area (Coutts, Beringer and Tappogenic heat flux was still not calculated but measured, as per, 2007a). The population density is 2,939 people per the anthropogenic heat flux benefitted the measured input km2 and the dwelling density is 1,248 dwellings per km2 greatly. The results were only marginally better than the (Coutts, Beringer and Tapper, 2007a). The mean building first run, but were worse than the second run for almost height of the dwellings is 6.4 metres every variable, as depicted in Table 5.

For the final run the external water use was changed from 4. Results the default, using modelled input, to using measured input. This produced superior results for the latent heat flux, 4.1 Evaluation of the model The first run of the SUEWS model was run without changing any of the settings: the default run (Table 4), meaning that all the necessary parameters were calculated and the correlation between the modelled values and the observed values could be determined (Table 5). The first run had quite good results, especially for the net radiation

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Table 4: Overview of the different runs used for the model evaluation

Evaluation of mitigation strategies for the urban climate of Melbourne, Australia

whilst not changing too much of the other parameters.

As Table 5 shows, the fourth run gave generally the best results as the correlation is maximised whilst minimising the RMSE and MBE. The second run has a better result for the sensible heat flux, but has a worse modelling for the latent heat flux.

Table 6: Scenarios used for the evaluation of the mitigation strategies

Table 5: Statistical results of the model evaluation.

-- means that the statistical value does not have any meaning as the variable was not modelled.

The results in bold show the best run per variable.

Because the fourth run gave generally the best results, these settings were used for the evaluation of the mitigation strategies. A visual representation of the modelling for each parameter is given in Figure 4, where the observed variables are plotted against the modelled ones. If the model were perfect, all the graphs would show a 1:1 line. This is the case for the anthropogenic heat flux, because the observed values were used instead of the modelled ones.

For the other variables, the net radiation, latent heat flux, sensible heat flux, storage heat flux and the surface temperature, the graphs approach the 1:1 line fairly well, especially for the net radiation and the surface temperature, as depicted in table 4.

As table 5 shows, all four runs have very similar results, with minor improvements especially to the latent heat flux. The fact that the four runs differ so little from each other shows the consistency of the model: using several

Table 7: Colour scheme used in the evaluation of the effectiveness of mitigation strategies

different ways of acquiring input does not lead to very different results.

In conclusion, it can be stated that the SUEWS model is a good model for this site, especially regarding the net radiation and the temperature, but it still has difficulty assessing the latent heat flux properly. This has to be taken into account when evaluating the effectiveness of the mitigation strategies, especially those regarding water issues, as they have a great effect on the latent heat flux.

Figure 4. Graphs showing the correlation between the observed and modelled variables.

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4.2 Evaluation of the mitigation strategies For the evaluation of the mitigation strategies, three main strategies were studied: a change in vegetation, a change in water availability and a change in urban design. More specifically, the changes in urban design consist of changes in urban design focusing on the geometric, thermic and radiative properties of the urban area. Table 6 presents an overview of the changes made to the model in different scenario runs.

is the most important season when investigating the effectiveness of mitigation strategies. The results of all the mitigation strategies are similar to the result of all seasons (Table 9), with a few exceptions.

The similarities are the overall trends: the mitigation strategies linked to vegetation are the most effective and the mitigation strategies linked to water are the least effective. However, some mitigation strategies become relatively

Table 10: Mean surface temperature during the day after applying mitigation strategies Table 8: Mean surface temperature after applying mitigation strategies

To show the effectiveness of the different mitigation strategies a colour scheme is used, as depicted in Table 7. A red colour indicates an increase in surface temperature, whereas a blue colour indicates a relative temperature decrease of at least 1.5 percent.

The results of the evaluation of the mitigation strategies are shown in table 8. The basis for the comparison of the mitigation strategies is the mean surface temperature.

Some potential mitigation strategies have no effect at all on the mean temperature, such as an increased relative humidity of a lower mean building height. Some potential mitigation strategies even cause a higher mean temperature, e.g. the increase of water cover at the cost of some

Table 9: Mean surface temperature in summer after applying mitigation strategies

other surface covers, and the conversion from deciduous to coniferous trees.

The most effective mitigation strategies are the increase in albedo of roofs and the conversion of grass to irrigated grass, with a maximum absolute temperature decrease of about 0.4ยบC and relative decrease of 2.47%.

The mitigation strategies were also analysed per season. As summer is the season most influenced by the urban heat island and it is the season with the highest correlation, it

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Table 11: Mean surface temperature during the night after applying mitigation strategies

more effective, such as the conversion of other land uses to irrigated grass and the conversion of coniferous trees to deciduous trees.

The scale on which the mitigation strategies take place have not changed: the temperature decrease with the most effective strategies still has a maximum of 0.61ยบC or 2.25%.

The mitigation strategies are also analysed for day and night. The results are shown in Table 10 and Table 11.

Most mitigation strategies are more effective during the day and have almost no effect during the night. The only mitigation strategies that have an effect during the night are the ones linked to vegetation, but they still have a greater effect during the day. This can be explained by the greater evapotranspiration during the day, which induces a cooling effect. The other mitigation strategies are based on solar radiation, which is why they only have an effect during the day.

This means that the mitigation strategies, even though they can decrease the surface temperature, do not address the initial problems of the urban heat island. If this were the case, the mitigation strategies would have a great effect during the night, not only during the day.

In conclusion it can be stated that the mitigation strategies related to the vegetation cover are generally the most effec-

Evaluation of mitigation strategies for the urban climate of Melbourne, Australia

tive ones in reducing the surface temperature, and that the mitigation strategies related to water are the least effective ones. Especially the fraction of irrigated grass and the fraction of deciduous trees and shrubs are very important for the urban temperature. Increasing the albedo of the roofs also has a great impact on the reducing the surface temperature. Even a small increase in albedo of about ten percent induces a relative decrease in temperature of almost one percent. This result was also found in some other studies (Oleson et al., 2010).

Discussion 5.1 Model evaluation When observing the results for the evaluation of the SUEWS model, they show that the correlation for the majority of the variables is above 0.900 (as displayed in Table 5), except for the latent heat flux. In other models this result was similar for the modelling of the latent heat flux (Grimmond, 2010). However, the SUEWS model differs from other urban energy models by taking the water balance into account, and calculating the water balance using an urban water scheme, rather than calculating it based on non-urban schemes. Taking this into account, it is unexpected that the results for the latent heat flux are poor. Even the sensible heat flux, a variable that is not calculated in the model but contains the residue of the radiation that was not measured in a different variable, shows a much greater correlation than the latent heat flux.

When comparing the SUEWS model to other urban ener-

gy models (Table 12), it can be said that the modelling of the latent heat flux is actually not as bad as it at first seemed: the statistical performance of the latent heat flux using the SUEWS model is very close above the average of several models used in the comparison made by Grimmond et al. (2010). When looking at the other statistical parameters, it can be concluded that the SUEWS model is very good compared to other urban energy models, especially for the net radiation (Q*).

5.2 Mitigation strategies When critically assessing the mitigation strategies, it seems odd that some strategies have an impact on the surface temperature whilst others do not. This is partly due to the limiting nature of the surface temperature as an indicator and partly due to the limiting nature of the SUEWS model. The SUEWS model is driven by air temperature, so even when changing several parameters, the air temperature still greatly influences the surface temperature. On the other hand, the surface temperature is not the ideal parameter to assess the thermal comfort, but more suitable parameters are not modelled.

Based on previous studies concerning the urban heat island (Oke, 1982; Oleson, 2010; Coutts, Beringer and Tapper, 2007b), the expectations were that all the mitigation strategies evaluated in this paper would have a significant impact on the thermal comfort, which is mainly determined by the air temperature. However for the SUEWS model, the air temperature was not available as an output variable, so the surface temperature was used. Especially for the mitigation strategies linked to water availability, the impact on the surface temperature was rather low. This can be due to the fact that water availability impacts the latent heat flux, which does not impact the surface temperature.

In a possible follow-up study, all the heat fluxes should be taken into account when evaluating the mitigation strategies, and a better indicator of thermal comfort should be used to assess the effectiveness of the mitigation strategies.

Conclusion Table 12: Summary of the mean, maximum and minimum statistical performance of several urban energy models.

Source: Grimmond et al., 2010, p.1282.

The SUEWS model has shown to produce promising results, especially for the modelled net radiation and surface temperature. Other parameters, namely the latent heat

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flux and the sensible heat flux were not as well modelled, but still gave acceptable results, especially when comparing them to other models as was done in other studies.

However, a better result was expected, as the SUEWS model is one of the first urban energy models to also incorporate an urban water balance scheme.

The assessment of the quality of the model can only be made for this specific site, the Preston site, as the model only works on a local scale. When comparing the results obtained in this bachelor thesis to the results obtained in previous quality assessments in different sites, there are great similarities, especially with regard to the net radiation (Jarvi et al., 2011). The surface temperature was not assessed in this previous study, so no conclusions on that aspect can be made.

However, there is a notable difference in the quality of the modelling of the latent heat flux: for the sites in Vancouver and Los Angeles the latent heat flux were also very well modelled (Jarvi et al., 2011). This means that even though the latent heat flux was not very well modelled for this site, this could be due to the characteristics of this specific site. Only by testing the SUEWS model for numerous other sites can the quality of the latent heat flux modelling be determined.

Compared to other urban energy models, the SUEWS model gives good results for all modelled parameters.

As for the mitigation strategies, the conclusion can be made that different mitigation strategies have very different results on the urban surface temperature. The most effective strategies were able to decrease the surface temperature by as much as 2.5 percent, but there were also some strategies that increased the surface temperature, up to a maximum of 1 percent. The category with the most effective strategies were those linked to vegetation. Within this category, the most effective were the conversion of coniferous trees and shrubs to deciduous trees and shrubs and the conversion of grass to irrigated grass. Both of these strategies are quite hard to realise, as they both require increased amounts of water available, even though a situation of water scarcity is projected for the city of Melbourne (DSE, 2002). One other strategy that was as effective as the previously mentioned is the increased albedo of rooftops. Especially when the albedo is raised to 0.5 (from the original 0.15), it produces slightly more positive results in comparison to the strategies linked to vegetation.

