EPILOGUE JULY 2009 by Epilogue Press

Jammu and Kashmir’s Monthly Magazine

RNI : JKENG/2007/26070

ISSN 0974-5653

Now Telling The J&K Stories

Epilogue because there is more to know

Jammu, July 1, 2009 / Vol 3 / Issue 7 || Price Rs. 30 || Postal Registration No. JK-350/2009-11 || www.epilogue.in

The future of Jammu & Kashmir Jammu & Kashmir : India’s Objectives and Strategies by D Suba Chandran -----

The Kashmir Conflict : A Kashmiri Perspective by Mehraj Hajni -----

The International Community and Kashmir by Howard B. Schatter -----

Policy making in a Terrorist Economy by Dipanker Sengupta

SHOPIAN FIASCO

PEACE MODELS

Ground Assessments and Opinion

How India and Pakistan can Resolve Kashmir Now

J&K Economic Reconstruction Agency under â&#x20AC;&#x153;Multisector Infrastructure Rehabilitation Project (MIRP) by Asian Development bank has launched various drainage schemes to augment drainage system in Srinagar city. The J&K ERA committed to provide people of Srinagar city with improved urban services have earmarked Rs. 100.02 crores for drainage sub-component. The drainage system on completion will benefit large population who face cute water logging during rainy seasons.

Scope of work Rawalpora to Tengpora bridge

Allotted cost 32.94 crores

Population to be benefitted (souls) Year 2009- 22000 Year 2039 -50100

Areas to be benefited: Lalded, Goripora, Bagh-i-hyder, Qazi Bagh, Usmania, Ibrahim, Shahanwar, Shiekh-ul-aalum, Syedhyder and Ibrahim colonies. Part of Rehmatabad, Hyderpora, Gulburg, Khaliqabad, Alnoor Gulbahar, Greenpark colonies. Pohru chowk to chanapora bridge

41.70 crores

Year 2009-20500 Year2039-46408

Areas to be benefitted: Govt. Housing Colony, Baghimehtab, Alama Iqbal Colony Partly, Alamdar Colony, Chaki-Methan, Gousia Colony, Gulshan Nagar A-B-C, Usmania Colony(Bagh-i-mehtab), Shankarpora Partly, Iqbal colony(Wanabal) Wanabal Nowgam, Shiekh-ul-Alam colony, S.K Bagh, Pohru partly, Railway Colony, Housing colony Nowgam, Basharat colony partly, Palmuhalla Methan partly, TawheedAbad, Gousia colony Lalnagar, Shiekh-ul Nooruddin colony & Umer colony. Bemina to Fruit Mandi

25.38 crores

Year 2009-17800 Year 2039-40448

Areas to be benefitted: Parimpora (A&B), Gousia colony (A&B), Sirsyedabad, Police colony, SDA colony, Shamsha Abad, Tawheed Abad, Owaisa Abad, Usmania colony, Ibrahim Colony, Boatman colony, Nundresh Colony, Mansoor Colony, Al-Farooq Colony, Mohammadia Colony, Hamza colony and part of Bemina.

Hotel Tramboo continental, Boulevard Srinagar Tele: 0194-2450762,Fax: 0194-2450067

13 C/c Gandhi Nagar Jammu Tele:0191-24588832,Fax:01912451553

Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University Rajouri (J&K) - 185131 COLLEGE OF ENGINEERING & TECHNOLOGY Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University announces admission 2009 to following Engineering streams : a. B.Tech Computer Sciences & Engineering b. B.Tech. Information Technology c. B.Tech. Electronics & Communication d. B.Tech. Civil Engineering e. B.Tech. Electrical & Renewable Energy Engineering Eligibility : 10+2 from a recognized Board with atleast 50% marks (45% incase of Sc/St. categories) with Physics and Mathematics as compulsory subjects. Combined Entrance Test (CET) shall be conducted on 02 August, 2009 at following venues : 1. Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah University, Rajouri 2. K.B. Public School, Bye Pass Road, Opposite Channi Himmat, Jammu. 3. Regional Office, Parry Pora, Baghat Barzulla, Near S.S.R.B. Srinagar. Last date for sale and submission of B.Tech. Application form in July 10, 2009; late fee of Rs. 100. Application Forms along with Information Bulletin are available on payment of Rs. 800/from the office of Assistant Registrar (Academic Affairs), 01962-262616 CAMP OFFICES :

Jammu : 0191- 2466892, 2464402 Srinagar : 09419011449. They can also be downloaded from University website : www.bgsbuniversity.org For details contact : Dean Academic Affairs, 09419103563 and Assistant Registrar (Academic Affairs), 09419171665 No. BGSBU/Acad/09/28551 Date : May 29, 2009

Sd/Assistant Registrar (Academic Affairs)

B R I D G I N G

T H E

I N F O R M A T I O N

D I V I D E

Taking J&K Closer to World Bringing World Closer to J&K

Epilogue because there is more to know

31 Volume : 3, Number : 7 ISSN : 0974-5653

RNI : JKENG/2007/26070 www.epilogue.in F O R

T H E

M O N T H

O F

J U L Y

2 0 0 9

The problem in Jammu and Kashmir can’t be seen through one lens as it involves more complexities than anyone imagined. An ACDIS, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign sponsored study, which is the cover feature of this issue, examines Kashmir issue from different perspectives. Also, a new section on recent engagements offers an interesting reading on political life in J&K

Epilogue Ø 1× July 2009

MANDATE :

collectors issue, the special number on our second anniversary came as fastest possible, yet professionally correct work, on J&K elections. Result were declare on December 28 and our issue carrying complete elections analysis and elections trends at constituency level was out before the government was sworn I.

Jan. 2009

AGENDA FOR OMAR GOVERNMENT :

he coalition government of National Conference and the Congress headed by Omar Abdullah Omar Abdullah took over on January 5 but it did not declare a shared agenda. Epilogue's February issue put together opinions of well meaning people from across the country setting out an agenda for Omar Abdullah government

Feb. 2009

CONNECTING J&K onnectivity is a major issue in J&K and people in many areas taunt the government saying that roads were laid in remote areas only because they close to borders. Our March issue looked at the connectivity via roads, rail and air to bring to the fore the missing links. Mar. 2009

TREADING FAILURE s world watches keenly the new unfolding developments in Pakistan, our Consulting Editor D Suba Chandran travelled to the troubled country to bring fresh perspectives for our readers in April Issue.

Apr. 2009

J&K MOVING FORWARD ay issue was one of the rare collections of ideas where 12 natives from both sides of Jammu and Kashmir poured their ideas out of the heart on how boundaries can be blurred and relations can be strengthened.

May 2009

LOK SABHA POLLS 2009 ith Prof Rekha Chowdhary looking into various aspects, the May issue offered a complete view of the Lok Sabha elections in Jammu and Kashmir. An interview with Finance Minister Abdul Rahim Rather explained most critical questions on the state's economy

June 2009

A limited number of unbound back volumes is available in our stocks. For booking your copies call us at 9797599365

A R E Y O U M I S S I N G O U R PA S T S T O R I E S

Epilogue because there is more to know

CONTENTS

www.epilogue.in Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Associate Editors Irm Amin Baig Tsewang Rigzin

rree u u t t FFuu iirr e e m h m h h f TT oof Kaassh dd K n n uu aa m mm JJaam

Note Book 13 Essential Entries

Shopian Fiasco Rate and Murder in Shopian : The Missing Links and Inert Government

Kunan-Poshpara to Shopian : 16 The Journey of Women in Kashmir Vibhuti Ubbott

Research Officer Raman Sharma

IN FOCUS The Future of Jammu and Kashmir

Mailing Address PO Box 50, HO Gandhi Nagar, Jammu

Edited, Printed, Published and Owned by Zafar Iqbal Choudhary. Published from : Ibadat House, Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K 180012 and Printed at : DEE DEE Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New Rehari Jammu (J&K)

4 5 6

Ahmed Ali Fayyaz

Art Editor Keshav Sharma

Phones & email Office : +91 191 2493136 Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Administration: +91 94190 00123 editor@epilogue.in editor.epilogue@gmail.com subscription@epilogue.in

In Verbatim Prologue Letters

The Future of Jammu and Kashmir Present Tense, Future Uncertain Zafar Choudhary

Jammu & Kashmir : India’s Objectives and Strategies D Suba Chandran

The Kashmir Conflict : A Kashmiri Perspective Mehraj Hajni

The International Community and Kashmir Howard B. Schaffer

Policy Making in a Terrorist Economy Dipankar Sengupta

Peace Models How India and Pakistan can Resolve Kashmir Now Mansoor Ijaz

Column “We believe in doing ‘service’ from the heart...”

RNI : JKENJ/2007/26070 ISN : 00974-5653 Price : Rs 30 Epilogue Ø 3× July 2009

Manisha Sobhrajani

Mughal Emperor Jahangir on the Fauna and Floriculture of Kashmir (Part - I)

Prof. Jigar Mohammad

Reviews Golden Protection Revisiting Borders

Srikanth Kondapalli

Impact Feature Golden Protection Special Package to be all out Handicrafts Sector

Sajad Bazaz

Political After Line Recent Engagements

Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction of courts and competitive tribunals in Jammu only.

H E A R

Who Said What

He (Dr Syama Prosad Mookerjee, founder of Bhartiya Jana Sangh) laid down his life to oppose the discriminatory tendencies and theory of two constitutions, two flags and two heads of the state within one nation…we have to carry forward his mission RSS Chief MOHAN BHAGWAT, delivering a lecture on death anniversary of Mookerjree in Jammu on June 23

The Prime Minister has expressed complete agreement with the view that implementation of the Working Group recommendations was key to retaining of confidence of people (in Jammu & Kashmir) Vice President of India, Dr MOHAMMAD HAMEED ANSARI, delivering 17th convocation address at the University of Kashmir in Srinagar on June 21

The Ministers shall visit remote areas of state along with Administrative Secretaries and Heads of Departments using state helicopter An order of J&K's General Administration Department quoting Chief Minister OMAR ABDULLAH

We will be happy to engage in a dialogue with any group which engages with us, even those who are no in critical mainstream Prime Minister Dr MANMOHAN SINGH addressing journalists on board special place on way home from Russia on June 17

No progress can be made in the dialogue process between India, Pakistan and leadership of Kashmir unless confidence building measures with far reaching consequences are taken to practically change the ground situation which at present is violent and bloody Kashmir's head priest and separatist leader MIRWAIZ UMAR FAROOQ at a press conference at his residence in Srinagar on June 11

Epilogue Ø 4× July 2009

P R O L O G U E

From the Editor

Six Months and Still Nowhere Zafar Choudhary

tried my best to write a different 'prologue' than the one I wrote last month or the one three months ago but I failed. This column of the magazine is a reflection upon the current state of affairs in Jammu and Kashmir. Past six months in the state have gone in first raising hopes and then calculating the false estimates. The coalition government of the National Conference and Congress, headed by young Chief Minister Omar Abdullah was expected to bring changes at least on three fronts –minimising violations of human rights, improving the institutions of governance and bridging gaps between regions. As it has already taken the Chief Minister full six months in putting a government in place, it was wrong to hope high. Our 'prologues' since the beginning of this year mirror the journey from hopes to disappointments. The February issue was fully devoted to the young Chief Minister. It carried ideas from top thinkers in the state and the country on what should be the agenda for Omar. The prologue in that issue caption, 'Realise the Challenges', however, put a word of caution. The April issue, which coincided with completion of three months of Omar government had the prologue

captioned, 'Leadership Vacuum'. Last month we realized that the Chief Minister and his government had very little at their dispense as for two months the state was engaged in Lok Sabha elections. The Prologue's caption, therefore, was 'Time for Omar to Deliver'. Now when the government completes its six months, the caption could have been only the worst. After the Lok Sabha elections one had expected Omar to galvanise all the resources for giving new dimensions to the development activities. Since the budget proposals had not been adopted by the state legislature the district development board meetings were not held. It delayed formulation of the district plans. Proper allocation of funds in other sectors was delayed and hence nothing tangible could be achieved. The Government's commitment on reducing the level of regional discrimination, resolving the problem of unemployment and finalising schemes for improving power generation and drinking water supply remained unfulfilled. One would have not expected all the promises to be fulfilled within a span of six months but at least a beginning could have been made. There is a sort of confusion in the ruling alliance which is the result

Epilogue Ø 5× July 2009

Epilogue : February 2009 Issue

of inner conflict between the Congress and the National Conference. The bureaucracy is faced with a dilemma. It feels sandwiched between Omar Abdullah, Union Health Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad and the Union Renewable Energy Minister Dr Farooq Abdullah. It is high time when Omar asserted his authority so that no other political leader is able to build a parallel Government. The Chief Minister is young and he has a long way to go. It is time that he restructured his political and administrative strategies to earn confidence of the people of Jammu and Kashmir. Feedback : zafarchoudhary@epilogue.in

L E T T E R S

Readers Write

Why Muslim Share in Lok Sabha Declined?

he outcome of recently concluded election to the Lok Sabha has been hailed as triumph of secular forces. Significantly it also marked the decline of Muslims representation from 34 in the previous Lok Sabha to 28 this time, including four from Jammu and Kashmir State. It is true that a secular Hindu can serve the cause of Muslims much better than a member of the community can do. But it gets a better psychological satisfaction if its representative also belongs to it. Muslims like any other community nursed many grievances. Some of them were highlighted by the Sachar committee. Many Muslims were detained in recent times for their suspected hand in series of blasts in various parts of India, which all their co-religionists did not believe to be true. Two trains carrying Muslims from Azamgarh area, called Ulema express, came to Delhi to protest against what they felt were unfair actions of the government. The protest coincided with a terrorist attack in Batla House area near Jamia University after which local Muslims complained of harassment. Muslims of the UP, has the largest Muslim population in the country. Their leader often act as spokespersons of the grievances of all Muslims elsewhere. They are particularly unhappy over the neglect of Urdu language in the State which is its real home. They were disillusioned with the main secular parties of the State. The BSP put up largest number of candidatesover 500within and outside the State. It had become too unwieldy and ambitions thus did not inspite many of its former supporters. By equating the Congress and the BJP, like other members of the third front, it lost the confidence of Muslims. Samajwadi Party, the leader of which was at one time called Maulana Mulayam Singh lost the goodwill of the Muslims by enlisting the support Kalyan Singh. For he was held responsible for the demolition of the Babri Masjid as it happened when he was the Chief Minister of the UP. Thus by a process of elimination many Muslims switched over their support to the Congress and thus

contributed to its revival. But the fatal error some leaders of them committed and which was responsible for decline in their representation in the Lok Sabha, was to form a Muslim party under the name of Ulema Council in protest against what they called being treated Muslims as vote bank by secular parties. The Council put up candidates in many places in the UP and some States out of it. Ulema Council along with some non-descript parties and independents, in all estimated to have put up 780 candidates in the election. But except those who contested as candidates of secular parties or in alliance with them, lost and merely succeeded in dividing secular votes and victory of the BJP. Thus not a single Muslim candidate won in States like Maharashtra, Gujarat, Madhya Pardesh, Rajasthan and Orissa. But they added to the tally of the BJP. In Gujarat, for instance, a veteran Congress leader, Shankar Singh Waghela lost to its BJP rival by around 2000 votes and Muslim candidate, who too lost, got more than this deficit. Ulema Council did not win a single seat in the UP, in its headquarter. Not that it was wholly unaware of the consequences of its desperate game. But as its candidates from Azamgarh, Dr. Javed Akhtara Muslim majority constituency said, it is not our job to defeat BJP or play the sole protector of secularism. Not only he was defeated but the community did not gain in terms of seats or political power by this strategy. The lesson of this experience is clear. No party of a religious community has a chance of success unless it aligns with a secular party. If a party of the Hindus, the majority community had to change from Hindu Maha Sabha, to Bhartiya (Indian) Jana Sangh and Bhartiya Janata Party, open to non-Hindus, succeeded in coming to power after aligning with Muslim leaders from Kashmir, Christians leaders from North East, a Sikh party in Punjab and Tamils under the name of NDA with a socialist, George Fernades, as its convenor, how can a party of much smaller community ever succeed in an election. Even Akali Dal, a party of the Sikhs, learnt this reality of Indian politics when before the assembly election of 2007, it opened its doors to non Sikhs and gave party ticket in some constituencies to Hindus. It got a majority in the assembly after it formed an alliance with the BJP.

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 6Ă&#x2014; July 2009

L E T T E R S

Readers Write

Muslims have shown their about in States like West Bengal where they were a major factor in demolishing the leftist citadel but only after they aligned with CongressTrimamool Congress front and won seven seatsas many as UP Muslims, where number of the community is far larger got. It also scored victories under the banner of Indian Union Muslim League as an ally of the Congress in Kerala and won three seats. Indian Muslims are the second largest Muslim community in the worldafter Indonesia. Their contribution in field like theology, music, art, literature, sports and films is universally acknowledged. Not because they are Muslims but because they excelled in the respective fields. In politics, they must learn the tricks of party system and understand and represent the aspirations of different classes, castes, regions and other diversities also apart from their own communitywhich itself is far from being homogeneous. In frustration after their recent experience, some Muslim parties are demanding proportional representation based on reservation for their community. As Salman Khurshid, the minister for Minority Affairs, has pointed out, this may provoke jealousy and hostility of the majority community and thus be self-defeating. Sachar Committee dealt with this problem in a very rational way. It recommended inclusion of Muslims in the category of OBC and Scheduled castes. Nothing would serve the interest of the community better. BALRAJ PURI Director, Institute of Jammu and Kashmir Affairs, Jammu

Letter to Obama

4,2009 to create an atmosphere of optimism and thaw in the Muslim world in particular and global civil society in general. In fact the pacifists of the world felt thunderstruck, enthralled , captivated and fascinated by your thought –provoking and scintillating speech which evaded affectation and hackneyed verbiage which was once characteristic of the ego-centric demagogues of America . You , through your objectivity and pragmatism of concepts , have certainly kindled hope and euphoria in the hearts of those who crave for global peace and tranquillity .You were , we concede, candid and sagacious when you declared in unambiguous words that— “America is not and never will be at war with Islam.” “More recently ,tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims and Cold War in which Muslimmajority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations .” “Whatever we think of the past we must not be prisoners of it” and “this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.” We, the pragmatists of the world, genuinely feel that brother Obama's philosophical eirenicon to stem the rot and ensure global peace will soon get materialized to eventually salve the wounds of the oppressed and dispossessed people in various regions of the world . And this is how insurrectionists of the world can be brought round and co-opted for constructive activity especially state-dispensation . This is time to empower the enslaved and humiliated people of Kashmir, Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan. It is time to shun the desultory and myopic approach to global issues . Let Obama's Messianism lead him to the cherished goal of amicable, honourable and peaceful settlement of the outstanding global political problems .

