Epilogue August 2011 by Epilogue Press

The Lighter Side of Serious Story

LADAKH AFFAIRS

Mein Hoon Khushrang Hina

12-Page Special Section on Politics, Development in Ladakh Region

Epilogue ISSN : 0974-5653

NEWS,

CURRENT

A F F A I R S,

SOCIAL SCIENCES

Indo-Pak Detente

Building Trust, Carefully

Jammu,August 01,2011 / Vol 5 / Issue 08 Price Rs.30 II Postal Regd.No.JK-350.2009IIwww.epilogue.in

J&K'S MONTHLY MAGAZINE

EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW

Musharraf formula was floated after consultations with all top Kashmiri leaders MANI SHANKER AIYYER

IN FOCUS: COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS

The Gujjar-Pahari Fault Line Case of Political, Social Conflicts in Rajouri, Poonch An IPCS early warning project

Epilogue because there is more to know

CONTENT Editor Zafar Iqbal Choudhary

PROLOGUE

Publisher Yogesh Pandoh

INDO-PAK DETENTE

Reconciling with Identities New Delhi, Islamabad Pick up Threads, Carefully

Consulting Editor D. Suba Chandran Manu Srivastsa

The Lighter Side of Serious Story Mein Hoon Khushrang Hina

Associate Editors Tsewang Rigzin Zorawar Singh Jamwal

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4 14

INTERVIEW 'All Kashmiri leaders were taken on board in Musharraf era Indo-Pak consultations' 11

General Manager Kartavya Pandoh Research Officer Raman Sharma

FRONTIER CONCORDS Kashmirs, Punjabs, Rajasthan-Sindh The case for a border province 'trilateral' 23

Epilogue

COLUMN: OTHER KASHMIR

Vol 5, Issue 08 AUGUST 2011

New Govt Gets Down to Business

COLUMN:HISTORY Tracing the History of Jammu Hill States Through Their Forts

IN FOCUS Beyond Reservations, Gujjars Have Nothing or Little Against Paharis

SPECIAL ARTICLE 16

Paharis Have Lived the Life of Gujjars, Why Not Treat Them Same As Well 19

Born in Conflict, Brought Up on Margins -the Sorry State of Kashmir's Children

LADAKH AFFAIRS Towards Making Ladakh Power Surplus

Spalbar Gets Experts from Sikkim to Plan Leh Town 40 HOMAGE TO KARGIL HEROES

'We want UT with legislature'

Ladakh Unanimous for Union Territory

CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Maini, KD (In Focus, PP 19) is an author, writer and social activists based in Poonch City of Jammu province. He has written extensively on history of Poonch and Pahari people. His present essay has been written under a project of Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies. Mohammed, Prof Jigar (Column, PP 32) is a renowned historian and professor of History at the University of Jammu. He has been writing with Epilogue a regular column on history for over four and half years Singh, Priyanka (Column, PP 26) is Associate Fellow with Institute of Defense Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. At IDSA, among other things, she edits PoK digest Sharma, Raman (Diplomacy, PP 4) is an RTI activist and Research Officer with this magazine

Khaki, Shumaila (Special Article, PP 28) is working with ACM-GIDF, NGO working in Kashmir. Ahmed Dar, Tanveer (Special Article, PP 28) is a Research Scholar at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi Maini, Tridivesh Singh (Column, PP 23) is Associate Fellow with Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. He is author of 'South Asian Cooperation and the Role of the Punjabs', and has also coauthored 'Humanity Amidst Insanity: Hope During and After the Indo-Pak Partition' Rigzin, Tsewang (Ladakh Affairs, PP 38) is Associate Editor of Epilogue. He is based in Leh. Choudhary, Zafar (In Focus, PP 11, Diplomacy PP 16) is Editor of this magazine. His present essay on community perceptions has been written under a project of Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies.

PROLOGUE

Reconciling with Identities

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

dentity is perhaps the most important ingredient of self respect and dig nity. Very concept of identity stems from the vision of how a person or community looks at itself and how they want others to look at them. It is a basic natural quest and there is nothing wrong in formation, preservation or promotion of identities of persons or communities. The problem, however, arises when one community looks at its identity purely in context of the other community. It is again a basic fact that one has an identity only because there are many identities. Had there been no multiple identities, the one identity wouldn't have carried any meaning. In Jammu and Kashmir identity is a major area of competitive politics. Kashmiri identity, which is also often referred to as Kashmir nationalism, is a major dominant identity for historical reasons which are equally valid to the present day. In terms of the politics of competitive identities, the Kashmiri identity is challenged by the Dogra identity of Jammu plains. Dogras had ruled Jammu and Kashmir 101 years, something Kashmiris resisted for nearly half a century before 1947. In post-1947 era, the seat of power has rested in Kashmir, something Dogras see as an aggression on their identity. Kashmiris' grouse against Dogras for buying them through a treaty and ruling them over hundred years is as much a part of daily political debate as the Dogras' feeling of disempowerment by Kashmiris. This goes on. Towards the north, the Buddhists have a feeling of never being part of any packing order in Jammu and Kashmir. Their demand for separation from J&K and protection of their identity in a Union Territory is as old as the issue of Kashmir. Two documents (on pages 44 & 47) submitted by two prominent Ladakhi organisations to the Government of India's interlocutors clearly show the Buddhist discomfort. Now, away from the Kashmir issue but not entirely out of it, the most serious conflict in contemporary Jammu and Kashmir is the trouble between the Gujjars and the other Pahari speaking people. This is predominant in the districts of Rajouri, Poonch, Baramulla, Kupwara and Bandipore. Both communities have a deep feeling of victimhood and they hold each other responsible for it. Peoples in the Pir Panjal ranges have lived a life of acute deprivation and poverty over the centuries. Miseries in these mountains have been common among the Gujjars and the others who now identity themselves as Pahari speaking people. The plight of Gujjars slightly improved after their inclusion in Scheduled Tribes some two decades ago. Now Pahari speakers are demanding the same treatment, which is resisted by the Gujjars and hence the conflict. Both communities must look at their historical past and offer each other a grand reconciliation lest they keep on falling prey to political designs.

DIPLOMACY INDO-PAK DETENTE

Krishna-Khar Meeting

New Delhi, Islamabad Pick up Threads, Carefully RAMAN, SHARMA Putting behind the baggage of events like Mumbai and moving beyond the symbolism of Mohali, India and Pakistan seem inching closer to the regional realities as they demonstrated more maturity and pragmatism than anyone had expected in the region, during the recent Foreign Minister-level talks.

he latest engagement be tween India and Pakistan seems to most serious and meaningful in recent years. It appears that Foreign Minister SM Krishna and his Pakistani counterpart Hina Rabbani Khar just read out from a script already prepared after a sustained hard work through back channels and front channels with full concurrence of both governments. The strong foundation for the joint statement had already been laid by two rounds of meetings of the Foreign Secretaries within last one month and in between the most important meeting of India-Pakistan Joint Working Group. Krishna and Khar just appropriated the background by right kind of body languages and refined verbal nuances. The most important lesson here is that India and Pakistan should never rush to sensitive discussions without sufficient ground work and in-principle agreements on broader areas of concerns. Agra summit was one such event which instead of doing any good to Prime Minister Vajpayee's honest intentions bred further suspicion and hostility between two countries. The Confidence Building Measures announced by the Foreign Ministers is not anything which can be described as a major breakthrough but what better they could have done at this stage. The way forward for India and Pakistan is to gradually go ahead with incremen

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The Return of warmth: Krishna and Khar in New Delhi

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tal measures, build the trust and then do the bold things.

Satisfactory Round In the recent round of meeting in New Delhi India and Pakistan announced additional Confidence Building Measures related to Jammu and Kashmir, including increasing cross-LoC trading days and expanding travel to include tourism and religious aspects. The two sides also decided to relax permit conditions for travel by people of Jammu and Kashmir to the other side of the LoC by having a system of a sixmonth multiple entry. The two ministers discussed Jammu and Kashmir, counter-terrorism measures, including progress in the Mumbai attacks trial in Pakistan, humanitarian issues, commercial and economic cooperation, Wullar Barrage or Tulbul Navigation Project, Sir Creek, Siachen, peace and security including CBMs and promotion of friendly exchanges. They also agreed to convene separate meetings of the expert groups on nuclear and conventional CBMs, in Islamabad in September 2011. "The ministers held discussions on the issue of Jammu and Kashmir and agreed to the need for continued discussions, in a purposeful and forward looking manner, with a view to finding a peaceful solution by narrowing divergences and building convergences," said a joint statement issued after the talks. Krishna later said, "I must say that I am satisfied at the progress achieved in this round of the resumed dialogue. The outcomes have been as per our expectations... While being fully cognisant of the challenges that lie ahead, I can confidently say that our relations are on the right track." On Jammu and Kashmir, Krishna said they will continue discussions

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Opposition on Board: Khar with BJP Leader LK Advani

with a view to finding a peaceful solution by "narrowing divergences and building convergences". Expressing satisfaction at the outcome of the talks, he said the two sides decided that the Foreign Ministers will meet again in Islamabad in the first half of 2012 to review progress in the dialogue process. "We are listening carefully to each other and giving serious consideration to the ideas and proposals from both sides that are on the table. I am also confident about our future course of relations, which has to be normalised for the peace progress and prosperity of our two countries and the region," the External Affairs Minister said. "This is indeed a new era of bilateral cooperation between the two countries and it is our desire and I believe after having spoken to you (Krishna), that it is the desire and commitment of both governments to make it an uninterrupted and an uninterpretable process," Khar said. "We have expressed our satisfaction on holding of subject specific meetings during the last five

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months. We have agreed that the process should continue and in fact there is no alternative to dialogue and constructive engagement," she said in a brief press stake-out after the meeting. She said, "A new generation of India and Pakistan will see a relationship which is going to be much different then the one we experienced in the last few decades." Khar, the youngest and first woman Foreign Minister of Pakistan, said they should make every effort possible to narrowing down divergences and building convergences. "It is important that a responsible state we take ownership of our own affairs. In the recent months we have seen an intensification of contacts at different levels between both the countries," she said. The joint statement said the ministers affirmed the importance of carrying forward the dialogue process with a "view to resolving peacefully all outstanding issues through constructive and result oriented engagement, and to establish friendly, cooperative and good neighbourly relations between Pa-

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Revival at Mohali: Prime Ministers Singh and Gillani

kistan and India". They also underlined the need for sustained efforts by both countries to build a relationship of trust and mutually beneficial cooperation in conformity with the determination of the people of both countries to see "an end to terrorism and violence and to realise their aspirations for peace and development". Krishna and Khar also agreed that terrorism poses a continuing threat to peace and security and reiterated the firm and undiluted commitment of the two countries to fight

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and eliminate this scourge in all its forms and manifestations. "Both sides agreed on the need to strengthen cooperation on counter-terrorism including among relevant departments as well as agencies to bring those responsible for terror crimes to justice," the statement said. They noted with satisfaction the fact that "since the resumption of dialogue earlier this year, the process of release of prisoners and fishermen from both sides has continued."

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On CBMs, the statement said the Working Group will review the trading list with a view to further specifying permissible items to facilitate intraJammu and Kashmir Cross-LoC trade. "The number of trading days stand enhanced from 2 to 4 days per week. Truck movements shall take place on Tuesdays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays, both on SrinagarMuzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalakot routes," the statement said. The statement said the designated authorities will resolve operational issues concerning cross-LoC trade through regular interaction. The meetings of the designated authorities will be held alternately at the Terminal of the Crossing Points on both sides of the LoC every quarter or as and when deemed necessary. On cross-LoC travel, the statement said it would be expanded on both sides of the LoC to include visits for tourism and religious pilgrimage and that modalities in this regard will be worked out by both sides. "Facilities including waiting area, terminal and clearing procedures at the operational crossing points will be streamlined by both sides for smooth Cross-LoC travel," the statement said. The cross-LoC bus service between Srinagar-Muzaffarabad and PoonchRawalakot routes will henceforth run on every Monday. "Application forms and requisite documentation in respect of travel across LoC will be exchanged by email between Designated Authorities of both sides. Such email transfer of application forms will be backed up by hard copies," the statement said. It said India and Pakistan will expedite the processing time for applications, which shall not be more than 45 days. "Six month multiple entry cross-LoC travel permits will be allowed by the Designated Authorities after completion of the required formalities at an early date," the statement said. It was agreed that the Joint Working Group will henceforth meet on a bi-

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Proper homework: Foreign Secretaries Rao and Bashir built the background trust

annual basis to review existing arrangements and suggest additional measures for Cross-LoC travel and trade. Krishna and Khar agreed that increase in trade and economic engagement between the two countries would be mutually beneficial. "In this context, they emphasized the importance of early establishment of a non-discriminatory trade regime between the two countries, including reduction/removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers. They also emphasised the need for facilitating trade and redressing trade imbalance," the statement said. The ministers also noted with satisfaction that during their meeting held in Islamabad in April 2011, the Commerce Secretaries of the two countries had decided on a number of important steps to realize the full potential of bilateral trade.