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Although the surface temperature is not the ideal parameter to assess the effectiveness of the mitigation strategies, the latent heat flux and the storage heat flux combined point out the same effective strategies. The only exception is the change of several surface covers to increase the water surface to ten percent. This does not reduce the surface temperature, even though it does have a great impact on the latent heat flux, indicating that it could be an effective mitigation strategy.

It can be concluded that there are several completely different strategies that can have a similar impact on the urban surface temperature and the thermal comfort. It is then up to the city to decide which of these strategies are the most feasible to apply all over the city, to mitigate the effects of the urban heat island.

References Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO), 2008. The Garnaut Climate Change Review, Ch 5, pp. 105-120. [pdf ]. Available at: http://www.garnautreview.org. au/index.htm [Accessed 20 August 2016] Coutts, A., Beringer, J., Tapper, N.J., 2007a. Characteristics influencing the variability of urban CO2 fluxes in Melbourne, Australia, Atmospheric Environment, Vol. 41, pp. 51-62.

Coutts, A., Beringer, J., Tapper, N.J., 2007b. Impact of Increasing Urban Density on Local Climate: Spatial and Temporal Variations in the Surface Energy Balance in Melbourne, Australia, Journal of Applied Meteorology and Climatology, Vol. 46, pp.

477-493.

Coutts, A., Beringer, J., Tapper, Coutts, A., Beringer, J., Tapper, N.J., 2008. Investigating the climatic impact of urban planning strategies through the use of regional climate modelling: a case study for Melbourne, Australia, International Journal of Climatology, Vol. 28, pp. 1943-1957.

Coutts, A., Beringer, J., Tapper, N.J., 2010. Changing Urban Climate and CO2 Emissions: Implications for the Development of Policies for Sustainable Cities, Urban Policy and Research, Vol. 28, No.1, pp. 27-47.

Department of Sustainability and Environment (DSE), 2002.

Melbourne 2030: Planning for sustainable growth. [pdf ] State of Victoria. Available at: http://www.dtpli.vic.gov.au/__data/assets/ pdf_file/0016/228301/2030_text.pdf [Accessed 20 August 2016] Grimmond, C. S. B., Blackett, M., Best, M. J., Barlow, J., Baik, J-J., Belcher, S. E., Bohnenstengel, S. I., Calmet, I., Chen, F., Dandou, A., Fortuniak, K., Gouvea, M. L., Hamdi, R., Hendry, M., Kawai, T., Kawamoto, Y., Kondo, H., Krayenhoff, E. S., Lee, S-H., Loridan, T., Martilli, A., Masson, V., Miao, S., Oleson, K., Pigeon, G., Porson, A., Ryu, Y-H., Salamanca, F., Shashua-Bar, L., Steeneveld, G-J., Tombrou, M., Voogt, J., Young, D., and Zhang, N., 2010. The International Urban Energy Balan-

Evaluation of mitigation strategies for the urban climate of Melbourne, Australia

ce Models Comparison Project: First Results from Phase 1, Journal of Applied Meteorology and Climatology, Vol. 49, pp. 1268-1292.

Howard, L., 1833. The Climate of London. London: Harvey and Darton, Arch, Longman, Hatchard, Highley and Hunter.

International Association for Urban Climate (IAUC), 2007.

The Climate of London. Dublin: SATTAL. Jarvi, L., Grimmond, C.S.B., Christen, A., 2011. The Surface Urban Energy and Water Balance Scheme (SUEWS): Evaluation in Los Angeles and Vancouver, Journal of Hydrology, Vol. 411, pp. 219-237.

Oke, T. R., 1982. The energetic basis of the urban heat island.

Quarterly Journal of the Royal Meteorological Society, Vol. 108, No. 455, pp. 1-24.

Oke, T. R., 1987. Boundary layer climates. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, pp. 1 - 435.

Oleson, K.W., Bonan, G.B., Feddema J., 2010. Effects of white roofs on urban temperature in a global climate model. Geophysical Research Letters, Vol. 37, pp. 1-7.

Rankin, D.W., 1959. Mortality associated with heat wave conditions in the Melbourne metropolitan area, January and February, Australian Meteorological Magazine, Vol. 26, pp.96-98.

Smoyer-Tomic K.E., Kuhn, R. & Hudson, A., 2003. Heat wave hazards: an overview of heat wave impacts in Canada, Natural Hazards, Vol. 28, pp. 463 - 485 Stone, B., Rodgers, M.O., 2001. Urban form and thermal efficiency - how the design of cities influences the urban heat island effect. Journal of the American Planning Association, Vol. 67, pp.

186-198.

Sturman, A.P., Tapper, N.J., 2006. The weather and climate of Australia and New Zealand. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Crossing borders: shopping behaviour Role of the border on shopping behaviour in the border region Netherlands Belgium One of the functions of borders is to constrain the international flow of products, services, people and capital. However, borders could also promote cross-border mobility because of the differences between countries. This contribution investigates the role of the border on the shopping behaviour of residents of the Goirle (Netherlands) – Ravels (Belgium) border region. Does the border stimulate or encourage cross-border mobility? Cross-border shopping behaviour is present in the Netherlands - Belgium border region, but only has a small number of interactions. Most of the residents occasionally shop across the border and rarely benefit from the opportunities offered by the border. The majority of the shopping takes place in the home country. If the integration process of the European Union goes on and the differences between countries continue to decline this will decrease the cross-border shopping.

Shopping behaviour, border region, cross-border mobility, european integration, border paradox, the bandwidth of nfamiliarity Robbert Kramer

Introduction

Theoretical Background

In an article in a local newspaper, theatre directors were complaining about possible mental barriers in peoples’ minds of the borderland between the Netherlands and Belgium. They did not have any spectators from the other side of the border, even when the distance was very short.

They concluded that people had a mental barrier. Is the border really a barrier or does the border give new opportunities? The main objective of this research is to take a look at the role of the border. The area of research is the borderland Goirle (Netherlands) – Ravels (Belgium). It is an area where people speak the same language and which belonged to the same country until the 19th Century.

Since people in this region share most of their history, their lifestyle is similar in many ways, but some differences exist. In what way is there a cross-border mobility? Is the border a barrier to people or does it provide opportunities?

The focus of cross-border mobility in this study is on the shopping behaviour.

2.1 Position of the State

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Crossing borders: shopping behaviour

For several years, the decline of the state has been predicted and expected. Peter Taylor sees a rise in diversity between states and according to him the explanation lies in the non-economic factors that could explain this diversity.

Figure 1: Map of the Border region Source: Benego.be, n.d.

In addition, he concludes that states are driven by transnational organizations such as Greenpeace and administered by the emerging of supranational institutions such as the European Union (EU). These organizations dismantle the sovereignty of states. Taylor takes into account that after a period of emergence (16th - 18th century) and a period of prosperity (19th - 20th century) the state is now in a period of decline (de Pater, Groote and Terlouw, 2005).

Globalization, with the growth of transnational flows, has weakened the national identity. The nation-state is being eroded, shrinks and loses the power to command the economy and society. New forms of organization of the state are taking over the aging nation-state, which are becoming rarer and weaker. (Daniels et al., 2008; Brenner, 2008; Terlouw, 2009).

2.2 Borders Borders are a delineation of units which differ (objective) or are assumed to differ (subjective) (van Naerssen & van der Velde, 2011). Borders determine the size of the „homeland“ and thus the national identity. They are the territorial limits of the state (Cooper & Perkins, 2012).

The borders are used to control transnational actions. For governments, borders are the ultimate way to control the transport of goods and people (Flint & Taylor, 2007, p.

298). The European Union is against the restrictive effect of state limits on cross-border interaction. The most important ultimate goal of the EU is a full economic and political integration, a Europe without borders (Flint & Taylor, 2007). Hence, treaties such as Schengen were introduced to facilitate the free movement of people, goods, services and capital (Bouwens, 2008). The power of individual states declined and the influence of the supranational EU increased.

The geographer Kees Terlouw introduced the term “border surfers”. These are people who live in a borderland and make use of the border in everyday life. They live or work on different sides of the border. They also cross the border for everyday activities such as shopping. The border surfers take advantage of the differences between both sides of the border (Terlouw, 2012). Differences on both sides of the border stimulate the cross-border mobility. However, these differences cannot be too big. Important dissimilarities in the socio-cultural sense can result in mental

borders, which may cause/have a negative impact on the cross-border mobility (Spierings & van der Velde, 2008).

2.3 Bandwidth of Unfamiliarity The central concept of this research is the “Bandwidth of Unfamiliarity”. “The bandwidth signals the level of unfamiliarity that people are willing to accept” (Spierings & van der Velde, 2008, p. 501). It also explores what differences people consider as push and pull factors, which result in mobility, and what differences people consider as keep and repel factors, which result in immobility (Spierings & van der Velde, 2008). Whether or not the bandwidth results in mobility or immobility, it depends on the interpretation of the shoppers (Figure 2). How do they interpret the differences between both countries?

Both push and pull factors stimulate cross-border mobility. Push factors catalyse cross-border mobility because they imply that shopping at home is experienced as being less attractive than shopping on the other side of the border. Pull factors stimulate cross-border mobility, because places at the other side of the border are perceived as more attractive than at home, due to, for example, lower prices, extra fun of shopping, or a higher quality of goods. Both keep and repel factors encourage cross-border immobility.

Keep factors discourage cross-border mobility when places at home are seen as more attractive than on the other side of the border. Repel factors encourage cross-border immobility, because they imply that places on the other side of the border is viewed as less attractive than places at home.

For example the travel costs are too high (Spierings & van der Velde, 2008).

In short, differences between countries stimulate the

Figure 2: The Bandwidth of Unfamiliarity

European Geographer 14 | 07/2017

23

cross-border mobility, but the differences cannot be too big, otherwise people will not cross the border. The fact that the differences are too big depends of the interpretation of the shoppers. In the next part we will see how this appears in the border region Goirle – Ravels.

Results

ans it is clothing as well as food. Furthermore, fun and a wide range of products seem to also be important factors, whereas service, quality and a better experiences seem to be less important factors. The price difference is not always the main motive. For example, 32% of respondents in Goirle go shopping for clothing in Belgium, although clothing is more expensive in Belgium.