Jenab Barak Husain Obama Saheb Assalam-o-Alaikum

ou had the privilege to address the global intelligentsia in Cairo University (Egypt) on June

M. AZAM INQILABI Patron Jammu Kashmir Mahaz-e-Azadi Srinagar

Epilogue Ø 7× July 2009

NO T E

BOOK

13 Essential Stories INDO-PAK RELATIONS

Obama rules out US mediation

S President Barack Obama has ruled out any American mediation on Kashmir issue, by saying that bilateral dialogue is the best way to reduce tension between India and Pakistan. "We want to be helpful in that process, but I don't think it's appropriate for us to be the mediators in that process. I think that this is something that the Pakistanis and Indians can take leadership on," Pakistan based Dawn TV quoted him, as saying on June 20. "I believe that there are opportunities, maybe not starting with Kashmir but starting with other issues, that Pakistan and India can be in a dialogue together and over time to try to reduce tensions and find areas of common interest," he said. Responding to a query about why his administration has been silent on Kashmir issue, he said India and Pakistan both were great friends of the Unites States, and his administration didn't want to dictate terms with both the nations. "Well, I don't think that we have been silent on the fact that India is a great friend of the United States and Pakistan is a great friend of the United States, and it always grieves us to see friends fighting. And we can't dictate to Pakistan or India how they should resolve their differences, but we know that both countries would prosper if those differences are resolved," Obama said. E

CEASEFIRE DIVIDENDS

CROSS-LoC RELATIONS

First trekking along LoC in 20 years

PaK hands over drowned boy's body via LoC

s a clear sign of the dividends of border ceasefire, in operation since 2003, the state Tourism Department organised a two-day 25km-long trekking expedition from Gulmarg to Boniyar in north Kashmir on June 18. This was the first such expedition after early 1990s. The expedition was organised in order to set the trend for promotion of adventure sports in the State, Director Tourism Farooq Ahmad Shah said here today. He said the expedition, in which a group of 21 trekkers participated, was undertaken to revive trekking events and other adventure sports as the same has tremendous potential in the State. The trekking expedition, started from Buta Pathri which is 8 km ahead of Gulmarg, passed through Nigli nallah, meadows, valleys, streams and many other places of breathtaking beauty to culminate at Balani, Bonyiar. The Army authorities were also involved in facilitation of the expedition as some of the areas have proximity with LoC. The group, led by Joint Director and Deputy Director, Tourism, comprised members of the ski patrol team, adventure tour operators, representatives from banking fraternity, University of Kashmir and Wildlife Trust of India. He said the trek proved beneficial from adventure and research point of view as the trekkers were able to see distinctive flora and fauna and explore the adventure niche of the Valley. E

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 8Ă&#x2014; July 2009

n a gesture of goodwill, the authorities of Pakistan administered Kashmir handed over the body of a drowned youth in a river when he along with his friend was taking a bath in a river in Poonch district of Jammu and Kashmir. Two youths, including a medical employee had drowned on June 18 and one of the bodies was recovered by the PaK authorities. ''The body of Neeraj Sharma, medical assistant of village Draba in Surankot was recovered from across the border, while his friend Ashish Vaid's body was recovered on June 19 morning down stream in Poonch,'' sources said. The PaK authorities, on receiving information about the drowned youth from this side, were engaged in tracing the body. Neeraj's body that had flown down at least 4 km across LoC was recovered yesterday afternoon,'' the sources said. The Pakistani authorities handed over the body of the youth to this side through Chakkan-Da-Bagh on evening of June 19. E

NO T E

BOOK

13 Essential Stories

SECURITY REVIEW

DEVELOPMENT

Army Chief visits Kashmir

Rs 1 billion plan for border areas

he Indian Army Chief General Deepak Kapoor reviewed the over all security situation in Jammu and Kashmir for smooth conduct of the Amarnath Yatra on June 16. Lieutenant General Bikram Singh, General Officer Commanding15 Corps, briefed the Army Chief on the security scenario in the state. During his two-day visit (June 15-16), General Kapoor interacted with officers and troops engaged in counter infiltration and counter terrorism operations at various locations. The Army Chief appreciated efforts of the troops in maintaining strict vigil to prevent infiltration from across the Line of Control. General Kapoor was also briefed on the anti infiltration obstacle system and he was fully satisfied with the efficacy of the system and measures being taken by the Army in Kashmir, during his visit to various formations. Lieutenant General PC Bhardwaj, General Officer Commanding in Chief Northern Command and Lieutenant General Singh accompanied the Army Chief. E

STATISTICS

6th round of National Sample Survey from July 1

he field work on 66th round National Sample Survey (NSS) will commence in Jammu and Kashmir from July 1. Officials said this decision was taken at a three-day Regional Training Camp, organised jointly by National Sample Survey Organisation, (NSSO) of Union Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation and Directorate of Economics and Statistics (DES). The objectives of the camp, which ended yesterday, were to conduct a survey on employment, unemployment and household consumer expenditure in the State. Field functionaries of DSE of Kashmir Division, including Leh and Kargil, participated in the camp and were given on spot training and guidance from the supervisors of NSSO. The Director of Statistics and Economics in J&K, Mr Qureshi said 66th round of this programme was organised to prepare an accurate and reliable base of data and information for use in formulation of the 12th five-year plan for the state. E

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 9Ă&#x2014; July 2009

Jammu and Kashmir state Level Screening Committee had approved Rupees 100-crore Action Plan for the state for the year 200910 under the Border Area Development Programme (BADP). The plan was approved in a meeting of the committee, chaired by Chief Secretary, S S Kapoor, in Srinagar on June 20. Kapoor, asking the executing agencies of flagship programmes in border areas of the state, said completion of projects on time will go a long way in realising government's resolve of equitable and balanced development of the state. He said schemes launched under BADP could supplement ongoing development projects in these areas and stressed that spillover works should be completed on priority before taking up new projects. While reviewing the progress made under BADP during the last financial year, it was given out that out of Rs 147 crore outlay, including Rs 42 crore spillover of the year 2007-08, an amount of Rs 116 crore were spent under various welfare and development schemes in 40 border blocks of the state for augmenting road connectivity, health and education, besides other facilities. It was also stated that under Model Village Scheme, Rs 5.25 crore were spent on development of model villages in various border blocks. Similarly, Rs 1.72 crore were expended on construction of Land Custom Stations at Chakan-da-bagh, Poonch and Salamabad, Uri. E

NO T E

BOOK

13 Essential Stories

CONSERVATION

OFFICIAL MEDIA

Rs 11 billion plan for shrinking Dal, Wular and other water bodies

Center mulls Rs 3.89 million plan for J&K

he India Environment and Forest Minister Jairam Ramesh said in Srinagar on June 22 that Central Government will spend more than Rs 11 billion cleaning up two iconic lakes in Kashmir, which have been polluted during decades of neglect and a separatist revolt. Dal Lake, the Valley's main tourist attraction which has drawn visitors from Mughal emperors to the Beatles star George Harrison, has shrunk from 25 sq km to 13 sq km since the 1980s, environmental campaigners say. Raw sewage, rubbish and land encroachment threaten the survival of the lake which dominates Srinagar, the summer capital of Jammu and Kashmir state. The idyllic Himalayan region's other prominent lake, Wular, which authorities say was once Asia's largest freshwater lake, has reduced to half its original size. "This conservation effort is the first serious fully funded effort," Jairam said at a news conference in Srinagar. Thousands of tonnes of sewage spew into Dal Lake, feeding weeds and choking the lake and its aquatic life of oxygen. The government plans to clean and remove the weeds, build new sewage treatment plants, and pay at least 10,000 families living on the waterfront to relocate. Authorities and many environmentalists blame these families, some of whom have lived there for generations, for dumping rubbish, sewage and waste into the lake whose trademark wooden houseboats have been a tourist magnet for decades. Some residents have in the past been slow to accept cash to relocate, saying the move would rob them of their livelihoods. The state government has neglected the region's environment while battling the separatist revolt. The government has made previous pledges to clean up Kashmir's waters, saying cleanup operations have only been made possible because the insurgency is at its lowest level in years. E

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 10 Ă&#x2014; July 2009

o counter the alleged Pakistani propaganda along the border, the Indian government has mooted a Rs 389 crore proposal to increase its television and radio coverage in the higher reaches of Jammu and Kashmir state and near security establishments. The strategically important proposal is reportedly in final stages of approval and is coming into being when India-Pakistan relations are at their low. The Centre had in 1999 pumped in Rs 430 crore under a special package for J&K to strengthen the Doordarshan and AIR network. The new proposal is expected to bolster the existing infrastructure even as instability continues to mark Indo-Pak relationship. There has been growing concern over propaganda from, what policy desks in Delhi call, hostile neighbours and a need has been felt that border coverage by the strong signals of radio and TV was important for providing information to people in sensitive J&K areas. Keeping in view rough terrain and climatic conditions, Prasar Bharati has proposed setting up of mobile transmitters at heights of 13,000-14,000 feet. These transmitters costing upwards of Rs 4 crore each will do away with the necessity of constructing towers saving on manpower, resources and time. The proposal is though not part of the 11th plan but it has reportedly been discussed at a high level meeting with home minister P Chidambaram and senior officials in the home ministry. The main objective is to counter the anti-Indian propaganda across the border. "Not only will these transmitters provide Prasar Bharati's broadcast with a strong signal but also give coverage of up to 150 km in Pakistani territory," a senior official said. The proposal is two-pronged that includes setting up of high power TV and FM transmitters in the border areas of J&K and low power FM transmitters in uncovered areas of J&K. This is likely to cost up to Rs 307 crore while strengthening of existing AIR/TV network in border areas of J&K and installation of mobile TV/FM transmitters for moderation of Pakistan radio and TV signals will cost Rs 82 crore. E

NO T E

BOOK

13 Essential Stories

RAIL TO KASHMIR

After ten-month confusion, existing alignment Okayed

opes have once again brightened up for Kashmir Valley's railway link with rest of the country. Over ten months after the construction work on the Katra-Qazigund section of the ambitious Kashmir rail link project was suspended, an expert committee has given its green signal to restart the work. The committee, in its recent report submitted to the ministry, also gave a favourable opinion for the resumption of the work on the world's highest bridge on the Chenab river, linking the Kashmir Valley with rest of the country. However, a senior railway board official said the ministry "is yet to take a decision on the report". Work was suspended on the 70 km stretch in Katra-Qazigund section as the proposed alignment was found to be too problematic. The seven-member expert committee headed by former railway board chairman M Ravindra was constituted last December to suggest possible new alignment in the section after the suspension of the work. "We have taken a pause to reappraise the alignment including the proposed Chenab bridge. This has been done to avoid wastage of money and resources on the project," then railway board member (engineering) S K Vij was reported by the Times of India as saying. "In any case very little progress has been done since the commencement of the work in the last four and half years," Vij had maintained. The committee submitted its report after examining the problems in the area. "The committee has suggested not to abandon the work carried out in the existing alignment. It has also suggested certain modifications in the alignment to continue the work further," said the official. As far as the mega arch Chenab bridge is concerned, the official said, "the report is in favour of resuming the work at some locations". The 70 km stretch between Katra and Dharam in the KatraQazigund segment is the most difficult terrain of the Rs

Read Epilogue’s March 2009 issue to find out what scrapping of this project would have cost the exchequer.

11,000-crore project, comprising steep slopes intersected by a number of rivers. Besides geological challenges, climatic conditions are also harsh in the area. Currently train services are operational between the 101-km-long Baramulla and Anantnag section in the valley. "The Anantnag-Qazigund section is expected to be operational by July end and with this the 119-km-long Baramulla-Qazigund section will be operational," said the official. E

OTHER KASHMIR

PaK presents Rs 35.40 budget for 2009-10

akistan administered Kashmir budget for the financial year 2009-2010 was presented in legislative assembly on June 20. PaK Minister of Finance Chaudhry Latif Akbar presented the budget in the assembly chaired by Speaker Shah Ghulam Qadir. The volume of the tax free budget is around Rs 35.40 billion. The allocations for the development budget are around Rs 10.75 billion, which is 13 percent more than the last year development budget for the region. E

Epilogue Ø 11 × July 2009

NO T E

BOOK

13 Essential Stories

INDO-PAK RELATIONS

Pakistan media feels country lost plank on Kashmir

akistan has lost its Kashmir plank with India bringing on centre stage the need to counter terrorism, an editorial in a leading English daily said Thursday while welcoming the apparent subcontinental thaw after the meeting in Russia between President Asif Ali Zardari and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. "There was a time when Pakistan wanted 'movement' on Kashmir from India. Now India wants 'movement' first, on terrorism," Daily Times said in an editorial headlined 'The message from Yekaterinburg'. "One phase is over whether Pakistan likes it or not. The next phase is upon us and that is Pakistan's war against Baitullah Mehsud's Tehreek-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Al Qaeda. "One reason phase one is over is that even for Pakistan, the priority now is getting rid of the terrorists. Beyond that is a new model of relationship in South Asia between its two big nuclear-armed states and with the threatened countries that lie on the edge of the region," the editorial contended. Manmohan Singh had delivered a blunt message to Zardari at their meeting in Yekaterinburg Tuesday, their first after the Mumbai terror attacks that India has blamed on elements operating from Pakistan. "I must tell you quite frankly that I have come with the limited mandate of discussing how Pakistan can deliver on its assurances that its territory would not be used for terrorists attacks on India," Manmohan Singh had said. Delhi Times also noted that New Delhi's official line on Pakistan before the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit at Yekaterinburg that India and Pakistan had attended as observers was -- do something about terrorism first and then expect the resumption of dialogue with India. "The message from Yekaterinburg was that the 'primary issue of terrorism will be discussed by the foreign secretaries of the two countries before the leaders of the two countries meet again in mid-July on the sidelines of an international

conference in Sharm-el-Sheikh, Egypt'," the editorial said. Holding that the war against terrorism "should not be an India-Pakistan war", the editorial said: "A new kind of dialogue between the two countries is essential. And it can't be a rehash of what happened in the past, in which some optimists saw 'great progress' but which yielded no results." According to The News: "The resumption of greater normalcy between Islamabad and New Delhi is welcome." "But while dialogue and negotiations between the two nations are to be encouraged, and have in the past led to steps - such as the cross-border bus services - that help people meet and encourage contact between them, it is time now to fix a firmer goal," said the editorial, headlined

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 12 Ă&#x2014; July 2009

NO T E

BOOK

13 Essential Stories

ROAD MISHAPS "Time to talk". Holding that both Pakistan and India "have suffered immense losses due to terrorism", the editorial said: "They then stand to gain from coming together." "But if this is to happen, India must accept it too has made many errors and committed many wrongs that need to be righted. Simply making demands on others while failing to correct one's own mistakes serves very little useful purpose. "India needs to demonstrate it deserves a status as 'big brother' in the region by setting the right example and, by doing so, winning the respect of its smaller neighbours," the editorial maintained. Dawn, too, focused on the theme of terrorism, saying the two countries should focus on the scourge that "threatens the peace and stability of South Asia". â&#x20AC;&#x153;It is important that neither government provide any kind of sanctuary to terrorists operating against the other in the misplaced belief that this strategy promotes its political interest. "It is time both realised that terrorism is a double-edged sword that also destroys its protector and patron. Hence the SAARC mechanism that has already been set up to investigate and fight terrorism must be activated and used effectively to the advantage of both," said the editorial, headlined "Handshake in Russia". IANS

Nearly 70 killed in June

Hundreds of people watch rescue operation of a bus that rolled down the Chenab River on June 7. Over 20 bodies are still missing.

t least 70 persons were killed in two major and several minor accidents across Jammu and Kashmir in the month of June. 25 passengers were killed and 47 injured June 25 when a private transport bus skidded off the road at Panthal, about 50 kms from Jammu. The overcrowded bus, with some passengers also sitting on its roof and hanging with its ladder, was on its way from Shri Mata Vaishnodevi base town of Katra to Udhampur when it rolled down into a deep gorge. Earlier on June 7, 20 persons were feared drowned and five sustained injuries after a minibus plunged into mighty Chenab river in Doda district. The tragic accident, third major one in the Chenab Valley region within a period of three months, has exposed that announcements with regard to improvement of road condition and other ancilliary works on the National Highway 1B repeatedly made by the Government were only eye-wash with no seriousness in translating them into reality. E

FORESTS & ENVIRONMENT

J&K seeks central assistance of Rs 5 billion

he Jammu and Kashmir government has submitted a proposal of Rs 500 crore to the Central government for the development of degraded forests in the state. At a meeting of officers convened to review the progress of ongoing developmental schemes in the Forest Department at Srinagar, State Minister Mian Altaf Ahmad said under Integrated Forest Management Project (IFMP), the government has submitted a proposal to the Centre for the development of degraded forests in the state. E

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 13 Ă&#x2014; July 2009

S HOP I AN

F I ASCO

Ground Assessment Rape and Murder in Shopian

The Missing Links and Inert Government AHMED ALI FAYYAZ Author is a senior journalist based at Srinagar

ith no signs of protests and demonstrations abating in Kashmir Valley, over rape and murder of two women, the state government accepted interim recommendations of Justice (Muzaffar) Jan Commission of Inquiry and suspended for Police officials for their laxity in handling the situation. The culprits, who raped and murdered the village women in Shopian, are, however, yet to be identified by the Commission. The suspension of Javed Iqbal Mattoo, the then district police chief Shopian, deputy superint-endent of police, Rohit Baskotra, Station House Officer (SHO) Shafeeq Ahmad, subinspector Qazi Abdul Karim and Javed Iqbal Hafiz, scientific officer FSL comes in the wake of the interim report submitted by the one-man commission of inquiry. The 300-page interim report submitted by Justice (Retd) Muzaffar Jan to the state government on June 22 indicted the officers with 'dereliction of duty' and 'destruction of evidence' in the rape and murder of 17-year old Asiya Jan and her 22-year old pregnant sisterin-law Neelofar Jan on May 30. In his interim report, Justice Muzaffar Jan has found the south Kashmir Shopian district administration guilty of 'destroying vital evidence, not preserving the scene of crime,

interfering with post-mortem report and dereliction of duty'. "Because of the negligence of the authorities, civil administration, including doctors and police involved in the handling of the incident, vital evidence which could have easily helped in nabbing the culprits were destroyed and lost," the report which has devoted 70 pages on the lapses on the part of the local administration said. The report said the police and civil administration had 'failed to secure the spot and surrounding the areas where the bodies of the two women were found.' In his report the judge has confirmed that 17year old Asiya Jan and her pregnant 22year old sister-in-law Neelofar Jan were raped and then murdered. The incident triggered an unprecedented public outcry across the valley forcing the state administration to lodge an FIR (First Information Report) for rape and murder in the Shopian police station.