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"The Ministers agreed that discussions will continue on Siachen, Wullar Barrage/Tulbul Navigation Project and Sir Creek to find a mutually acceptable solution to these issues. They reiterated their commitment to seeking early and amicable solutions to all these issues," the statement said. The two sides also reaffirmed their commitment to the Indus Waters Treaty. They noted with "satisfaction" the progress made towards finalization of a revised Visa Agreement which would help liberalise the visa regime and facilitate people-topeople, business-to-business and sports contacts. "The ministers also emphasised promotion of cooperation in various fields including, facilitating visits to religious shrines, media exchanges, holding of sports tournaments and cessation of hostile pro-

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paganda against each other," the statement said. The ministers also decided to resume the work of the India-Pakistan Joint Commission and agreed that the Technical Level Working Groups should hold their meetings to identify avenues of further cooperation in these fields. "They reaffirmed their commitment to the goals and objectives of SAARC and agreed to make joint efforts to promote cooperation for regional development in the SAARC framework," the statement said. Kashmir and Other Issues Of all the issues that hang between India and Pakistan, Kashmir is at the top. However, in recent months New Delhi and Islamabad have been engaging over in Kashmir in a far less irritating manner. Pakistan

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has traditionally adopted the position of resolving Kashmir under United Nations references on self determination, something India never entertained. In past few years, however, India and Pakistan have shown a great degree of reconciliation on Kashmir. Their public postures have often irritated the other but in principle both countries seem agreed to the understanding that boundaries once drawn cannot be redrawn. Much of this progress in change of mindset took place during the reign of Pervez Musharraf in Pakistan and Prime Minister Vajpayee. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh continued with Musharraf the process set in motion by Vajpayee. The biggest achievement of New Delhi-Islamabad engagement, mostly through back channels, was the initiation of Cross-Line of Control bus service between two divided parts of Jammu and Kashmir in 2005. Launch of trade between two sides in 2008 strengthened this biggest of all Confidence Building Measures. Beginning with Mohali summit meet between two Prime Ministers and the latest round involding Foreign Ministers, the recent renewed engagement between New Delhi and Islamabad seems to have picked up the threads where both governments had left in early 2007. Agreement on enhanced LoC based Confidence Building Measures in Jammu and Kashmir and resolving other outstanding issues through dialogue offer sufficient evidence that the achievements made in the past have not fully gone away with the distrust caused by Mumbai terror attacks of 2008. Here are the other issues which are seen as areas of dispute between India and Pakistan: Â&#x201E;

Security

For India, security is the top issue, brought into stark relief by three near simultaneous bomb blasts in Mumbai this month that killed at least 23 people and which analysts suspect was the handiwork of a domestic Islamist militant group. Until this year, India had refused to resume peace talks until Islamabad took action against Pakistan-based militants and

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DOCUMENT Here is the full text of a joint statement they issued after the meeting. 2. The Ministerial level talks were preceded by a meeting between the Foreign Secretaries of India and Pakistan on July 26, 2011. 3. The talks were held in a candid, cordial and constructive atmosphere. 4. The Ministers reviewed the status of bilateral relations and expressed satisfaction on the holding of meetings on the issues of Counter-Terrorism (including progress on Mumbai trial) and Narcotics Control; Humanitarian issues; Commercial & Economic cooperation; Wullar Barrage/Tulbul Navigation Project; Sir Creek; Siachen; Peace & Security including CBMs; Jammu & Kashmir; and promotion of friendly exchanges. 5. The Ministers affirmed the importance of carrying forward the dialogue process with a view to resolving peacefully all outstanding issues through constructive and result oriented engagement, and to establish friendly, cooperative and good neighbourly relations between Pakistan and India. 6. The Ministers underlined the need for sustained effort by both countries to build a relationship of trust and mutually beneficial cooperation in conformity with the determination of the people of both countries to see an end to terrorism and violence and to realise their aspirations for peace and development. 7. The Ministers agreed that terrorism poses a continuing threat to peace and security and reiterated the firm and undiluted commitment of the two countries to fight and eliminate this scourge in all its forms and manifestations. Both sides agreed on the need to strengthen cooperation on counter-terrorism including among relevant departments as well as agencies to bring those responsible for terror crimes to justice. 8. The Ministers noted with satisfaction the fact that since the resumption of dialogue earlier this year, the process of release of prisoners and fishermen from both sides has continued. In this regard, the Ministers agreed with the recommendations of the Judicial Committee on Prisoners regarding (a) early repatriation of the prisoners who have completed their sentences and whose travel documents are available; (b) adoption of a humane approach in dealing with cases of fishermen, women, elderly, juvenile prisoners, prisoners terminally ill or suffering from serious illness or physical / mental disability and (c) need to monitor the welfare of prisoners in order to ensure their humane treatment. 9. The Ministers attached importance to promoting peace and security, including Confidence Building Measures, between India and Pakistan and agreed to convene separate meetings of the Expert Groups on Nuclear and Conventional

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brought to justice those behind the 2008 Mumbai attacks. India has not linked the latest attacks to Pakistan, but suspicions linger that Pakistan's powerful ISI spy agency backs militant groups operating against India. Testimony from Pakistani-American David Headley, who scouted targets for the militants who staged the 2008 Mumbai attacks, says some ISI officers were connected to the plot. Pakistan denies India's accusations. For its part, Pakistan accuses India of backing separatists in its Baluchistan province and providing weapons and funding to Pakistan Taliban groups, charges India denies. Â&#x201E;

Afghanistan

Afghanistan is a major source of friction. The two countries have long competed for influence there and Pakistan is deeply suspicious of a rise in India's presence there since the fall of the Islamabad-backed Taliban government in 2001. Pakistan accuses India of using Afghanistan as a base to create problems inside Pakistan, including backing separatists in Baluchistan province. India denies the accusations, saying its $2 billion aid is focused on development. India is worried that negotiations with the Taliban and the US pullout would give Pakistan an upper hand in Afghanistan and offer anti-Indian militants a base. This rivalry is complicating US-led efforts to end an intensifying Taliban insurgency and bring stability to Afghanistan almost 10 years after the Taliban were ousted. The US drawdown has also pushed Washington to work harder in getting India and Pakistan to normalise ties.

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CBMs, in Islamabad in September 2011. 10. The Ministers held discussions on the issue of Jammu and Kashmir and agreed to the need for continued discussions, in a purposeful and forward looking manner, with a view to finding a peaceful solution by narrowing divergences and building convergences. 11. On Cross-LoC trade and travel facilitation for Jammu & Kashmir the Ministers decided the following:CROSS-LoC TRADE: i) List of 21 products of permissible items for Cross-LoC trade will be respected by both sides. The Working Group will review the trading list with a view to further specifying permissible items to facilitate intra-Jammu &Kashmir Cross-LoC trade. ii) Both sides will provide adequate facilities at the trade facilitation centres on each side. iii) The number of trading days stand enhanced from 2 to 4 days per week. Truck movements shall take place on Tuesdays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays, both on Srinagar-Muzaffarabad and PoonchRawalakot routes. iv) The Designated Authorities will resolve operational issues concerning cross-LoC trade through regular interaction. v) Regular meetings between the Chambers of Commerce and traders of both sides will be facilitated. vi) Existing telephone communication facilities should be strengthened. vii) The meetings of the Designated Authorities will be held alternately at the Terminal of the Crossing Points on both sides of the LoC every quarter or as and when deemed necessary. CROSS-LoC TRAVEL i) Cross-LoC travel would be expanded on both sides of the LoC to include visits for tourism and religious pilgrimage. In this regard, the modalities will be worked out by both sides. `ii) Facilities including waiting area, terminal and clearing procedures at the operational crossing points will be streamlined by both sides for smooth Cross-LoC travel. iii) The Cross-LoC bus service between Srinagar-Muzaffarabad and Poonch-Rawalakot routes will henceforth run on every Monday. iv) Application forms and requisite documentation in respect of travel across LoC will be exchanged by email between Designated Authorities of both sides. Such email transfer of application forms will be backed up by hard copies. v) Both sides will expedite the processing time for applications, which shall not be more than 45 days. vi) Six month multiple entry cross-LoC travel permits will be allowed by the Designated Authorities after completion of the required formalities at an early date. vii) Coordination meetings between the Designated Authorities will be held at the Terminals alternately on both sides of the LoC every quarter or as and when deemed necessary.

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Trade and visas

Both countries want to boost trade, particularly important for Pakistan's weak economy, but Islamabad has yet to grant India a "most favoured nation" trade status over concerns its market will be flooded with cheap Indian goods. There is hope that Wednesday's talks will make progress on easing cross-border travel mostly in the Kashmir region. Â&#x201E;

Water

The two countries disagree over use of the water flowing down rivers that rise in Indian Kashmir and run into the Indus river basin in Pakistan. Pakistan says India is unfairly diverting water with the upstream construction of barrages and dams. India denies the charge. No immediate progress is expected here. Â&#x201E;

Siachen

Indian and Pakistani forces have faced off in mountains above the Siachen glacier in the Karakoram range, the world's highest battlefield, since 1984. The two sides have been trying to find a solution that would allow them to withdraw troops, but India says it is unwilling to bring its forces down until Pakistan officially authenticates the positions they hold. Pakistan has said it is willing to do so but on the condition that it is not a final endorsement of India's claim over the glacier, one source of melt water for Pakistan's rivers. A meeting of defence secretaries of the two nations about the glacier in May was inconclusive and showed that even less controversial issues remain difficult to tackle.

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It was agreed that the Joint Working Group will henceforth meet on a bi-annual basis to review existing arrangements and suggest additional measures for Cross-LoC travel and trade. 12. The Ministers agreed that increase in trade and economic engagement between the two countries would be mutually beneficial. In this context, they emphasized the importance of early establishment of a non-discriminatory trade regime between the two countries, including reduction/removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers. They also emphasised the need for facilitating trade and redressing trade imbalance. The Ministers noted with satisfaction that during their meeting held in Islamabad in April 2011, the Commerce Secretaries of the two countries had decided on a number of important steps to realize the full potential of bilateral trade. 13. The Ministers agreed that discussions will continue on Siachen, Wullar Barrage/Tulbul Navigation Project and Sir Creek to find a mutually acceptable solution to these issues. They reiterated their commitment to seeking early and amicable solutions to all these issues. They reaffirmed their commitment to the Indus Waters Treaty. 14. The Ministers also agreed that people of the two countries are at the heart of the relationship and that issues of people-to-people contacts and humanitarian issues should be accorded priority and treated with sensitivity. They noted with satisfaction the progress made towards finalization of a revised Visa Agreement which would help liberalise the visa regime and facilitate people-to-people, business-tobusiness and sports contacts. 15. The Ministers also emphasized promotion of cooperation in various fields including, facilitating visits to religious shrines, media exchanges, holding of sports tournaments and cessation of hostile propaganda against each other. 16. The Ministers decided to resume the work of the India-Pakistan Joint Commission and agreed that the Technical Level Working Groups should hold their meetings to identify avenues of further cooperation in these fields. 17. They reaffirmed their commitment to the goals and objectives of SAARC and agreed to make joint efforts to promote cooperation for regional development in the SAARC framework. 18. It was also decided that the Foreign Ministers will meet again in Islamabad in the first half of 2012 to review progress in the dialogue process. 19. The Ministers agreed to the continuation of the dialogue process and to the convening series of Secretaries level meetings on Counter-terrorism (including progress on Mumbai trial) and Narcotics Control; Humanitarian issues; Commercial and Economic cooperation; Wullar Barrage/Tulbul Navigation Project; Sir Creek (at the level of Additional Secretaries/Surveyors General); Siachen; Peace & Security, including CBMs; Jammu & Kashmir; and Promotion of Friendly Exchanges. Dates of all these meetings will be decided through diplomatic channels and will be held prior to the next Ministerial meeting. 20. The Ministers noted that Shri Anand Sharma, Hon'ble Minister for Commerce and Industry of India, has extended an invitation to his counterpart, Makhdoom Amin Fahim, Minister of Commerce of Pakistan to visit India at a mutually convenient date.

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INTERVIEW

'All Kashmiri leaders were taken on board in Musharraf era Indo-Pak consultations' Senior Congress leader and former Union Minister for Panchayati Raj, Mani Shankar Aiyyer is known for his support to strong Indo-Pak relations despite unpleasant incidents like Mumbai bombing. Mani, whose personal friendship with Gen Pervez Musharraf's Foreign Minister Khurshid Kasuri goes back to 1960's, says that the so called Musharraf formula was worked out after due consultations with all major Kashmiri leaders. Here are excerpts of an exclusive interview to Zafar Choudhary:

After a long and disturbing hiatus, the India-Pakistan dialogue and the relations building around it seem encouraging and pacing up fast. How do you look at this newly building up atmosphere between New Delhi and Islamabad, particularly after its revival at Mohali summit?

into weakening of the regime. Even as a weak government could not have taken a major step but Musharraf was still committed to that. However, his Foreign Minister Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri strongly advised Musharraf against taking forward the agreement with India in that situation. He counselled for selling the agreement to the people of Pakistan first and then inking it. A weak Government couldn't have done that.

The Mohali summit was reflective of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's deep commitment to reconciliation with Pakistan. They (India and Pakistan) had to meet and keep meeting. There is a background to that.

And then the change of regime in Pakistan and later the 26/11 washed all the trust away?

Background! Yes, background. And the background is that New Delhi and Islamabad were close to a historical breakthrough on Kashmir, which is the most contentious issue between them. In early 2007 dates were being finalised for Manmohan Singh's Islamabad visit. A ground had been prepared through sustained back channel engagements between most dependable track-II diplomat Satish Lamba and his Pakistani counterpart Tariq Aziz. Next step was the joint statement by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and

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President Pervez Musharraf which would have changed the situation for ever. Had that Islamabad visit and meeting taken place in 2007 things would have changed. What went wrong then? It was a sort of accident. Musharraf Government got into trouble with country's judiciary which resulted

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Not really. Diplomacy is the art of sustained engagement and the kind of back channel contact between India and Pakistan towards continuity. The change of regime though did not do much harm but yes it has delayed the things. Musharraf was more committed and more forthcoming. Mumbai terror attacks were the most unfortunate thing. However, credit goes to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh for not letting the terror attacks wash away the understandings build over years of hard work through back channels as well as front channels. Prime Minister's reaction to 26/11

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was most reflective of his commitment to maintaining and strengthening Indo-Pak ties. Despite a national outrage post Mumbai attacks, Prime Minister took phone of call his Pakistani counterpart Syed Yusuf Raza Gillani and accepted his offer of sending to Mumbai an intelligence officer for joint investigation. Pakistan, however, later erred by pulling out of the offer. It was actually at that stage that relations took a plunge and then there was a long gap which Manmohan Singh now revived at Mohali. What exactly made Mohali happen? There is, as such, no major incident or theory behind that. The simple reason is that dialogue had to be resumed and cricket match was a good opportunity to meet and sit together in a cordial atmosphere. Remember, what (Foreign Secretary) Nirupama Rao said after her return from Islamabad last month. In an interview to Karan Thappar (Devil's Advocate at CNN-IBN) she admitted that breaking off dialogue with Pakistan served no purpose. "It is intelligent to restore the dialogue", she said and agreed that Manmohan Singh is of that view. Now, what is most important is to structure the dialogue in a manner that it is uninterrupted and uninterruptible. Musharraf's formula has been much talked about. Kashmiris (separatists) in the Valley say that the formula was most damaging. Was that just a New DelhiIslamabad agreement or did they factor the Kashmiris in? Most Kashmiris often dismiss the formula arguing that it was a militarised solution which did not take into account human senti-

ments of Jammu and Kashmir. (Laughs) Those who say so, I invite them to watch a serial named "Journey to Pakistan with Mani Shankar Aiyyer". The serial is coming up on News-X Channel by third week of August. It is a conversation between me and Musharraf's Foriegn Minister Khurshid Mehmood Kasuri. In the course of this conversation, Kasuri elaborated on full background of what is called as Musharraf's formula. He shares all elements of progress -how Corps Commanders and even General Kayani were supportive of the dialogue. Kasuri says that it would have been completely impossible to sell any Indo-Pak agreement to the people of India and Pakistan unless Kashmiris welcomes it. Therefore, Kasuri says, all shades of opinion from Kashmir were taken into consultations. He admits that except Gilgit-Baltistan, the opinions from all regions of Jammu and Kashmir had been taken into account. There were several rounds of consultations with different leaders from Kashmir Valley and also Pakistan administered Kashmir held within India, Pakistan and also in third countries. And there was sufficient majority to support the agreement. Kasuri says that Syed Ali Shah Geelani (the Kashmiri leader completely opposed to Musharraf formula) was one such leader who enjoyed extremely good relations with him (Kasuri) and stayed engaged in consultations for the longest while. But then there is another drawback. The new Government in Pakistan (of Zardari and Gillani) has refused to acknowledge any Musharraf era breakthrough with India, much less the Musharraf formula.