Fun shopping is shopping as an activity itself and can increase the cross border mobility. There is a significant difference between men and women regarding the pre-

One third of the population of this border region does not cross the border for shopping at all (Table 1). Those who cross the border, Food and Alcoholic Restaurants do it on an occasioTotal Non-Alcoholic drinks and Clothing Electronics Transport and hotels nal basis. More than drinks tobacco 70 % of the populaGoirle 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 tion crosses the borRavels 112 115 100 115 103 101 112 der just a few times 106 96 102 102 98 113 105 a year (Table 2). ReTable 3: Price indices of consumer goods and services, 2010 asons not to cross the Source: Eurostat 2011 borders are distance, valence of emotional and rational choices. For men, the familiarity and travel costs. This is verifiable because the price, quality and supply are important factors when decishops are within the distance that people are willing to ding for cross-border shopping. Women, however, admit travel. On a weekly basis, 5% of the population of Goirle that they find emotional reasons more important. This is crosses the border for shopping, whereas for the populatiknown as “fun shopping�. on of Ravels the number is 30%. This can be explained by There are no differences in the level of cross-border mobithe differences in prices as food and non-alcoholic drinks lity between the Dutch and Belgian population. Therefoare cheaper in Belgium (Table 3). The results of this rere, there is a distinction between specific groups constitusearch confirm that. Around 46% of the population of ted by age, gender and level of education. Young people Ravels buys part of their daily groceries in the Netherhave a higher cross-border mobility than older people. lands. On the other hand, only 14.3% of the population People with a higher level of education also have a higher of Goirle does a part of their daily groceries shopping in cross-border mobility than people with a lower level of Belgium. education. Finally, there is no difference between men and People may have different reasons for crossing borders. It women in terms of cross-border mobility. is clear that the price difference plays a prominent role.

Specific products are bought across the border due to price Conclusion differences. For the Dutch, this is fuel and for the BelgiYes

No

Goirle

65,3%

34,7%

Ravels

67,6%

32,4%

Table 1: Percentage cross border shopping

Weekly

Monthly

Quarterly

Annually

Goirle

6,1%

20,4%

36,7%

36,7%

Ravels

30,0%

24,0%

26,0%

20,0%

Table 2: Percentage degree of cross border shopping

24

Crossing borders: shopping behaviour

Cross-border shopping behaviour is present in the Netherlands - Belgium border region, but only has a small number of interactions. Most of the residents occasionally shop across the border and rarely benefit from the opportunities offered by the border. The majority of shopping takes place in the home country. Also, comfort plays an important role in this. The lower prices or the expectation of extra fun on the other side of the border make people go for cross-border shopping. If the integration process of

the European Union goes on and the differences between countries continue to decline, cross-border shopping will lose importance, which is at odds with the goals that the EU wants to achieve. It is hard to say whether mental barriers exist in people’s minds. This research shows that the rate of cross-border interactions for the purpose of shopping is low. The border is still clearly present. Further qualitative research should reveal the exact reasons for this shopping behaviour.

References Benego.be, n.d. [image online] Map of the Border region (Figure 2), Available at: <http://www.benego.be/wie/3/situering> [Accessed 21 August 2016] Bouwens, S., 2008. Over de streep. Grensarbeid vanuit ZuidLimburg naar Duitsland, 1958-2001 Brenner, N., 2004. New State Spaces. Urban Governance and the Rescaling of Statehood. Oxford: University Press.

Daniels, P., Bradshaw, M., Shaw, D. and Sidaway, J., 2008. Human Geography. 3rd ed. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited. de Pater, B., Groote, P., and Terlouw, K., 2005. Denken over regioâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. Bussum: Coutinho, pp. 165-168.

Eurostat, 2011. Consumer price levels in 2010. Price levels varied by one to three across the EU27 Member States. [pdf ] Available at: < http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/documents/2995521/5039718/228062011-AP-EN.PDF/6842367b-351c-4aa9-a201-ab043cef0f08> [Accessed 21 August 2016] Flint, C., Taylor, P., 2007. Political Geography. World-economy, national state and locality. 5th ed. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited.

Spierings, B. and van der Velde, M., 2008. Shopping, borders and unfamiliarity: consumer mobility in Europe. Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geogafie 99(4), pp. 497-505.

Terlouw, K., 2009. Rescaling regional identities: communicating thick and thin regional identities. Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism. 9(3), pp. 452-464. .

Terlouw, K., 2012. Border surfers and Euroregions: unplanned cross-border behaviour and planned territorial structures of crossborder governance. Planning Practice and Research. 27(3), pp.

351-366. van Naerssen, T. and van der Velde, M., 2011. People, borders, trajectories: an approach to cross-border mobility and immobility in and to the European Union. Area. 43 (2), pp. 218-224.

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Nature conservation in Moscow: Recommendations to local authorities

This article discusses the issue of urban biodiversity conservation with the example of Moscow and its network of protected areas. Within the city limits there are twenty preserved landscapes, which differ significantly in their historical backgrounds, area, drainage basin positions, vegetation and surroundings etc. The paper examines how these nature reserves survive in a hostile urban environment. After a short description of the study area, analysed data and methods, the paper describes the development of nature conservation policy in Moscow and the position of protected areas in urban landscape. The Author suggests several classifications of protected areas based on different criteria. The achieved results let us formulate recommendations to local authorities aimed at environmental management optimisation and urban planning improvement.

Protected areas, nature conservation, urban ecology, environmental management, Moscow Svetlana Samsonova

Introduction Close to fifteen percent of Moscowâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s area (154 sq.km) is now protected based on its acknowledged ecological and/ or cultural value (Committee for Architecture and Urban Planning of Moscow, 2010). Law renders these areas as strikingly different in character from their urban surroundings, as within these areas, land use is limited. The seminatural, slightly anthropogenically transformed landscapes are present only within the areas with protected status in Moscow (Samsonova, 2013). These nature reserves are established to satisfy different public demands, such as outdoor recreation or ecological education. As well as this, they exist to fulfill ecological functions such as providing regulatory ecosystem services and providing refuge to flora and fauna from the harsh surrounding built up environment (Municipal Law on Protected Areas in Moscow, 2001). The hostile urban landscape matrices cause isolation and fragmentation of nature patches (Munroe, Croissant and York, 2005). Naturogenic ecosystems in Moscow are continuously being degraded under heavy anthropogenic pressure (Likhacheva, 2007).

The fact that the system of protected areas was formed within last two decades and local environmental legislation is sub-optimal; results in a distinct lack of efficient

26

nature conservation praxes in Moscow. So far, there is a lack in understanding the connectivity and mutual interactions between nature reserves and surrounding urban landscapes in Moscow. However, there is an absence of research to assess the effect of all the protected areas as a unified network, as a system within the urban environment. In this article the following research questions were examined: 1) How did nature reserves appear in Moscow?

2) What is the state of the art of conservation land use in Moscow? The purpose of this article is to discover the development of nature conservation policy in Moscow and to investigate the position of protected areas in urban landscape. Another goal is to provide local authorities with sound recommendations on how to optimise environmental management in Moscow, and therefore how to preserve remnants of pre-developmental biodiversity within the city.

Material and methods 2.1 Study area This study was performed in Moscow, Russia (55 N, 37 E). The city of Moscow is located in the centre of the East European Plain, on the banks of Moskva River. The

Nature conservation in Moscow: Recommendations to local authorities

climate of the area is a humid continental climate with four distinctive seasons and temperature variations with a range of -25 to 0 degrees Celsius in winter and from 15 to 30 degrees Celsius in summer (Abakumova, 1990).

The historical landscape type in the studied area is mixed coniferous-deciduous forest. Due to long-term and intensive urbanisation since the 12th century the initial landscapes were degraded and transformed into simplified urban landscapes with a low percentage of green areas.

Currently original and unaltered natural areas such as streams, springs, swamps, lakes, meadows and forests can only be found in Moscow in the territories of protected areas (Morozov, 2012). The rest of the city is represented by a network of thoroughfares, roads and buildings, with a very low level of green elements such as lawns, individual trees and bushes. Moscow’s protected areas are the only places for nature and animals within the city borders. The biodiversity of these areas is the most protected within the 17 14 11

20

1

4

10

19

9 16

2

8 6 15

13

5 7

12 18

3

Protected areas

Figure 1: Moscow’s protected areas 1. Tushino Park, 2. Izmaylovo Park, 3. Tsaritsyno Park, 4. Pokrovskoe-Stresnevo Park, 5. Sparrow Hills Park, 6. Setun River Valley Wildlife Preserve, 7. Teply Stan Park, 8. Moskvoretsky Park, 9. Ostankino Park, 10. Petrovsko-Razumovsky Park, 11. Skhodnya River Valley in Kurkino, 12. Kuzminki-Lyublino Park, 13. Kosino Park, 14.

Skhodnya River Valley in Molzhaninovo, 15. Troparevo Park, 16.

Sokolniki Park, 17. Zelenogradsky Park, 18. Bitsa Park, 19. Losiny Ostrov Park, 20. Degunino Park.

city, as well as the most fragile. In order to preserve natural vegetation, soil cover and animal population, the network of protected areas was organised. There are currently 20 protected landscapes positioned unequally in the city of Moscow (Figure 1).

2.2 Data and Analyses This study compares a variety of data on the conservation land use within the city of Moscow. The main data sources are: the Moscow Department of City Planning (Genplan), the Moscow Department of Environmental Management and Conservation, and the Geomorphology Laboratory of the Russian Academy of Sciences, as well as bibliographic sources, field observations and measurements, together with laboratory analysis.

To investigate the development of the network of protected areas in Moscow, a bibliographic analysis was conducted. This included the examination of contemporary and former legal documents related to Moscow’s parks and conservation policy in Moscow, as well as the analysis of archives of municipal planning offices and published literature. In total, more than three hundred sources (historical maps, laws, documents, master plans, articles, books etc.) were examined.

The state of the art of nature conservation in Moscow was analysed on two scales. The first one included an analysis of administrative districts on the scale of the city as a whole. The second refers to the collection and analysis of variables to characterise particular protected areas. For this, the following parameters of a protected area were chosen: Area • Length of boundary • Year of foundation • Type of a landform • Drainage basin position • Position in relation to the prevailing winds.

Based on combinations of these criteria protected areas were divided into groups: 1) by the position on landforms of different orders; 2) by the position in urban landscape; and 3) by their ecosystem’s adaptation to anthropogenic pressure. Thus, several classifications of protected areas were identified. With more detail these divisive methods will be explained in a corresponding paragraph.