The failed government When entire state was on fire these months last year on Amarnath land fiasco, many Kashmir watchers suggested an early return of an elected government as they said that situation was beyond Governor's control. Upon fall of PDP-Congress coalition government, the Governor NN Vohra was then incharge of affairs. A year later

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 14 Ă&#x2014; July 2009

one can conclude how well the Governor handled a situation far more volatile than the present one. The elected government of the National Conference and the Congress headed by Omar Abdullah has completely failed to instill confidence among the peoples. It is an irony that a Governor with no local support had succeeded in dousing the flaming of a regional and communal inferno but a representative government, comprising two largest mainstream political parties, has failed to consolidate the gains it had inherited from a career bureaucrat! Even after three weeks of the burial, nobody has an answer as to why vital circumstantial and biological evidences are being allowed to lose in decomposition of the two dead bodies. Forensic science experts, including those who have studied so-called post mortem reports prepared by an extremely incompetent lot of doctors, are unanimous over the necessity of DNA testing. Government will definitely realize the hazard of sleeping over time-bound decisions, should the investigators fail in identifying and arresting the culprits. N o r m a l l y, i n a l l c r i m i n a l investigations there are two options: A many cases are solved and pushed to trial but, in many matters, investigators fail to reach the culprits and close the file as 'not admitted'. Thanks to chaos

S HOP I AN

F I ASCO Ground Assessment

and confusion at all ranks of establishment, both, the judicial inquiry as well as the SIT investigation are now left with one-odd option---“to produce and punish the rapists and killers”. A sequence of events from the day one denotes political and administrative bankruptcy. Why did a government, that had trumpeted “change” in its first 100 days, commit the mistake of retaining a retiring official as Deputy Commissioner of Shopian in its first administrative reshuffle? Did it need a beep to remind itself that Mohammad Ramzan Thakur's appointment was the result of a sustained campaign publicly launched by then PDP's MLA Ghulam Hassan Khan? Was nobody in the government aware of the fact that then Assistant Commissioner (Revenue) Anantnag, Mr Thakur had several years back directed his PSOs and Police escort to hand over their arms to militants when they had appeared to question his tour in Kokernag area? Leaders of the ruling party now insist that the Cabinet had, in fact, obliged Chief Secretary S S Kapur who wished Mr Thakur “to retire as DC”. Immediately after state Congress President Prof Saifuddin Soz issued a statement and announced that he would take up the Shopian incident with the Union Defence and Home Ministers, people at large in the Valley began to smell that there was something fishy in the whole episode. This, in fact, served as an FIR against Army and CRPF. Why should the Leader of the Opposition, Mehbooba Mufti, remain a mute spectator on watching her role being played by a leader of the ruling party? ailing to understand the Opposition's capability of stretching interpretations, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah landed in the trouble of his own creation. In his admission of “having learned

Villagers Carrying body of Asiya who was allegedly raped and murdered. something” after 20 days, Omar has not--intelligently---insisted on checking out the recorded version of his observation made at his press conference. He appears to have learned that he can still argue and win in a court of professionals but none of his logic or reason would work in a wider court of the people that is guided more by perceptions than facts, realities and possibilities. Thanks to politics (read politicking) and media, the Shopian tragedy has stirred so wildly that the possibility of a dead end in the investigation would be essentially interpreted as “Government's cover up” not only by the common people but also by Chief Minister's and Justice Muzaffar Jan's own family members. SP Javed Matoo was removed from Shopian apparently under public pressure. While the order of DC's attachment made a specific mention of the “inefficiency” practiced by the district administration in dealing with the post mortem process and its aftermath, it remained silent in SP's case. It has led many in the town to believe that unlike DC, SP has not been removed for mere “inefficiency”. In the

Epilogue Ø 15 × July 2009

last few days, residents, politicians and mediapersons have demonstrated the tendency of shifting the focus from the Army and CRPF to “J&K Police” and “SOG”. And the accusation is not of “inefficiency” but committing “rape and murder” of the two ill-fated women. While DC is now retiring with the immaterial tag of complacency, SP is almost in the dock with the allegation of complicity. Nobody in the Government has responded to the PDP President and clarified whether Matoo had been removed for being a “suspect” or simply to cool down tempers of the agitating crowds in South Kashmir. Running the risk of the mob attack, Mehbooba Mufti has audaciously visited the bereaved family in a town that had uncharitably sent her back just a few years ago. Wife of a civilian, killed in crossfiring, had pushed then ruling PDP leader back with the slur that she had been shedding tears after applying chilly powder to her eyes. In the same township, Mehbooba was yet again heckled and attacked by irate mobs with their sandals and invectives but she returned only after

S HOP I AN

F I ASCO

Opinion winning the distinction of being the one-odd mainstream politician to jump into the fire. On the other hand, NC's D i s t r i c t Pr e s i d e n t , Shabir Kullai, who lives in the ill-fated Ahangars' neighbourhood has never turned up even with a word of sympathy. With the sheer absence of a political response from the two ruling parties---who appear to be in a competition in shutting their eyes towards Shopian---lawyers, human rights activists and mediapersons have conducted the trial ex parte and almost pronounced their conviction. Official agencies have shown no hesitation in making it public that Divisional Commissioner Masood Samoon could not enter the troubled town due to “tension” in Shopian. People, including media, are not aware of any single meeting having happened between Ministers, legislators, officials and security agencies to discuss what exactly was going wrong with Shopian and how best the situation could be t a c k l e d u n t i l completion of the judicial inquiry and SIT investigation. E

Kunan-Poshpara to Shopian:

The Journey of Women in Kashmir VIBHUTI UBBOTT Author is Research Officer, Centre for Women's Studies University of Jammu, Jammu

et another round of protests is moving into oblivion with the passage of time. The protests began with the discovery of dead bodies of twenty two years old pregnant woman-Nilofer and her Seventeen years old, sister-in-law Asiya Jan near a stream in the Shopian town of South Kashmir. The incident received varied treatments at the hands of numerous people. Beginning with the young ChiefMinister of the state- Omar Abdullah who out rightly rejected anything wrong done to the women in his initial reaction, it took a week to establish the rape and murder of the two women. Moreover, the incident evoked a series of reactions among different sections. Now, when the Judicial Commission of Inquiry set up to probe into the Shopian double murder has submitted its interim report and has recommended suspension of four top police officers and held a number of others for not acting according to the rule book, it's time to raise some issues which concern women in the Valley. The Valley saw massive protests demanding justice to the victims by prosecution of all those who are responsible. The Chief Minister, impelled by the Government at the Centre, appointed a Judicial Commission. The one member commission, headed by a Retired Judge, was not taken favorably by many. Syed Ali Shah Geelani found it an eye wash while Kashmir Bar Association demanded a sitting Judge to head it. Kuldeep Khoda, DGP, Jammu and Kashmir constituted a Special Investigation Team to investigate into the happening. The political leaders got

Epilogue Ø 16 × July 2009

engaged into responses that suited them. Opposition leader- Mahbooba Mufti started raising questions about the ability of the state government to handle its administrative and security forces. At the same time, the separatist leaders began asking for resumption of dialogue to the centre. The Shopian incident also instigated the think tank of the country to propose the diverse analyses of the situation in the state. There's a consensus among the intelligentia within the state as well as in the country that the people of Kashmir have totally lost faith in both government and political system as displayed by them by their unwelcoming behavior towards Mahbooba Mufti during her visit to Shopian. Secondly, the demand for the withdrawal of Armed Forces Special Powers Act in the state is gaining ground as it provides immunity from the civil investigations to the forces. Many scholars saw all the happenings in the state as a mark of failure of the new and inexperienced Chief Minister of J&K, which is too early a comment to make. The militarization of Kashmir came under a strong criticism as the preliminary investigations had pointed towards the possible involvement of armed forces. The Hurriyat wanted itself to be engaged into the talks by the Central Government via this incident while people in the Valley, at large, sought the Kashmir Solution itself, during the period. The overall reactions evoked by the Shopian Killings are appreciable. Voices are being raised demanding punishment for the guilty and there's an overwhelming

S HOP I AN

F I ASCO Opinion

sympathy for the victims, which is something really fine and worthy. But, there are some deeper concerns that need to be addressed. Every time the rape or murder of a woman takes place, the Valley witness strong reactions but, this time the reaction was more intense and prolonged. It's a matter of delight that during the Shopian protests, the focus remained more on the dignity of women rather than the community itself. In all the past instances, the assault on women has been visualized as an attack on community and hence the necessary backlash is resulted. Actually, the pride of community is considered written on the bodies of the women. An illustration of how the pride of the society gets hurt with the violation of women's bodies was provided best by the 'sex scandal' that emerged few years back in the Valley. The scandal that shook the Valley involved the sexual exploitation of the young women of Kashmir. The incident also brought into light the prostitution networks in the Valley in which the minor girls were associated. The sex scandal unleashed massive agitations and protests in Kashmir as the Kashmiri society found it as a major offensive on its dignity. But, another important observation to be made into the incident was regarding the unforgiving behavior of the society towards the women. There were a number of questions that needed to be answered regarding the vulnerabilities of the Kashmiri women, especially in the face of consistent presence of conflict in the region but, such questions didn't appear. Instead the women were held responsible for bringing ignominy to the community and never got acceptance into it. Similarly, since 1991, when another incidence of the mass rape of women in one of the villages of Kupwara District, namely, Kunan-Poshpara took place, the episode featured into a number of speeches and a lot of articles. A lot has been said and written about the

instrumental value, the women of Kashmir hold, for the separatists as well as the state for blaming each other. But in any case, all the sympathy for victimized women does not get replaced by compassion for them. They continue to be stigmatized in the society. A report, much later the incident, suggested that no marriage proposal was received for any women in the village of Kunan-Poshpara , even three years after the happening. Hence, the dignity of the women ranks higher than the women themselves in our society. Violation of a woman's body is the gravest of the offences that happens more often in the Valley. Social ostracism that follows the incident is worst, that could happen to a woman. Many women commit suicide due to the shame and disgrace they are subject to, after the rape. Many a times, the instances of rapes and molestations are not reported because of the social stigmas attached to them. Therefore, a fresh approach to deal with the genuine needs and grievances is imperative in the valley. There's a range of gender issues in the state that need to be highlighted. The violence against women in the conflict situation of Kashmir is itself a big issue.In such a scenario, where Shopian incident provided an opportunity to put forward all sorts of demands in Kashmir, a campaign could also have been carried out to adopt a new discourse towards the women of the Valley. The incident which evoked sympathies of the region could have been used to raise its gender sensitivities. But unfortunately, the gender perspective is missing in the whole episode. The victimhood discourse, wherein women are imparted the sympathies by having the virtue of being victims, is not getting translated into the gender discourse, wherein the gender specific disadvantages suffered by women are

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 17 Ă&#x2014; July 2009

highlighted and addressed to. The safety and security needs of the women of Kashmir, the right to have means of livelihood, their mental and overall health, the freedom of movement and the right to have a dignified life are some of the immediate concerns in the state. It's high time that the importance of gender issues be established in the state and the Shopian incident could have been that point of time to begin the project. Not only the state but it's the responsibility of whole country, especially of the scholars and intelligentsia that a proper discourse towards the gender issues be in place. But, it's a huge disappointment that nothing of that sort happened. One keeps wondering that while the modesty attack in Mangalore invited nationwide criticism, why the Shopian killings went without stirring national consciousness. A wave should have moved in the whole country, which would also have sent a very positive signal to the Valley. For that matter, the Jammu region of the state didn't observe any reaction to the incident which is very unfortunate. The gender concerns, as always, became a casualty in Shopian incident too. Though the demand of a sitting Judge, instead of a retired one, for heading the inquiry commission, was not something of strategic importance but, succumbing to that demand would have resulted into establishing a women's issue as something of primary importance. Moreover, inclusion of a woman into the commission could have changed the entire story. The State Women Commission didn't intervene for the want of resources and officials. It has turned into a toothless creature, but that too could have been brought into light in the aftermath of the Shopian incident. Hence, there's a strong need to seek answers to the questions that concern the women of Kashmir for which massive sensitization and genuine intentions are urgently needed. E

Epilogue because there is more to know

Classified Mart REACH OUT TO DECISION MAKERS www.hotbillions.com

HOT O NS BILLI

HOT BILLIONS FAST FOOD RESTAURANT Contact : Rehari Chungi, B.C. Road, Jammu Ph. : 0191-2543498, Mb. : 94191 43214

INSTITUTE FOR COMPETITIVE STUDIES

Specialises in :

KAS & IAS

Rahul Jamwal

9419186250

Jasbinder Singh

9906203189

Vidur Vaid

9419164682

For booking your advertisement on this page call Adarash Bali @9906362115 9419631610 email : bali_adarash@yahoo.co.in

268, Krishna Nagar, Opp. G.G.M, Science College, Canal Road, Jammu (J&K)

DVA solutions

DONâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;T WORRY ABOUT UR EDUCATION & CAREER PROBLEMS MBBS, MD/MS, BDS, B.Tech, BCA, MBA, etc. In top most colleges in India under Management/NRI Quota

Contact Jammu - DVA Solutions F-32 IInd Floor Exchange Road, Jammu Mobile : 9205045005, 9018444122 Delhi : 09813037731 Pune / Mumbai : 09096547602

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

The Future of Jammu and Kashmir Present Tense, Future Uncertain Editor's Note “Kashmir is again at the brink”, the press writes this statement over a dozen times every year when the Valley breaks out in protests and demonstrations. In fact, Kashmir is always on the brink and this fact should not be forgotten till a lasting stability is achieved. It needs just a trigger and the Valley erupts sending the government in tizzy. The state Chief Minister finds himself in the middle of nowhere and the Union Government is seen at loss of strategy. It is the angry mob(s) that rules the streets. This is exactly what is happening in Kashmir since beginning of June; same was the condition earlier this year during Parliament elections, before that following cases of human rights violations in north Kashmir, then late last year during Assembly elections and earlier during entire summer of 2008 when the fire had engulfed state across its length and breadth. When tempers cool down, the problem is often referred to as a law and order issue that was resolved by application of administrative and security means. This preciswely is an ad hoc approach keeping the present tense and future uncertain. Over past six to eight years the problem in Kashmir has assumed an entirely different manifestation. From battling against militants trained, armed, promoted and supported by Pakistan, the State is now found battling against anger of its own people. Militant violence and infiltration through International Border and Line of Control is on constant decline since 2002 and there is a significant peace on the borders since November 2003 ceasefire. Take the recent example. There was not even single case of infiltration since first week of June. But the visible signs of peace and stability are yet to be seen. Gulf between three regions of the state and different aspirations of people is also widening. After all what is the future of Jammu and Kashmir? On the following pages a study commissioned by Programme in Arms Control, Disarmament and International Security (ACDIS) of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign examines this critical question with different perspectives. In the first article OF the series, Suba Chandran rightly defines the 'Conflict in Kashmir' and 'Conflict of Kashmir' to bring home two dimensions of the issue. Subsequent articles track the perspectives from Kashmir to international community. No words are too high to express our gratitude to Matt Rosenstein, Associate Director, ACDIS and Editor, Swords and Ploughshares for allowing us share this exclusive study with our readers. In subsequent issues we will try to bring in perspectives from different regions of Jammu and Kashmir on both sides of the Line of Control. E ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

Epilogue Ø 19 × July 2009

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

Jammu & Kashmir: India's Objectives and Strategies

D. SUBA CHANDRAN Suba Chandran is Assistant Director of the Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies in New Delhi and consulting Editor of Epilogue magazine

here are two sets of conflicts relating to Jammu and Kashmir—the conflict in Kashmir and the conflict of Kashmir. The conflict of Kashmir is primarily linked to the larger Indo-Pak conflict and its actors include India, Pakistan, and Kashmiris. In the initial decades following the 1947 partition, India's primary objective in the conflict of Kashmir was to internationalize the issue to its advantage, based on its legal claim over the entire Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) r e g i o n i n c l u d i n g t h e M i r p u r, Muzaffarabad, Gilgit, and Baltistan regions. These four regions, under direct and indirect control of Pakistan, are administered through two different political entities. The regions of Mirpur and Muzaffarabad—called “Azad Kashmir”—have limited autonomy, while the Gilgit and Baltistan regions are referred as the Northern Areas and fall under the total control of Islamabad. Withdrawal of Pakistani troops from “Azad Kashmir” and the Northern Areas—collectively referred to by India a s Pa k i s t a n o c c u p i e d K a s h m i r (PoK)—and its reintegration with the rest of J&K had been the primary objective of India during the initial phase of the conflict. However, this objective slowly changed in a shift that became visible during and after the 1971 War with Pakistan. A Line of Control (LoC) was established after this

Epilogue Ø 20 × July 2009

war, and it is widely believed that during negotiations leading to the Simla agreement that followed the war, India and Pakistan agreed to convert this line into a permanent border between the two countries. Ever since, India's primary objective in the conflict of Kashmir has been to maintain the status quo and convert the LoC into an international border. The conflict in Kashmir refers to the relations between New Delhi and various communities and their aspirations in Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh regions. Though the high level of violence since the 1990s has hijacked the issues in J&K, there are other serious issues from these three regions. For example, people of Ladakh have been demanding a Union Territory (UT) status within India, while the people of Jammu region have been demanding a separate state, again within India. A major section within Kashmir Valley demands complete independence from India, while another section demands more autonomy in terms of federalp r o v i n c i a l r e l a t i o n s . Po l i t i c a l manipulation, bad governance and corruption have been major issues for all three regions. India's policy towards the conflict in Kashmir has been narrowly focused in terms of addressing the political issues of Kashmir Valley, winning the Kashmiris politically and psychologically, and integrating them emotionally into the

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

Indian mainstream. Until recently, the other two regions—Jammu and Ladakh—have been totally neglected by New Delhi.

India's Kashmir Policies and Strategies That are the major issues in India's policies and strategies vis-à-vis the conflict in Kashmir and the conflict of Kashmir? Though India's policies towards both these conflicts have been criticized as ad hoc and reactive, in retrospect it appears New Delhi has been clear on what it wants regarding both conflicts. Externally with Pakistan, New Delhi wants to convert the LoC into an international border and make the status quo permanent. Internally, it wants to keep the demands for independence under control, aiming to win the Kashmiris psychologically and emotionally by integrating the political elite into the mainstream. The strategies that New Delhi has adopted to secure these policies may have different guises, but the policies on these two broader issues have remained constant. These policies and the strategies adopted to secure them require a critique before commenting on the contemporary situation and making conclusions about the road ahead.

The Prism of Terrorism Until recently, India perceived both the conflict in and conflict of J&K mainly through the prism of terrorism. Internally, the absence of militant attacks is seen as the presence of peace and political stability in Kashmir. Problems of governance are seen as an offshoot of militancy; hence, the government has believed that once the latter is brought under control, there would be better governance. Issues

such as corruption and bad governance are carpeted under militancy. Counterinsurgency operations have assumed more significance, without understanding that militancy has been the product of certain political questions and that once these political questions are addressed, the militancy would automatically die down. These political questions raised by the Kashmiris may be real or imaginary or both; but it is the duty of the government to address them politically. Externally, cross-border terrorism was perceived as the main bilateral issue vis-à-vis Pakistan. India has long avoided discussing J&K with Pakistan and repeatedly emphasized that until the latter stops cross-border terrorism, there could not be any meaningful negotiation. Internationally, while Pakistan attempted to highlight the issue of “human rights” and “political oppression” in Kashmir by New Delhi, India attempted to flag cross-border terrorism as the main issue and hurdle in taking any further measures. As cross-border terrorism became the highlight of India's approach towards the conflict of Kashmir, two issues became prominent in the 1990s and in the early years of this decade. Any dialogue on demilitarization or troop relocation in J&K became a nonnegotiable issue for New Delhi, as it was linked to cross-border terrorism. New Delhi repeatedly emphasized that unless cross-border terrorism is stopped, there cannot be discussion on troop withdrawal, as the latter is a response to the former. As part of a unilateral measure to address cross border terrorism, New Delhi decided to fence the Line of Control. The international border between the two countries has already been fenced and regularly patrolled by the paramilitary forces on both sides.

Epilogue Ø 21 × July 2009

The conflict of Kashmir is Ä primarily linked to the larger Indo-Pak conflict. Ä Its actors include India,

Pakistan, and Kashmiris. Ä The conflict in Kashmir refers to the relations between New Delhi and various communities and their aspirations in Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh regions. Ä Since the 1971 war, India's primary objective in the conflict of Kashmir has been to maintain the status quo and convert the Line of Control into an international border. Ä India has aimed to win the Kashmiris psychologically and emotionally by integrating the political elite into the mainstream. Ä As part of a unilateral measure to address cross border terrorism, New Delhi decided to fence the Line of Control. Ä Only recently did the Indian

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

The LoC until the mid-1990s was never fenced. Pakistan has always been opposed to the idea of India fencing the LoC, as it felt fencing would give an element of permanency to the LoC. As a part of not allowing the fencing, Pakistan resorted to continuous shelling whenever India undertook any efforts on the same. With a ceasefire in place since the end of 2003, India went ahead and completed fencing the LoC. Efforts are in progress to install advanced sensors and related equipments to electronically monitor this fencing.

India's Narrow Focus The “political” approach vis-à-vis the conflicts in and of Kashmir that New Delhi has pursued has, until recently, always been narrowly focused. Within India, successive governments in New Delhi have carried out a strategy based on organizing periodic elections for the state legislative assembly of Jammu and Kashmir and sustaining an elected government at the state level. Elections, whether rigged or free, are seen as an “end” in J&K; the party or coalition that forms the government subsequently in Srinagar is expected to adhere to the existing provisions and maintain the status quo, without any demands on changing the nature of union-state relations. In the late 1990s, the Union government relied completely on the National Conference (NC) government led by Farooq Abdullah, and now seems to be continuing the same with the CongressPeoples Democratic Party coalition government and then NC-Congress coalition government Once the state government is in p l a c e i n S r i n a g a r, t h e U n i o n government's approach towards Kashmir is limited only to the former, irrespective of its popularity. Until recently, any further political

engagements outside this sphere have been ad hoc and were without any focus; the Union government failed to initiate any substantial dialogue with those sections that fall outside the mainstream political parties, especially the separatists led by two factions of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC) and other independent leaders. Only recently did the Union government initiate efforts to address all of the groups concerned. Two Round Table Conferences (RTCs) have been organized since 2006, and five working groups have been formed on different issues, which include the following: New Delhi's relations with the State, increasing relations across the Line of Control (LoC), boosting the State's economic development, rehabilitating the victims of violence, and ensuring good governance. These Working Groups have submitted their reports and New Delhi is yet to initiate follow up actions on these recommendations. Vis-à-vis Pakistan, India has long refused to initiate a meaningful dialogue on Kashmir. As mentioned above, cross-border terrorism became a major issue in the conflict of Kashmir with Pakistan. However, since the end of the 1990s, for the first time India had agreed to include J&K as a part of various other bilateral negotiations including those over Siachen, Tulbul Navigation/Wullar Barrage, Sir Creek, elimination of terrorism and illicit narcotics, economic and commercial cooperation, and exchange of friendly visits. Since 2004, two slogans have become the catchwords of India's approach towards Pakistan on Kashmir—“soft borders” and “making borders irrelevant.” Atal Behari Vajpayee, the previous Prime Minister, took bold measures in addressing the conflict of Kashmir. Efforts were made

Epilogue Ø 22 × July 2009

government initiate substantial dialogue with political parties that fall outside the mainstream in Jammu and Kashmir. Ä Two slogans have become the catchwords of India's approach towards Pakistan on Kashmir—“soft borders” and “making borders irrelevant.” Ä What if a compromise acceptable to India, Pakistan, and a section of Kashmiris is not acceptable to jihadi forces? Ä So far economic and cultural interactions across the Line of Control have narrowly addressed the interests of only one region—the Kashmir Valley. But such interactions should address all regions of Jammu and Kashmir.