Their refusal to acknowledge is a political compulsion we must understand. This is a Government headed by another party and they would not like to lend public credence to their opponent. However, the fact of the matter is that Kasuri had expanded the discussions to key politicians including Mian Nawaz Sharief and Shahbaz Sharief. Then he took all background papers to President Zardari. Kasuri is willing to stand by and has already challenged Government's denial. The reality is that so much progress was recorded in three years of back channel dialogue which cannot be translated into full reality in three to four months (the period after Mohali summit). Call it Musharraf formula or anything else; the basic conclusion of sustained Indo-Pak engagement is that it is not possible for either (India or Pakistan) to exchange terriroty. Restoration of connections is the first step towards solution and solution is rendering the Line of Control irrelevant. So, how to negotiate with the denial of Pakistan Government that there was no progress That would not be much of a problem provided that the dialogue is structured. We have had enough of back channel, even as it continues to hold its own importance; now it is important to move to the front channel. Back channel is for building confidence and front channel actually steers the process forward. Pakistan has traditionally harped on Kashmir and people have heavily rallied against India. What is your assessment of the situation today? I have lived in Pakistan for three

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years and my realisation is that there is a broad and extensive pro-India constituency. Kashmir is just the Punjabi issue...it is only in Punjab that Kashmir runs high in their sentiments. Sindhis and Balochs are not interested in Kashmir, anymore. Even Punjabis recognise that taking away Kashmir from India is not possible. Therefore, those traditional stands on Kashmir are things of past. Peoples are looking forward to the larger realities. In Indian politics you are perhaps the strongest votary of good Indo-Pak relations. Your stands, particularly in the aftermath of incidents like Mumbai bombing, often earn you criticism. Is there a strong conviction behind taking such stands or just passion? See, I have reached a stage where I am in politics not to get positions but to take positions. What is that I had not in politics. Now I want to bring that to political realm which I could not do over 50 years. In context of Indo-Pak relations I strongly believe that friendship is the only way out and would continue to pitch for strong relations between the two countries. Jammu and Kashmir has recently gone through Panchayat elections with a very huge voter turnout. Sounding mysteriously defensive, both the separatists and mainstream parties say Panchayat elections are for day to day issues of governance and have nothing to do with the issue of Kashmir. What is your take? First, let me say that I am opposed to Azadi for Kashmir but I am fully in favour of Azadi for Kashmiris. The Panchayati Raj system is something which empowers people at the lowest level and this could be the real Azadi. Now since the people have

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registered their overwhelming participation in the elections, the next big step is for the government to empower the Panchayats with all functions and finances.

Empowerment of Panchayats through full devolution of powers would also help the ruling National Conference to justify its demand for the greater autonomy.

There were several rounds of consultations with different leaders from Kashmir Valley and also Pakistan administered Kashmir held within India, Pakistan and also in third countries. And there was sufficient majority to support the agreement. Kasuri says that Syed Ali Shah Geelani (the Kashmiri leader completely opposed to Musharraf formula) was one such leader who enjoyed extremely good relations with him (Kasuri) and stayed engaged in consultations for the longest while.

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The Lighter Side of Serious Story

Mein Hoon Khushrang Hina

Even the Delhi skies are drooling," wrote Spectator columnist and novelist Seema Goswami as 34-year old fairy Pakistan Foreign Minister Hinna Rabbani Khar made a coincidental landing along with downpour on an otherwise humid Tuesday afternoon in the Indian capital. Switch over to news channels and there is no news. Instead of news, the parody goes: My name is Hinna...Hinna K Rabbani...Mein Ladki Pakistani...Tere Haath Na Aani. At another channel it is: Mein Hoon Khushrang Hinna. The much serious channel is running: Ek Ladki Ko Dekha to Aisa Laga. That is how the Indian news media welcomed who they called HRK -Hinna Rabbani Khar. Her counterpart, the SMK -Foreign Minister SM Krishna -did not figure much in the media except for a wrong reason that he took the non-traditional route of raking up Kashmir. However, this was one and only meeting in Krishna's recent career course which saved him from any embarrassment: his running into rough weather with Shah Mohammad Qureshi in Islamabad exactly this month last year and then later, in February this year, he went on reading from Portuguese Foreign Minister's speech at UN Security Council before being stopped by an Indian diplomat. Hinna clearly scored over Krishna but the latter must be happy with the grace. For Indian Press, it was Pakistan Foreign Minister's fashion and beauty that made stronger statement than the political

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message she carried. Here are few headlines: Pak Bomb Lands in India Mumbai Mirror Pak Puts on its Best Face Times of India India Sweating Over Model-Like Minister Navbharat Times All Eyes on Glamourous Pak Minister Rediff.com Kolkatta daily The Telegraph compared Khar with her elderly yet style conscious counterpart SM Krishna like this: "In the unkind world of adjectives, the odds are stacked against SMK and in favour of HRK... Khar carries with ease descriptions such as 'stunning' and 'petite". Except Indian Express which carried a fashionable photograph and no story of the meeting on front page, almost all newspapers focused more on details of Hinna's fashion and accessories. Her oversized Hermes black Birkin bag, purportedly priced at Rs 17 lakh, the blue tunic-pants ensemble teamed up with pricey South Sea pearls glistening at her neck and ears and Roberto Cavalli shades covering half her face -this was all the stuff Press went gaga about. On Tuesday one channel reported about diamond ring and the next day there was a scoop: "the diamond ring on her left hand was missing". That was the kind of focus on every minute detail. On twitter someone said: "She's better looking than the new Duchess of Cambridge. So there, world". The Pakistani Press had a keen eye on what was happening in India. "India Gushes Over Hinna" said Dawn in a conclusive statement. However, the Express Tribune was little critical. In

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response to what media called most high profile visit of Hinna, the Express Tribune she was on an important tour to France soon after killing of Osama Bin Laden. The newspaper further said, "in Paris, the fashion capital of world, there was not a single word on Hinna's attire and accessories but in India there is huge hullaballoo". Express Tribune's argument does not fit in this situation. Shortly before Hinna, US Secretary of State of Hillary Clinton was in Delhi. She went through the same kind of ignorance in Delhi what Express Tribune has spoken high of Paris in case of Hinna's visit. The underlying fact here is that we are one people across the divide and when someone touches down after crossing over the fence, it leaves us all enamoured. Hinna is not more fashionable than many of our

political socialites. Yes, she is young and fresh but in terms of attire and accessories she can't compete with someone like Shobhna Bhartia. What engages our imagination is the fact that she comes from Pakistan. It was exactly this month ten years ago when Indian public and media went after style statement of the most hated person of that time General Pervez Musharraf. During the July 2001 Agra summit, the media focus was entirely on style of the man till he dropped the political bombshell before taking home flight. Slew of difference and rivalries between the States notwithstanding, the average people of India and Pakistan have usual tendency of falling for each other. So there was nothing unusual in India falling for Hinna. Now that is at level of peoples when they look at each other beyond the State.

Kolkatta daily The Telegraph compared Khar with her elderly yet style conscious counterpart SM Krishna like this: "In the unkind world of adjectives, the odds are stacked against SMK and in favour of HRK... Khar carries with ease descriptions such as 'stunning' and 'petite". Except Indian Express which carried a fashionable photograph and no story of the meeting on front page, almost all newspapers focused more on details of Hinna's fashion and accessories. Her oversized Hermes black Birkin bag, purportedly priced at Rs 17 lakh, the blue tunic-pants ensemble teamed up with pricey South Sea pearls glistening at her neck and ears and Roberto Cavalli shades covering half her face -this was all the stuff Press went gaga about. On Tuesday one channel reported about diamond ring and the next day there was a scoop: "the diamond ring on her left hand was missing". That was the kind of focus on every minute detail. On twitter someone said: "She's better looking than the new Duchess of Cambridge. So there, world".

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Beyond Reservations, Gujjars Have Nothing or Little Against Paharis ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

Amongst the contemporary internal conflicts in Jammu and Kashmir, the political and social clashes between the Gujjar tribe and the Pahari speaking people are perhaps one of most serious challenges to internal peace at the micro level, and an emerging impediment to handling the Kashmir issue at large. This conflict between the Gujjars and Paharis, who are themselves a heterogeneous community, transcends all regional boundaries and religious divides within J&K (Jammu and Kashmir) and beyond.

istorical literature traces the faultline between the Gujjars and other communities in present day J&K to several decades ago but the differences have sharpened following the inclusion of the former into Scheduled Tribes list under the constitution of India. The situation has worsened with a similar demand being made from a large number of ethnic identities and castes drawn from Muslim, Hindu and Sikh groups which congregate under an identity of a Pahari speaking community. However, the clash between the two communities is based around concessions and privileges guaranteed under the provisions of the Scheduled Tribes Act and not necessarily about everything. Battle lines between the two communities are becoming prominent on a large scale, given the fact that the political parties extend selective patronage to certain communities against each other for securing easy vote banks. In fact, the political parties and the governments of the state have helped,

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overtly or covertly, in escalation of conflict from time to time. There is a hidden tension between the Gujjars and the Paharis who nurse huge contempt for each other. In Rajouri and Poonch districts of the Jammu province and some parts of

Baramulla, Kupwara, Bandipore and Badgam districts of the Kashmir province where these communities are predominant, the Gujjar?Pahari divide is a major political and social discourse in everyday life and their divide becomes a dominant factor

It is true that Gujjars and various Pahari speaking people have lived and continue to live in the same areas under almost similar circumstances. There are some affluent people among Gujjars and many underprivileged among Paharis. The clash between the two communities is based around concessions and privileges guaranteed under the provisions of the Scheduled Tribes Act and not necessarily about everything. The genuine concerns of Gujjars and genuine aspirations of Paharis have been utterly politicised to the benefit of political parties and dismay of the members of both communities who have willingly played in hands of politicians. Need is to help every community attain a status of self reliance and self respect

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in all decisions - political and administrative. From selection of candidates for assembly elections, appointment of Ministers in the cabinet, nominating office bearers of political parties to posting of government officers at different levels in the districts, even identifying government projects like schools, dispensaries and road or bridges, it is a major determining factor. Instead of trying to resolve this divide by placing things in a correct perspective the political parties and the government are playing the Gujjar and Pahari cards which further hardens their stand and sharpens the conflict. Nevertheless, barring few cases in Poonch and Rajouri, there is no major evidence of violence between the two identities; psychological irritations due to social differences, wilful tendencies of getting at odds with each other leading to land disputes and long drawn police and court cases are common in sight. These are all dangerous signals of an impending conflict in J&K which already witnesses a high level of armed conflicts and where arms licences are issued on a daily basis to a an average of average of 100 civilians. While the Gujjar?Pahari divide offers a huge vote bank dividend to the political parties but further deepening of this divide has the potential of becoming unmanageable for the future incumbents. To prevent further escalation one needs to understand who exactly these people are, what are the stakes involved, where can one place them in the larger conflict zone of J&K, what has gone wrong so far and how can these things be corrected. Who are the Gujjars? There are varying versions on the origin and history of Gujjars but most historians agree on their Cen-

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tral Asian origin. While some others believe that the Gujjars are of Indian origin and inhabited the regions around Mount Abu in western Rajasthan, Malwa and Gujarat. In J&K, all Gujjars are Muslim and except for a few hundred families, they are nomads, semi?nomads, pastoralists and agro?pastoralists. Again, with the exception of few hundred families there are no settled agriculturist Gujjars in J&K unlike their counterparts in other states like Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh. Gujjars constitute 88 per cent of the total tribal population in J&K and their projected population for 2011 is around one million which is eight per cent of total population of the state. In terms of ethnic, cultural and linguistic classification Gujjars are the third largest identity in the state, after Kashmiri Muslims and Dogra Hindus. Their population is scattered and they move all across the state except Leh district and their largest concentration is in Poonch district at 40 per cent succeeded by 33.1 per cent in Rajouri. Next in terms of population concentration are the undivided districts of Anantnag in south Kashmir and Doda and Udhampur districts in Jammu province. Interestingly, the Gujjar?Pahari faultline is more evident in the districts of Rajouri and Poonch and parts of Baramulla, Kupwara and Badgam. This is due to their historical differences with the Rajputs who are present in large numbers in this region. Gujjars are economically perhaps the most disadvantaged section of society in J&K. Their main activity is buffalo, sheep and goat rearing while some of them are engaged as agricultural workers. Education and employment amongst Gujjars is also in a dismal state. Lack of education is clearly reflected in their represen-