The interpretation of derived maps, a dataset analysis and

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27

the resulting classification make it possible to reach a conclusion in regards to the state of the art of nature conservation in Moscow.

Historical overview There are 96 parks and 100 square kilometers of forest within the city‘s borders. The precursors of today‘s protected areas existed since the 16th century, when the royal family and nobility placed some territories under special protection as hunting grounds and private estates. These landscapes usually included not only houses and outbuildings, but gardens, farmland, meadows and woods (Moleva, 1998). For example, Losiny Ostrov (Moose Island) and Izmaylovo Park were strictly guarded hunting grounds for Grand Princes and Tsars. Other protected areas have estates or country houses within their borders (Figure 2). Due to limits on development, these territories have remained relatively unchanged since the 16th century. They are thus increasingly rare and valuable in the contemporary rapidly growing metropolis (Kuzmichev and Efremova, 2009).

The first Russian Forest Act was adopted in 1804, when Emperor Alexander I issued a statute „On the Improved Protection of Forests and the Establishment of Forest Management in Moscow“. Losiny Ostrov became the first official protected area in Russia (The Complete collection

[1 e

8 [ [e e 6

3 [ e

9 [ e

11 [ e

[ e 10

7 [ e [e e [ 4 5 2 [15 e [ e [ 16 e [ e 17 [ e

[ e 14 [ e 12 13 [ [ e e

Historic estates Protected areas

Figure 2: Historic estates in protected areas

28

of the basic state laws of the Russian Empire 1804-1805, 1830).

The modern history of Moscow‘s protected areas is based largely on the 1935 General Plan, which established a greenbelt 10-15 kilometers wide around the city limits.

It included forests, meadows, fields, farms, gardens and towns, with a total population less than 270,000 (Gorlov, 2012, p.3). The plan also included a ring of parks around the city center: Sparrow Hills, Fili, Serebryany Bor, Izmaylovo, Timiryazevo, Pokrovskoe-Stresnevo, Ostankino and Sokolniki. Today these parks are all protected, wedges of greenery were put in place to connect them to the greenbelt, creating comfortable microclimates and improving public health (Dolganov, Korjev and Prokhorova, 1938).

Between 1940 and 1980, construction of factories, residential areas and roads significantly reduced the amount of green space in and around Moscow (Yagodin, 2008).

In the late 1980s, there were mass protests to protect green areas against increasing construction and neglect.

The main problem areas were Losiny Ostrov Park, Bitsa Park, Teply Stan Park, Brateevskaya floodplain, Kosino Park, Tushino Park and several river valleys. Such environmental protest movements had never happened before in Moscow, and successfully captured the attention of public officials (Morozova, 2012). In 1989, the Ninth Congress of People‘s Deputies focused on urban environmental problems. They released a report on environmental degradation, calling for action to preserve urban green space. Goals for the use of Moscow parks changed dramatically: urban development and environmental protection were given equal status. The Moscow Soviet of People‘s Deputies (Mossovet) decided to set up a system of protected areas, and the second (Bitsa Park) appeared in 1992 (Samoylov, 2012). Since then, the network has increased substantially (Figure 3). In 2004, the municipal government approved a plan for the „Development and Management of Protected Areas in Moscow“ with a list of existing and planned sites up to the year 2020 (Municipal Law on the Scheme of the „Development and Management of Protected Areas in Moscow”, 2005).

Nature conservation in Moscow There are 20 protected areas in Moscow, which comprise 14.4 percent of the city‘s area (prior to the 2012 expan-

Nature conservation in Moscow: Recommendations to local authorities

Figure 3: Growth of protected areas in Moscow between 1973 and 2020 Historic estates in protected areas: 1. Brattsevo (16th century), 2.

Tsaritsyno (16th century), 3. Pokrovskoe-Stresnevo (17th century), 4. Vorobyovo (15th century), 5. Vasilevskoye, also known as Mamonova Dacha (18th century), 6. Troyekurovo, (17th century), 7.

Troitse-Golenischevo (17th century), 8. Spasskoye-na-Setuni (17th century), 9. Kuntsevo (17th century), 10. Ostankino (16th century), 11. Petrovsko-Razumovsky (18th century), 12. Vlakhernskoye-Kuzminki (18th century), 13. Lyublino (18th century), 14. Kosino (17th century), 15. Uzkoye (18th century), 16. Znamenskoye-Sadki (18th century), 17. Yasenevo (18th century).

sion). Protected areas are grouped into four categories by their conservation status: national parks, wildlife preserves, nature-historical parks and nature monuments (Municipal Law on Protected Areas in Moscow, 2001). Still, all protected areas are open to public access and operated with acceptable commercial exploitation. Regardless of the category, all nature reserves aim to fulfill the following functions: conservation, sanitation and hygiene, recreation, environmental education and aesthetics (Municipal Law on Protected Areas in Moscow, 2001).

Protected areas are managed according to local administrative division and spread unequally in the city: North - 3; North-East - 1; East - 4; East-South - 1; South - 1; South-West - 3; West - 4; North-West - 4; Zelenograd - 1; Center - 0 (Figure 1). There are no nature reserves in the historical centre as this area is characterised by the most intensive urbanisation: due to city development and massive construction projects, almost all of the green patches were destroyed. Some protected areas belong to several districts (Table 1).

Protected area coverage differs within the parts of Moscow (Figure 4). The highest percentage of conservation land use is observed in the East, the South-West and Zelenograd, but only in the East does this value exceeds 30%.

Four large protected areas can be found here: Losiny Ostrov Park (3,000 ha), Izmaylovo Park (1,600 ha), Kosino Park (335 ha) and Sokolniki Park (229 ha) (Figure 1). The lowest coverage (less than 10%) is in the North and the North-East. There are no protected areas in the city centre.

Administrative districts are different in population density, which in Moscow varies between 60 and 100 people per hectare. The highest population density is found in the North-East, while the lowest - in the West and the North-West. This indicator has a direct impact on preserved landscapes as it affects the recreational pressure on the corresponding biodiversity. As can be seen on the figure 5, lower levels of recreational pressure are expected in Zelenograd with 5 ha of protected landscapes for 1,000 inhabitants. Then, the East and the North-West follows with 3.1 and 2.5 hectares per 1,000 inhabitants correspondingly and the average for Moscow is 1.5.

By comparing both maps (Figure 4 and Figure 5) we can conclude that the most promising districts for nature conservation development are Zelenograd, the East and the Zelenograd

North-East North

East

North-West Centre West

South-East

South-West

South

Protected sites, area, ha / District, area, ha 0 0 - 0,1 0,1 - 0,2 0,2 - 0,3 0,3 - 0,4

Figure 4: Percentage of area occupied by protected areas

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North-West. These districts have large areas covered by protected landscapes and relatively small (compared to the rest of the city) population density.

Classification of nature reserves Protected areas in Moscow differ in area, position in relief and land use, and subsequently can be categorised by these criteria.

5.1 Classification by the position on landforms of Zelenograd

North

North-East

East

North-West Centre West

South-West

South-East

South

Protected sites, area, ha / Population, 1000 0,0 0,1 - 0,9 1,0 - 1,8 1,9 - 3,1 3,2 - 4,9

Figure 5: Percentage of area occupied by protected areas divided by population

different order.

All landforms belong to different hierarchical levels depending on their size. For example, oceans and continents are the largest and highest-order landforms on the Earth.

Each landform of a high order consists of several landforms of a lower order. Landform elements are discrete features of landforms, for example â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a slope or a top of a hill (Lazarevich, 2001). In Moscow landforms of different size and therefore of different orders can be found. In this article we distinguish landforms of three different orders for Moscow city: 1) first order landforms - moraine landscape, outwash plain and third Moskva river terrace; 2) second order landforms â&#x20AC;&#x201C; second and first Moskva river terraces and flood plain, river valleys of tributaries (Setun,

30

Skhodnya etc.); 3) third order or landform elements (Likhacheva, 2007). Moscowâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s protected areas differ in area and are therefore located on landforms of different order.

They can occupy partly undulating and flat moraine landscapes or outwash plains, or be located in river valleys and occupy its terraces and floodplains. Some of the protected areas are so small that they are situated on particular elements of landforms such as slopes or flats. The majority of protected landscapes occupy landforms of different orders (Figure 6).

Landform order indicates the sensitivity of a landform to anthropogenic changes. The bigger and more complex a landform is, the more resistant it is to changes in the urban environment. Small landforms are easily affected by the external changes, which lead to changes in landform morphology and further - to changes in its dynamics.

Small landforms have high potential to amend. Geomorphic changes lead to alteration in landscape and hence biodiversity. Thus, protected areas, which are located on high order landforms that are highly resistant, are more sustainable.

5.2 Classification by the position in urban landscape.

Position in urban landscape can be characterised by several parameters: 1) Position in land use system: different functional zones such as industrial, residential, transport and green areas can surround a protected area. Different land use types impact natural landscapes in different ways. For example, industrial areas produce air, water and soil pollution. Thoroughfares cause high noise and vibration levels as well as air and soil pollution. On the contrary, green areas have no negative impact on protected landscapes.

2) Drainage basin position can be identified as interfluvial, transitive or accumulative.

3) Position in relation to the prevailing winds can be identified as transitive or accumulative.