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

to make borders “soft” in terms of breaching it legally through more crossing points and a liberalized visa regime. These efforts witnessed the introduction of the first bus service between the two countries from New Delhi to Lahore, and talks being initiated on opening the international border in other areas. As a result, today there is a new rail link between Sindh in Pakistan and Rajasthan in India and another bus service between Amritsar and Nankana Sahib across the international border. Although both these connections became functional under the Congress government, efforts w e r e t a k e n u n d e r Va j p a y e e ' s administration to make borders soft. Manmohan Singh, the current Prime Minister, came out with a new slogan—making borders irrelevant. This caught people's imagination especially after the devastating earthquake in October 2005. A few months before the earthquake, a bus service was introduced between the two Kashmirs—between Muzaffarabad and Srinagar—marking the first time such travel was possible in six decades. The opening of the LoC in the Jammu region followed this step; today there is another bus service between Poonch and Rawlakot.

Resolving the Conflicts Challenges Ahead Undoubtedly, in recent years India has taken significant measures to address both the conflicts in and of Kashmir. Further progress would depend on the following. First, in the past and even today, there has been no consensus at the national level on what could be India's game plan in Jammu and Kashmir and how far it could go in terms of a final resolution. The existing Parliamentary Resolution signifies India's maximalist position and not

what is feasible and practical. The Union government has been reluctant to create such a consensus both inside and outside the Parliament. There is a clear difference between the secular moderates and the extremist Hindu Right in India. For a final resolution, a national consensus is essential inside India. The same is also true inside Pakistan. There is no consensus inside Pakistan on what could be the final settlement of Kashmir. Though Pakistan has been insisting on the rhetoric of “what is acceptable to the people of Kashmir,” in reality, both the State and its people will be unwilling to let go of territory under its control. While it would be agreeable to Pakistan to continue with the present set up in Muzaffarabad, it would be unacceptable to change the status quo, especially of the Northern Areas. The package announced by General Musharraf in October 2007 on the Northern Areas is cosmetic and a part of Islamabad's larger plan to keep this region under its perpetual control. The Northern Areas are strategically important to Pakistan today for various reasons. Among them, the Karakoram Highway (KKH) and the water resources of the region are significant. With Pakistan having plans to expand the KKH and construct a road-rail-gas pipeline link from Gwadar port in Balochistan to Kashgar in China, this region is of enormous importance. Second, clearly whether it is making borders soft or irrelevant, India's strategies are aimed at not redrawing the existing boundaries, whereas Pakistan's efforts for six decades have been aimed at altering the status quo. Much would depend on how successfully India can be in convincing Pakistan on this issue. Third, relating to the conflict in

Epilogue Ø 23 × July 2009

Kashmir, as mentioned above, New Delhi has taken significant measures. However, two important steps are not being addressed convincingly so far. One, the dialogue inside India, between New Delhi and various groups of K a s h m i r, e v e n t o d a y r e m a i n s unconvincing. The separatist groups, led by the two factions of the Hurriyat Conference, are yet to be taken into confidence. For various political reasons, both factions of the Hurriyat Conference have so far refused to enter into any meaningful dialogue with New Delhi. True, the Hurriyat certainly cannot be considered as the sole voice of the Kashmiris, for its support base is narrowly based inside Kashmir Valley and has no representation in the Jammu a n d L a d a k h re gi on s. H ow e ve r, undoubtedly, it does represent a segment of opinion inside Kashmir Valley. Besides the separatists, the Union government has also not been able to initiate any dialogue with the militant groups. Today, the non-State armed groups fighting in Kashmir can be clearly divided into two groups. The first one, led by the Hizbul Mujahideen, has ambitions that are more political and limited to Kashmir. Cadres of Hizbul are primarily Kashmiris and have been fighting for a political cause. The second group is led by the Lashkar-eToiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad, with both political and religious ambitions aimed at a larger cause—beyond Kashmir—of destroying India. Cadres of Jaish and Lashkar are primarily drawn from Pakistan. The Indian security and intelligence forces have been successful in forcing the cadres of Hizbul to surrender or eliminating them considerably, thus weakening their base. However, Lashkar and Jaish have been fighting a bloody battle against the Indian security forces. Besides, the control of Pakistan's security forces over

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

Jaish and Lashkar in recent years has been questioned seriously. The important question that needs to be addressed here is: what if a compromise acceptable to India, Pakistan, and a section of Kashmiris is not acceptable to these jihadi forces? Finally, India has to take proactive and if needed even unilateral measures in increasing the cross- LoC interactions. In September 2007, both India and Pakistan agreed in principle to trade across the Line of Control. Ever since the LoC opened for the bus service between Muzaffarabad and Srinagar in 2005, people living in all five parts of J&K—Jammu, Muzaffarabad, Northern Areas, Kashmir Valley and Ladakh—have

been demanding the opening of the LoC for economic and cultural interactions. While the Chambers of Commerce and Industries, both in Jammu and Srinagar, have pressured New Delhi to open the LoC for trade, people in the these five regions have been putting pressure on both governments to open more routes and allow more people to cross the LoC. The apple and carpet industries in Kashmir Valley in particular have been demanding the opening of the LoC for trade. Today, Kashmiri apples go from the valley by truck via Jammu to Delhi and then beyond. If the LoC is opened for goods, the apples from Anantnag and Sopore could reach Rawalpindi via Muzaffarabad faster than they could

reach New Delhi. So far the cross-LoC interactions have been narrowly based in addressing the interests of only one region—the Kashmir Valley. The regions of Jammu and Ladakh have been largely ignored. There are numerous divided families in the Kargil region, who have relatives across the LoC in Skardu and Gilgit and also in the Jammu region. India should take active measures to open KargilSkardu and Jammu- Sialkot roads for the movement of divided families. There is a need to expand the interactions along the LoC and this enlargement should address all five regions—Jammu, Muzaffarabad, Kashmir Valley, Northern Areas and Ladakh. ACDIS

CENTRE FOR WOMEN’S DEVELOPMENT STUDIES 25 Bhai Vir Singh Marg, New Delhi - 110001 (An ICSSR Supported Institution) www.cwds.org Centre for Women’s Development Studies (CWDS) is pleased to announce its participation in offering the IGNOU-CWDS Ph.D Programme in Women’s Studies from the academic year 2009-10, through an MoU signed with the Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi. Interested candidates should consult the websites of IGNOU and CWDS for information regarding eligibility of candidates. Besides the minimum criteria laid down by the university for admission to all Ph.D Programmes, screening will be done based on the following criteria - academic performance at M.Phil/Master’s Level, postgraduate degree in relevant discipline, no. of years of teaching experience, and demonstrable evidence of research publications/interest in women’s and gender issues. Candidates without the M.Phil degree and/or sufficient exposure in women’s studies may be asked to take required coursework before proceeding to doctoral research. Selections will be done on the basis of the above criterial by a screening committee, as per IGNOU admission procedures. All candidates for the IGNOU-CWDS programme should send a research proposal as part of their application. Application forms should be downloaded from the IGNOU website at www.ignou.ac.in and a copy sent to both IGNOU and CWDS. While applications are accepted throughout the year, candidates may be admitted in either the July or the January session, depending upon the receipt of application and completion of registration procedures. This notification is particularly meant for candidates who wish to apply in time for the July Session. Kindly check CWDS website for further information.

Epilogue Ø 24 × July 2009

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

The Kashmir Conflict : A Kashmiri Perspective

ashmir is the most thorny and intractable issue between India and Pakistan. After the eruption of violence in the early 1990s, the conflict assumed alarming proportions. It worsened Indo-Pak relations and brought the two countries to the brink of a nuclear catastrophe. Precisely for th i s re a son , th e i n te rn a ti on a l community included Kashmir among the major trouble spots of the world and advised both India and Pakistan to exercise utmost restraint and start negotiations towards its resolution. A short historical analysis is essential, from a Kashmiri perspective, to understand the emergence of the Kashmir problem in its various dimensions.

Origins of the Kashmir Conflict

MEHRAJ HAJNI Dr. Mehraj Hajni is a Lecturer at Government Degree College in Kargil.

In 1947, before British India was partitioned, there were around 600 princely states. Lord Mountbatten, the last Viceroy, advised the rulers of these states to accede to either India or Pakistan. Regarding the criteria for deciding which of the two dominions a state should join, Lord Mountbatten said, “Normally geographical situation and communal interests and so forth will be factors to be considered.” These princely states acceded to either of the two dominions on these principles. Although the rulers of Junagarh, Hyderabad, and Jodhpur wished to accede to Pakistan, they were rejected by India on the grounds that they were

Epilogue Ø 25 × July 2009

contravening the partition plan because the majority of the populations in these princely states were Hindus. The problem over Kashmir arose as “India laid claim to every Hindu majority area, on similar grounds Pakistan laid claim over the Muslim majority state of Kashmir, but such claim was always rejected by India.” Thus a dispute over the state of Jammu and Kashmir occurred and both the parties resorted to different methods and even fought wars to acquire this disputed state. The tribal invasion in 1947, the “accession of Kashmir” to India, and the Indo-Pak war in the same year changed the entire map of Jammu and Kashmir and divided it into two parts—Indian administered Kashmir and Pakistan administered Kashmir. The “accession” of the state to the Union of India signed by the then ruler Maharaja Hari Singh did not mark the end of dispute over Kashmir for two reasons. First, the accession was made subject to the condition of the will of people to be ascertained after the restoration of normalcy in the state. Second, the issue became internationalized, as it was referred to the United Nations by the government of India. Besides, in both the Tashkent and Simla agreements following the wars of 1965 and 1971 respectively, it was agreed that the Kashmir issue constitutes a dispute that needs to be resolved through bilateral negotiations. Since then, developments within

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

and outside the state of Jammu and Kashmir had tremendous impacts on the psyche of the Kashmiri Muslims and resulted in their complete alienation from the rest of India. The installation of repressive regimes by the Union Government in New Delhi through unpopular and undemocratic methods, erosion of autonomy granted under article 370 of the Indian constitution, the systematic encouragement of corruption and nepotism, nondevelopment of the state, problems of poverty and unemployment, impact of communal violence both within and outside the state, opportunistic alliances and accords between the National Conference (NC) and Congress Party, and electoral malpractices greatly influenced the young Kashmiri Muslims. Outside India, developments in Afghanistan, the Iranian revolution, the situation in Eastern Europe, and the break up of the Soviet Union also contributed in influencing Kashmiri youths towards looking for an alternative road.

The Roots and Growth of Militancy Many youths in the late 1980s concluded that salvation lay in secession from India, which could be achieved only through an armed struggle. Meanwhile, Pakistan had been eagerly looking for an opportunity to exercise its influence over Kashmir and was also keenly waiting to avenge the humiliation inflicted upon it by India during the 1971 war. The growing situation in Kashmir Valley suited Pakistan, which started providing arms and ammunition to the angry young Kashmiri Muslims. As a result, an armed movement was established which received massive support in Muslim dominated areas of Jammu and Kashmir. Apart from common Kashmiris, “government employees, the police

forces, the academic intelligentsia and even some top bureaucrats supported the separatist slogans raised by the militants.” The situation worsened to the extent that it became a question of re-establishing the Indian state's writ over Kashmir. In order to eradicate this armed militancy in the state, the Indian security forces resorted to force. The security forces used draconian measures, including identification parades, house-to-house searches, custodial killings, illegal detention, rape and molestation of Kashmiri women, and related coercive methods. The counter attacks by the militants were equally vicious, and as a result thousands of people were killed and numerous others physically and mentally disabled. Property worth billions of rupees was destroyed, as a large number of houses and even total localities were ravaged during encounters or exchange of fire between the Indian security forces and the armed militants. As a result, for the first time since 1947, the Kashmiri separatist movement took recourse to a violent upsurge with significant mass support. Kashmir had witnessed the politics of protest and separatism earlier, and at times even militant organizations were formed, but they failed to mobilize mass support. In the 1990s, the situation was different; there was a complete disruption of the administrative machinery and the state was brought under Presidential rule for six years from 1990-1996. During this period there was a complete political vacuum as almost all the pro-Indian political parties became dormant or irrelevant. The separatists floated their own organizations. Elections were held in 1996 for the state legislative assembly, resulting in the National Conference (NC) led by Farooq Abdullah

Epilogue Ø 26 × July 2009

Ä The Kashmir conflict brought India and Pakistan to the brink of a nuclear catastrophe. Ä In the 1947 partition, India laid claim to every Hindu majority area, on similar grounds Pakistan laid claim over the Muslim majority state of Kashmir, but such claim was always rejected by India. Ä Developments within and outside Jammu and Kashmir resulted in complete alienation of Kashmiri Muslims from the rest of India. Ä Pakistan started providing arms and ammunition to the angry young Kashmiri Muslims. Ä To eradicate armed militancy in Kashmir, Indian security forces resorted to identification parades, house-to-house searches, custodial killings, illegal detention, and rape and molestation of Kashmiri women. Ä The 1990s marked the first

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

forming the government. But the low voter turnout and the unending violence in the state rendered the government completely impotent. Besides, the failure of the government to fulfill its election promises—including the restoration of autonomy to the state, ending human rights violations, relief to the victims of violence, safe return of Kashmiri Hindus to their homes, and an end to the unemployment problems—made it unpopular. Thus in the 1990s, the armed movement gained momentum, while good governance remained a far cry, with human rights issues assuming significance.

The Challenges of Governance in Contemporary Kashmir Elections were again held in 2002 for the J&K state legislative assembly. These elections are considered to be important for the following reasons: first, despite a boycott call by the separatists, more then 34 percent of eligible voters participated in the elections; second, the strongest regional party of J&K—the National Conference—was voted out of power and a new coalition government led by the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the Congress came to power under the leadership of Mufti Mohammad Sayeed. During the election campaign Mufti's PDP assured the people that if voted to power, it would work for good governance and release of prisoners, provide relief to the victims of violence, create conditions for the return of Kashmiri migrants to their native homes and rehabilitation of surrendered militants, repeal those laws which give unlimited powers to the Indian security forces, create employment opportunities for the unemployed, work for demilitarization, and finally strive to achieve an honorable solution to the Kashmir problem according to the aspirations of the people of Jammu and

Kashmir. After taking the reigns of government, Mufti described all such ideas as elements of his “healing touch philosophy.” Since the unending violence of the past several years had brought large-scale trouble and trauma to the people of the state, “healing touch” has been described as a systematic process to heal up their wounds. The significant voter turnout in the 2002 elections was an indication of the fact that the people were expecting that the formation of a new government in J&K would usher in a new era of peace and prosperity. Unfortunately, an assessment of the performance of the Mufti-led coalition government would reveal that it failed to fulfill the people's expectations. Mufti's promises also proved to be Machiavellian in nature. The corruption and misuse of official positions by the bureaucrats and politicians continued unabatedly. The demolition drive launched against illegal construction on state land ultimately turned into a campaign against poor people and not against the illegal construction of rich drones. The number of unemployed persons in the state crossed over the two hundred thousand mark. The record of human rights violations reached an all time high. Custodial killings increased by three times as compared to the era of Farooq's government. The plight of Kashmiri migrants did not change and they could not return to their respective homes despite the tall claims of the government that normalcy had been restored. The council of ministers was expanded up to 45 percent of the total strength of the state assembly. However, Mufti's government cannot be ignored in terms of its positive role in supporting the ongoing peace process between India and Pakistan. During Mufti's tenure in office, the peace process gained momentum and the SrinagarMuzaffarabad bus service was opened for the passengers of Jammu and Kashmir.

Epilogue Ø 27 × July 2009

time that a Kashmiri separatist movement mobilized significant mass support. Ä Significant voter turnout in the 2002 elections indicated that the people expected a new government in Jammu and Kashmir to usher in a new era of peace and prosperity. Ä Today, the indigenous character of the Kashmiri militant movement is weakening. Ä Kashmir is not simply a territorial dispute between India and Pakistan, and cannot be resolved without the involvement of those who are the main party in this dispute. Ä India, Pakistan, and the Kashmiris will find themselves in a win-win situation only after the reunification of the divided state of Jammu and Kashmir and then giving it a subsovereign status.

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

After completion of its three years, the PDP handed over the chief minister post to its coalition partner, the Congress Party, in 2005. The immediate challenges of the Congress-led coalition government were to work for the rehabilitation of victims affected by the October 2005 earthquake, and carry forward the common minimum program agreed between the coalition parties. New Chief Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad assured a clean administration to the state, and announced the launching of a crusade against corruption and nepotism, which would thus work towards a Khushal (developed) state of Jammu and Kashmir. Unfortunately, Azad's campaign against corruption also proved to be merely a hoax, as not only the top bureaucrats and police officers but also some ministers of his government have been described as involved in corruption and exploitation of Kashmiri women in a sex scandal. Although during his tenure two Round Table Conferences h a v e b e e n h e l d o n K a s h m i r, nevertheless the peace process between India, Pakistan, and some Kashmiri separatists lost its pace, with Azad apparently pursuing the policy of the Congress Party and thus viewing the Kashmir crisis merely as a law and order problem. This is possibly the reason why most of the Kashmiris have lost their interest in the ongoing peace process within the Indian state. Moreover, the worsening of the relations between the two coalition partners has also affected the administrative performance of the Azad government, resulting in its diminishing popularity among Kashmiris. Meanwhile the violence in Kashmir is continuing unabatedly, causing significant damage to the lives and property of innocent people. This continuous destruction of lives and property is not helping the changed

psychological situation in the Valley, where there is a sincere desire amongst the Kashmiri people to end the violence, and an earnest belief that the conflict in Kashmir could be resolved only through a meaningful process of political negotiations. This trend could be seen in terms of the decline in Kashmiri Muslims joining the militant groups. Today, the indigenous character of the militant movement is weakening day by day.