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There is a hidden tension between the Gujjars and the Paharis who nurse huge contempt for each other. In Rajouri and Poonch districts of the Jammu province and some parts of Baramulla, Kupwara, Bandipore and Badgam districts of the Kashmir province where these communities are predominant, the Gujjar?Pahari divide is a major political and social discourse in everyday life and their divide becomes a dominant factor in all decisions - political and administrative. tation in the government services and despite the provision of reservations under the Scheduled Tribe Act, Gujjars have not been able to secure jobs proportionate to their population. From a larger perspective, the inclusion of Gujjars in the list of Scheduled Tribes seems to be more of a political statement than a real measure in improving the lot of this community. Incidentally, the Gujjars were declared as STs in April 1991 after a prolonged struggle of the community which began in 1960s and when militancy was at its peak in J&K. Those were the years when administrative machinery had completely collapsed in the Kashmir Valley and it was getting more and more difficult to govern the state. After the decline of militancy in 2002 the benefits under provisions of Scheduled Tribe proved ineffective in alleviating

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social and economic profiles of the Gujjars as the specific schemes complimenting the nomadic lifestyle are yet to be made. However, to some extent the benefits of reservation in jobs and selections for medical and engineering colleges have percolated to these communities though a lot still remains to be done to actually alleviate their socio?economic profile. Gujjars in the Kashmir conflict Gujjars are one of the most prominent stakeholders in the Kashmir conflict. They are perhaps the only identity among Muslims of J&K whose patriotic and nationalistic credentials towards India have never come under doubt. There has never been even a single Gujjar associated with any of the separatist organisation and very rare cases of any Gujjar participating in militancy have ever come to the fore. Complete abnegation is however also faulty as probes reveal that they have either worked as couriers, under pressure/threat or some kind of allurement. Gujjars have in fact always offered early warning signals to the security forces in taking on militants and have suffered on this accord enormously. There have been cases where entire families have been wiped or burnt alive by militants. Operation Sarpvinash, the largest operation against militants in the militancy history of J&K was also based on the help received by the Indian military from the Gujjars. Recently a Gujjar girl from Rajouri district was awarded Kirti Chakra for killing a dreaded LeT militant. These supportive endeavours from the Gujjar community are based on the fact that there is hardly any Gujjar family in the Jammu province or north of Kashmir Valley which didn't suffer from the division and wars in 1947 or 1965. Therefore, Gujjars have a major stake in

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Cross?LoC confidence building measures including travel and trade. The GujjarPahari divide While the focus in the recent reports and observations have been on the Gujjar?Pahari divide based on their demand for Scheduled Tribe status, another reason for this is also the emergent Pahari identity among upper clan Hindus and Muslims. There are also several historical facts behind the Gujjar?Pahari divide. In the early years of their arrival the Gujjars in J&K, they had entered into direct confrontation with the Rajput clans for political and strategic reasons. There are evidences of Gujjars having been declared as criminals by the local rulers and the Rajput communities using their influence on these settlements. This tussle seems to have carried on for centuries and become a major divide between the two in contemporary times. Gujjars have traditionally been tillers at the lands of Rajput Zamindars and have worked as their domestic helps and casual labourers. Even today the social differentiation continues to be a major factor for the divide across all Gujjar?Pahari inhabited areas. Gujjars make the largest proportion of domestic help in the households of Rajputs while no Rajput, even the poorest of them, could be found as domestic help even with richest of the Gujjars. There are still many areas where Gujjars do not dare to sit equal to the Rajputs or Brahmins. Gujjars have been further stigmatized after being declared as Scheduled Tribes. This social divide has aggravated into bitter psychological conflict with some Gujjars becoming Tehsildars or Deputy Superintendents of Police and getting posted in areas predominantly inhabited

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by the Rajputs and Brahmins etc. There have been cases of Gujjars becoming the Revenue officers in areas where their families worked as tillers at the lands of Rajput Zamindars. These were the pressing social turnarounds which compelled the upper castes and clans primarily in districts of Rajouri and Poonch to counter the growing clout of Gujjars. Since inclusion of Gujjars in ST could not have been reversed, they launched a movement for their own inclusion in the Scheduled Tribe. For this purpose all non?Gujjar ethnic identities including Rajputs, Syeds and Brahmins grouped under a single umbrella identity of Pahari speaking people and thus forming an identity based on language. Fifteen years of the movement for inclusion in the ST list among Paharis and a corresponding growth of consciousness among Gujjars have made these differences deeper and bitter. Thus there is a huge potential for social unrest in areas inhabited by Gujjars and Paharis which is being proliferated by the overall political structure. The Road Ahead: Exploring the Alternatives Key to resolving the historical divide between the Gujjars and the Paharis lies in the capability of the government to alleviate the socio?economic profile of the two communities and lessening the social stigma associated with the former. Inclusion of Paharis in STs would clearly further cause an imbalance and unrest among Gujjars who are already voicing their concerns and questioning the government on what they have received as a community for standing with the nation against the outsiders. Giving the ST status to the Paharis also portends the dangers of opening a Pandora's box of similar demands from all and sundry across

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J&K. For example, if a Khan or Sharma from Poonch is declared ST, how will the government prevent a similar demand from other sections of Khan and Sharma living in Jammu or Kathua. However, at the same time it needs to be taken into cognizance that the Rajput and Brahmin ego clashes are damaging the cause of the lower castes inhabiting these areas. There are some communities and groups like weavers, ironsmiths etc in Rajouri and Poonch who pass through almost same circumstances, except the nomadic lifestyle, as Gujjars do. These communities also need some special provisions for improvement of their lifestyles. A survey of the socio?economic profile of all communities in the Gujjar? Pahari heartland can be another approach to reach an understanding on the needs and problems of the people residing within J&K. Gujjars harbour a genuine fear of regression to a pre?ST plight at a time when they are yet to avail the full benefits of socio?economic development provisioned for them. It needs to be understood here that besides the ST quota, there are other reservation categories like Residents of Backward Areas (RBA), residents of Actual Line of Control (ALC) and the major beneficiaries of these categories should not be allowed to demand inclusion in the ST category. While only 10 per cent reservation is available under the ST status which the Gujjars share with 11 other tribes, the RBA quota is 20 per cent and ALC quota is three percent. An alienation factor is already palpable amongst the Gujjars and any arbitrary decision on including others in the ST list will further alienate these last of the patriotic Muslim identities in J&K. to solve these problems the central and state governments should act in a pragmatic way instead of succumbing to a policy of appeasement.(IPCS)

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Paharis Have Lived the Life of Gujjars, Why Not Treat Them Same As Well KD MAINI Although, Pahari signifies the mountaineers in J&K, for the purpose of this report it will be restricted to those people whose mother tongue is the Pahari language. Paharis are the habitants of the Pir Panchal region and constitute 51 per cent of the population of this region. They occupy a large terrain starting from the south of Banihal and going up to Muzafarabad. Poonch, Rajouri, Uri and Karnah fall in the J&K state while Muzafarabad, Bagh, Sudhnutti, Rawalakote, Kotli, Mirpur and Bhimber are located in the POK.

he Paharis are comprised of various castes, creeds, sects and reli gions. They are Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs and are bounded to each other only through their mother tongue Pahari while canvassing distinct cultural heritage, social, economic and historical backgrounds. As per Fredric Dew, the author of 'The Northern Barrier of India,' Paharis are strong, hardy, tough, brave and an active race with power and fame. Muslim Paharis suffix the word Khan or Sardar with their name to indicate their status. Majority of them reside in far flung, remote and cut?off areas near the forests in high pasture lands in the Pir Panchal region and along side the LoC, but their basties and habitations also exist in the Kashmir valley and other parts of the Jammu province. Their economic growth is negligible due to topographical disadvantages, non?availability of infrastructure facilities and proximity to the Actual Line of Control. The state of their living is abysmal: 37 per cent people of this community are still living below poverty line, 63 per cent population is residing in Kucha houses without bathrooms, 34 per cent people are still illiterate and 49 per cent basties are without power supply. There are no commercial avenues, industrial environment or big hydel projects in Pir Panchal region. Therefore, unemployment is rampant among skilled, unskilled as well as educated youth and their economic condition is quite vulnerable. Similarities between Gujjar and Paharis The following similarities can be observed between the Paharis and the Gujjars: First, Gujjars and Paharis are neighbours to each other and have lived together in a very cordial atmosphere in the same basties (habitations) and villages for centuries together. There is a similarity in their life styles, diet and general outlook. Second, being neighbours, the Gujjars and Paharis face similar prob-

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lems and miseries. During the Indo?Pak war of 1947 the LOC was established in the heart of Pir Panchal region; both the Gujjars and the Paharis equally suffered the pain of division. Their economic growth has also been hampered due to repeated conflicts in 1965 and 1971 on the border, and the continuous firing and shelling and internal disturbances due to the spread of militancy from 1989 onwards. Third, both communities are surviving in congruent geographical conditions and envisage similar lifestyles. Both the communities either live in remote, far?flung and inaccessible hilly areas of the Pir Panchal region or their basties are located exactly on the LOC. Due to geographical disadvantages they are unable to avail the benefits of development happening in the rest of the country and in turn remain economically backward. Fourth, both the communities speak and understand the Gojri and Pahari languages. Therefore, at the grass root level there is no communication gap and the people of both the communities meet, interact and help each other in day today life, social functions, festivals and other occasions. Fifth, the livelihood of the majority of these ethnic races is dependent on agricultural activities, rearing of cattle, sheep, goats and labour?oriented works. There is no administrative setup or modern day infrastructure; the Gujjars and Paharis resolve their disputes through traditional norms within their own local courts. Sixth, the folk songs of both the communities resembles each other like the Kanchi, Dolan, Mihia, Shopia, Surma, Doli etc. The Sufiana

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Kalam Saif?ul?Maluk (devotional songs) and Se Harfies of great Gujjar spiritual saints Hazarat Baba Jee Sahib and Hazarat Haji Baba are equally popular among the Paharis and Gujjars. The religious shrines of Hazarat Pir Ghulam Shah Badshah Shah (a Pahari origin) Dara Sharief Rajouri and Hazarat Baba Jee Sahib Larvi (Gojri origin) Wangat Sharief are also equally respected by both the communities because these saints always spread the message of love for mankind, tolerance and restraint Finally, poverty, illiteracy, economic backwardness, suppressions and atrocities are common factors between these two communities. Roots of GujjarPahari Tension In 1974 Prime Minister Indira Gandhi visited J&K and on the request of the Gujjar leaders sanctioned Rs. 12 crore for their development, keeping in view their economic vulnerability. In the meantime the political scenario of J&K state changed and Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah came to power on 24th February 1975. He constituted a board for the development of Gujjars and Bakerwals, established residential hostels for the children of this community, sanctioned scholarship for the students and created infrastructural facilities in Gujjar basties along with establishment of Gujjar Nagar Jammu, construction of shop lines for the unemployed Gujjar youth and rehabilitation of nomadic Bakerwal tribes. Therefore tensions began to simmer in the Pahari community. They felt neglected by the state as well as central government and were denied benefits which were being given to other communities living in the same belt under similar economic conditions. Thereafter, the Paharis started

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a struggle under the banner of Pahari Welfare Forum in 1975 for a Schedule Tribe status. Despite repeated memorandums, rallies and dharnas there was no response from state as well as the central government in favour of the Pahari community and their demands remained unattended to even now, except for opening of a Pahari section in the J&K Cultural Academy for the development of Pahari language. It was only in 1991 with the ascendance of the Chander Shekhar government that for the first time, the Pahari's appeal for reservation was heard by the government, but the proposal was kept pending on the pretext that the formalities had not been completed. The state government sanctioned the Advisory Board for development of Pahari speaking people in the mean time (1997) and provided funds for residential hostels for the Pahari children and sanctioned scholarships for Pahari students. In the initial years the Paharis and Gujjars did not assess the impact of the ST status on economic growth of these people. Now when there is a reservation for ST students in professional and technical colleges, services and promotions and they are vying for concurrent socio?economic status, there is a great resentment in Paharis on being ignored. The main demand of the Pahari people is the provision of ST status which is not fulfilled until now. In fact the Paharis are not against the ST status for Gujjars which they deserved but are demanding the same status for themselves. Presently, there is a complete ethnic division between these two sections of societies and is likely to continue in the near future. Despite the great rift between the Gujjar and Paharis there are still some positive signs in both the communities which indicate that there is still hope for rapproche-

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ment and the historical ties have not been completely severed. While, there is no official platform for the interaction between the Gujjar and Paharis in the state as they have become absolutely politically polarized by the politicians for their political benefits, there are still a number of social platforms where these communities intermix and exchange their views. They are working side?by?side in agricultural fields and participating in each other's social functions. There is thus no rift at grass root level between the Gujjars and Paharis. The Road Ahead: Exploring the Alternatives Paharis must convince the Gujjars that the demand for the Schedule Tribe status is not at the cost of the Gujjars. They should also try to motivate the Gujjar leaders and intellectuals to support the genuine demand of the Paharis. For this purpose, moderate leaders from both the communities can contribute on an agreeable solution to the Gujjar?Pahari tension without compromising the ST status of Gujjars. There is a Pahari and Gojri section in J&K Cultural Academy working for the promotion of linguistic and cultural aspects of these two ethnic groups. There is a need for joint Gojri?Pahari intellectual conferences so that they can contribute in diffusing tensions between the two communities through dialogue and consequent reconciliation. It is also critical to work for the restoration of old traditions of brotherhood between Gujjars and Paharis if one wants to bring these ethnic groups on the same table for a dialogue. The following measures need to be adopted by the Union government and the State government of J&K for the purpose of establishing amicable relations between the two communities:

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Few years earlier, a proposal for the ST status in favour of the Pahari community was approved by the state government on recommendations of the State Legislative Assembly of J&K and endorsed by the central government thereafter. But there has been no subsequent action by the central government so far. Therefore, the state government needs to take up the matter yet again in front of the central government. There is a need for defining the Paharis by conducting a proper economic survey so that a sustainable development of this section can take place. The Paharis have not yet been given a proper definition by the Planning department of the J&K State, and since no proper survey has been made on their economic vulnerability there is no proper indicator to judge their development. Till the Paharis are granted a Schedule Tribe status, the state government should make a provision to reserve seats for the Pahari students in professional and technical colleges. Also, the state government can declare this community under the OBC category (other backward classes) so that they get reservations in some services and opportunities for promotions. Further on, there is a need for construction of a Pahari Cultural Centre at Poonch, Rajouri, Uri and Karnah. Residential hostels for girl students may be established at Poonch, Rajouri, Uri and Karnah to attract the girls from the poor Pahari families residing in remote areas and around the LOC. The funds provided under sub plan for the development of the Pahari people are generally very meagre. There is an urgent need for linkages to scattered Pahari basties, and provision of drinking water, power supply, accommodation facilities for schools, health institutions and Anganwari centers in the Pahari basties. These schemes may be included in the sub plan so that the Pahari people residing in hilly and border areas can get some benefits from implementations of these plans. A Pahari Nagar at Jammu and Srinagar on the pattern of Gujjar Nagar will provide avenues to those Paharis living in remote areas to own houses in big cities, thereby giving some access to a better life. The central government should accept the demand for the ST status by the Paharis, which has been pending with it for over 35 years, as early as possible to de?escalate the tension among Paharis and Gujjars in the border belt of J&K. Funds for preservation of the Pahari folklore, folk music and vanishing traditions should be made available under Pahari sub?plan so that they can be documented and preserved for generations. The Pahari language has its own distinct historical and cultural significance and hence can be developed as a medium of modern literature. There is a pressing demand from the Paharis for its inclusion in the 8th schedule of the Indian constitution. Pahari people are in majority in the POK and Pir Panchal region (Poonch, Rajouri, Uri, Karnah) in J&K state and there is a strong cultural affinity between the Paharis of both parts of Kashmir. There is a need to start the Pahari Doordarshan channel from Poonch, this will help a lot in encouraging the Pahari writers, folk artists and dramatists on the one hand and bring people from both the communities closer to each other. A seat for the development of the Pahari language can be established at the central university of Jammu for a more systematic development of the language. (IPCS)

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Epilogue, August 2011

COLUMN FRONTIER CONCORDS

Kashmirs, Punjabs, Rajasthan-Sindh

The case for a border province 'trilateral' TRIDIVESH SINGH MAINI Over the decades various voices sanely have called for creative approaches towards a larger Indo-Pak friendship and stability. Attitudes suggest that border provinces are the best places to force alliances of emotions and economies. Across the divides, Jammu & Kashmir, two Punjabs and Rajasthan and Sindh are the places which can put together crossborder ties from below the State

he last few years have been witness to increased, though not substantial, interactions between border provinces like the Punjab's, Rajasthan-Sind and the two parts of Jammu and Kashmir. The current United Progressive Alliance dispensation under the aegis of \Dr Manmohan Singh has encouraged such interactions and the

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Prime Minister, who has reiterated again and again that borders should be made irrelevant, obviously takes these initiatives seriously, as on every launch of a bus or rail connection he has made an overture to Pakistan. Dr. Manmohan Singh during the launch of the Amritsar-Nankana sahib bus service in March 2006 had

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stated that, "When President (Pervez) Musharraf had come to visit us in New Delhi last year I had said that 'the journey of peace must be based on a step-by-step approach but the road must be travelled'. As an ancient saying goes, a road is made by walking". The former Foreign Secretary, Shyam Saran too has been quite

Epilogue, August 2011

COLUMN FRONTIER CONCORDS

vocal in arguing that border regions have become extremely crucial as points of mutual interaction with neighbours. While easier transport and commerce connections, as well as confidence building measures, have been initiated, it is still important to ensure that they serve their purpose of facilitating people-topeople contact. Other individuals like C Rajamohan and organizations such as the South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA) and magazines like Himal have also played a pivotal role in bringing to the forefront the crucial role of border provinces in the Indo-Pak relationship, in different ways. However, because of the logistical challenges of cross-border travel, none of the initiatives has quite lived up to expectations. In Punjab, travelling from Amritsar to Lahore takes barely an hour-but first, Indian travellers have to go all the way to Delhi to secure a visa, an

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exercise that many do not have the time or money to afford. In addition to a visa, security clearance is required to travel to Pakistani Punjab. This is a tedious process. The situation is no different in Kashmir, where measures in the name of national security act as a major impediment to smooth people-to-people contact between the two sides. Two bus routes, the Uri-Muzaffarabad and the PoonchRawalkote, run between the Kashmir and Jammu divisions. But the present procedures for crossing the heavily militarized Line of Control (LOC) are extremely complicated, and they discourage most people from cross-border travel; detailed scrutiny of applicants makes obtaining a travel permit a months-long effort. In Rajasthan, the KhokhraparMunabao train has not been successful because passengers have to go all the way to Delhi to secure a visa for travelling. This, when Khokhrapar is much closer to the metropolis of

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Karachi, than it is to the Rajasthan state capital of Jaipur. Unfortunately, both India and Pakistan seem to have taken the adage of 'slow and steady wins the race', too seriously. Shyam Saran, in an article, 'Re-imagining India's borders', for The Business Standard of June 24, rightly says that '..We have neglected the development of our land border areas and our outlying islands precisely because of an outdated mindset. This is beginning to change but far too slowly. In the Indian subcontinent, cross-border connectivity today is far less than in pre-partition India. The vision of an economically integrated south Asia leveraging its obvious complementarities cannot become reality without efficient transport, communication and, now, digital connectivity'. This in spite of the fact, that border provinces have proven time and again, in the last few

Epilogue, August 2011

years, that they are the most solid bridge between both countries. A good illustration being the aftermath of the Mumbai attacks, where in other regions even saner elements were swayed by the hysteria and frenzy generated by the media. However, in the border provinces, even in the attack's aftermath trade continued as normal and buses ploughed as usual, with minimal disruption, between the two Punjabs and Kashmirs. While the Indian and Pakistani governments bristled with hostility and acrimony, trade at the Wagah border (the main land crossing between both countries, which divides the Punjab province) nearly tripled. The total value of exports to Pakistan from April to October 2008 period was approximately $23.59 million; during the same period in 2009, that figure nearly tripled, to $66.71 million. Trade between the two Kashmirs continued after the attack as well. Interactions between border provinces will not strengthen by provinces criticising the policies of the Government of India, or by once

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COLUMN FRONTIER CONCORDS

province saying that they are looked at with suspicion, while interactions between other provinces are less tedious. At the moment, border provinces do both. One of the possible methods of giving a fillip to interaction between border provinces could be that the northern states such as Rajasthan which borders Sind, the Indian Punjab and Kashmir (Indian side) form a grouping amongst themselves. They can identify common problems which they face with regard to trade, visa issues and exchanges in the realm of culture, education and sports and urge the central government to pay serious heed to their grievances. This trilateral should identify certain areas like agriculture, trade, medical tourism and exchanges in the sphere of culture, education and sports. And make sure, that interactions in none of these areas should be disrupted, even if the bilateral relationship between both countries is not cordial. A good beginning can be made by bringing academics, prominent political leaders and journalists from these states onto one platform.

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In Rajasthan, the KhokhraparMunabao train has not been successful because passengers have to go all the way to Delhi to secure a visa for travelling. This, when Khokhrapar is much closer to the metropolis of Karachi, than it is to the Rajasthan state capital of Jaipur. Unfortunately, both India and Pakistan seem to have taken the adage of 'slow and steady wins the race', too seriously. Shyam Saran, in an article, 'Re-imagining India's borders', for The Business Standard of June 24, rightly says that '..We have neglected the development of our land border areas and our outlying islands precisely because of an outdated mindset. This is beginning to change but far too slowly. In the Indian subcontinent, cross-border connectivity today is far less than in prepartition India. The vision of an economically integrated south Asia leveraging its obvious complementarities cannot become reality without efficient transport, communication and, now, digital connectivity'.

Epilogue, August 2011

COLUMN THE OTHER KASHMIR

New Govt Gets Down to Business PRIYANKA SINGH

he dust has not completely settled after the Azad Jammu Kashmir (as PoK is know there) Legislative elections were held in the month of June. Pakistan Peoples Party made huge gains and emerged as the single largest party attaining the majority required to form government in the so called AJK. The PPP fetched 29 seats after results to the reserved constituencies were announced. Almost a month after the election results were announced, President of Pakistan, Asif Ali Zardari, amidst a great deal of speculation on the shape and form of government put the final stamp on Chaudhry Abdul Majid's name as the new Prime Minister of AJK. This was declared after high level consultations took place between the Pakistani President, Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani and other senior members of the PPP- the victorious party. The announcement put to hold conjectures that Barrister Sultan Mehmood or Choudhary Latief Akbar would be the first choice for the coveted post. Sultan had rejoined the PPP before the polls and is noted have some influence in the UK Kashmiri Diaspora. He contested and won from the Mirpur constituency. Interestingly, both the frontrunners- Barrister Sultan and the new AJK PM Chaudhry Abdul Majid belong to Mirpur division. Choudhry Majid was sworn in as Prime Minister on July 26 in Muzaffarabad. Before new Prime Minister's swearing-in, the PPP nominated its two legislators Sardar Ghulam Sadiq and Shaheen Kausar Dar to the posts of Speaker and Deputy Speaker, respectively,

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the Legislative Assembly. They were elected to the posts with voting on the floor. The final announcement of the next Prime Minister was preceded by hectic parleys in the beginning of the month of July. Important amongst the hopefuls were the aforementioned two leaders, former PM Sardar Yaqoob Khan who served a short stint of nine months, ex leader of opposition Sardar Qamaruz Zaman, Choudhary Lateef Akbar and Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan. Finally, the top slot was closed on Chaudhry Abdul Majid's nomination as the new AJK PM. Soon after the announcement, there were reports that Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan may be elevated to the position of President of AJK. The term of the current President, Raja Zulaqarnain is set to expire on August 25 and under the Interim Constitution of AJK Act1974, the selection of the next President be made a month before the actual term ends. Hence, it is a matter of time before the name of the next president is announced by the PPP central leadership. AJK Elections under scanner: The elections were subjected to widespread criticism across media. Apart from gross irregularities, reported rigging and violent incidents such as killing of a PML N candidate in Bhimber district, questions were raised on the very basis of these elections. Notably, all electoral candidates are required to sign a document pledging their adherence to Pakistan. The document known as 'Shik'(clause) is a prerequisite before anyone is allowed to

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participate in the AJK electoral process. The kind of forced allegiance is opposed to the basic spirit of democracy and questions the credentials of the element of Azadi in the so called Azad Kashmir. What is Azadi if all important political decisions are taken in Islamabad and not in Muzaffarabad. The manifestations of the AJK as an independent entity are confounding. The fallacious design is no more than a deliberate attempt to play petty politics on Kashmiri sentiments. At least India has made no attempt to bluff others regarding the political status of J&K. The state legislature in Jammu & Kashmir has more powers and authority than what the so called AJK has even after being given a decorative state structure. Budget in PoK: Amidst the electoral fray, the annual budget for the so called AJK and the Gilgit Baltistan were presented in the month of June. The AJK budget stood at 44.55 billion hence showing a decline by almost 6 % from the net budget of last year worth 47.3 billion. The salary component of the government servants has been hiked by a whopping 34% and the deficit thereby has jumped to Rs 11.1 billion from the earlier 8.2 billion. On the other side, the Gilgit Baltistan budget estimated at Rs 15.4 billion is much lower than the so called AJK. As compared to the total expenditure of the preceding year, the budget reflected an increase of nearly 40 %. The quota of the budget which will be channeled to the development activities has been reduced due to inability of the government of Gilgit

Epilogue, August 2011

COLUMN THE OTHER KASHMIR

Baltistan to utilize the allocated funds last year. Employee salaries will be hiked by 15 % and the total cost incurred by the governmental bodies is slated be around Rs 200 billion. In the deprived sections of the society in Gilgit Baltistan, there is disappointment and rising concern over the rising prices of fuel etc. Chinese activities in PoK: Chinese interest in PoK has been under scanner in the past few months and they are veritable reasons for it. The keen interest the Chinese are showing in the hydro power resources of Gilgit Baltistan is a likely extension of their future strategy of building water reserves in the vicinity. This would serve the Chinese purpose in meeting any unforeseen water crisis which may hit it. Not only the hydro resources, China is reportedly eying the minerals resources in Gilgit Baltistan such as uranium, copper gold etc. India has objected to Chinese intervention in PoK stating clearly that the territory belongs to India and thus Chinese foray in PoK without India's approval stand illegal. India's objection has, however, failed to deter China on further venturing into development activities and infrastructure building in PoK. A case in hand is that of the issuance of mining rights to outsiders other than the local people. There is stiff opposition across the state and society in Gilgit Baltistan against any such arrangement which allows 'foreigners' to conduct mining of precious gemstones in the mineral rich region. Sensing the discontent, the Gilgit Baltistan Legislative Assembly (GBLA) passed a resolution on June 8 banning outsiders from engaging in any such mining activity in the region. Diamer Bhasha Dam: The proposed Diamer Bhasha Dam in PoK is once again embroiled in controversy on several counts. There is ensuing conflict between

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the government of Gilgit Baltistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa on the boundary issue- the power stations are located in the latter while the reservoir will be built in Gilgit Baltistan. The WAPDA (Water and Power Development Authority) in Pakistan has recently confirmed there are serious differences between the two sides on the issue. The groundbreaking ceremony for the dam has been postponed on umpteen occasions and the future course is undecided. The WAPDA hoped to sort out such issues before they could start construction but till now have failed to achieve a breakthrough in this regard. Secondly, there is demand from the large sec-

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tions of affected population that they be paid compensation at revised rates. These people have staged demonstrations before the authorities stating their demands. Large scale displacement of people (approximately 35, 000 people) resulting from the dam construction has caused unrest in the region and the affected population feels they should be compensated more generously by the government. These problems add to the funding problems which too have held back the project from taking off during the last few years. Hence, the stalemate continues and the future of Diamer Bhasha dam looks uncertain at the moment. *Views expressed are personal.