Based on the combination of these parameters; protected areas (PAs) in Moscow can be grouped in five different positions. 6 PAs are surrounded by residential and/or green areas and located in interfluvial or transitive positions in drainage basins and transitive position in relation to the prevailing winds. This position in urban landscape has

Nature conservation in Moscow: Recommendations to local authorities

Border Protected Area, length, area ha km

Year of foundation

Geolandscape position

Position in relation to prevailing winds

1

Skhodnya River Valley in 11.6 Molzhaninovo

2.7

2007

Slope of the Skhodnya River valley

Transit

2

PetrovskoRazumovsky Park

601

15.3

1998

Flat moraine landscape with the Jabenka River valley

Transit, accumulation

3

Degunino Park

8

1.3

2010

Flat moraine landscape

Flow-out, transit

4

Ostankino Park

620

15.5

1998

Flat moraine landscape with the Yauza River valley and the Kamenka River valley

Flow-out, transit, accumulation

5

Losiny Ostrov Park

3000

38

1973

Outwash plain with the Yauza River valley, the Los River valley, with numerous watercourses and gullies

Flow-out, transit, accumulation

6

Izmaylovo Park

1600

25.6

1998

Outwash plain with the Serebryanka River valley, with gullies

Transit, accumulation

7

Kosino Park

335

18.2

2006

The Rudnevka River valley

Accumulation, transit

8

Sokolniki Park 229

9.6

2009

Third Moskva River terrace with the Putyaevsliy stream valley and the Oleniy stream valley

Transit, accumulation

9

KuzminkiLyublino Park

1189

24.3

2006

Third Moskva River terrace with the Ponomarka River valley and gullies

Accumulation, transit

10

Tsaritsyno Park

1350

25.1

1998

Undulating moraine landscape with the Gorodnya River valley, the Yazvenka River valley, with rugged ravines and gullies

Flow-out, transit, accumulation

11

Bitsa Park

2200

33

1992

Undulating moraine landscape with numerous river valleys, gullies and streams

Transit

12

Teply Stan Park

329

13.3

1998

Undulating moraine landscape with numerous river valleys, gullies and streams

Transit

13

Sparrow Hills Park

145

9.8

1998

Landslide slope of the Moskva River valley, with gullies

Flow-out, transit

14

Setun River Valley Wildlife 693 Preserv

58

1998

The Setun River valley with its tributaries, with gullies

Accumulation, transit

15

Troparevo Park

220

11.4

2008

Undulating moraine landscape with numerous river valleys, gullies and streams

Transit

16

Moskvoretsky Park

1150

65.9

1998

Flat moraine landscape, the first, second and third Moskva Accumulation, River terraces and flood plain, with gullies transit

17

PokrovskoeStresnevo Park

190

7.4

1998

Outwash plain, the third Moskva River terrace, with the Khimki River valley, the Chernuchka River valley, with gullies

Transit, accumulation

18

Tushino Park

341

29.5

1998

Outwash plain, with the Skhodnya River valley, the Bratovka River valley

Accumulation, transit

19

Skhodnya River Valley in 254 Kurkino

20

2003

The Skhodnya River valley, with gullies

Accumulation, transit

20

Zelenogradsky 986 Park

40

2011

Outwash plain, with numerous small river valleys and watercourses

Flow-out

Table 1: Moscowâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s protected areas characteristics.

a relatively high sustainability. 4 PAs are surrounded by residential, transport and green areas and located mostly in interfluvial and transitive positions. This position has a moderate sustainability. 5 PAs are surrounded by different

land use types and located in accumulative and transitive position. This position has a relatively low sustainability.

In precarious and critical situation are those PAs surrounded by industrial and transport functional zones and loca-

European Geographer 14 | 07/2017

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Landforms 1st order

Urban landscapes sustainability

2nd order

very high

1st and 2nd order

high

3rd order

moderate low very low

Figure 6: Protected areas categorised by landforms of different order

ted into accumulative positions to air and water pollution.

These PAs are characterised by low and very low sustainability (Figure 7).

5.3 Classification by area The extent of the protected areas in Moscow varies from 3,000 to 8 hectares, showing the vast range in size. In comparison to smaller patches of nature it is obvious that bigger patches of nature are more resilient to anthropogenic pressure. Generally, the bigger the natural landscape is, the less fragile its urban matrix is, because its capacity for auto-regulation and the self-recovery of its ecological system will be higher. Thus, the size of a protected area is an important indicator in the sustainability assessment of preserved landscapes in megalopolis.

For decision-making processes and for policy makers, we suggest using a generalised division of protected areas which considers all listed above criteria. For this we produced a graph, where on the horizontal axis there are categories of protected areas by the position in urban landscape, on the vertical axis - categories of protected areas by the position on landforms of different order. Protected areas are marked as circles and each circle is proportional to the protected area square (Figure 8a). By the aggregation of these three criteria it is possible to judge the stability of particular preserved landscapes in Moscow. Those

32

Figure 7: Protected areas in urban landscapes with different level of sustainability

which can be found in the lower left corner of the graph are the most stable as they are located on landforms of high order and in urban landscapes with a high sustainability. Non-stable are protected areas from the upper right corner, which are situated, in urban landscapes with a low and very low sustainability and on landforms of low order.

In total, there are 7 stable, 10 conditionally stable and 2 non-stable protected areas in Moscow (Figure 8b).

Recommendations to city authorities The following recommendations can be performed based on the investigation: 1. East, North-West and Zelenograd districts have better perspectives on conservation land use development. In these parts of the city large territories are occupied by protected landscapes with a relatively small population density of surrounding neighborhoods.

2. Half of the protected areas in Moscow are classified as conditionally stable. They are large or medium sized and they are located on watersheds or on high terraces of Moskva River. Their sustainability is affected by surrounding industrial or transport zones, or residential areas with high population density and therefore high recreational pressure on preserved landscapes. These areas are in dan-

Nature conservation in Moscow: Recommendations to local authorities

ger considering potential urban sprawl. 7 out of 20 protected areas are classified as stable. It is assumed that their landscapes are resistant enough to potential technogenic pressure and that these areas are more resistant to the harsh environment of Moscow. These territories require a minimal amount of financial support for restoration projects. On the contrary, three protected areas are considered as non-stable and are highly unlikely to be functioning successfully within the next decades. We suggest focusing on recreational functions of these areas rather than nature conservation goals.

3. Common threats for protected areas in Moscow are: accumulative position in relation to water and air pollu-

2010. The general plan of Moscow. [online] Available at: < http:// mka.mos.ru/specialists/documents/general-plan.php> [Accessed 23 July 2012] [Russian] Dolganov V., Korjev M. and Prokhorova M., 1938. Green building in Moscow. Moscow: Moskovskiy rabochiy. [Russian] Gorlov, V.N., 2012. Moscow’s greenbelt development. The Higher School of Economics, [online] Available at: <http://www.hse.ru/ data/2012/03/16/1.pdf > [Accessed 10 September 2012] [Russian] Kuzmichev, E.P. and Efremova, K.D., 2009. Protected areas in Moscow: reference resource and guide. Moscow: Ekspomir. [Russian] Lazarevich, K.S., 2001. Positive and negative landforms. Division of landforms by their size. Geography, 26. [Russian] Likhacheva, E.A., 2007. Environmental chronicles of Moscow.

Moscow: MediaPress. [Russian] Moleva, N., 1998. Estates in Moscow. Moscow: Informpechat.

[Russian] Morozov, N.S., 2012 Birds in the big city: how to preserve their diversity in the forest parks of Moscow? Moscow: Priroda. pp. 4961. [Russian] Morozova, G.V., 2012. New environment policy of the Moscow government – a threat to environmental safety of the Russian capital, [online] Available at: <http://www.biodiversity.ru/programs/moscow/doc/ Moscow_ecoproblems_2012.pdf> [Accessed 17 September 2012] [Russian] Municipal Law #37 on the Scheme of the „Development and Management of Protected Areas in Moscow“. In force since 6 July 2005. (2005), Moscow: The Moscow City Duma. [Russian]

Protected areas stable conditionally stable non-stable

Figure 8: Protected areas classified according to level of stability

tion; high population density in neighborhoods and public transport accessibility and therefore high recreational pressure; adjacent industrial and transport functional zones; relatively small area and fragmentation.

These features of nature conservation in Moscow should be taken into consideration by local government in management and strategic planning.

References Abakumova, G.M., 1990. Moscow’s climate in the last 30 years.

Moscow: Lomonosov Moscow State University. [Russian] Committee for Architecture and Urban Planning of Moscow,

Municipal Law #48 on Protected Areas in Moscow. In force since 26 September 2001. (2001). Moscow: The Moscow City Duma.

[Russian] Munroe, D. K., Croissant, C. and York, M. A., 2005. Land use policy and landscape next term fragmentation in an urbanizing region: assessing the impact of zoning. Applied Geography, 25(2), pp. 121-141.

Samoylov, B.L., 2012. Futher urbanisation of the landscape of the capital region - the main factor in aggravation of environmental problems in Moscow, [online] Available at: <http://www.biodiversity.ru/programs/moscow/doc/Moscow_ecoproblems_2012.pdf> [Accessed 5 October 2012] [Russian] Samsonova, S.Y., 2013. Relief in the management of Moscow’s protected areas. PhD. Moscow: Lomonosov Moscow State University. [Russian] The Complete collection of the basic state laws of the Russian Empire 1804-1805. 1830. Saint-Petersburg. Volume XXVIII. [Russian] Yagodin, G.A., 2008. Moscow Ecology and Sustainable Development. Moscow: Moskovskie uchebniki i Kartolitografija. [Russian]

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GIS-based site selection for bicycle rental stations in the city of Ulm, Germany using Fuzzy Logic How to find locations in an urban environment?

This research is about using multiple indicators to generate a GIS-based site selection. The paper is divided into two parts, on one hand there is the search for indicators to identify suitable locations for bicycle rental stations and on the other hand there is the methodology to measure and quantify these criteria.

Five indicators were taken into account to describe relevant sites for bicycle rental stations: the cycle routes, bus stops, points of interest, population density and the elevation of the area. The first three indicators are measured by the proximity to their geographical positions whereas the last two are rated based on the areal attributes.

To apply values to these components, the mathematical theory of Fuzzy Logic was used. The advantages of using this method over conventional techniques are discussed in this article.

Spatial planning, site selection, fuzzy logic, indicators, GIS, bicycle rental system, bike Johannes Schaal

Todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s urban mobility challenges Urban mobility has been subject to constant change at all times. Limited spatial resources have to fulfil many functions. There is the need for transport and commercial infrastructure as well as residential and leisure areas.

Transport, commercial and residential infrastructure is all needed in spite of limited spatial resources which have to fulfil many functions.

For instance, every person transported by car needs ten times the area of persons who are walking, cycling and using public transportation together (parking not included) (Apel et al., 1997, p.31). This issue is only one of the challenges when it comes to the design of urban mobility.

Besides spatial problems, there are ecological and economic issues too. Living in an oil-driven economy, the condition of so-called â&#x20AC;&#x153;Peak-Oilâ&#x20AC;? (Bott, 2013) should be alarming and trigger us to rethink our mobility patterns. In Germany for example, with one of the highest automobile densities in the world, private transport accounts for one fifth of the national carbon dioxide emission (ibid.). Fossil fuels will not only become more expensive but urbanised

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areas also have different needs compared to the 20th century. People are now demand a clean and healthy urban environment without traffic noise and jams, air pollution and high levels of carbon dioxide (ibid.). The city is no longer just a place to work but also a place to host life with social and cultural demands to a high standard of living.