Conclusion: A Vision for Kashmir's Future Kashmir has always remained a bone of contention between India and Pakistan. In fact, there are three legitimate parties involved in this conflict—India, Pakistan, and the people of Kashmir. Each party has taken its own position on the question of Kashmir. For India, Kashmir is one of its integral parts, and hence this aspect is not open for dispute. For Pakistan, Kashmir represents a problem of partition, which is yet to be resolved. But for the people of J&K, Kashmir is not simply a territorial dispute between India and Pakistan, and cannot be resolved without the involvement of those who are the main party in this dispute. None of the parties involved in the dispute has shown any flexibility at any time in their stated positions on Kashmir, and as a result the dispute continued until it assumed the greatest degree of ferocity and finally became, in recent years, a nuclear flash point. All of the bilateral agreements signed over the years between different parties have proven to be exercises in futility. The fresh negotiations launched between India and Pakistan and also between India and some Kashmiri separatists have generated positive hope in the region. It is largely believed that if the concerned parties will continue the process of negotiations by

Epilogue Ø 28 × July 2009

talking to one another—with more flexibility and exploring options beyond their stated positions—they will succeed in finding an acceptable solution to the vexed Kashmir problem. The new initiative has also generated a heated debate among many circles about the final solution of Kashmir. In this regard, numerous potential solutions are being proposed and discussed. However, in the given circumstances, the only possible solution is one in which every party will find itself in a win-win position. This objective can be achieved only after the re-unification of the divided state of Jammu and Kashmir and then giving it a subsovereign status. The areas that are under Pakistan's control, including Gilgit and Baltistan, should be brought together with the areas under India's control (leaving Aksai Chin, which China will never return). Both Indian and Pakistani forces could jointly man the international border of the re-united Jammu and Kashmir. The currency of both countries could be acceptable in the state. Both would also speak in all international and regional fora on behalf of Jammu and Kashmir and thus manage its foreign affairs together. In view of its heterogeneous character, the state of Jammu and Kashmir would adopt a democratic polity based on the federal structure. In this way, the new sub-sovereign or semi-sovereign state of Jammu and Kashmir could act as a virtual bridge between India and Pakistan and would pave the way for peace, progress, and prosperity in the entire region of South Asia, which otherwise seems to be a distant dream. Thus, by working in close collaboration with one another, the three parties can become close friends and after a gap of few years can also think on the lines of granting the semi-sovereign state of Jammu and Kashmir complete sovereign status. ACDIS

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

The International Community and Kashmir

HOWARD B. SCHAFFER Howard Schaffer is a retired American Foreign Service officer who spent much of his 36-year career dealing with U.S. relations with South Asia.

he international community's efforts to help resolve the Kashmir issue began only weeks after the dispute erupted in October 1947. The controversy remained on the world's radar scope for a quarter of a century, then faded away when India and Pakistan agreed at Simla in 1972 to resolve it peacefully by bilateral negotiations. The outbreak of an insurrection against Indian rule in the Kashmir Valley at the end of 1989 returned the problem to world attention. The United States and other major powers soon recognized that the nuclear capabilities of the rival claimants made the issue more dangerous and its resolution more urgent. But Washington's main initiatives in recent years have focused on managing the India-Pakistan crises Kashmir has sparked, not on the elusive search for resolution of the Kashmir dispute itself. It has urged both countries to reach a mutually acceptable settlement that takes into account the wishes of the Kashmiri people, and has declared its willingness to play a facilitating role in helping the parties resolve the issue if both the Indians and Pakistanis wish it to. Other interested powers have been even less involved. All have recognized that the continuing refusal of the Indian government to countenance an international role in Kashmir makes it likely that any outside efforts will be as

Epilogue Ø 29 × July 2009

unsuccessful as others were in the past. This conventional—and till now sensible—approach may not necessarily remain valid. In this article, I will argue that recent important developments may—just may—offer opportunities for the world community led by the United States to play a useful part in resolving this seemingly intractable problem.

Failure at the United Nations The international community's involvement in the Kashmir dispute is a history of repeated frustration and failure. Ironically, in light of India's later negative attitude toward “internationalizing” the issue, it was New Delhi that first brought Kashmir before the United Nations in January 1948, a few weeks after a series of events in the state that the claimants interpret in wildly different ways triggered a dispute still with us sixty years later. The United States and Britain quickly took the lead in the Security Council's efforts to resolve the issue. In the Truman administration's view, the dispute seemed tailor-made for the fledgling organization's role as a crisismanager and problem-solver. Initially, Washington tended to defer to London as the leader of the Commonwealth and the subcontinent's recent imperial master. Other nations played lesser, supporting roles, generally backing

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

U.S.-British initiatives and providing experienced diplomats for a succession of special missions. In the earliest stages the Soviet Union generally stood aloof, though it increasingly came to favor the Indian position. Much of the early action focused on the activities of the five-member United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP). The commission eventually adopted resolutions calling for a ceasefire, withdrawal of forces, and an internationally-supervised plebiscite in which the Kashmiri people would decide whether to join India or Pakistan. A third option, independence, was excluded. Aside from the ceasefire, the UNCIP resolutions were never implemented. Indian stonewalling was principally to blame: despite its official position, New Delhi did not want a plebiscite and was satisfied with the status quo, which gave it the key Kashmir Valley. A series of high-level missions under UN auspices were similarly unproductive in bringing about a settlement. The UN was able to set up a military observers' group stationed along the ceasefire line. The contingent played a helpful role in calming the situation along the line, at least until the second India-Pakistan War in 1965. The Eisenhower administration's 1954 decision to enlist Pakistan in the Western security alliance system effectively ended any lingering hope that U.S.-led efforts at the UN could produce a Kashmir settlement. In Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's view, the Cold War had come to the subcontinent. The Soviet decision to fully endorse India's position on Kashmir made it certain that Moscow would veto any proposed UN Kashmir resolution not acceptable to New Delhi. If Washington kept on promoting a role for the UN, it was only to keep its new ally Pakistan reasonably happy, not because it

believed that any progress could be made. Other countries recognized the impossibility of resolving the dispute and stayed aloof.

Efforts by Major Powers America, Britain, and the Soviet Union also made efforts outside the United Nations to resolve or contain the dispute. Two U.S. presidents became personally engaged. In the late 1950s, Dwight D. Eisenhower weighed in to promote U.S. supervised India-Pakistan negotiations on a basket of crucial issues including Kashmir. The Indians rejected this intervention. Eisenhower's successor, John F. Kennedy, concluded that India's defeat by the Chinese in the 1962 border war put a settlement within reach. The failure of Indian and Pakistani negotiators to make any progress in six rounds of discussion in which the United States and Britain became increasingly involved proved him wrong Moscow's turn came in 1966, when Alexei Kosygin, the Soviet premier, engineered an agreement at Tashkent that ended the second India-Pakistan War. But that pact merely restored the status quo ante bellum. It did not come to grips with the underlying issue of Kashmir's political future that had triggered the war.

Ä Washington's main initiatives in recent years have focused on managing the India-Pakistan crises Kashmir has sparked, not on the elusive search for resolution of the Kashmir dispute itself. Ä The United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) called for an internationallysupervised plebiscite in which the Kashmiri people would decide whether to join India or Pakistan.

Later International Efforts

Ä The Eisenhower administration's 1954 decision to enlist Pakistan in the Western security alliance system effectively ended any lingering hope that U.S.-led efforts at the UN could produce a Kashmir settlement.

The Tashkent conference was the last serious involvement by outside powers in the Kashmir issue until it exploded again onto the world stage at the end of 1989. In the following eighteen years, the United States again took the lead in international efforts to deal with the dispute and, more specifically, with a series of IndiaPakistan crises the issue generated. President Bill Clinton's personal role in

Ä The Soviet decision to fully endorse India's position on Kashmir made it certain that Moscow would veto any proposed UN Kashmir resolution not acceptable to New Delhi. Ä The Tashkent conference in

Epilogue Ø 30 × July 2009

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

1999 in persuading Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to withdraw Pakistani forces from the Kargil area of Indian administered Kashmir was only the most dramatic of several high-level U.S. interventions. But neither America nor any other country did much more than urge the two claimants to reach a settlement bilaterally. The most significant international call, orchestrated by Washington, came following the 1998 Indian and Pakistani nuclear weapons tests, when the Security Council and the Group of Eight urged New Delhi and Islamabad to return to the negotiating table. But as noted, the Clinton and George W. Bush administrations maintained that they were prepared to play a more active “facilitating” role only if India and Pakistan wanted them to. No other countries went even that far. New Delhi continued to resist internationalizing the issue and rejected Washington's offers. India had long since recognized that its bringing Kashmir before the United Nations in 1948 was a blunder and concluded that as the militarily stronger status quo power it was in its interest to deal with the dispute bilaterally if at all. By the same token, Pakistan has believed at least since 1965 that only international intervention could change the political geography of the state—though it has at times stirred up trouble in Kashmir in the hope that this would lead the world to take the action it desired. But neither government has yet taken into full account the impact the nuclear tests have had on international consideration of the dispute. These explosions led the world community to focus on maintaining the stability of the subcontinent and lessened the importance it attached to the equities of the Kashmir issue. For the United States and other countries, the use of

violence to change the status quo had become an unacceptable option in nuclear-armed South Asia. This attitude gave the Line of Control a “sanctity” it had not enjoyed before, to India's advantage.

Fresh Possibilities for an International Role Against this discouraging six-decade background, what role can the United States and other countries play beyond cheering the two sides on from the sidelines and helping defuse crises? Several developments have occurred in recent years that seem to argue for a more active international approach. Washington would need to take the lead in any such initiative. Other countries could help. Moscow could use its influence in New Delhi to persuade the Indians to be more forthcoming. Beijing could be helpful in Islamabad. Pakistan still views China as its most reliable friend among the major powers even though the Chinese no longer endorse the Pakistani position on Kashmir and urge, as the United States does, that India and Pakistan settle the dispute bilaterally. The European Union led by Britain should also be enlisted, and some Muslim countries might have some weight with the Pakistanis. The smaller South Asian nations should not be counted on. Anxious not to offend either India or Pakistan, they have taken advantage of the “no-bilateral dispute” provision of the rules of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and have consistently kept their heads down on Kashmir. They will continue to do so. In short, it is only the United States that has the combination of political clout and diplomatic and economic resources to undertake the heavy lifting needed to persuade India and Pakistan to cross the elusive finish line and agree to a settlement.

Epilogue Ø 31 × July 2009

1966 was the last serious involvement by outside powers in the Kashmir issue until it exploded again onto the world stage at the end of 1989. Ä Neither India nor Pakistan has yet taken into full account the impact the nuclear tests have had on international consideration of the Kashmir dispute. Ä Only the United States has the combination of political clout and diplomatic and economic resources needed to persuade India and Pakistan to agree to a settlement. Ä The unresolved Kashmir issue has detracted from India's image and lessened its prospects for major power status and the permanent seat on an expanded UN Security Council. Ä Continued Pakistan

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

Why should Washington undertake such a thankless task? I would cite four considerations: The United States and India have dramatically strengthened their relations and developed a serious strategic partnership. This may lessen India's long-standing, knee-jerk opposition to any role for Washington in the Kashmir issue. It may also help New Delhi to recognize, as it should have since the Kargil crisis in 1999, that greater U.S. involvement could actually be beneficial from its viewpoint. The improvement in U.S.-India relations has not come at the expense of American ties with Pakistan, which remain strong. India's ambition to play a major role on the international stage has heightened. In the past, the unresolved Kashmir issue has detracted from India's image and lessened its prospects for major power status and the permanent seat on an expanded UN Security Council that Indians believe should go with it. Now that India's breakneck economic growth has made its gaining a place at the international high table a more achievable goal, it may see Kashmir as an obstacle to the recognition it seeks and be more prepared to rid itself of this “albatross.” India's ambition to play a major role on the international stage has heightened. In the past, the unresolved Kashmir issue has detracted from India's image and lessened its prospects for major power status and the permanent seat on an expanded UN Security Council that Indians believe should go with it. Now that India's breakneck economic growth has made its gaining a place at the international high table a more achievable goal, it may see Kashmir as an obstacle to the recognition it seeks and be more prepared to rid itself of this “albatross.”

A Kashmir settlement has become even more important to American interests in South Asia and beyond. As noted, Washington has feared that another conflict between the two over Kashmir could escalate into a nuclear war ever since India and Pakistan acquired the capacity to develop nuclear weapons in the 1990s. Following 9/11, the critical role of Pakistan in shaping the future of Afghanistan and otherwise contributing to the global war against terrorism has given the dispute even more dangerous dimensions in the U.S. view. The continuing patronage Pakistani intelligence agencies provide Islamic extremists in Kashmir makes it more difficult both politically and militarily for Islamabad to help the United States and its coalition partners combat these forces on the Afghan frontier and elsewhere in Pakistan. Continued Pakistan-supported armed Islamic extremism in Kashmir also has an adverse impact on Pakistani political stability, another major U.S. interest. India's and Pakistan's positions on the terms of a settlement have grown closer. The two sides have been discussing Kashmir in formal dialogue and through a regular back-channel for more than three years. Though the exchanges have resulted in only limited progress, both governments have been willing to continue them. They have also adopted useful confidence-building measures such as the opening of the Line of Control to the movement of people and goods. Their present determination to carry on despite disappointments, particularly for the Pakistanis, sharply contrasts to the long spells when New Delhi and Islamabad could find no basis for discussing Kashmir and other India-Pakistan problems. In the process, both countries, but

Epilogue Ø 32 × July 2009

supported armed Islamic extremism in Kashmir has an adverse impact on Pakistani political stability. Ä Musharraf's publicly stated

willingness to give up Pakistan's demand for a plebiscite and his conditional acceptance of the Line of Control as the permanent IndiaPakistan border in Kashmir are historic events. Ä India is not likely to view a

weakened Musharraf or a fledgling insecure civilian or military successor as reliable negotiating partners. Ä Washington might consider

establishing with the World Bank and other potential donors a special fund for Kashmir

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

especially Pakistan, have floated ideas that bring their positions closer together on several key issues. President Pervez Musharraf 's publicly stated willingness to give up Pakistan's demand for a plebiscite and his conditional acceptance of the Line of Control as the permanent IndiaPakistan border in Kashmir are historic events. The government of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, for its part, has gone farther than its predecessors in welcoming and initiating confidence building measures concerning Kashmir as well as other aspects of IndiaPakistan relations. Like Musharraf, Singh says he wants to make the Line of Control “irrelevant.” There has been useful but inconclusive discussion on both sides about establishing joint institutions or mechanisms that would operate throughout the state and deal with a range of non-controversial matters in which Kashmiris on both sides of the line share an interest. Tourism, forestry, and hydrology are some possible subjects. There has also been some talk of setting up a joint legislative consultative body. So far those who favor such cooperative arrangements have not defined the powers and responsibilities of the proposed bodies.

Caveats Despite this progress, important gaps remain. India's informal response to Musharraf 's call for greater selfgovernance for Kashmiris has been to equate it with the powers all Indian states enjoy. In addition, any serious discussion on this issue between New Delhi and “its” Kashmiris will be complicated by the unwillingness of the Hindu majority in Jammu and the Buddhist majority in Ladakh to accept political arrangements they fear would subjugate them to the Muslims of the

Kashmir Valley. The two sides remain at an impasse on disarmament. The Indians insist that they can only reduce or redeploy their armed forces in the state if Pakistans sponsored insurgent activities cease or are sharply rolled back. Both tend to speak of disarmament as if it were a self-defining term, whereas in fact in would have to be defined in negotiations. Moreover, the degree to which other Pakistanis accept Musharraf 's proposals or can be persuaded to do so is unclear. The president's “out-of-the-box” ideas drew significant opposition when he first raised them, though it soon died down. The ideas seem likely to arouse even stronger protest should they become Pakistan's formal position. Nor is it certain that a successor civilian or military regime would accept them. But although the prospects of a Kashmir settlement have risen and the importance of such a resolution is now greater for American interests than before, political pressures in Washington and Islamabad make such a role inadvisable at this point. For the United States to play a more active part will require both policy space and time. The lame-duck Bush administration, overstretched by Iraq and other foreign policy problems more immediately pressing than Kashmir, has neither. The Pakistani and Indian governments also need to feel secure enough to take the political risks inevitable in a settlement. Fighting for his political life, Musharraf cannot take on this added challenge. And India, which as the status quo power has never been in a hurry to resolve the dispute, is not likely to view a weakened Musharraf or a fledgling insecure civilian or military successor as reliable negotiating partners. So until more propitious

Epilogue Ø 33 × July 2009

circumstances arise in Washington, Islamabad, and New Delhi, the United States should maintain its present policy of watchful waiting.

Bases for a Settlement The new U.S. administration that takes office in 2009, however, should look for opportunities to play a more active part. Should it undertake such an intervention, its efforts should be designed to help the parties reach a settlement that will include several key elements: The Line of Control, or something geographically close to it, will become the permanent border between Indian and Pakistani Kashmir. The border will be sufficiently porous to allow for the easy movement of people and goods across it. Kashmiris on both sides of the line will be granted a greater degree of selfgovernment. Joint institutions will be established on an all-Kashmir basis to play a role in managing non-controversial matters affecting Kashmiris on both sides. American officials should work quietly, suggesting useful building blocks to the parties to help them achieve a settlement along these lines. They can act as a sounding board, advising each side of the likely acceptability to the other of proposals it is considering putting on the negotiating table. But Americans should not sit at the negotiating table—a bad idea and one the Indians will not accept. Keeping to an informal, unobtrusive role they will want to discourage any public discussion of their activities. As the negotiations are likely to be protracted, Washington and its diplomats in the field should accept that they are in it for the long haul, keep patient, and repress the natural American preference for swift results.

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

Despite its improved relations with the United States, India will be more wary of an outsider's role than Pakistan. Washington needs to look for ways to persuade New Delhi to accept an agreement that does not meet all of India's demands. An offer of strong and active U.S. backing for a permanent Indian UN Security Council seat could be one approach worth weighing. Washington might also usefully consider providing support to some of the proposed joint mechanisms in Kashmir by establishing with the World Bank and other potential donors a special fund for Kashmir reconstruction. It should also

enlist other countries to brace its efforts while recognizing that it will have to bear the major international burden. Similarly, it will need to find creative ways to persuade the Pakistanis that a settlement that offers little or no change in the geographic status quo in Kashmir is worth their while. Even under improved political circumstances a diplomatic initiative to resolve Kashmir is far from a sure bet, so Washington should keep it expectations appropriately modest. If there is any lesson to be drawn from the events of the past six decades it is that the Kashmir issue is complex and difficult

and needs to be addressed with due respect for its tortured history. By giving India, Pakistan, and the Kashmiri people the added push they need to get them across the elusive finish line, Washington supported by others may be able to provide major help to bring to an acceptable conclusion a dangerous, seemingly intractable problem that has undermined Indian and Pakistani interests, played havoc with the lives of the Kashmiri people, caused serious political problems for the United States and the international community, and made the state a potential tinder-box for nuclear war. ACDIS

MAKE YOUR CONNECTION TODAY

www.epilogue.in

JAMMU & KASHMIR POLITICS BUSINESS VIEWS & NEWS

CULTURE STRATEGIC AFFAIRS Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 34 Ă&#x2014; July 2009

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

Policy Making in a Terrorist Economy

Primer: The Economy of Jammu and Kashmir

DIPANKAR SENGUPTA Dipankar Sengupta is a Reader in the Department of Economics, University of Jammu in Jammu.

The economy of Jammu and Kashmir before the beginning of the insurgency that beset it in 1990 had been primarily an agricultural economy. There was very little industry (although Kashmiri handicrafts created a niche for themselves) and the service sector was dominated primarily by tourism. These sectors of the economy, which brought in cash to the state, depended heavily on customs from the rest of India. Apples from the valley of Kashmir found their markets elsewhere in India, while tourists from different parts of India buoyed local tourism and handicrafts. Indeed, given its low population the narrowness of Jammu and Kashmir's domestic market could not be expected to support rapid growth of the state's economy. Thus integration with the wider national market was of vital importance to the state's economy. The manner of this integration was not merely a unification of markets but also free transit for the citizens from the rest of India. This, it may be noted, had been achieved only in 1953—five years after the state's accession—following an agitation led by Shyama Prosad Mookherjee, founder of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (Indian Pe o p l e ' s U n i o n ) , a g a i n s t t h e identification card rule that was seen to be a hindrance to the free entry and exit of people from other parts of India.

Epilogue Ø 35 × July 2009

Jammu and Kashmir's economy was therefore tied to the national economy of the country. Given the fact that the Indian economy did not quite take off in the first three decades after independence, neither did that of the state. It may be noted that the strengths and weaknesses of the state's economy reflected its terrain. Except for some areas in Jammu and the valley, the state is mountainous, ensuring that transport costs would be high. Consequently, the state could have a cost advantage only with those products where it had a monopoly or high valuelow volume items where high transport costs could be neutralized. The state was and remains the highest producer of apples in India, as well as a host of dry fruits and traditional handicrafts that fitted this criterion. But the state then and even now added very little value to raw fruit that it produced, thus missing an opportunity to supplement its poor creation of gainful employment. Such a step required an economic regime that would allow entrepreneurs to take advantage of opportunities and set up plants and factories as freely as possible. However, India's economic regime prior to 1991 was governed by a system of permits and licenses and did not allow for such autonomous efforts on the part of independent private agents. Therefore, in spite of tremendous potential in terms of raw material available, agro industries

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

never took off. Thus, three decades after accession, the sectoral composition of the economy of Jammu and Kashmir was as described in Figure 1, below. There was marginal change in the decade that followed and the overall composition of the Jammu and Kashmir economy remained the same. The onset of insurgency was a major blow to those sectors of the economy that were linked to the money economy. However, different sectors of the economy coped in different ways with the result that the trajectory of evolution of each sector differed dramatically. Some sectors were obviously very badly affected. Others were forced by circumstances to take steps, as a result of which they did amazingly well without any government effort. A study of these various sectors in a milieu of economic uncertainty and government policies in those settings is extremely important for a better comprehension of how agents react under these circumstances. The lessons learnt from such a study have policy implications and are directly linked to the possibilities of a peace dividend.