Epilogue, August 2011

SPECIAL ARTICLE CHILDREN IN CONFLICT

Born in Conflict, Brought Up on Margins -the Sorry State of Kashmir's Children TANVEER AHMAD DAR & SHUMILA KHAKI

ver the last decades, there has been a rise in armed con flict across the world involving more and more nations. The proportion of war victims who are civilians has increased manifold. UNDP reported that civilian adults and children make up ninety percent of war victims (FAO 1996). A number of reports and studies have shown that children are more vulnerable than adults are with the conflict affecting their lives both physically and mentally. In Kashmir, the situation is not different. The two decadal conflict has lasted the length of "childhood", of the present generation, from birth to early adulthood, which exposed the children to experience multiple and accumulative assaults. The facts reveal that war has violated every right of a child. However, the irony is that in countless cases, the impact of armed conflict on children's lives remains invisible. The reports have shown that the violence has taken a heavy toll on Kashmir. The estimates on the number of orphans in Kashmir go up to 1 lakh (UNICEF, cited in many articles). The Council for Rehabilitation for Militancy Affected Victims (JK Govt.'s organization), however, puts the number at around 26000, which is certainly an underestimate but clues to the very less outreach of the Council, which though has been established primarily for the rehabilitation of militancy hit vic-

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tims of the state. The irony is also that the number of orphans is continuously increasing due to ongoing killings. The APDP has estimated 8000 to 10000 persons who have become victims of enforced disappearances, which have resulted in a new group of half widows and half orphans who find no socio-legal status. The present statutory laws require 7 years for a person who is missing or is disappeared, to be declared dead, which bars their dependents - widows and orphans- from all assistance provided to widows and orphans by the government, for this long period. In the context of Kashmir, the issue is more complex as the disappearances are enforced and huge in number and, therefore, political in nature, and the nodal agencies are tough to issue legal documents, which are needed to access any social security from the government. On the other side, it is seen that there is a high prevalence of depression, anxiety and trauma among people, in general, and children, in particular, living in conflictaffected areas. A study of children conducted by the psychiatric hospital in Kashmir showed that almost 36 percent (37 out of 103) children displayed symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (Dasupta 2008). While this is the direct impact of conflict, it is seen that conflict has affected children's lives also

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through many indirect means such as increased economic uncertainty, loss of adult protection and so on. The conflict in Kashmir has had a high impact on the employment of the people. Many who were engaged in the tourist and handicraft sector lost jobs because of decline in the tourism and related activities during conflict. The macro figures also show a high unemployment rate of 4.21 per cent in the state against the Indian national rate of 3.09 per cent (Dar, 2009). The loss of employment of families has serious implications on the upbringing of their children and in providing care and protection to them. Along with loss of livelihood, education is another casualty, especially for children during times of armed conflict. In fact, during conflicts education and schooling have an even more important role than during normal times, as schooling can represent a state of normalcy with the potential of providing 'safe zones' for children. However, like the other parts of world, in Kashmir too, many schools were specially targeted during the conflict and many have been occupied by the security forces. Although in the last few years many schools have been evacuated by the Indian security forces, a number of schools are still being occupied or surrounded by them. In a state where the infrastructure is already less, the further occupation for other purposes makes a heavy dent

Epilogue, August 2011

on the accessibility and availability of schools to children. Even where the educational opportunities exist, parents were reluctant to send their children to school due to fear, especially if security forces surrounded the school. In addition to this, the loss of bread earners and livelihood (especially in the tourist and handloom sectors) also forced many parents to withdraw their children from school and send them for work for supplementing the meager family income. These reasons lead to the children either not enrolling in the schools or dropping out of schools. A single visit to few villages and interactions with people reveal that a significant proportion of children either does not enrol in the schools or drop out at early stages of education. This is also distinct with the fact that J&K had only 55.52 percent literacy rate in 2001, a 9.3-point difference from the India level, which stood at 64.84 per cent (Govt of J&K, 2001). The recent provisional figures of census 2011 show a 5.3-point difference between J&K and India in literacy rates (RGI, 2011). The macro-figures also show a high dropout ratio in the state, 53.75 percent in the year 2004-05 (Govt of J&K, 2001). Ironically, the child labour has dramatically increased side by side, which reflects a low socio-economic status of their families. In many villages, it is found that those children who were out of school were engaged in child labour in a range of activities from carpet weaving to construction work to tea stalls to mechanic shops to transport industry, etc. The domestic child labour is also a serious issue and worst form of exploitation, though very less talked even in the secretariat because the absolute banning of it would affect the elite class of our society. The macro-figures at the state level also show a dismal picture of high child labour in the state.

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SPECIAL ARTICLE CHILDREN IN CONFLICT

Fayaz Ahmad Nika in his book "Child Labour in Jammu and Kashmir" estimated that there were around two lakh forty thousand such workers in Jammu and Kashmir (Greater Kashmir 2011). More worrying is the fact that such children face high levels of exploitation in Kashmir, forced to work for long hours but paid low wages. The study, "Adphail Gulab", conducted in the year 2003 revealed that the prevalence of child labor has increased in the past decade due to the conflict in the valley, which is indicative of the fact that the political factors in the state has affected the already low socio-economic conditions of many families. All these empirical facts give an idea about the magnitude of the problem of children in Kashmir. Therefore, given this condition, one would think of what the state has been doing to mitigate the impact of two decadal conflict on children in Kashmir. The state has not only a moral responsibility but is bound under the International humanitarian law and UNCRC (United Nations Convention on Child Rights) to provide adequate means to the children in need to live a dignified life. However, the state of J&K

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has responded to this crisis of children in general by establishing certain schemes and programs for them. The government of J&K has provisions of few scholarship schemes, including the schemes sponsored by the government of India. The scholarship schemes included scholarships to OBC students, scholarship to students with physical disability, scholarship scheme to SC/ST students, merit scholarships, scholarships to students belong to religious minority, scholarships to orphans under a scheme of National Foundation for Communal Harmony, etc. All these scholarship use different eligibility criteria and provide different benefits for different education classes (standards). The scholarships pay different amounts of entitlements to children who are enrolled in schools. The Headmaster of a school attests the application form of identified children in the school and forwards to other nodal departments for further scrutiny and sanction. The question arises whether such scholarships are provided to all the children. All these scholarships use different

Epilogue, August 2011

SPECIAL ARTICLE CHILDREN IN CONFLICT

eligibility criteria including caps on the family income, which excludes a major proportion of children even who are enrolled in schools. Secondly, because the scholarships are primarily meant to provide support to the children who are enrolled in schools, a large section of children who either don't enrol or drop out of schools are excluded at the first sight only. It is to be noted that the drop out ratio in J&K state was as high as 53.75 percent for the year 2004-05, even going by the government's own figures. The recently implemented scholarship scheme by the government of India for minority population had brought some hopes for poor sections of society for their children. However, the two years experience has shown that the scheme has not paid much to the children actually. People in many villages in Bandipore district had reported that each child was asked to pay Rs. 70 to school as affidavit charges to apply for minority scholarship scheme and later only a few children from a village were given minority scholarship. The same trend was reported from some villages of Kulgam district. One would be afraid that the total amount of money given by parents in a village or a school for affidavits, etc, was much more than the money given to few students as minority scholarship in a village or a school. Importantly, the scholarships schemes for OBC, SC and ST are intended to benefit the children who are disadvantaged due to their caste or occupation of their families. In the same line, the scholarship scheme recently implemented for children of minority community intended to benefit the children who are disadvantaged due to their belonging to a particular religious community. The only scheme which provides benefit to the children who belong to families affected by political factors is the scholarship for orphan

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children under NFCH (National Foundation for Communal Harmony). The Government of India extends a scholarship of Rs. 750 and 800 (in rural and urban areas) to children who have been orphaned due to conflict in all the states including J&K through NFCH Though there is no cap on the number of beneficiaries to be covered, if eligibilities are met, the state has been able to only cover a total of 5725 orphans under the scheme until this time, primarily because of weak identifying mechanisms in place, no awareness campaigns and no coordination with other line departments (like Education) and civil society. Jammu and Kashmir Yateem Trust had conducted a study and identified thousands of orphan children who belonged to deceased militants and have been found to be ignored, neglected and discriminated because the state policies didn't provide for any assistance to orphans and widows of militants and those who have alleged to be involved in any subversive activity (Hanjura 2009). However, more recently there has been a shift in the state policy in recognizing the needs of all the children including of militants equally and provisioning of the entitlements to all of them. However, the policies do not always turn into reality and the implementation of non-discrimination policy has to be actually explored at the gross root level. What is to be reckoned also that the support extended under such scholarship schemes has been mostly inconsistent and meager but the hidden and less talked expenditure on education is very high in the state? A simple calculation of costs for school uniform, shoes, note books, school fee, printing charges, school bag, pens, excursion fee, etc amount to almost an expenditure of Rs. 500 per month to be borne by parents for each children going to a government school,

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even when the government claims of providing free education to children in the state. A child getting a scholarship under any of such scheme for a particular year does not necessarily avail the benefit for the next year and therefore, poor children cannot rely on such schemes for their education, and ultimately leave the school. With most families, it is their financial inability to meet the education costs of their children in government schools that their children drop out from schools. That is the reason in many poor families one finds out that some of their children attend schools and some don not, who actually work to add to their family incomes, and it is only in poor families that one can see child often drop out but not in upper class families. The high drop our ratio in the state if examined closely would reveal that these are children of scheduled tribes, scheduled castes, other social and back ward castes, landless labourers, widows, disabled and other disadvantaged groups and off course not of the middle and upper classes of the state. This may be the reason why the J&K School Education Act, 2002 is favoured towards regulating and governing of the private schools, where the children of elite pursue their education, and not focused on the dropouts from government schools and child labour. What about those thousands of orphan children who are not even in the schools and are excluded even from these meager scholarships as well as from the regular mid day meal provided in the schools. The NCPCL (National Child Labour Project) schools meant to educate the children engaged in labor have miniscule presence with couple of schools in the few districts of the state (Udhampur and Srinagar only) and can't be thought of any magic happening even in the decades of time.

Epilogue, August 2011

The State and the NGOs have also established an increasing number of orphanages in the valley to bring up the orphans who are identified without very inadequate support within their families. Although research has revealed orphanages are breeding grounds for many psychiatric problems (Margoob 2006), in Kashmir it has emerged one of the main and sustainable initiatives available for orphans. The majorities of the children brought up in these orphanages have lost only father and have their mother and siblings at their homes. The experiences have shown that community rehabilitation is a much better alternative for such children. However, one cannot negate the fact there have been moves towards the community based initiatives from last few years by the NGOs including those associated with the orphanages. This is to be appreciated but the actual impact of these programs in terms of coverage, sustainability and adequacy to mitigate the impact of conflict on children needs to be explored. There is no regulatory mechanism to ensure that minimum standards of care and protection are in place for

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SPECIAL ARTICLE CHILDREN IN CONFLICT

children brought up in orphanages, which subject many of them to abuse and exploitation. The guidelines titled as "Quality Standards of Care" adopted by the State recently in 2010 are vague and bound to fail and incidentally they haven't been implemented even almost after a year of their official release by the Chief Minister of state himself. More worrying is the fact that, in spite of all these and other small programs, a majority of orphans in the valley are living miserable life because of the fear, depression, destitution, negligence and discrimination. Children themselves constitute a huge section of population in J&K (up to 40 %) and therefore, qualify for major investments. It has to be understood that if we are to develop our society we have to invest in the children rather than weighing them whether they are the vote banks and state priorities. The small steps that state has been taking do not prove to be impressive. The figures of coverage of the children under different schemes of Government may look big numbers at the state level but turn to be miniscule if compared to the numbers of children who would ac-

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tually require the support to mitigate the impact of conflict to live a dignified life and attend regular schooling-the only way to break the cycle of poverty. The state has failed to make an effective rehabilitation plan to provide care and protection to the children in need. This problem is specific to our state and the state should move to adopt a comprehensive "Child Policy" in consultation with the broader civil society rather than believing in "slow and study wins the race" or any other magic, which unfortunately does not happen in social development, rather the social development has to lead and investments has to be made. A wait to the Indian Government's initiative would also be misleading as the problem is very specific to Kashmir and there are no thousands and thousands of orphans in Delhi to be taken care of and to be provided support that Indian Government will be moved to, the J&K state has to carve out and lead its own way for a better future which is in its all children and not only among the elites who are cared and protected and attend schools regularly and are being sent outside the state or attend private tuition if long strikes occur in the valley.