A sustainable solution Bicycle rental systems in Europe have become more popular recently, especially with the rapid proliferation of pedal electric cycles (pedelecs) (Monheim et al., 2012). This means of transportation offers various advantages for densely populated areas compared to vehicles powered by fossil fuel. In general, bicycles take less space, have no emissions during usage and are good for the physical health (even pedelecs).

It is possible to increase these effects when mobility is seen as a service rather than a private responsibility. Due to the fact that private vehicles are not in use most of the time and take up space, the concept of car sharing was developed (Bott, 2013). Transferring this idea to bicycles can

GIS-based site selection for bicycle rental stations in the city of Ulm, Germany using Fuzzy Logic

help create an efficient and economic transport system.

From 2008 to 2011 the European Union carried out a project called “Mobility Management Over Europe” (http://www.mmove.eu). This project sought to foster sustainable mobility solutions in European cities. Many feasibility studies have been funded during this period.

Amongst others, the city of Ulm in southern Germany participated in that project and commissioned a concept for a bicycle rental system. However, the setup of most bicycle rental systems is planned manually. Likewise in this case, where the planning office in Ulm outlined the bicycle rental stations without an advanced site selection. After all, it is not clear what was taken into consideration when selecting the sites and whether the spots were well situated for the majority of citizens.

To optimise the chance for a successful system, the spatial requirements of bicycle rental stations will be closely examined. Therefore it is essential to find a method to compare the suitability of sites.

technique is widely used but still not the best solution in terms of scalability and gradation.

An introduction to Fuzzy Logic In a nutshell, Fuzzy Logic basically applies values from 0 to 1 on thematic maps or rather indicators (Bakimchandra, 2011). The value represents the membership to an indicator at a certain place. The membership can also be seen as the suitability expressed in a number. There is no threshold value by which a place is rated suitable or not.

You can rather say that e.g. 0.8[...] would be predominantly suitable whereas 0.3[...] would not. Figure 1 illustrates how Fuzzy Logic works compared to Boolean Logic.

It is illustrated how the values of the Fuzzy set dependence on the function. In this case it is a linear function with an increasing membership along with increasing values (figure 1).

Site selection explained There are different approaches to finding places with certain attributes. One possibility is by using the rating- or the utility-method (Ottmann at al., 2010). For these methods it is necessary to have information about possible locations before the actual site selection can start. The problem is that you can only choose between the pre-selected sites. It is likely that other relevant sites are ignored.

Instead of pre-selected sites there are factors or indicators that determine the importance of places. Combining these input data in an overlay analysis will create a suitability map. Having that in mind it seems logical to use a GIS multi-indicator method to search for a large amount of places that create a network of bicycle rental stations.

To achieve this there is the need for a method to rate the indicators. The method which is classically used is Boolean Logic. Two conditions are distinguished with this technique. A place can either be 1 or 0, “suitable” or “not suitable”. This is a very unprecise method and it is not possible to uprate a special indicator (Ebadi, 2009).

Another way to compare sites is the Weighted Overlay Analysis. The suitability of a place can be expressed as a number between e.g. 1 and 10. It is also possible to weigh every indicator individually (Erden et al., 2010). This

Figure 1: Fuzzy Logic compared to Boolean Logic

The Indicators In this analysis five indicators have been identified as relevant for bicycle rental stations. The “points of interests” are 12 places in the city of Ulm that are important for the locals and tourists. These locations have been identified in collaboration with the transport planning office and the tourism marketing in Ulm. To measure this indicator, a radius of 300 m was applied to the geographical centre of each point. This distance is described in the literature as the maximum range that people are willing to walk to a bus stop (Koenig, 2008) (Schwarze, 2005). According to Fuzzy Logic the centre was therefore rated with 1 (ideal), 150 m with 0.5 (somewhat) and from 300 m onwards it was rated as 0 (not suitable). Therefore a linear function

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European Geographer 14 | 07/2017G I S -

Figure 2: Analysed indicators

was used to apply the values. included in this analysis. The cause for this is a correlatiThe reason for the indicator “bus stops” is that there is on between this indicator and commuter routes taken by an increasing trend in inter- and multimodal transport foot, bicycle or public transport (Gaebe, 2004, p. 146).

(Monheim et al., 2012). People tend to use a larger variety For the process of fuzzification, the number for each urof vehicles and switch on the way.

To favour places that are close to bus stops will increase the linkage between cycling and public transport. Due to the high density of bus stops in the city centre, the radius was set to 100 m and the values have been applied with a linear function.

The indicator “cycle routes” is very important as it stands for the cyclist’s infrastructure. Similar to bus stops, this indicator has a high density in the city centre, therefore the radius was also set to 100 m with a linear function.

The population density was also Figure 3: Suitability map for bicycle rental stations

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GIS-based site selection for bicycle rental stations in the city of Ulm, Germany using Fuzzy Logic

ban district has been converted to a Fuzzy value. The district with the highest population was assigned the value 1, the lowest population the value 0 with a linear function.

The fifth indicator added in this study is the elevation which represents the accessibility of the terrain. The largest part of the research area is situated in a valley. But there are also mountains around with an altitude difference of 300 m. Therefore the valley was rated with suitable and the mountains with unsuitable using a Gaussian function.

The reason is that the values above and below the valley need to be rated low. This results in a disadvantage of higher and lower areas but due to the network structure of the rental system, it is not possible to rate only the slope as unsuitable.

Within the second stage of expansion, pedelecs will be integrated into the system. While this will compensate for the disadvantage of higher areas, it will also remove the need of elevation as an indicator.

Figure 2 illustrates all indicators with a map screenshot after the Fuzzy values have been applied.

Results All values of the indicators have been added together for one suitability map. This map has possible values reaching from 0 to 5. In this case the highest value is 4.5 due to the maximum overlay count (cf. figure 3).

The advantages of using Fuzzy Logic are the finely graduated values produced, making it possible to classify the data in different ways. In this project it enables the number of classes to be adjusted and the improvement of the visualisation of the sites. Depending on the requirements of the bicycle rental system (e.g. stage of extension), the necessary number of places can be freely selected.

It is important to keep in mind that with this kind of analysis, the indicators and their evaluation are directly linked to the outcome. Therefore it is fundamental to pay special attention to the selection process. The impact of one indicator is determined by its shape, the used Fuzzy function and also the total number of indicators. Addressing the issue of measuring the exact impact of one value can be done by performing a sensitivity analysis, which is not yet integrated.

Discussion The method of using multiple indicators to rate the suitability of sites can be applied in both physical and human geography. In physical geography or rather geomorphology it can be used to evaluate and diagnose the risk of soil erosion (Bakimchandra, 2011). In the same way the habitat of a certain species can be modelled to provide more effective protection. Transferring this method to human geography makes it possible to evaluate sites in urban areas for e.g. industrial estates (Ebadi, 2009) or, as in this case, bicycle rental stations.

Finding the right indicators to perform the analysis is a big challenge and should always be based on scientific principles. However, there are different issues that can be discussed and argued about in this model. For example: are there more relevant indicators to be considered? How good is the quality of every indicator and is it evaluated correctly? Is it perhaps useful to apply a different weighing on the indicators? Is there a method that is more suitable for this kind of analysis?

These questions cannot be answered easily. After all, the results of this analysis should not be seen as absolute recommendations, but more as scientific considerations that need to be evaluated in detail before making planning decisions.

We have seen Fuzzy logic in different kinds of analysis.

Finding new applications and optimizing this method could be a challenge for fellow researchers. However, how relevant this method will be in the future of environmental modelling remains to be seen. In the case of a site selection for bicycle rental stations, it provides spatial information for a question concerning urban mobility.

References Bakimchandra, O., 2011. Integrated Fuzzy-GIS approach for assessing regional soil erosion risks. Dr.-Ing. Universität Stuttgart.

Bott, H., 2013. Mobil(c)ity. Universität Stuttgart. [pdf ] Available at: <http://www.uni-stuttgart.de/si/stb/publikationen_pdfs/ Mobil(c)ity-as.pdf> [Accessed: 15 August 2014].

Ebadi, H., Shad R., Valadanzoej, M. J., Vafaeinezhad, A., 2009.

Evaluation of Indexing Overlay, Fuzzy Logic and Genetic Algorithm Methods for Industrial Estates Site Selection in GIS Environment. [pdf ] Available at: <http://www.isprs.org/proceedings/ XXXV/congress/ comm5/papers/564.pdf> [Accessed: 15 August 2014].

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Erden, T., Coskun, M.Z., 2010. Multi-criteria site selection for fire services: the interaction with analytic hierarchy process and geographic information systems. [pdf ] Available at: <http://www. nathazards-earth-syst-sci.net/10/2127/2010/nhess-10-2127-2010. pdf> [Accessed: 15 August 2014].

Gaebe, W., 2004. Urbane Räume. Stuttgart: Ulmer.

Koenig, R., 2008. Verkehrsräume, Verkehrsanalagen und Verkehrsmittel barrierefrei gestalten. 1st ed. Stuttgart: Fraunhofer IRB Verlag.

Monheim, H., Muschwitz, C., Reimann, J., Streng, M., 2012.

Fahrradverleihsysteme in Deutschland – Relevanz, Potentiale und Zukunft öffentlicher Leihfahrräder. Köln: KSV-Verlag.

Ottmann, M., Lifka, S., 2010. Methoden der Standortanalyse.

Darmstadt: WBG. Schwarze, B., 2005. Erreichbarkeitsindikatoren in der Nahverkehrsplanung. [pdf ] Available at: <http://www.raumplanung.tudortmund.de/irpud/fileadmin/irpud/content/documents/publications/ap184.pdf> [Accessed: 15 August 2014].

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GIS-based site selection for bicycle rental stations in the city of Ulm, Germany using Fuzzy Logic

A book review of The Last Days of Detroit by Mark Binelli

A critical review of Mark Binelli‘s work: “The Last Day of Detroit” published by Vintage Books, London, UK, in 2014 (ISBN 978-0-099-55388-5) Detroit, urban decline, regeneration, sustainability Andrew Watkin

Mark Binelli’s The Last Days of Detroit is an undeniably harrowing account of the decline and current problems in one of the USA’s greatest 20th century cities, one that represented large-scale production, consumption and employment - the true American Dream. In an incredibly accessible and easy-to-read account of the city, at times the book feels like something of a guided tour of Detroit past and present, documenting how once thriving communities are now the subject of daily arson attacks, and how its iconic car factories are now desolate ruins; now hotspots for the world’s photographers. The story of Detroit is one that Europe must learn from: if European cities and their manufacturing industries are unable to deal with rising production costs and adopt sustainable production techniques, industrial decay and wasteland will become an unwanted part of the European landscape.