Sectors Badly Affected: Tourism The insurgency completely crippled the tourism industry in the Kashmir valley. Tourist arrivals that had numbered over 700,000 in 1988 and over a halfmillion in 1989 fell to little over ten thousand in 1990. Kashmir valley tourism was not to witness a return to six figures until 1998, when it barely crossed a hundred thousand. It doubled the following year but fell off after the Kargil conflict with Pakistan that year. The valley remains attractive

to tourists even with the threat of terror. Indeed, tourists have to be specially targeted by terrorists to dissuade them from visiting the valley. The possibility that this dissuasion is planned is heightened given that the tourist groups chosen for attack (usually grenade attacks) have been from West Bengal and Gujarat where Kashmir has been a favorite destination. This is not to say that the entire state witnessed a decline in tourist arrivals. The other regions of the state, Jammu and Ladakh, were less affected. In fact, outstation tourist arrivals in Jammu rose from two million to over four million in the 1990s. Ladakh was of course more affected, but numbers never fell precipitously as in Kashmir. Jammu's tourism was pilgrimage tourism mainly centered on the Shri Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine. But in contrast to Kashmir, the bulk of arrivals in Jammu came from a lower economic stratum and the amounts that they spent reflected this characteristic. Thus, even as the number of pilgrims to

Agriculture 16% Roads & Bridges 36%

Power 5% Health 9%

Transport 13%

Education 21%

Figure 1 : 1980 - 1981

the shrine crossed six million in 2006, tourism generated only Rs 450 crores (approximately $110 million) for the

Epilogue Ø 36 × July 2009

Ä Integration with the wider national market was of vital importance to Jammu and Kashmir's economy. Ä Given its low population, the narrowness of Jammu and Kashmir's domestic market could not be expected to support rapid growth of the state's economy. Ä The strengths and weaknesses of the state's economy reflected its mountainous terrain in most areas, which ensured that transport costs would be high. Ä India's economic regime prior to 1991 was governed by a system of permits and licenses that did not allow for entrepreneurship. Ä The insurgency completely crippled the tourism industry in the Kashmir valley. Ä The 1990s witnessed a sharp decline in infrastructure in the state, due to sabotage by militants and neglect.

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

region, a modest sum given the absolute numbers involved.

The Potential Peace Dividend Tourism as an industry naturally relies on peace and stability for sustenance. Tourist arrivals in the various regions of the state reflect this, in the sense that numbers in each

Secondar y 16%

Primary 32%

Tertiary 52%

Figure 2 : Destroy Infrastructure : Sectoral Impact

division depend on local law and order conditions as well as proximity to conflict zones. This is why Ladakh suffers. The peace dividend for this sector therefore could be enormous. For one the synergies that complementarities between Jammu and Kashmir provide could lead to a massive boost in tourism in both places but more significantly to the valley. Religious pilgrims to the Mata Vaishno Devi Shrine or the Shrine of Baba Ghulam Shah Badshah at Rajouri (also in Jammu Division) could easily travel a bit further—via a new rail link that now will connect the Valley to the rest of the country for the Vaishno Devi pilgrims, and via the Mughal Road for the pilgrimage tourists in Rajouri. Thus the Valley would gain by mere proximity to Jammu. But more importantly, India's

burgeoning middle class—a product of India's economic liberalization policies and a class that is no longer afraid to spend, and which seeks to travel to neighboring Himachal Pradesh to cool off during summer, swelling tourist arrivals there to over 5 million—would also look to the Valley to cool off. It is well known that Jammu and Kashmir has all the geographical features of Himachal and more to attract tourists of all hues, from adventure tourists, to eco-tourists, to religious tourists, to those who merely want to “get away.” What it does not have is safety and security. This is partially true also of those areas of Jammu that would compete with the Valley for the same kind of tourists. Secondly, these parts of Jammu that border Himachal Pradesh also lack the necessary infrastructure, with existing infrastructure having been severely degraded in the 1990s due to neglect forced by the insurgency.

Infrastructure The 1990s witnessed a sharp decline in infrastructure availability in the state. Some of this was due to sabotage by militants targeting social and physical infrastructure. Neglect played its part also, especially when it came to assets like roads in hilly terrain with considerable precipitation. Figure 2 above reflects the impacts of the infrastructural damage. While transport infrastructure damage—that is, vehicles damaged—could be very easily replaced, this is not true for roads and bridges. Given the fact that the money economy of the state is particularly dependent on connectivity with the rest of India for its survival, the damage to sectors like horticulture was immense. Before the targeting of infrastructure, horticulture exports to other states had not been affected by

Epilogue Ø 37 × July 2009

Ä The central government came in with packages to revive the economy through grants intended to restore infrastructure and other parts of the economy, resulting in a sectoral break-down that defied common economic logic. Ä The state “development” practices ended up making militants richer while entrenching the institution of corruption deeper and deeper. Ä Jammu and Kashmir represents a paradox where sectors that are relatively unaided have managed to carve a niche for themselves in the global economy, while sectors that are the recipient of state largesse have not been able to do so. Ä A participatory approach to economic policy and development in Jammu and Kashmir is needed, including the involvement of local popular bodies like village councils.

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

militancy. But the years following199394 witnessed a precipitous trend, from which this sector would recover only in 2000. This again is not unusual. Horticulture is a local activity carried out largely with the help of local people. Horticultural production per se does not depend on law and order in the sense that tourism does, as local people are not targets of attack by militants. But when infrastructure is targeted (as shown in the figure), the outcome cannot be in doubt. However, with the security forces gaining ascendancy over the militants in the valley, widespread targeting of infrastructure is no longer that easy. More importantly, it draws local ire, alienating the very people whose support militants must have to operate successfully.

Government Policy and the Creation of a Terrorist Economy

The state's response to an economy damaged by militancy developed along predicted lines. As in North East India, the central government came in with packages aimed at reviving the economy through grants intended to restore infrastructure as well as other parts of the economy. The effect of all this was to create an economy whose State Domestic Product (SDP) sectoral break-down, as given by Table 1 and Figure 3, defied common economic logic. The ultimate twist to this bizarre economic history was the revelation by the National Sample Survey Organisation that Jammu and Kashmir ranked highest of all the states when it came to per household asset ownership in the COMPOSITION OF J&K SDP: 2001–2002 country, with Rs 10.87 Sector Magnitude (Rs crore) (% share) lakhs (approximately Agriculture 3902.75 27.64 $27,650) per Forestry and logging 493.84 3.50 household. The profile of Fishing 102.52 0.72 economic activities, Mining & Quarrying 14.67 0.10 with its accent on Subtotal: Primary 4513.79 31.96 c onstruction and Manufacturing (reg.) 175.82 1.25 public administration Manufacturing (Unreg.) 550.35 3.90 and substantial Construction 2087.66 14.72 contributions from Electricity, Gas & Water –478.66 –3.39 banking and real Subtotal: Secondary 2326.48 16.47 estate, would be Transport, Comm. and Trade 720.04 5.10 puzzling to most Trade, Hotel and Rest. 1424.53 10.09 economies. The Banking and Insurance 627.42 4.44 revelation about asset Real Estate 773.09 5.47 ownership only Public Administration 2184.30 15.47 compounded the puzzle. There is of Other Services 1551.94 10.99 course little doubt Subtotal: Tertiary 7281.32 51.56 that the massive NSDP 14121.59 100 i ncrease in the Population 102.83 number of security Per Capita 13733

Epilogue Ø 38 × July 2009

Secondar y 16%

Primary 32%

Tertiary 52%

Figure 3 • 2001–2002

forces sent to this troubled state and the expenditures made locally to maintain this force would have an expansionary effect on the local economy. But it also now increasingly clear that as in the North East, the economic packages announced by the central government would follow a particular trajectory that would deliver similar results. As “packages” and “projects” were announced, the preferred vehicles of delivery were contractors who or at least whose political patrons reposed their faith in the Indian Constitution. The mode of awarding contracts remained opaque. Such businessmen soon attracted the attention of the militants and became easy targets for extortion. It may be argued that there was social sanction for this treatment not the least because the manner in which these contracts were secured were not seen to be above board. The relations built up by the businessmen and the extorting militants had some serious consequences. As long as the money was paid, the business operations of the businessmen would not be targeted. This of course assumed

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

that the militant who received these sums was capable of maintaining sufficient discipline in his cadre to prevent others from targeting businessmen who paid up. However, should such a person be killed by the security forces, it meant that fresh arrangements would have to be made between the businessmen and the militants who succeeded their slain comrades. Indeed, the killings of migrant laborers in June 2006 happened just after the security forces killed a top militant. The killing of the laborers was not an act of retribution but a signal that a new set of militants had arrived and new “arrangements” would have to be made. In short, while the state had in place a system of “development” practices aimed at buying the “hearts and minds” of the people, what it ended up doing was to make militants richer while at the same time entrenching the institution of corruption deeper and deeper into the culture of the state. It is no wonder then that Transparency International India finally ranked the state as “most corrupt,” relieving Bihar of this dubious honor. It is this system of transfers that led to the state being a massive consumer of white goods, automobiles as well as a source of financial investment, a totally unexpected state of affairs for a region bogged down in a quagmire of violence for over a decade. The poverty ratio for the state had plunged to a very low and enviable 3.5%, compared to the national average of 26.1%. Of course, military expenditures in the state cannot entirely account for this dramatic fall in poverty. It must be remembered that unlike most parts of India, land holdings were fairly equitable as a result of successful land reforms carried out by Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah's government during his first stint as Prime Minister of

Jammu and Kashmir. Thus, asset inequality in terms of land holdings had long been addressed with its obvious impact on poverty. But the fall in poverty rates especially at a time of sustained militancy only pointed to open and surreptitious transfers, which while mitigating poverty entrenched the already existing system of corruption even deeper.

The killing of the laborers was not an act of retribution but a signal that a new set of militants had arrived and new “arrangements” would have to be made. In short, while the state had in place a system of “development” practices aimed at buying the “hearts and minds” of the people, what it ended up doing was to make militants richer while at the same time entrenching the institution of corruption deeper and deeper into the culture of the state. Handicrafts The sector that did remarkably well during this period was the handicrafts sector. Employment in this industry increased throughout the 1990s from 225,000 workers directly employed to 320,000 in 2001. Since this industry is in private hands, it may be assumed that this represented gainful employment. The growth occurred at the same time when the total number of training centers declined from 635 (1994) to 535 (2000). While the total number of cooperatives set up to help artisans market their wares almost doubled in

Epilogue Ø 39 × July 2009

the 1990s, their combined sales almost halved. On the other hand, the stateowned Jammu and Kashmir Handicrafts Corporation did a far more impressive job by upgrading its Management Information Systems and ensuring that its total turnover increased from Rs 5600 million ($142 million) in 1994-5 to Rs 8690 million ($220 million) in 2000-1. The total expected turnover (domestic sales plus exports) in 2007 is in the range of Rs 15,000 million ($381 million), but there are observers who claim that this is a conservative estimate and that the actual figure is at least twice this number. What is noteworthy is that the bulk of this trade takes place beyond the aegis of the state and through private hands un-aided by the state. This again is ironically due to the militancy that swayed the state in the 1990s. Itinerant Kashmiri handicraft merchants forced into hawking their wares house-to house in many Indian cities became a common sight. This strategy was necessitated by the fact that a major source of demand—tourists—had stopped visiting the valley. Soon Kashmiri handicraft dealers had hit upon the novel idea of setting up shop in those parts of India where visitors thronged, such as Goa, Delhi, and Kerala. Thus, Kashmiri handicrafts facing the vicissitudes of militancy adopted such measures and tactics whereby they were able to overcome the limitations of the market defined by tourist arrivals in the Valley and integrate themselves with the national and global economy. This sector did so without much help from the state and in extremely difficult conditions. They were able to do so because handicrafts remain a business where much of the production takes place indoors. Curfews do not affect production and demands on infrastructure are few. Thus production

FOCUS

The future of Jammu and Kashmir

is not affected by militancy. The nature of its markets does not call for a “justin-time” system, and as such small disruptions in supply are easily absorbed. This is in marked contrast to sectors such as small and medium scale enterprises, which have not been able to wean themselves from generous subsidies to compete and integrate with the national market. Thus, the state of Jammu and Kashmir represents a paradox where sectors that are relatively unaided have managed to carve a niche for themselves in the global economy, while sectors that are the recipient of state largesse have not been able to do so.

Policy Implications What policy implications may one derive from India's Kashmir experience viewed through the prism of economics? It is clear that the central government's effort to bribe the state into submission has not worked. It is also clear from the success stories in the handicraft sector that such an approach is not warranted. What is needed is a participatory approach to economic policy and development. The destruction in rural infrastructure, which needs to be repaired, should see the involvement of village councils (called Halqa Panchayat in the state). The centralized manner in which these tasks are planned in the state currently involve the District Collector, the Members of Legislative Assembly who belong to that district, and the Member of Parliament under whose constituency that district falls. Popular involvement in planning and execution is totally absent. While the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Indian Constitution have given constitutional status and some financial teeth to the local bodies in the rest of

India, this is not true in Jammu and Kashmir which vide Article 370 has its own constitution. The state's local level bodies are disempowered and elections are irregular. Thus an important instrument of local empowerment, policy planning, and implementation is absent. It is doubtful that these bodies will be targeted by militants for extortion, as that would alienate the very people whose support or at least silence is necessary for militancy to thrive. The lack of use of local popular bodies to create rural infrastructure instead of private contractors chosen in a centralized manner through dubious means does little to reduce popular alienation or re-create infrastructure. What it leads to is a skewed income and asset distribution apart from enriching the militants. Similarly, steps taken in the direction of entrepreneurship training among local residents so as to enable them to set up enterprises on their own is a more sustainable model than setting up state-owned enterprises. These activities, especially in the areas of adding value to horticultural produce, can do much to generate incomes and employment. Making them targets of extortion by militants may not be accompanied by the same social sanction as in the case of extortion of government contractors. So far, neither the state government nor the central government has moved in this direction, although most recently the central government has prodded the state government in the direction of democratic decentralization. This clearly is an opportunity lost, as the goal of economic development need not be given up even when an insurgency is on. But in a milieu where years of “easy money” accentuated by “security concerns” create an impressive array of vested interests bolstered by casualty graphs that point downwards

Epilogue Ø 40 × July 2009

accompanied by surprisingly steady numbers of militants waiting to infiltrate into India, resources keep on flowing in the same manner and volume as previously. In such circumstances, policy shifts—especially radical ones—are the first casualties. ACDIS

Epilogue because there is more to know

Monthly Magazine Extensively Researched Written with Clarity and Insight Covers Four Key Issues Politics Economy Culture Strategic Affairs

Unlike the General run of the Mill News Magazine

Epilogue Has a shelf life That Extends Far Beyond the News Period Covered

PEACE

MO D E L S

Christian Science Monitor

How India and Pakistan can Resolve Kashmir Now MANSOOR IJAZ Author jointly authored the blueprint for a cease-fire between Indian security forces and Muslim militants in Kashmir in July and August 2000)

he leaders of India and Pakistan met on the sidelines of a regional summit in Russia. It was their first face-to-face meeting since the terrorist attacks in Mumbai (Bombay) last November, when Pakistani-based militants murdered nearly 160 civilians. India's recently re-elected Manmohan Singh, arrived at the summit buoyed by his Congress Party's sweeping victory in India's May elections. Pakistan's Asif Ali Zardari arrived at the meeting tempered by the rapid Talibanization of his country – a civilian leader in control of less and less in a country traditionally managed by its armed forces. The meeting, even after Pakistan's government once again feebly looked the other way this month and released the head of the militant organization that claimed responsibility for the Mumbai attacks, underscored the fact that the Taliban are now everyone's problem. What happened in Mumbai in November is the most recent reminder of the dangers that emanate from Pakistan's raging Islamic militancy problem. That is why India must seize this moment with its politically united electorate to take away the jihadists' raison d'être for destabilizing India – Kashmir. Riddled with insurgent violence, corruption, and official intimidation, the region has long been disputed by the

two countries, including two wars over its status. Historically, the moments at which peace was most possible between the nuclear-armed neighbors were when hawkish leaders were pragmatic enough to see the mutual benefit in making peace without compromising security. Atal Behari Vajpayee, India's prime minister in 2000, and Pakistan's military strongman, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, nearly reached a framework for ending the Kashmir dispute. Mr. Singh and General Musharraf almost did so again in the back-channel diplomacy that took place between 2004 and 2007 before the general embroiled himself in domestic controversy. The conditions for making peace could not be better Mr. Zardari does not see India as an existential threat. Singh has a political mandate strong enough to overcome Pakistan's repeated failures to control its home-grown extremists. Zardari sees an advantage in commercial ties that rise far above the importance his Army places on using jihadists as a foreignpolicy tool to maintain a grip on Afghanistan or to intimidate India. Singh and Zardari need to strike a bold compact to solve their problems – now. Tuesday's meeting in the Urals, which will be followed up by a meeting between the foreign secretaries of the two nations, should lead to a peace summit that

Epilogue Ø 41 × July 2009

demands both sides prepare major positions as opposed to taking incremental steps to solve their myriad problems. Incrementalism will not work in South Asia's political atmosphere anymore. The terrorists are too well armed, too well paid, and too many to leave well enough alone. If this moment to make peace is not seized with the same gusto with which the terrorists take innocent life, they will strike yet again in a way that ensures peace is not allowed to mature. Singh and Zardari need to understand that their worst enemy in making peace is not the terrorist – it is time itself. The Indo-Pakistani summit should have a three-point agenda. Security & counterterrorism cooperation India and Pakistan should resume the high-level intelligence cooperation that existed in 2004 when unprecedented personal trust between the intelligence chiefs of both countries allowed critical data feeds to counter planned terrorist attacks. Today, an institutional approach that builds confidence at all levels of the military and intelligence bureaucracy is needed – sort of an equivalent of America's IMET military education program, which trained Pakistan's Army officers in the United States and created sustainable relations between the two countries. This though, would involve the intelligence agencies.