Epilogue, August 2011

COLUMN HISTORY

Tracing the History of Jammu Hill States Through Their Forts PROF: JIGAR MOHAMMED

he modern Jammu region was divided into several principali ties during the ancient and medieval period. J. Hutchison and J. Ph. Vogel's studies mention the existence of twenty two states in modern Jammu hills during the medieval period. They associate these states with the Punjab hill states.1 Though there are no indigenous contemporary records narrating the history of these states, the Mughal chronicles mention some of these states working effectively from 16th century onwards. The contemporary Mughal historical works show that some of the Jammu hill states occupied very strong strategic importance. Since these states bordered the Punjab hill states and Kashmir, they had continous contact with these states. Abul Fazl put many of these states in the Suba of Lahore.2 Most parts of these states were covered by the hills and forests. The hilly areas were called Daman-i-Koh.3 These states were ruled by Rajput dynasties belonging to both the Hindu and Muslim communities. Frederic Drew found forest, river, hill and fort as the dominant physical features of Jammu city in the nineteenth century. According to him, "Coming to it (Jammu city) from the Punjab, one passes, while still on the plain, through two or three miles of the close forest of acacia trees with bushy underwood; then one comes to the river-bed, an expanse of rounded pebbles, with the stream flowing in the middle-a stream usually shallow and gentle, but which sometimes so swollen with floods as to rush with violence

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over the whole wide bed. As one fords this Tavi River, one sees how, in coming from the upper country, it breaks through, so to say, the outermost range; on its right bank the hill on which Jummoo is built, and on its left a corresponding one, crowned by Bao Fort, form, as it were, a gateway to the inner country."4 Similarly, other areas of the Jammu hills were surrounded by the forest, hills and rivers. More importantly, the ruling classes of these states were very much conscious of their sovereignty and security of their state. Since most of these states had scope of the territorial expansion mostly in the hills, they took several security measures for the protection of their state. The military history of these states shows that the construction of the fort was one of the most effective defense measures of them. It is well established fact that the forts were understood one of the dominant features of the military strength of the states of India during the ancient and medieval period. Since armed power was a key to the acquisition and expansion of political power during ancient and medieval period, the ruling dynasties gave huge emphasis on organisation of the army and its allied devices. The archaeological remains and literary sources of the ancient and medieval periods depict forts as the most effective and longest lasting means of military power. The construction and maintenance of forts were the integral part of the socio-political life of the royal families of India. The history of the fortification can be traced

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from pre-historic period.5 With the formation of states the processes of the fortification were very much intensified. J.N. Sarkar has made extensive study of the fort and fortification. His study shows that the literature of ancient period mention various kinds of forts built in the different areas. According to him, end to the top of the hill, and the other on the other side of the water. Then they attach two other ropes a gaz higher than these, that foot passengers may place their feet on the planks, and, taking hold of the upper ropes, may descend from the top of the hills to the bottom, and so cross the river. This bridge they call Kautilya's Arthashastra records four types of forts such as water or river fort (audaka or nadi durga), mountain fort (Parvata Durga), desert fort (dhanvana durga) and forest fort (vana durga). Some other literature of the ancient India mention six to eight kinds of forts.6 The maintenance of the forts by the rulers of the early medieval India is mentioned by the Turkish historians of the Sultanate of Delhi. The Turkish historians' works show that they were very much impressed by the Rajput forts of the 12th and 13th centuries northern India. Hasan Nizami, a court historian of Qutubuddin Aibak (120610) and Shamsuddin Iltutmish (121036) has all praise for the some of the Rajput forts of the north India. Describing the strength and attraction of Delhi fort on the eve of the Turkish invasion, Hasan writes, " As the imperial flags (May God keep them aloft) reached Delhi, the first thing to be visible was the rampart of the fort, which, like the dignity of the

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king, rose higher than the top of the Saturn, while to foundations were as strong as the basis of the great empire. The Engineer of the reason was unable to attempt its mensuration, and observers of eyes had not seen the like of it in the length and breadth of the whole world. From its top the condition of the cluster of Pleiades in the casket of the skiy could be seen, and the true form of the chess-piecesof the stars on the white chess-board on the firmament could be observed at close quarters."7 It is important to mention that when Shibuddin Muhammad Ghori attacked Delhi its ruler was Prithiviraj Chauhan. The fort of Meerut attracted the attention of Hasan and it strength inspired him to pen down its military significance. Describing its strategical importance and the Turkish imvasion on it Hasan Nizami writes: "â&#x20AC;Śthe fort of Meerutâ&#x20AC;Śis the famous fort of this celebrated city, well known for the firmness of its foundation and the strength of its pillars, a company of soldiers (Turkish), reputed for their matchless valour and remarkable devotion to duty started the hostilities. Awe-struck by the valour of the king in the battle-field, the inmates of the fort found themselves in a miserable condition, and when it came to actual fighting they realised that they were utterly helpless before the royal troops. Thus was captured the impregnable fort, an inaccessible stronghold, the ramprts of which firm and solid like a lofty mountain, and surrounded by a wide moat boundless like an ocean, its ramparts were high that even fast flying falcon could not soar over them, and its battlements were invisible to the naked eye of someone watching them from the ground."8 The forts of Kol, Gwalior and Kalinjer are also find huge space in Hasan Nizami's work.9 The contemporary sources of both the Sultanate of Delhi and Mughal empire given considerable space in terms of their location,

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COLUMN HISTORY

their use for security purpose and historical background and maintenance. Moreover the ruling dynasties of medieval India treated the construction of the fort as one of their prerogatives and parts of their cultural life. For security measures the Sultans of Delhi generally repaired and constructed forts on major routes. Sultan Ghiyasuddin Balban built a fort at Gopalgir to strengthen security of Delhi against Meos menace.10 Similarly, he built forts at Kampil, Patiali and Bhojpur to supress the robbers and rebels.11 More importantly, Balban got the fort of Lahore reconstructed to defend north-west frontier the Mangol menace.12 Abul Fazl's Ain-i-Akbari records the forts of the Mughal empire at the Pargana level. It is important to mention that the sources of the Mughal empire not only mention the forts builts by the Mughal ruling class, but also built by the local rulers. It is well establilshed fact that Punjab was the region through which generally the foreign invaders, particularly Cental Asian, Iranian and Afghans, endagered the security of India during the Sultanate and Mughal period. Since different trade routes of Punjab were instrumental in maintaining trade commerce between India and foreign countries, the rulers like Sher Shah and Mughal emperors took various measures to keep these route secure. One of the most effective security measures was the construction new fort and maintenance of the old forts. However, in the Jammu hills the construction and maintenance of forts were understood as the most visible means of both the maintenance the sovereignty of the ruling king and maintenance of law and order in the region. Since the states of Jammu hills were closely linked with both the Punjab and Kashmir, their rulers were conscious of the security measures of their states. It is evident from the fact that the modern Jammu region was studded with the forts during the medieval pe-

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riod. Though some of modern works provide information about forts of the Punjab and other areas, sufficient attention is not paid to the forts of Jammu hills by the modern histoians. S.D.S. Charak studies some important aspects of the some of the forts of Jammu hills.14 Recently, Shiv Nirmohi, a historian of Jammu, made a survey of the forts of Jammu and produced detailed study on the forts of Jammu.15 The present paper attempt to study the forts of Jammu in terms of their role in the making of history of Jammu region throughout the ages. The remains of the forts of Jammu hills show that the ruling dynasties of the region had associated the construction and maintenance of the forts with their socio-political life. They treated forts as symbol of their political grandeur. Though during the medieval period all the ruling dynasties of India treated forts as the prime mover of their military activities, the existence of large number of forts in Jammu hill states establishes that besides military strength of a state, forts were the major architectural activities of the region. Shiv Nirmohi's Duggar ke Durg consists of the description of 128 forts. It is understood that construction of the forts became a major security measure in Jammu hills from early eleventh century.16 Frederic drew witnessed a series of the forts in the Jammu hills in the nineteenth century. His findings show that most of the forts of Jammu hills were constructed by the indigenous ruling dynasties. According to him, "All over the low hills, on both sides of the Chinab, they (forts) are in extraordinary number. They were built at the time when each little tract had its own ruler, and each ruler had to defend himself against his neighbour. These forts are commonly on the summit of some rocky hill, with naturally scarped face; by their position, and by the way they were planned, they are well protected against escalcade. Though

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now (second half of the 19th century) they have all come into the hands of one ruler, they are still kept up, that is so far that a small garrison-may be only of a dozen men- is kept in each. Some of the most kown are Mangla, on the Jhelam; Mangal Dev, near Naushahra; and Troch, near Kotli; these are each on the summit on a rocky preciptous hill most difficult of access."17 Frederic Drew's mention is concerned with the areas of east and west of the Chinab river, which consisted of Basoli or Bilawar, Mankot or Ramkot, Ramnagar, Akhnur, BhimbarRajouri ant Punch etc.18 Though history of these forts in chronological order is not known because of the absence of indigenous historical source in the hills, non-indigenous sources, particularly Mughal sources, attest the historiocity of these sources. It is an established fact that the Mangol invader Timur invaded Jammu in 1398-99. When he wrote his autobiography or Memoirs he incorported some places, structures and topographical features. It is important to mention that his autobiography is the first literary source which mention the nomenclature Jammu.19 When Timur invaded he Jammu he found a fort in Jammu in which the ruling king of Jammu resided.20 This shows that Jammu had a strong tradition of the maintenance of the fort during the medieval period. For, Hutchison and Vogel the oldest fort of Jammu was the Bahu fort, which was built before eleventh century.21 Oral traditions of the region present the fort of Jammu as an ancient fort and ascribes its construction to Raja Bahu Lochan, who is known as one of the earliest kings of the Jammu hills. But a modern study of the Pahari art associates its construction with a political change in the state during the 16th century. According to this study, "The present fort, however, cannot evidently be the work of that regal king (Bahu Lochan), if ever he built a fort at this site. It appears that the present fort

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must have come into existence when due to some family dispute, this Dogra state was divided into two states. This partition happened in the time of Raja Samail Dev. Nevetheless, it was Maharaja Gulab Singh who carried on extensive repairs to it an almost impregnable stronghold and built in the temple Kali, the family deity of the Jamwal Rajputs."21a The Mughal sources from Akbar's period onwards give information about Jammu hill forts in better way than other sources. Abul Fazl records some of the forts existing in Jammu hills. Jammu fort has been shown as the biggest fort of the region. He mentions Jammu fort constructed on the top of the hill with huge army. This fort is shown with 1000 cavalry and 20000 infantry. Manhas are shown as the rulers of Jammu.22 Abul Fazl's description of the establishment of the Mughal sovereignty in Jammu under Akbar shows that Jammu fort was treated as the main source of the defence of the state. Consequently, the Mughal army besieged the Jammu fort to compel the ruler of Jammu for the acceptance of the Mughal sovereignty.23 Faizi Sirhindi, a contemporary historian of Akbar period, grades Jammu fort as a source of huge military strength and inspiration for the local ruling king in terms of his independent power. Highlighting the significance of Akbar's conquest of Jammu and occupation of its fort, Faizi writes, "The force (of Akbar) marched to the Siwalik hills, and the Bakhshi resolved to begin by attacking Jammu, one of the strongest forts in that country, which had once been reduced after considerable resistance by Salim Khan Sur. The Raja made signs of resistance, and it was resolved to attack him before the army proceeded to occupy the territories of the rebels in other directions. Husain Beg and some other officers were accordingly sent against him. When the Raja and Zamindars heard of the approach of

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the Imperial forces, they were generally alarmed, and surrendered the fort of Jammu."24 . The fort of Jammu also attracted the attention of the Maharaja Gulab Singh, the founder of the Jammu and Kashmir state. He carried on the repair and extension of the fort on large scale25 and ensured that the fort is to be maintained and preserved so that it could speak itself of the past glory of Jammu in terms of constructive activities. Mankot state of Jammu hills has been shown with four forts by the Ain-i-Akbari. It also shows that there was 30 cavalry and 1200 infantry soldiers in Mankot state, and the ruling class belonged to the Manhas clan of the Rajput.26 Mankot is known as Ramkot in modern period. It ia understood that the ruling dynasty of Mankot was an offshoot from Jammu and it started to be known as Mankotia. It is said that Manak-Dev, a descendant of the ruling family of Jammu founded the Mankot state and build a fort there.26 Jasrota was another important state of Jammu hills which finds mention in the Ain-i-Akbari. It is shown with 400 cavalry and 5000 infantry soldiers and Malanhas (Manhas) as the ruling family.27 Faizi Sirhindi gives a detail account of the fort of Jasrota and its strategic significance. According to him, "When the army (of the Mughal emperor Akbar) reached Jasruna (Jasrota), the native place of Bhabu (the Raja of Jasrota), his sons and brethren and friends gathered together, and took up a strong position at a small castle on a hill. This hill was covered with jungle from top to bottom, with only one narrow way, along which one or two horsemen might pass. On each side of this road there was a wall, with loopholes through which musket might be fired, and arrows sought, upon strangers and foes, to prevent their approach. At the bottom of the hill, on the level ground, there was a cultivated tract, in which there was a fort, with moats. Shaikh

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Farid (a Mughal commander), when perceived these hostile preparations, determined to capture the place and punish the rebels. He first sent forward Husain to attack the lower fort. By great exertion the moat was filled, the gates burst open, and the fort was taken. Several of the assailants were killed by wounds from gun-shots and arrows. Then the troops entered the jungle to attack the upper fort."28 Though Faizi Sirhindi mentions Jasrota a small fort, the remains of a this fort show that it was a big fort constructed by its own ruler. Since Jammu hill states were buffer states between Kashmir and Punjab, the Mughal emperors were very much concerned with the security of these states. It is evident from their policy of making alliance with the Rajput rulers of Jammu hill states from Akbar's period onwards. One of the most effective security measures of the Mughals was to construct forts at strategic places of the Jammu hills. It is an established fact that generally the Mughal emperors visited Kashmir from the period of its annexation to the Mughal empire in 1586-87 onwards. They followed the route of Rajouri and Punch. To strengthen the security of this route Akbar constructed a fort at Naushahra.29 Alberuni's account shows that a fort of Loharakotta was built in Punch by its rulers in early medieval period.30 The fort of Loharkotta is known to be gate way to Kashmir31 during the medieval period. The traditions of constructing forts for defence purpose and as a symbol of political grandeur were continued by the rulers of the Jammu hill stated till nineteenth century. It is understood that the fort of Mahoregarh was also built during fifteenth or sixteenth century.32 The fort of Kapurgarh was built in the sixteenth century by Raja Kapur Dev

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(1530-71), the ruler of Jammu.33 The fort of Dansal was built by one of the sons of Raja Kapur Dev during the sixteenth century.34 The fort of Samba or Nandini Durg was built in early medieval period.35 The fort of Lakhanpur also belongs to the medieval period. It is understood to have been built by its ruler Sangram Dev36 during the 14th century. According to Hutchinson and Vogel, "The alternative name (of Lakhanpur) was Thain as found in some of the records, from the name of a strong fort on a lofty cliff overhanging the right bank of the Ravi, where the Rajas seem often to have resided."37 The Ain-i-Akbari mentions Lakhanpur as Lakhnor.38 The forts of Bilawar and Bhadu were constructed during medieval period. Though exact dates of their construction are not availvable, these states find mention in the Ain-i-Akbari. According to it, Bhadu's military strength was very small. It consisted of 30 cavalry and 1200 infantry. Its zamindars belonged to Jat and Bandwal castes.39 The military strength of Bilawar state was also small. During the sixteenth century 50 cavalry and 3000 infantry were maintained by its ruler.40The fort of Sunderikot in Bilawar Tahsil, Kathua district seems to have been built in the 17th century. According to the folk tradition, it was built by the rulers of Bhadwal for the shelter of the people during the natural calamity.41 The fort of Kohag or Mandali was built in the late sixteenth or early 17th century. It was built by the ruler of the Bandralta state for the protection of the frontier of his state.42 The fort of Thial in Tahsil Ramnagar, district Udhampur, was constructed in the last decade the sixteenth century. According to an inscription of a well, situated outside the fort, it was built in Samvat 1541. A oral tradition tells that it was built by one Thial Singh, a jagirdar of