Born and raised in Detroit, Mark Binelli graduated from the University of Michigan and is most known as a writer for the popular culture magazine Rolling Stone where he contributes to a broad range of issues ranging from the Occupy Wall Street movement to biographies of US musicians including Britney Spears (Binelli, 2011). Interestingly, Binelli published The Last Days of Detroit under the title Detroit City is the Place to Be: The Afterlife of an American Metropolis in the United States, instantly suggesting that there is a greater sense of hope for the rebuilding of Detroit from within America as opposed to externally. Within the book Binelli notes that he encountered large numbers of continental Europeans who had travelled to Detroit in excitement of witnessing a city in decline, particularly Germans, who have coined a specific word to document their pleasure for ruins: “ruinenwert”.

Using Detroit as a case study, Binelli seeks to uncover the answer to what happens to great places after they have entered a period of sustained decline as well as investigating

the nature of recovery in such cities and the key players behind this regeneration.

The notion of outsiders gaining pleasure out of Detroit’s internal desperation and struggle is one of the key themes investigated by Binelli. He notes that stories such as that of the Detroit Chief of Police taking to Facebook to warn shoppers about carrying cash over the Christmas period, “are the stories people want to read about”. However, outsiders coming in and gaining from the decay is not all bad news and journalists are increasingly seen as a key part of tourism in Detroit. Binelli notes that the most optimistic commentators have stated that Detroit could become the next Williamsburg with large parts of the city colonised by artists. “Cheap rent and no rules” regularly attract artists, musicians and film companies and in particular Raleigh Studios invested $120 million into a heavily subsidised 22 acre plot encompassing a vacant General Motors building.

This appears as an excellent investment in terms of jobs and the attraction of film crews, however, the fact that in 2012 the studios retained only 20 staff demonstrates the negligible positive impact for local people.

Binelli writes in an undoubtedly deliberate style; he creates a sombre mood and develops an emotional attachment to his reader through his tales of despair and eyebrowraising statistics such as the fact that in 1986, on average, one child was shot every day in the city. However, he can seamlessly revert to heart-warming tales including that of Council President Charles Pugh promising to call the mother of a complete stranger after their chance encounter on a city bus ride as well as distributing employment advice leaflets to the other passengers. This writing style acts as a metaphor for the state of the city as a whole; just as at times it seems like all hope for recovery in Detroit is lost, Binelli reminds us that there are genuine seeds of hope for the area, encapsulated no better than by the story of the

European Geographer 14 | 07/2017

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Catherine Ferguson Academy. The academy is exclusively for young mothers and has a farm as its centrepiece. Under the guidance of principal Asenath Andrews, a 90% graduation rate has been achieved as young women learn skills such as milking goats and slaughtering livestock.

The role of farming in Detroit is of particular relevance to the future of the city. Binelli notes that Detroit has the potential to meet 75% of its vegetable demand through cultivation of its wasteland. Other commentators, including Ed Caesar, have noted that community projects such as small scale farms located on the outskirts of the city act as a “surprising green shot of recovery” and could lead to Detroit becoming “the first entirely self-sustainable city in the world” (Caesar, 2013). In light of its governmental and financial crises, Caesar is perhaps being slightly ambitious, however, it certainly appears that Detroit’s community spirit is an untapped resource that can be exploited.

This is further portrayed by Binelli through his depictions of blues concerts in the yards of the residents of Detroit and the Heidelberg Project, a downtown outdoor art exhibit which attracts over 50,000 visitors per year.

In spite of positive tales such as that of the Catherine Ferguson Academy and the obvious strong community spirit that Detroit has, Binelli documents countless occasions of poor governance and inefficiency in the upper echelons of Detroit’s society, which ultimately threaten to undermine the success of community led strategies. In a particularly shocking tale, Binelli recounts the story of a strip club owner named only as ‘Jay’. After scaring a burglar away from his house by firing shots into the air and to avoid killing the intruder, victim Jay was bluntly told by a police officer to “next time, aim lower”. The fact that the police officer did not show up until five hours after the incident makes the tale all the more believable and serves to show the carefree stance of the police, further plighting and polluting the city. Such is the sorry state of affairs that Binelli passes off the charging of ex-mayor Kwame Kilpatrick with perjury and obstruction of justice as almost a non-event.

Binelli expresses no shock or sadness at the situation, all the more worrying as Kilpatrick was once touted as the first black US president.

Detroit’s economic situation and more importantly its current bankruptcy have divided experts. The social theorist Peter Eisinger states that “bankruptcy proceedings are not the cure for a dying city...the end result will be a

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A book review of The Last Days of Detroit by Mark Binelli

weaker city” (Eisinger, 2014). By contrast, Rana Foroohar (2013), an economic analyst at Time Magazine, believes that “Detroit’s bankruptcy should lead to an era in which a once great American city can put the lights back on and see its way to a new kind of future”. Somewhat democratically, Binelli sits on the fence with regard to Detroit’s bankruptcy question. On the one hand he sees bankruptcy as jeopardising the lives and pensions of retired members of the city, whilst also retaining a sense of optimism that bankruptcy will “wipe the slate clean” and attract further investment.

Detroit’s grave economic situation is most clearly summed up by the failed I-94 Industrial Project. Beginning in 1999, over $19 million were spent on clearing a 189 acre site of over 200 properties to create a new industrial zone, however since the demolition, only one tenant has moved in and the remaining land is still desolate. It is the failure of such projects that has led many of those that Binelli interviews to take the stance that signs of city wide transformation are non-existent and only community strategies will deliver real results to local people. In particular, chief engineer of the Detroit produced Chevrolet Volt, Andrew Farah, argues within the book that “the change can’t be that big. It has to be something they [Detroiters] can deal with” and thus bottom up as opposed to top down schemes are perhaps the future for Detroit.

With regard to popular portrayals of the Detroit story, The Last Days of Detroit stands alone in its field. Recent celebrated work has been from a visual perspective such as Julien Temple’s Requiem for Detroit documentary aired on BBC2 in September 2013 as well as Andrew Moore’s 2010 published Detroit Disassembled book of photography which plays on the European taste for vacant ruins as recognised by Binelli. Unlike other books on the city, The Last Days of Detroit crucially includes the 2013 city bankruptcy announcement and is written in such a way that it is accessible to non-experts as well as being written in enough depth that it will be invaluable to any academic or scholar researching Detroit for further study. Unfortunately, the fact that the bankruptcy situation in Detroit is ever changing and that it acts as the tipping point for future growth or decline of the city no doubt decreases the shelf life of the book. In particular, the city’s debt restructuring plan announced in mid-2014 will have a key role in future development and livelihoods, however, the book

will still serve to show the turmoil that the city has faced from the mid-20th century.

One of the most disappointing aspects of the book is that in spite of his obvious expertise and knowledge about the city, Binelli fails to offer his own personal opinion on the future of Detroit. His meetings with numerous key players in the Detroit ‘community’, including governors past and present, as well as those in the lower reaches of society, such as drug dealers, have enabled him to produce an undoubtedly comprehensive study of the city and thus he is in a far better position than most to offer a personal judgement. His investigations have unequivocally documented the misfortune and vulnerability in a city “used up and discarded”, and his studies of the cultural scene as well as various community projects demonstrate those who have been drawn to the area and are trying to make it work. Consequently, Binelli must be given great credit for providing satisfactory answers to the questions he set out to answer, yet the lack of a concrete opinion on the future of the city takes the edge off his undoubted expertise.

At his most sceptical, Binelli appears to be on a similar page to that of controversial US author James Kunstler, with regard to Detroit’s future. Binelli suggests that Detroit is becoming a microcosm for the end of the American way of life whilst Kunstler (2013) states that “what happened to Detroit will come to all the other great American metroplexes in time”, on the basis that they will not be able to be sustained once cheap fossil fuels have been used.

Kunstler’s words must not be taken lightly and should send shockwaves to great cities not only in America but in Europe, Asia and across the globe as well. Yet, for Detroit, citing neighbourhood patrol groups and block meetings in particular, Binelli notes that “the transformation potential of Detroit could start to appear boundless” and thus all is not lost with respect for the hope for cities in their drive to sustainability.

crime and with its citizens feeling, Detroit, argues this vivid study, is a metaphor for the death of American pre-eminence. The Sunday Times. 6 Jan. Available at: <http://www.thesundaytimes.co.uk/sto/ culture/books/non_fiction/article1186589.ece> Eisinger, P., 2014. Is Detroit Dead? Journal of Urban Affairs, 36 (1), pp. 1-12.

Foroohar, R., 2013. How Detroit’s epic bankruptcy could help the rest of America. Time Magazine. 5 Aug. Available at: <http:// content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2148171,00. html> Kunstler, J., 2013. Requiem for Detroit. AMASS, 18 (1), p. 38.

References Binelli, M., 2011. Britney Spears Finds It Hard to Be a Woman.

Rolling Stones, 29 Mar. Available at: <http://www.rollingstone. com/music/news/britney-spears-finds-it-hard-to-be-a-woman-rolling-stones-2003-cover-story-20110329> Binelli, M., 2014. The Last Days of Detroit. London: Vintage.

Caesar, E., 2013. An Industrial Apocalypse; Riven by drugs and

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Representing EGEA at the „Festival International de la Géographie“ “Festival International de la Géographie”, “To Inhabit the Earth”, International Geographical Union, book fair, geo-coffees Raffaele Viaggi

Saint-Dié-des-Vosges is a small town located in the Vosges Mountains, 90 km away from Strasbourg and the German border. Today, Saint-Dié is honored with the title of „Godmother of America“. In fact, in 1507, Martin Waldseemüller completed here an introduction to cosmography that can be seen as the baptismal certificate of the New Continent. He justified his choice with the following statement: “I do not see what right anyone would have to object to calling this part after Americus, who discovered it and who is a man of intelligence, and so to name it

Figure 1: Festival International de la Géographie

Amerige, that is, the Land of Americus, or America: since both Europa and Asia got their names from women.“ Unfortunately for Columbus, we all know how it ended.