PEACE

MO D E L S

Christian Science Monitor

India needs to clarify its objectives in Afghanistan, which it says are aimed at stabilizing a country beset by extremism and which Pakistan says is a strategy aimed at encircling it on its eastern and western borders. If India's motives are pure, it should invite Pakistan to monitor such efforts transparently. Pakistan needs to muster some courage and send the perpetrators of the Mumbai attacks to India to stand trial – no ifs, ands, or buts. Economic cooperation Singh is an advocate of creating economic empowerment zones. He and Zardari should cross-pollinate their border with mini free-trade zones designed to trade those goods and services that each country produces for valuable trade in the other. The list of goods is long, and the amount of trade could be large enough to stabilize Pakistan and give India another important market for its goods. Afghanistan would also eventually benefit from such trade flows, and if American diplomacy succeeded in Iran, that large marketplace could also be brought into the network. Singh is an expert in microfinance. He should therefore expand microfinance's role in the entire region by creating an India-Afghanistan-Pakistan joint venture with the World Bank that provides microfinance at a slightly larger scale ($1,000 per loan as opposed to less than $100) to improve employment ratios. Creating jobs is the key harbinger of success in combating extremism throughout South Asia. If India wants to play in Afghanistan, this is what it should be doing. Pakistan should use its US government aid to mirror Indian efforts aimed at creating jobs that enable increased trade activities with India. Kashmir Resolution of this seemingly intractable problem lies in

economically empowering the Kashmiri people enough to determine their own political fate. This process will take time but could result in a smoother transition to permanent peace than the perpetual standoff between Indian security forces and Kashmiri militants imposes on daily life in the Kashmir valley. Self-determination was the historic p l a t f o r m o n w h i c h Pa k i s t a n diplomatically supported, and militarily manipulated, the Kashmir impasse until now. It could become the skirt behind which Pakistan withdraws in dignity. Two things need to happen: India needs to be prepared to systematically reduce its troops' presence, replacing military might and intimidation with economic growth and opportunity. And Pakistan must be prepared to end support for the jihadists. In any discussion on Kashmir, India and Pakistan need to agree on a larger

framework for the reduction of tensions along their eastern border – from the Indian Ocean to the Siachen Glacier. Troop reductions will encourage trade flows and enable Pakistan to divert the much-needed resources of its embattled Army to fighting the Taliban and other domestic terror groups on its own soil. Rarely does history offer second and third chances to men of goodwill to resolve intractable problems. Such an opportunity has been afforded to Singh and Zardari. A durable framework from previous negotiations exists, the atmosphere between India and Pakistan is improving, and the timing could not be more opportune. They must rise to the occasion, for the sake of their peoples' dignity and prosperity, and for the sake of durable and lasting peace in a region that is home to nearly a quarter of humanity. © Christian

Science Monitor

Government of India Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation Central Statistical Organisation Invitation for Research Proposals on Official Statistics The Central Statistical Organisation (CSO) provides financial assistance for undertaking research studies/projects which aim at strengthening and developing official statistics, particularly in the field of Social Sector. Detailed information regarding survey/study subjects, eligibility for availing of financial assistance, quantum of financial assistance, procedure for making application etc is available in the Ministry’s web site www.mospi.gov.in " Central Statistical Organisation " Social Statistics Division " Guidelines for Research Projects. Proposals can be submitted at any time during the year to Additional Director General, Social Statistics Division, Central Statistical Organisation, Ministry of Statistics and Programme implementation, West Block-8, Wing No. 6 R.K. Puram, New Delhi Director General Central Statistical Organisation

Epilogue Ø 42 × July 2009

C O L UMN

Ears to Ground

“We believe in doing 'service' from the heart…”

Durgavahini, the women's wing of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), means serious business. From learning self-defense techniques to condemning 'love marriage', from staging dharnas and protests to bringing down the Babri Masjid, its members do it all. This author recently met a Durgavahini activist in a middleclass colony in Ahmedabad to realize that the mantra, very clearly, is: “Colour me Saffron”.

MANISHA SOBHRAJANI Author is a Delhi-based independent researcher working on the various aspects of the Kashmir conflict. She can be reached at manishasobhrajani@hotmail.com

wo of us wait in the car as another colleague goes to bring S h a r a d a b e n * . We a r e a l l supposed to go to another colony, another house and talk to Sharadaben about how we can become 'Durgavahinis'. This was the best way to get Sharaben talking and get a detailed insight into the world of Durgavahinis. The atmosphere is all charged with suspense, thrill, and of course, drama. Earlier in the day, we had met some male members of the VHP/ RSS who very clearly conveyed the message: “Don't mess with us!” While waiting for Sharadaben, I am constantly comparing my image of her with those who we met in the morning. After about five minutes, I see her coming: dressed in a lehenga-choli and dupatta, with a huge bindi on her forehead, she appears a complete antithesis of what an 'activist' should look like. She asks for the car to stop on the main road and takes us through a maize of lanes and by-lanes before finally announcing, “This is my house.” We climb three floors and settle down in the sparingly furnished drawing room when a young woman comes out with a

Epilogue Ø 43 × July 2009

baby in her arms to greet us. Shardaben explains: “This is where my son lives with his wife and 2-month-old daughter.” We are served Coke and ladoos, and Shardaben regrets we didn't give her enough advance notice of our visit or else she would have cooked us a meal. The pleasantries done, we express our eagerness to talk to her about the real issue: Durgavahinis. “I've been with the VHP for 35 years now,” says Sharadaben. “We don't get any money from the VHP for doing kar-seva. We simply do it because of our love for our Hindu brothers and sisters. We believe in doing service from the heart.” We ask her what kind of work she does. She says she is a mid-wife by profession, but as part of the VHP, wherever there are 'camps', all Durgavahini members take charge of running the camp, provide food, and ensure that all members who are part of the camp live comfortably. “We do everything from cooking to cleaning,” she says. We prod her a little, and she replies: “We can enforce peace, and we can also create violence. We are not

C O L UMN Ears to Ground

scared of going to riot areas and taking charge.” We ask her to explain and she says, “The head office gives us orders, and we follow. Whether they ask us to go for a protest march or to participate in violence against Muslims, we don't question the head office. We simply follow orders. We were there when the demonstrations were going on during the Ram Setu (Sethusamudram) controversy; we were there when the Babri Masjid was being demolished.” The pride in her voice is unmistakable. “I am not afraid of dying. You only live once and die once. So either die or kill. When I'm doing kar-seva, I don't care even if my saree comes undone.” nlike the men, VHP women are not trained in the use of rifles or other weapons. Instead, they are taught how to use the trishul. “Our office gives us trishuls when we go out for work. When the work is over, we have to return them to the office. While the men get to keep theirs, we have to return ours,” she says, adding: “I have my own personal trishul. I keep it for my safety.” On being asked what motivates her to carry on with her 'work', Sharadaben says, “I do it for Hindus. All we get in return for our work is a monthly RSS magazine.” Voluntarily, she informs us, “There is no entry for Muslims in our group. Some Muslims approach us all the time to join the Congress. I tell them you go to your office and I'll meet you there. They leave, and that is the end of the matter.” “Why should we be scared of those Muslims? They have come from Pakistan, and they keep weapons in their houses. We only have knives in our kitchen,” she says. “I will do seva till my last breath.” As we get up to leave, Sharadaben promises to cook us a proper and elaborate Rajasthani meal

the next time we visit her, and in return, she makes us promise we will dress up in the Rajasthani attire that she kept displaying through our conversation. “I will click your pictures, and you can

Epilogue because there is more to know

show it to everyone,” she says. And yes, the impending visit to the Durgavahini training camp “whenever it takes place next” is something we have all agreed to, silently. E

Now Telling The J&K Stories

Contact ABDULLAH NEWS AGENCY, Lal Chowk, Srinagar *** RAINA NEWS AGENCY, Residency Road, Jammu *** ABC STATIONERS AND DISTRIBUTORS, Leh *** SHAHEEN NEWS AGENCY, Kargil *** CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY, New Delhi *** OXFORD BOOK STORE New Delhi, Mumbai, Calcutta, Bangalore, Chennai & Goa

Epilogue Ø 44 × July 2009

C O L UMN

History

Jahangir on the Fauna and Floriculture of Kashmir - I PROF JIGAR MOHAMMED

he natural heritage of Kashmir attracted the attention of the Mughal emperor Nuruddin Muhammad Jahangir(1605-27) very much.Though Jahangir worked very sincerely to utilise the natural resources of Kashmir for its cultural development, he made an everlasting contribution to the presevation and propagation of the natural heritage of Kashmir through their incorporation in his Memoirs. It is well established fact that Jahangir advocated the preservation, protection and expansion of flora and fauna in the Mughal empire very effectively. Since Kashmir's climate and topography were suitable for the survival of the various types of animals, birds and fishes etc., when Jahangir visited Kashmir he penned down the major aspects of the wild life. More importantly, Kashmir possessed huge potentialities of the development of horticulture and garden culture. His Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri serves as an authentic source of the history of the fauna and flora of Kashmir of the 17th century. Jahangir has given a brief account of the cattle, birds and fishes of Kashmir. For him, the cattle of Kashmir were small and their quality was inferior. He found the tailess sheep, called handu. He found that in in Kashmir ponies were available in Kashmir in abundance and the Kashmiris used this variety of horse

for riding purpose. Ponies were called gunts in Kashmir. Jahangir observed the quality of the horses of Kashmir very minutely. For him, the introduction of the Mughal rule in Kashmir contributed to the availability of the high quality of horses in the region. Mentioning the difference between pre-Mughal Kashmir and Mughal Kashmir in terms of the horse availability, Jahangir writes; “Before the reign of my father (Akbar) the chief method by which the people of these parts (of Kashmir) rode was on gunts (ponies). They (Kashmiris) had no large horses, but used to bring Iraqi and Turki horses by the way of rare gifts for their rulers. Gunt means Yabu (pony). They have thick shoulders, and are low in the body. They are common in othera of the hill countries of India. For the most part they are vicious and hard mouthed. When this God-created flower garden acquired eternal beauty under the auspicies of the State (Mughal Empire), and by the blessing of the teaching of the Alexander-minded Khaqan, many of the Aimaqs (cavalry) were presented with jagirs in this Subah, and herd of Iraqi and Turki horses were given them to breed from (kih kurra bagirand). The soldiers also brought horses on their own account, and in a short time horses were obtainable, so that many Kashmiri horses were bought and sold for 200and

Epilogue Ø 45 × July 2009

Rs. 300, and even for Rs. 1000.” Jahangir description of the horses shows that local horses of Kashmir were not as good as the Iraqi and Turki horses for cavalry purpose. Since Mughals had a very powerful and effective cavalry, with the establishment of the Mughal rule in Kashmir they started the breeding of high quality horses in Kashmir and horse trade became an important source of the income of the people of the region. Some of the birds of Kashmir drew the attention of Jahangir to memorise them in his Memoirs. One of them was a water bird called Saj. Jahangir found this bird in Sukh Nag stream. Giving the description of this bird Jahangir writes: “In this stream (Sikh Nag) I saw a bird like Saj. A Saj is of a black colour and has white spots, and it dives and remains for a long time underneath, and then comes up from a different place. I ordered them to catch and bring two or three of these birds, that I might ascertain whether they were waterfowl and were web-footed, or had open feet like land birds. They caught two or brought them. One died immediately, and the other lived for a day. Its feet were not webbed like a duck's. I ordered Nadiru-l-'asr Ustad Mansur ( One of the most famour court painter of Jahangir) to draw its likeness. The Kashmiris call it galkarthat is “water saj.”Jahangir also

C O L UMN History

noticed the arrival and appearance of ducks (Murghabi) in both the Wular and Dal lakes. Jahangir noticed some differences between the bird Papiha of Kashmir and other parts of India in terms of the laying of its egg. According to him, “In Hindustan (i.e. Upper India) there is a bird called Papiha of a sweet voice, which in the rainy season utters soul piercing (Jaz-suz) laments. As the koyal lays its egg in the nest of the crow, and the latter brings up its young, so I have seen in Kashmir that the Papiha lays its egg in the nest of the ghaughi (ring-dove) and the ghaughai brings up its young.” Similarly, Jahangir was very much impressed with haws and falcons of Kashmir and bird feathers. He writes, “…among the excellencies of Kashmir are the plumes of feathers (kalgi) and the hawks (janwar-i-shikari). As much as 10700 feathers are yearly obtained . Hawks and falcons are taken in nets to the number of 260. It has also nest sparrow-hawks (basha) and nest sparrow-hawk is not bad.” Jahangir found the springs, streams and lakes of Kashmir consisting of various types of fishes. For him, Vir-nag spring was the source of the many types of the fishes. He found two types of fishes in Andha Nag spring, first types were blind and second types were eyed. The blindness in some of the fishes were caused by the bad quality of the water. Moreover, Jahangir also reports fishing as an important occupation of Kashmir and fishermen as one of the social groups of Kashmir. The emperor used to see the fishes and fishing of Kashmir. He narrates one of the fishing event in a very interesting manner. He memorises it in these words: “… I (Jahangir) saw an unusual kind of fishing on the part of the fishermen of Kashmir. In a place where the water was up to a man,s chest, they (fishermen) propelled two boats that were side by side, and so that at one and

they were in contact , and at the other end they were 14 or 15 yards apart. Two boatmen held long poles in their hands, and sate on the outside edge of each boat so as to regulate the space between ten or twelve boatmen got down into the water, and laying hold of the end of the two boats that were joined altogether with their hands, trampled the bottom with their feet, and moved on. The fish which were between boats wanted to get out of the narrow space, and came against the feet of the boatmen. Immediately one of the boatmen dived and another one pressed upon his back, and with his two hands kept him from coming to the surface. The latter caught a fish and produced it. Some who are skilful in the art catch two fish in their hands, and bring them to the surface. Among them was an old boatman, who generally at each dive brought up two fish. This kind of fishing occurs at Panj Basra and is peculiar to the Jhelam (river). It is not used in ponds or in other streams. It also only takes place in the spring when the water is not cold or impetuous (gazanda).” Jahangir highlights the floriculture of Kashmir as a dominant aspects of the cultural life of the region. He treats floriculture as a unique heritage of Kashmir. For him, floriculture made Kashmir distinct from other parts of the world in terms of regional identity. According to him, “The red rose, violet, and the narcissus grow of themelves; in the fields, there are all kinds of flowers and all sorts of sweet-scented herbs more than can be calculated. In the soul enchanting spring the hills and plains are filled with the blossoms; the gates, the walls, the courts, the roofs, are lighted up by the torches of banquetadorning tulips.” The attraction of the flowers of Kashmir instilled creative ideas in his mind and made him a poet.

Epilogue Ø 46 × July 2009

They inspired him to write some verses in their praise to keep their memory alive everlasting. He adorns their attraction in the following verses: “The garden symphs were brilliant. Their cheeks shone like lamps; There were fragrant buds on their stems (or 'under their rind'), Like dark amulets on the arms of the beloved. The wakeful, ode-rehearing nightingle Whetted the desires of vine-drinkers; At each fountain the duck depped his beek Like golden scissors cutting silk; There were flower-carpets and fresh rosebuds The wind fanned the lamps of the roses The violet braided her locks, The buds tied a knot in the heart.” Jahangir's account depicts the role of the floriculture in making different seasons of Kashmir enjoyable. First he mentions how spring season was made enjoyable and attractive by the different flowers of the region. He rated tulip the most effective in terms of the beautification of the various places of Kashmir during spring season. Tulip plantation was most effective source of the beautification of the buildings. Describing the tradition of the beautification of the roofs of the buildings in Kashmir Jahangir states, “The buildings of Kashmir are all of wood; they make them two, three and four storied, and covering the roofs with earth, they plant bulbs of the Chaughasi, tulip, which blooms year after year in the spring season and is exceedingly beautiful. This custom is peculiar to the people of Kashmir. … in the little garden (Nurafza) of the palace and on the roof of the chief mosque, the tulips blosined luxuriantly.” For Jahangir, jessmines, red rose,

C O L UMN History

lilies and Jafari flowers were the specialities of Kashmir in terms of colour and fragrence. Identifying them different from rest part of the world Jahangir states: “There are many blue jessamine in the gardens, and the white jessamines that the people of India call chambeli are serrt scented. Another kind is of the colour of sandalwood, and this also very sweet scented. This special to Kashmir. I (Jahangir) saw several sorts of new red roses; one is specially sweet-scented, and another is a flower of the colour of sandal (light yellow), with an exceedingly delicate scent. It (the scent) is of the nature of (that of) the red rose, and its stem is like that of the red rose. There are two kinds of lilies. That which grown in the garden is vigorous (balida) and fresh (lit. green) coloured, the other is a wild kind. Although the latter is very sweet scented. The flower of Ja'fari (a yellow flower) is large and sweet scented; its stem is above a man's height, but in some years, when it has grown very large and has flowered, a worm is produced, and spread over the flower a kind of spider's web, and destroys it and dries up its stem. …The flowers that are seen in the territories of Kashmir are beyond calculation Those that Nadirul-'asri Ustad Mansur (Court painter of Jahangir) are painted are more than 100.” Moreover, Jahangir also mentions some flowers such as bulanik, puy and ladar-push, which were peculiar to Kashmir. Describing the uniqueness of the flowers Jahangir writes, “Sweet smelling plant of narcissus, violet and strange flowers that grow in this country (Kashmir), came to view. Among these flowers I saw (noticed especially) one extraordinary one. It had five or six orange flowers blooming with their heads downwards. From the

middle of the flowers there came out some green leaves, as in case of the pineapple. This is bulanik flower. There is an other flower like puym round which are small flowersof the shape. And colour of the jessamine, some blue in colour and some red, with yellow points in the middle, exceedingly pretty in appearance; its name is “ladar push.” They call it push-i-aliyyu-l-umum (the common push). There are many yellow arghawan (Judas trees) on the road as well. The flowers of Kashmir are beyond counting calculation.” Jahangir description of the fauna and floriculture shows that during the 17th century people of Kashmir were very much socio-economically associated with them. Both the fauna and floriculture of Kashmir played an important role in making of the history of Kashmir and establishing its regional identity. More importantly, when Mughal established their rule in Kashmir they treated them as the integral part of the Kashmiri regional identity and participated in the process of their preservation and propagation. Historically, it is found that a ruling class undermines the popular culture and regional identities. But Jahangir's account shows that the Mughals as a ruling class respected the local sentiments of Kashmir and worked for the spread of social conscousness to its specialities in terms of fauna and flowers. Jahangir's account is very valuable for the construction of the natural history of Kashmir. Jahangir treated these fauna and flowers of Kashmir in an inclusive terms. He has tried to establish that the fauna and floriculture of Kashmir brought people together in terms maintaining their natural heritage. For Jahangir, they attracted the attention of visitors and became a source of the beautification of an area. E

Epilogue Ø 47 × July 2009

KNOWLEDGE Ø The State is connected to the rest of

the country through just one highway (NH 1A), 400 Kms stretch (approx) maintained

Border

Roads

Organization (BRO) of India. Ø Dal Lake is the world famous water

body and has been described as Lake Par-Excellence

Sir

Wailter

Lawrence. The Dal Lake is host to world

famous

S h i k a ra s

and

Houseboats lying against each other with eye catching names surrounded by Mughal Gardens.