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Recently, the history of this peaceful town of the Eastern France was marked by another event turning upside down the city life. In 1990, Christian Pierret came up with the fantastic idea of creating a gathering for all the people interested in Geography. This event was entitled “Festival International de la Géographie” (FIG). I suppose there is no need for a translation, yet a clarification is probably necessary about the word “International”.

The first reason why this Festival can be considered as international is the fact that it is the biggest Geography related event, not only in France, but also in all the Frenchspeaking countries. The location of the town also sustains this idea: it is situated nearly halfway between the Belgian Wallonia and the French-speaking Switzerland.

The second reason is due to the presence of a different Guest Nation or Territory every year. The 2014 edition of the FIG decided to explore the British Isles as a “plural entity”, characterised by a culture and a common history whose characteristics are both “centripetal and centrifugal”. The idea was to learn more about their common insularity as well as their internal regional tensions (particularly in the case of Scotland and the recent referendum resulting in the decision to remain in the Union), between dynamic cities and old industrial regions, between monarchy and republic, between Europe and the rest of the world. It was also an encouragement to think about geography beyond the usual nation-state paradigm.

Today, the FIG represents a place of discovery, learning, entertainment and exchange. The secret recipe of its success lies in its ability to satisfy a wide audience (the FIG annually hosts between 30,000 and 50,000 visitors). It is surprising to see how this event can bring together specialists from all around the world and even simple enthusiasts of culture and entertainment. All knowledge is explained by experts and all topics are discussed. In addition to this, all events are free.

Representing EGEA at the „Festival International de la Géographie“

discussed: the risks specific to the physical environment, mobility of individuals and peoples, sustainability or precarious situations (wealth and poverty, war and peace).

How did we get the chance to go there?

Figure 2: Festival International de la Géographie

The theme of this 25th edition of the FIG: “To Inhabit the Earth” The expression “To Inhabit the Earth” indicates that every human being, as an individual or as a group, creates his own home in a terrestrial space for a temporary or permanent shelter, whether a simple hut or a palace. What we are used to call “Home” is more than just an anchor or a root since it can be mobile, selected by choice or by force.

The word „Earth“ means that space is always invested physically, intellectually and emotionally. Its meaning ranges from some forms of housing to the ways of living, from everyday life to the long term. All geographical scales were taken into account: the world (habitability and sustainability), domestic interiors (private space, land and property issues), the regional and the local scale (architecture, urban planning, land use in a town or a country).

All these concepts are essential in the association between economy and ecology, which gives birth to geography.

21st century life faces many challenges that need to be

The reason why we got the chance to attend this extraordinary event is very practical: one of our professors in La Rochelle, Mr. Louis Marrou, currently occupies the position of President at the “Association for Development of the International Festival of Geography”. He was also the Scientific Director of the FIG from 2010 to 2012. In September, he asked us to follow him at the FIG provided that we would carry out a qualitative survey concerning the visitors’ satisfaction about the festival. Once we had overcome the initial wave of excitement, we came up with the idea of seizing the occasion in order to promote EGEA among French-speaking students. Mr. Marrou replied that he was totally supporting us and he would do his best to get us an exhibition stand for free. And with a little help from the BoE, we managed to get some promotional material (a banner, some flyers, some pins) and also to gain a better visibility within the “Book Fair” (Salon du Livre).

Even if our entity in La Rochelle is very recent, we already had a lot to say and to share with the students and all the interested passers-by in front of our stand. Additionally, we are currently the only entity left in France, which is the reason why we really felt concerned with the need of attracting new members. Nevertheless, French students were not the only nationality we bumped into: Belgian and Swiss were quite numerous too.

Figure 3: Festival International de la Géographie

The discussions in front of our stand became interesting: many students, researchers, as well as teachers and professors stopped by to find out who we were representing and

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what we did. I confess, it is not very easy to resume what EGEA is in a minute or two of explaining, especially when you want to avoid saying commonplace things. Anyway, the results were always rather promising in the end: after a quick presentation of the association, the listeners told us they would spread the word among their networks and they finished with an encouragement for what we were doing.

as much as possible to rediscover it and to make it accessible to all. He had previously occupied the position of Minister of Industry, Trade and Handicrafts in France and told us that if he was to give some advice to some young students like us he would certainly recommend us to learn foreign languages, which are always useful in a career, to move away from our comfort zone, to explore and to discover what happens outside this beautiful country. After his long speech, probably energized by a good dose of local champagne, we had all realized that everything he said had definitely something to do with what we had been promoting for the last three days: EGEA and its values.

The interesting concept of the “Cafés-Géo”

Figure 4: Festival International de la Géographie

Some prolific geographical encounters The Book Fair was a very interesting location for our exhibition stand: there was the place where literature met geography. For us it was even more challenging as our stand was located next to the other “international” stand of this Fair: the IGU, International Geographical Union. We were lucky to sit near two specialists that had experienced and promoted geography worldwide during their whole lives. Unfortunately, they confirmed the general trend for French-speaking countries, which are currently underrepresented at their Annual Congresses and meetings. They were trying to figure out the reasons of this underrepresentation, which is mirrored by what happens in a small scale in EGEA: France has more than 60 Geography departments and despite of this fact, French geographers seem to remain scarcely attracted by any kind of English-speaking association.

During the closing ceremony, our whole group had the chance to meet the Former Mayor of Saint-Die-des-Vosges, the Chairman and Founder of the FIG: Christian Pierret. After telling us about his visionary idea of founding the FIG (at the time, not everyone was convinced by this bet), he suggested us to gather around him to listen to some tricks of the trade “to succeed in life”. Mr. Pierret is really passionate about this science and he wanted to do

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Being a team of 9 students from EGEA La Rochelle, we were able to alternate at our stand, in order to attend the countless sessions of events and debates, according to our personal interests and professional development. One of the most profitable meetings happened in a bar with the members of the association “Café-Géo” (Geo-Coffees).

Thanks to Laetitia, a student in our group, we had managed to obtain an exceptional rendezvous with the founders of this extravagant concept.

Their idea consists in organizing meetings in a café or in a bar with the aim of discussing about a geographical theme in a laid-back and non-scientific atmosphere. Far from being a classroom, the Cafés-Géo are open to curiosity and expression. Anyone is invited to share a pleasant moment and to debate his opinions and questions with specialists.

Many bars and cafes in Saint-Dié opened their doors to this experiment sixteen years ago for the first time. The aim is also to discover the work of many PhD students, who can seize a more relaxed atmosphere to present their own researches. The success of their slogan „Make geography otherwise“ cannot be denied!

Olivier Milhaud, the President of this association, was pleased to see a young and dynamic group of students in front of him, eager to start something similar in their own city. He shared useful tips and tricks with us for finding a good subject to start with, to invite experts in this field from La Rochelle and to succeed in the organization of a Geo-Coffee, but only time will tell us when we will accomplish our mission.

It is precisely in one of these Geo-Coffees, entitled “Living

Representing EGEA at the „Festival International de la Géographie“

of La Rochelle, is a nationally recognized specialist about Australia: most of his researches deal with the “Australian Dream” and with tourism activities in this country. His participation to the FIG 2015 lays the foundations for a fascinating edition, especially for the “Land Down Under” enthusiasts. Furthermore, some students from La Rochelle are already preparing a workshop about dreams and dreamed destinations. I am not allowed to reveal more for the moment… See you in October in SSDV. References John W. Hessler, 2008. The Naming of America: Martin Waldseemüller’s 1507 World Map and the Cosmographiae Introductio. Washington, D.C.: GILES in assoc. with The Library of Congress.

Festival International de la Géographie, 2014. Les origines du Festival. [online] Available at: <http://www.fig.saint-die-des-vosges.fr/le-festival/origines-du-festival> [Accessed 15 October 2014]

Figure 5: Festival International de la Géographie

in a foreign country: feeling home abroad?” (in which I randomly ended up), that I got the chance to meet Maria Luisa Giordano, a PhD student and assistant at the University of Genève who was also the mediator of the debate around this topic. A native of Palermo, she had pursued her studies in Bologna, my hometown, where I discovered that she had been at that time one of the founders of the entity of EGEA Bologna!

After explaining to me that she was in Saint-Dié-desVosges as a lecturer at the Conference “Life in the (Eco) Districts of Lausanne (Switzerland)”, she mentioned once again how interesting being a member of EGEA is and how much this association can offer in terms of experience, networks and self-improvement.

It is a small world! Le monde est petit…

To be continued…

All geographers should feel warmly invited to the 2015 edition of the FIG. This year’s program will see Australia as guest country, while the theme « The Territories of the imagination » will take us far away, without even moving. Luc Vacher, one of our professors at the University

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EGEA is supported by

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COLOPHON Postal address:

Telephone: E-mail: E-mail EGEA magazine: Website: Editors of the 14th issue:

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The EGEA Magazine is a publication of the European Geography Association for Geography students and young geographers.

The EGEA Magazine is published at least once per year. The magazine is produced for the EGEA community, EGEA partners and everyone who is interested in geography, Europe, and EGEA. EGEA Faculty of Geosciences - Utrecht University P.O.Box 80.115 NL-3508 TC Utrecht +31-30-2539708 egea@egea.eu egea.magazine@egea.eu www.egea.eu Noora Rämö (Chief Editor), Johanna Brandstätter, Colette Caruana, Florin-Daniel Cioloboc, Andreia Danila, Urban Furlan, Patrick Kiszel, Uwe Kocar, Tobias Michl, Gabriela Adina Morosanu, Maike Nowatzki, Matthew Stephens.

Tetiana Khoroshun, Tobias Michl, Christof Nichterlein, Ida Viinikka Tetiana Khoroshun Francesca Adam, Johannes Schaal, Femke Faber, Robbert Kramer, Svetlana Samsonova, Andrew Watkin, Raffaele Viaggi, Noora Rämö Hendrik Weiler “Copenhagen” Copenhagen, Denmark, 2014.

All authors are completely responsible for the content of their articles, their figures, and the references made by them.

The editors would like to thank Karl Donert from EuroGeo for reviewing the scientific articles.

EGEA is supported by:

ESRI, University of Utrecht, EuroGeo, European Commission This publication reflects the views only of the author and the European Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.

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