R E V I EW

Book

Revisiting Borders

INDIA CHINA RELATIONS : THE BORDER ISSUE AND BEYOND By Mohan Guruswamy and Zorawar Daulet Singh Viva Books, New Delhi, 2009, pp. viii + 217, Rs. 795.00

SRIKANTH KONDAPALLI Author is Professor in Chinese Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

ver since the Treaty of Westphalia ended the thirty years was in Europe in 1648, modern nation-state boundaries and jurisdiction have been a major area of contention across the globe. A number of issues are also then entangled in this milieu including historical claims, administrative and legal matters, customary and traditional practices or even emotional attachments to the territories. Several principles were suggested and proposals made to resolve the boundary disputes and, as in some cases, these disputes were resolved amicably through the services of the International Court of Justice or by talks among concerned parties. Some dragged on for several years and even for decades. Other boundary disputes were resolved through the instrument of military force. Yet others, such as those in Europe, went beyond Westphalia divisions and are now subject to integration processes across the board. As the largest modern nationstates in Asia, India and China are also seized with this issue of fixing borders for several decades now and have experimented with or have been in the process of implementing several measures outlines above. Yet, the border dispute remains unresolved between the two countries. While a large body of literature emerged in

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 48 Ă&#x2014; July 2009

the last few decades on this issue, a major portion of the oeuvre remains partial to one or the other party to the dispute. Part of the difficulty in this process is that both India and China have hardly released 'primary' archival sources of any significance, despite claims to the contrary. For instance, despite a few memoirs by participants on the decision-making processes, Indian archival materials on the border dispute from the 1914 Simla Conference period onwards unfortunately are inaccessible to a researcher. In the case of China, while it stated that it opened its archives recently, no meaningful analysis could Chinese debates on the border dispute with India. In addition, most of the archival materials in Tibet-even those on Buddhist philosophy-are simply out of bounds for a researcher. Compounding our difficulties further is the 'extended claims' of either party to the dispute in the recent period. The latest to join this fray is the brief work of Mohan Guruswamy and Zorawar Daulet Singh, relatively new entrants to this field of enquiry. The authors, however, as explained in the introduction, have no intention to 'add anything new by way of a thesis'. Divided into mainly six chapters the narrative of bilateral relations has been woven into the main theme of border dispute and the ways and

R E V I EW

Book means for resolving this dispute. It is historical in the sense of highlighting some of the main issues traced to 19th century British Indian, Qing China and Tsarist Russian positions. It is contemporary in the sense of enlisting, in a 'coherent and chronological narrative', of independent Indian and socialist China's prevarications about the border dispute. The book is also futuristic in the sense of attempting to provide 'a view towards a mutually satisfactory solution' to this dispute. The authors have attempted to do this in about 140 pages by highlighting the main debates in these countries. To an extent the authors have been successful in this mission. The centrality of the border issue in the book under review is well articulated, although one could have expected a more intensive analysis of the subject. That is, although both India and China opened up to mutual contacts from the late 1970s, after the chill in relations due to the war of 1962, the authors rightly contend that full normalization of relations between the two countries is still a distant dream as the border dispute is yet to be resolved. Indeed, the unresolved nature of the dispute, according to the authors, 'remains an obstacle to complete normalisation' (p. vii)of relations between India and China. Despite nearly three decades of discussions between the two – once in the three rounds of discussions in 1960 (which the authors miss out in the analysis, while rightly reminding readers of the British Indian efforts in this regard in the 19th Century) and later from 1981 till now – the border dispute is yet to be resolved. This uncertainty – despite the prevailing

'peace and tranquility' in the bordering regions poses concerns. With nationalist rhetoric increasing in both countries, in addition to rising transgressions, the situation on the ground could alter. A related issue is the revisions in the claims over territories – the 'extended claim' – as the authors rightly contend on the Arunachal Pradesh issue. The 'activation of a non-existent dispute in the eastern sector' (p-3) by some Chinese, thus further complicates this border dispute between India and China. To recall, the Chinese attention before was on Aksai Chin and hardly any mention of Arunachal Pradesh (or its predecessor the North East Frontier Agency) was ever made. This intransigence in resolving the border dispute is intriguing. The book under review approaches the subject in a clear-headed and forceful manner by suggesting that both countries should legitimize the existing ground realities. That is, implementing a process 'de jure settlement, around a de facto position' (p. 135). However, to recall, Chinese premier Zhou Enlai's swapping of territories statement in 1957 and Deng Xiaoping's offer of 1980 were similar. While the Indian side rejected the political offer then, it is compelled to legitimize that position now. The argument, then, of the authors reflects the existing ground realities rather than based on a judicious evaluation of the claims of the two parties. To be fair though the authors in the earlier chapters do consider the respective claims and counter-claims to the dispute and intricacies therein, although no fresh evidence is forthcoming in this regard. The authors reiterate, 'For the twenty-first century

Epilogue Ø 49 × July 2009

to be stable, twentieth century borders must be stable' (pp. 40-41). One of the key issues missed out in most of the Indian or Chinese accounts on the border dispute – like in most Westphalian traditions of scholarship – is the role and views of the locals communities whose destines are intertwined with the habitats in question. For instance most of the scholarship on either side of the fence is silent on what the Tibetans or Mompas or Ladakhis desire while New Delhi and Beijing's positions are over-emphasized-even sanctified. In this context, the author's arguments on legal claims by either India or China on territories are either simplistic or even misleading. The following statement is instructive in this context : '…India's claim over Arunachal Pradesh does not rest on any great historical tradition. We (Indians) are there because the British went there. But then the Chinese too have no basis whatsoever to stake a claim, besides a few dreamy cartographic enlargements of the notion of China among some of the hangers-on in the Qing Emperor's Court' (p. 43). Again, the following statement of the authors is equally contentious and perhaps one-sided: 'India's unwillingness to come to the negotiating table, without preconditions, contributed to raising Chinese threat perceptions…' (p. 72). Overall, the book is written well. With the exception of repetitions in the first two chapters on issues related to British Indian objectives. Tibetan and Chinese roles, the book is a tour de force on India-China relations with the border issue as a lingering subject. By arrangement : The Book Review

I MP A C T

F EATURE

Banking in J&K Golden Protection :

Special Package to be bail out Handicrafts Sector Sajjad Bazaz

ubstantial number of skilled craftsmen and artisans has shifted to other jobs and remaining are ready to follow their path! 500 papiermâché artisans go jobless! No export order since 2008! These were some of the disturbing headlines, which shocked everybody. Amid these conditions, even as the impact of global meltdown has trickled down and hit cultural industry – handicrafts industry – of the J&K state, various categories of people associated with it, have a reason to smile now. J&K Bank has tailored one-time special schemes to lend a financial support to these affected persons - be it exporters, manufacturers, traders or craftsmen. J&K Bank Handicrafts Sustenance Finance has been designed with two options. There is an option where a tripartite agreement between the bank, the borrower and the basic craftsmen is executed. Exporters, traders/ retailers (domestic) and manufacturers enter into an agreement with the bank and by virtue of this agreement the craftsmen is also included who can avail a cash credit facility under a newly tailored financial scheme – J&K Bank Craftsmen Livelihood Finance. However, those not interested to enter into a trilateral agreement with the bank, can also get finance under the scheme, but the craftsmen in this category cannot get cash credit facility

under J&K Bank Craftsmen Livelihood scheme. But such craftsmen can take course of J&K Bank's Dastkaar Finance Scheme, which has been modified to accommodate more categories of craftsmen. To avail finance under these products, a person is required to apply before September 2009. However, finance under Dastkaar scheme shall be available even after this period. Precisely, J&K Bank Handicrafts Sustenance Finance (Under Tripartite Agreement) is targeted at Exporters /Traders/Retailers (Domestic) & Manufacturers who shall be part of the Trilateral Arrangement between the Bank, the Borrower & the basic Craftsmen. While as J&K Bank Craftsmen Livelihood Finance is targeted at craftsmen who form part of the trilateral agreement. Similarly, J&K Bank Handicrafts Sustenance Finance (Outside Tripartite Agreement) is targeted at Exporters /Traders/ Retailers (Domestic) & Manufacturers who don't want to be part of the trilateral agreement. However, J&K Bank Revised Dastkaar Finance is targeted at craftsmen who don't want to be part of the trilateral agreement. Who are eligible? Only those exporters, traders, retailers and manufacturers availing Cash Credit facility from J&K Bank are eligible to avail the facility. Their accounts must be running satisfactorily. However,

Epilogue Ø 50 × July 2009

those manufacturers not having any past business relationship with the bank, but stand registered with Department of Handicrafts are eligible to get finance facility under these schemes. Those who are not involved in manufacturing handicraft items but trade across state or restrict their activities within J&K state have been brought under the ambit of the schemes. Even those having own retail shops/ showrooms within India, whether they are traders or manufacturers can also take benefit of these schemes. The facility shall be over and above the existing limits, if any, being availed by the borrowers. The quantum of finance has been calculated as per the activity and the type of borrower. A manufacturer can get loan facility as per the amount required to purchase finished goods from craftsmen associated with him under trilateral agreement. For carpets, he can get maximum loan amount of Rs.10 lacs and for Kani shawl, Paper Machie and wood carving, a manufacturer can get Rs.2.10 lacs, Rs. 3.50 lacs and Rs.3.50 lacs respectively. For exporters the loan limit has been linked to their existing loan limit or the amount required to purchase finished goods from craftsmen associated with him under trilateral agreement. They can get a maximum loan of Rs.50 lacs under these schemes.

I MP A C T

F EATURE Banking in J&K

The traders have been categorized on the basis of their area of operations. A trader operating at national level can get Rs.30 lacs, while his counterpart operating within J&K state can avail a maximum loan facility of Rs.20 lacs under these schemes. Similarly, a Retailer/ showroom or shop owner can get loan facility to the tune of Rs.30 lacs. However, in all these cases, the loan is linked to the amount required to purchase finished goods from craftsmen associated with them under trilateral agreement and the existing loan limits. Since the schemes have been tailored to provide financial support to the people associated with handicrafts during the period of recession, the repayment schedule has been carved out with a moratorium period of 18 months from the date of initial disbursement. Only interest portion is to be paid during the moratorium period. After the expiry of 18 months, the loan amount is to be repaid in 8 equal quarterly installments. Notably, those exporters and traders operating at national level preferring to remain outside trilateral agreement will enjoy a moratorium period of 12 Months from the date of initial disbursement. Loans up to Rs 5 lacs, borrowers have to provide collateral security in the form of third party guarantee of two persons only. Mortgage is applicable for loans above Rs 5 lacs. For borrowers governed by tripartite arrangement, the interest on loans up to Rs 2 lacs shall be just 10 per cent and beyond this amount the rate is 10.50 per cent. The rate of interest is fixed. Those outside trilateral agreement the fixed interest rate up to Rs.2 lacs shall be 10.50 per cent and 11 per cent for loans above Rs. 2 lacs. In order to provide adequate and timely credit for comprehensive

requirements of artisans and craftsmen, etc, the bank has designed J&K Bank Craftsmen Livelihood Finance. The facility, however, is for those craftsmen only who are part of the trilateral agreement between the Bank,Exporters/Traders/Manufacturers and the Craftsmen.

Only those exporters, traders, retailers and manufacturers availing Cash Credit facility from J&K Bank are eligible to avail the facility. Their accounts must be running satisfactorily. However, those manufacturers not having any past business relationship with the bank, but stand registered with Department of Handicrafts are eligible to get finance facility under these schemes All Artisans, Craftsmen and other people aged 18 to 60 years, associated with Carpet Weaving, Shawl Embroidery, Kani Shawl Weaving, Chain Stitch, Crewel Embroidery, Wood Carving and Paper Machie are covered under the scheme. The amount of loan is linked to the activity of the craftsmen and ranges from Rs.0.60 lacs to Rs.3.00 lacs. The artisans are not required to provide any collaterals, as their loans shall be covered under Credit

Epilogue Ă&#x2DC; 51 Ă&#x2014; July 2009

Guarantee Fund Scheme. The upfront and service fee shall be borne by Ministry of Textiles, Government of India in case of craftsmen having Artisan Card of Dir. Handicrafts, J&K State. However, craftsmen who don't possess Artisan Card shall have to bear both the fee themselves. All loans under the scheme shall be charged fixed 10 per cent interest. The craftsmen who fall outside the ambit of trilateral agreement can take benefit of the revised Dastkaar scheme of the bank. Artisans skillful in Carpet weaving, Shawl Embroidery, Kani Shawl Weaving, Chain Stitch, Crewel, Wood Carving and Paper Machie are covered under the scheme. J&K Bank

Epilogue Available at Jawahar Book Center Jawahar Lal Nehru University NEW DELHI

--India Book Center THIRUVANTHAPURAM

--CNA Enterprises DN Road, MUMBAR --KC Enterprises Himayat Nagar, HYDERBAD --EBS News Agency Sector 22-B, CHANDIGARH --Bhargave Book Center University Center, ALLAHABAD

POL I T I CA L

AF TER

L I F E

A Reporter’s Diary

RECENT ENGAGEMENTS

SAJJAD GHANI LONE

MUFTI MOHAMMAD SAYEED

he Peoples Democratic Party Mehbooba Mufti is constantly on the streets since June 1 mobilising crowds against Omar Abdullah government's inability to curb human rights violations. But father and patron Mufi Mohammad Sayeed is missing from the scene. There is, however, nothing new in Mufti's disappearance when Valley burns. During Amarnath land agitation of summer 2008 when Kashmir Valley appeared, for a while, slipping out of hands of India, Mehbooba was on the streets and Mufti off to America. In fact, when Valley burns and the situation demands PDP hitting streets to outwit the separatists and corner the ruling regime, Mufti always takes a back seat and Mehbooba takes control of things. Observers believe, Mufti is pursuing a statesman like approach to Kashmir politics and does not want to be seen as a fomenter of unrest. On June 8 he wrote a detailed letter of protest to the Prime Minister titled “are we loosing way in Kashmir”. PDP insiders say, “the Prime Minister has responded to the letter very warmly”. In later half of the month, the former Chief Minister flew out to Delhi and met his old friends drawn from different political affiliations and put the Kashmir case before them.E

Epilogue Ø 52 × July 2009

lways in command of his words and gestures, one of the most famous separatists faces on the Indian news television, Sajjad Ghani Lone has not been seen anywhere since his last ink-stainedfinger picture appeared in newspapers in the middle of May last. The last story one read about Sajjad was a beautiful piece Muzammil Jaleel wrote in the Indian Express on how this gentlemen trekked a small distance to the poling station to bridge a two-decade long separatist divide. Chairman of his own faction of the Peoples Conference, there is no news about Sajjad since he contested the April-May Lok Sabha elections in North Kashmir's Baramulla-Kupwara constituency. Separatists have disowned him and the mainstream camp is yet to own him. There has been his one post on the facebook which tells his latest story. In a post addressed to his wife, Sajjad says: I think it is the end of the road for me…I don't think I can espouse any cause any more. I wish everybody else understood the complexities of my situation as you do…” An emotional post, indeed. E

POL I T I CA L

AF TER

L I F E

A Reporter’s Diary

MOHAMMAD YUSUF TARIGAMI

either the government nor the lone Comrade has clarified as which side of fence he stands. Since 1996, when he won first assembly election, the J&K State Secretary of Communist Party of India (Marxist) Mohammad Yusuf Tarigami has been dubbed in the political and media circles as a super legislator. No major party puts a candidate against him. When he wins, he enjoys status, protocol and facilities at the state expense which envy even the Ministers. The pampered legislator has a front row seat in the legislative assembly and his voice is most vocal on a select range of issues. Farooq Abdullah was keep to make him Minister in 1996 and so was Mufti in 2002 but the politburo did not agree. In 2008 elections the Congress and NC did not put a candidate against him. But why is Tarigami taken care of so well by all? After all, until recently the Left was a power to reckon with in New Delhi. The ruling dispensations in J&K always look towards keeping all powers in 'New Delhi' in good humour. Things, however, are not all the same for Comrade since the coming in to power of NC-Congress coalition. When Omar Abdullah's coalition started taking shape, Tarigami, along with Hakeem Mohammad Yaseen of PDF and Ghulam Hassan Mir JKDP also dashed off letters of support to the Raj Bhawan. But in return there was no invitation to join Ministry. When Kashmir broke out in major protests twice this year on issue of violation of human rights, Tarigami was conspicuous with his silence. After no desired signals from the government, Tarigami reluctantly issued a statement of condemnation on Shopian rape and murder incident after 15 days of protests in the Valley. Recently he met the Prime Minister and sought initiation of dialogue with Pakistan and

repeal of draconian military laws in Jammu and Kashmir. E

THUPSTAN CHHEWANG

e is a Ladakhi Buddhist leader and descent of a royal dynasty. Thupstan had a handsdown walkover to the Lok Sabha in 2004 elections from Ladakh constituency when most of the Leh district was near unanimous in its political approach. He and the present Tourism Minister in J&K Nawang Rigzin Jora were the champions of the cause of Union Territory for Ladakh. Thus Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF) assumed a powerful position in Leh politics with Thupstan and Rigzin as force drivers. However, soon they started pulling in opposite directions with Rigzin gaining control and Thupstan loosing direction. The most bizarre aspect of Thupstan's political life is that he can be on both sides of extremes. Not only in J&K but anywhere in the country, National Conference and the Rashtriya Sweyamsewak Sangh (RSS) are seen as two opposite extremes. In October-November 2008, Thupstan was an ally of the NC to secure assembly seat for him in Leh. Assembly election he lost and the Lok Sabha election in early 2009 he could not contest. After six politically tumultuous months, Thupstan is now often seen baking in the RSS camp. On June 23, he was with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat and BJP chief Rajnath Singh at a lecture on “J&K and National Integration in Jammu”. E

Epilogue Ø 53 × July 2009

POL I T I CA L

AF TER

L I F E

A Reporter’s Diary

DR FAROOQ ABDULLAH

politician of over three decades standing and recognition in many parts of world, Dr Abdullah is indeed very happy with the charge of a Ministry in New Delhi's Central Government which until recently used to be a part of Science and Technology Ministry. The Ministry of New and Renewable Energy has an annual budget of little over Rs 100 million but Dr Abdullah, who once ran for the post of Vice President of India, is very happy. Abdullah's was NC's Chief Ministerial candidate in last assembly elections as son Omar could not secure a mandate for him when was projected such in 2002 elections. However, in an overnight development on December 28, 2008 –hours after election results were declared –the scene in NC camp reversed and Omar was declared as CM candidate. There are two theories explaining this –one: Omar insisted on becoming Chief Minister and family stood by him, second: the Congress party agreed to support NC only if Omar was to become the CM. So it was the son who emerged shining next morning. Next month Farooq was rehabilitated by his re-crowning as NC president, a post held by Omar since 2002. But things were never seen quite at ease at the Abdullah mansion. He contested assembly elections from two places in Srinagar district in 2008 but resigned both to go to Rajya Sabha in February-March. Then in April-May he contested third election in six months to go the Lok Sabha. Between all these elections, one element was seen very strong –the importance of Abdullah senior's rehabilitation in New Delhi. The Congress leadership indicated twice that they are in no mood to take Abdullah in cabinet but they reluctantly took him in. soon after the portfolios were allotted, there was a shock –Farooq got New and Renewable Energy, a Ministry far smaller than his stature and experience. Since then Farooq is on an extended PR spree explaining people importance of his Ministry. E

LEELA KARAN SHARMA

he man who took Jammu by storm exactly a year back is practically in no business these days. The Amarnath pilgrimage that began on June 15 is running nearly smoothly despite hostile weather. Minor irritants are pouring in this year also –like PDP's demand of reducing its durations etc –and the Amarnath Yatra Sangharsh Samiti –which spearheaded two-month long agitation in 2008 –is again active its erratic and intermittent responses. However, missing in the action is Leela Karan Sharma, the man who led the agitation last year. Leela, an advocate by profession, had resigned as convener of Sangharsh Samiti earlier this year to contest Lok Sabha election on BJP ticket. He suffered a defeat with a margin which no one had imagined -121,000 votes. There were many in the Sangharsh Samiti eyeing political benefits of the agitation but BJP placed its eggs under Leela only. Therefore, the men calling shots in Samiti are offering no space to him. When Leela Karan got BJP ticket to contest Lok Sabha elections there was a storm in the party –decision upset prospects of many old-timers. There the local unit of BJP has very little to offer to Leela Karan. The 'hero' 2008 Amarnath land row agitation is back to his lawyer chamber sifting through the pending files. E

Epilogue Ø 54 × July 2009

Epilogue

Regional in Content National in Presence

because there is more to know

J&Kâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s only news/current affairs publication with all-India presence Ask for your copy at : ? Abhijeet Sagar Book Center Pune, MAHARASHTRA

? American Book Center Anna Salai, Chennai TAMIL NADU

? B N Dey & Co. Pan Bazaar, Guwahati ASSAM

? Deepak Kumar Magazine Agents, Patna BIHAR

? Dey & Bose Magazine Agent Howrah, WEST BENGAL

? Ideal Books Tutors Line, Trissur KERALA

Oxford Book Stores NEW DELHI, MUMBAI, KOLKATTA, CHENNAI, BANGALORE & GOA

? JMD Book House Shimla HIMACHAL PRADESH

? Life Book House Himidira Road Bhopal MADHYA PRADESH

? Modern Book House Lucknow, UTTAR PRADESH

? Rajesh Agencies Jaipur RAJASTHAN

? Shams News Agency Farmanwadi, Hyderabad ANDHRA PRADESH

? Uniquality News Agency Bapuji Nagar, Bhubaneshwar ORISSA

Central News Agency NEW DELHI

Read the web version, enjoy pleasure of print edition Digital Version of Epilogue Now available at ezinemart.com eZineMART

eZineMART

ZOOM

THUMBNAILS

Subscription rates : Print (Annaul) Rs. 300/- digital - free for three months

TEXT

BLOG

SPEECH

VIDEO

ARCHIVES eZineMART

eZineMART

DOWNLOAD

Epilogue log on to www.ezinemart.com Read Epilogue along with leading news, current affairs, business and lifestyle magazines of country

Also available at www.epilogue.in

รถ Carbon Cell bring established at

Janipur campus in Jammu. Two brainstorming sessions held on รถ CDM, carbon mapping. Two state level workshops held under รถ National Bamboo Mission. MOU with SMVD University and BGSB รถ University for Joint Collaboration in Research