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Bandralta state.42 The fort of Landar was built in the village Landar, in modern district of Udhampur. It is understood that it was built in the seventeenth century by the Butiyal kings. Therefore, it is also called the fort of Bhutiyal.43 The mention of the Bhutiyal state is found in the Aini-Akbari. According to it, Bhutiyal state was situated in sarkar of the Bari Doab, Suba Lahore. Its ruling class has been mentioned as the Bhutiyalah. Its military strength was 30 cavalry and 1000 infantry.44 The fort of Bhimgarh, situated in Riasi state, about sixty four k.m. from Jammu, was built by Bhim, a local chief of the area during medieval period. It was used very effectively for military purpose by the rulers of Jammu up to nineteenth century. Mian Gulab Singh contributed to the expansion of this fort and constructed an entrance gate and a wall for making it stronger and more secured in the early nineteenth century.45 The fort of Sanalkot at village Pauni, district Udhampur was constucted during early medieval period. It is known as one of the oldest forts of the Jammu hills. According to the folk tradition it was built by a king Shalbahan.46 Ganeshdas Badehra quotes an oral tradition about the coming of Raja Shalbahan to Pauni from Sialkot. According to it, "â&#x20AC;Śduring the last days of his life Raja Shalbahan left Sialkot and came to the hills near Pauni and founded a city on the spur of a mountain on the bank of Chinab river and named it Sanalkot. He took his residence on the peak of that mountain."47 The fort of Battal seems to have been constructed during the 17th century.48 The fort of Kishtwar was one of the most famous and oldest forts of the Jammu hills. It is understood that it was built during the seventh or eighth century A.D.49 by the successors of the Raja Kahn Sen50, the

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founder of the Kishtwar state. Kalhan, the author of the Rajatarangini, mentions Kishtwar as Kashtvata. Abul Fazl mentions Kishtwar as one of the important regions of the 16th century India.51 The Mughal empreror Jahangir was very impressed with the expertise of the Kishtwaris in military affairs and the popularity of its ruler. He found that the Kishtwar army used its topographical features, specially hills and rivers for defending its territory against the outside invasion. Even Jahangir's army received tough resistance from the Kishtwaris when it attacked Kishtwar for the establishment of the Mughal sovereignty there. For Jahangir, the Kishtwaris used both rivers (Maru and Chinab) and hills of Kishtwar to check the advancement of the Mughal army. Jahangir also appreciates the specilization of the Kishtwaris in rope bridge building, which was very useful for defence purpose. Regarding the expertise of the Kishtwaris in rope building Jahangir writes, "From theâ&#x20AC;Ś river (the Maru) to the Chinab, which strong support to these unfortunate people (Kishtwaris), is a distance of two bow-shots, and on the bank of Chenab there is a lofty hill. The crossing of the water is a difficult matter, and, with a view to the coming and going of people on foot, they attach strong ropes, and place planks of the width of a cubit between two ropes, and fasten one rope's Zampa in the language of the people of the hill country."52 Gulab Singh defeated Raja Muhammad Tegh Singh, the ruler of Kishtwar, in 1821 and occupied its fort.53 The forts of Jammu hills drew the attention of both the ruling class and people towards the historical heritage of their areas. It is important to mention that the forts of Jammu hills were not only the means of defense and internal security, but they also

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became the means of economic developments and social mingling. For the construction and maintenance of the forts a large number of the artisans such as stone cutter, carpenters, ditch diggers, masons and water carriers were employed. The architectural features of the forts of Jammu hills show that the most of the forts consisted of big gates made of wood, water ditches, reservoirs, stairs, arches, pillars and Burj.54 For the completion of these components of the forts both skilled and unskilled workers were employed. The existence of the forts also became instrumental in the acceleration of the urbanization processes. Most of the historical settlements, markets and trades routes of Jammu were situated near these forts. The forts of Gummat, Bahu, Jasrota, Basoli, Mankot, Kiashtwar, Chineni, Rajouri and Punch etc. helped in providing better security to the merchants and other trading groups. They ensured the security of the highways. It is known that when the Mughal emperor Akbar constructed the fort of Naushera, his main objective of it was to strengthen the security of the route to Kashmir via Rajouri. The Mughals deployed constantly an army and maintained a thana for the security of the route.55 The rulers of the Jammu hills and with formation of the Jammu and Kashmir state its Maharajas made it one of their duties to make historical events through the existing and newly constructed forts. When Gulab Singh was declared the Raja of Jammu by the Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Lahore Darbar in 1820, Gulab Singh celebrated his coronation ceremony at the fort of Akhnoor, situated on the bank of the Chinab river.56 When Zorawar Singh, the commander of Raja Gulab Singh of Jammu conquered Ladakh in 1834, he built a fort at Leh57 to

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assert his victory. When in 1836 Hira Singh, son of Raja Dhian Singh was assigned Jasrota in Jagir by Maharaja Ranjit Singh Hira Singh not only renovated the fort of Jasrota, but he also founded a village in his name known as Hiranagar, which is two kilometer far from the fort.58 Most of the forts of Jammu hills were made of stone. Since stones were available in abundance in the Jammu hills, the rulers of the hills found it convenient and viable to use the locally available materials. Moreover, the local artisans of the hills were experts in the use of stone in terms of finishing for building purpose. Though some of the wood and brick forts were also constructed in Jammu from medieval period to the 19th century59, use of stones for the construction of the forts was the most popular trend of the hills. Moreover, most of the forts of Jammu hills were constructed amidst the forests on the top of hills. It not only proved to be very effective from defense purpose, but more importantly, it also facilitated the inhabitation process in the hills. The sense of isolation in the hills was minimized. The construction and maintenance of forts in the Jammu hills during both the medieval and early modern period gave huge publicity to the ruling dynasty. It also strengthened the concept of the regional identity. The standing of the forts at various points of the hills spoke of the historicity of the places concerned. The existence of these forts in hills also confirm that the ruling dynasties of the hills believed in the constructive activities and engaged their people in this act in a continuous process. In modern times, these forts are the mirrors of the past. They are one of the most effective features of the history of the hills.

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NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. J.Hutchinson and J. Ph. Vogel divide the Jammu hill states into two groups: 1. States of Central group consisting of Jammu, Reasi, Bhoti, Samba, Dalpatpur and Akhnur, and 2. Offshoots from Jammu states consisting of Mankot, Jasrota, Lakhanpur, Chenehni, Bandralta, Basoli, Bhadrahwah, Bhadu, Kishtwar, Rajouri and Punch etc. History of Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, Delhi, 1999, pp. 514-729. 2. Abul Fazl, Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. II, Eng. Trans. by Colonel H. S. Jarret, Corrected and further annotated by Sir J. N. Sarkar, 1994, pp. 324-25 (hereafter Ain) 3. Frederic Drew, The Jammu and Kashmir Territories, A Geographical Account, Jammu, 1999, p. 27. Frederic Drew worked in Jammu and Kashmir state as the Associate of the Royal School of Mines under the Maharaja. He wrote geographical account of Jammu and Kashmir state in 1875. 4. Ibid., p. 62 5. Jagdish Narayan Sarkar, Art of War in Medieval India, Delhi, 1994, p. 145. 6. Ibid. pp. 145-47. 7. Tajuddin Hasan Nizami, Tajul Ma'thir, Eng. Tr. by Bhagwat Saroop, Delhi, 1998, p. 69. (Hereafter Tajul Ma'thir). 8. Ibid., pp. 101-02 9. Ibid., pp. 145-47, 204, 242. 10. Mohammad Habib and Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, Comprehensive History of India, Vol. V, Part One, The Delhi Sultanat, AD. 1206-1526, Delhi, 1970, p. 278. 11. Ibid. pp. 78-79 12. Ibid. p. 297 13. Ain, Vol. II, pp. 166-336 14. S.D.S. Charak, History and Culture of Himalayan States, Vol. VIII, Jammu, 1997, pp. 84-89 15. Shiv Nirmohi, Duggar ke Durg, Panthal (Udhampur), 2002, pp. 13-255. It is the study of the remains of the forts of Jammu region. It is written in Hindi. 16. S.D.S. Charak, History and Culture, Vol. VIII, pp. 84-85 17. Frederic Drew, Jammoo and Kashmir, p. 95 18. Ibid., pp. 84-95 19. Hutchison and Vogel, History of the Punjab Hill states, Vol. II, p. 521 20. Timur, Malfuzat-i-Timuri or Tuzak-i-Timuri, in Sir S.M.Elliot and John Dowson (Translated and edited), History of India as told by its own Historians, Vol. III, Allahabad, n.d. p. 467. Malfuzat-i-Timuri is writen in Turkish (Chaghtai) language. Timur mentions some places of Jammu such as Mansar, Baila and Manu. Ibid., pp. 469-71. 21. History of Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, 522 21a. Lakshmi Narain and Sansar Chand, An Introduction to Dogri Folk Literature and Pahari Art, edited by Nilamber Dev Sharma, Jammu, 1965, pp. 158-59 22. Ain II, p. 324. 23. Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, Vol. III, Eng. Tr. by H. Beveridge, Delhi, 1973, p. 1213. (hereafter Akbarnama III) 24. Faizi Sirhindi, Akabrnama in Sir H.M. Elliot and Professor John Dowson, The History of India, As Told by its Own Historians, Vol. VI, Allahabad, 1964, pp.125-26 25. Lakshmi Narain and Sansar Chand, An Introduction to Dogri Folk Literature and Pahari Art, Jammu, 1965, p. 159. Maharaja Gulab Singh also made a temple of the goddess Kali in premises of the fort. Ibid., p. 159

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26. Ain II, p. 324 27. History of the Punjab Hill states, Vol II, p. 565 28. Ain II, p. 324 29. Akbarnama in Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol.VI, p. 127 30. Jahangir, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Vol. II, Eng. Tr. by Alexander Rogers, edited by Henry Beveridge, Delhi, 1994, p. 181. Once the Mughal emperor Nuruddin Muhammad Jahangir (1605-27) stayed at Naushahra when he was going to Kashmir. Ibid., p. 124 31. History of the Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, pp. 70001. 32. Shiv Nirmohi, Duggar ke Durg, p. 202 33. Ibid., p. 34 34. Ibid., p. 35 35. Ibid., p. 39 36. Ibid., p. 43 37. Ibid., p. 65 38. The History of Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, p. 573 39. Ain II, p. 324 40. Ibid., p. 324 41. Ibid., p. 323 42. Duggar ke Durg, pp. 80-81. The fort of Sunderikot is situated on the border of Bhaddu state. Therefore, it is also undrstood to be built for the security of the frontier of the state. Ibid., p. 81 43. Ibid., p. 82. 44. Ibid., p. 125 45. Ain II, p. 323 46. Duggar ke Durg, pp. 127-28 47. Ibid., pp. 138-41 48. Ganesdas Badehra, Rajdarshani, Eng. Tr. by S.D.S. Charak, Annotated by Anita K. Bilawaria, Jammu, 1991, p. 64. The Rajdarshani was written during 19th century in Persian. 49. Duggar ke Durg, p. 150 50. Ibid., p.154. Raja Kahn Sen came to Kishtwar from Gaur, the capital of Bengal, and defeated the Panjsasis, the ruling tribe of Kishtwar. Afterwards Kahn Sen also defeated other tribes and laid the foundation of Kishtwar state. History of Punjab Hill States, Vol. II, pp. 643-44. 51. Ain-i-Akbari, Vol.III, Eng.tr. by Colonel H.S. Jarret, Corrected and further anotated by Sir J.N. Sarkar, Delhi, 1994, p. 1 52. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Vol. II, p. 137. Jahangir gives description of the rope bridge with reference to the attack of Dilawar Khan, the Mughal army commander, in 1620. In the beginning of Dilawar Khan's attack the Mughal army received huge set back at the hands of the Kishtwar's army. Ibid., p. 137 53. Duggar ke Durg, p. 155 54. Ibid., pp. 16-22 55. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, Vol. II, p.181 56. SDS Charak, A Short History of Jammu Raj, Jammu, 1985, p. 168 57. Ibid., p. 185 58. This fort was also used as a judicial court and a treasury was also located here during pre-1947. Ibid, p. 64 59. Ibid., p. 14

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LADAKH AFFAIRS NEWS & NOTES

Towards Making Ladakh Power Surplus Geo-thermal energy on agenda as J&K draws up 6000MW ambitious plan TSEWANG, RIGZIN

f Centre responds positively to a proposal of Jammu and Kashmir government, the power-crisis hit Ladakh region could become the most electricity surplus area of the state. Ladakh region, which suffers long spells of power outages, has huge potential of geo-thermal energy which is yet to be tapped. Once geothermal energy is tapped, Ladakh could become electricity surplus. The Minister of State for Power, Shabir Ahmed Khan said that J&K State Power Development Corporation has been asked to prepare project report and plan projects for harnessing geo-thermal energy in Ladakh. He said, one the report and plan is ready, the State Government would approach the Centre for financial assistance. Khan said Centre has also been approached for assistance for construction of 220 Km long 132 KV transmission line for evacuation of power from Puga to the main load Centres in Ladakh. Detailed Project Report (DPR) involving a cost of Rs. 1707 crore has already been submitted by the PGCIL to Union Ministry of Power for construction of 220 KV Transmission line from Srinagar to Leh via Kargil which needs to be implemented on fast track basis so as to give relief to the people of Ladakh and also facilitate harnessing of the available hydro-potential in the region. It may be mentioned here that Jammu and Kashmir Government has approved Hydroelectric Project Development Policy 2011 to harness state's huge hydro potential of 20,000 MW of power. Under the policy, Government has also approved a multipronged strategy for setting up the power projects purely as state projects, through the joint venture mechanism, PPP mode and Built,

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Own Operate and transfer (BOOT) basis. The policy was unveiled by Chief Minister Omar Abdullah earlier this month. The Minister of State for Power Shabir Khan said that a road map has been drawn up for generating around 6000 MW of power during next 10 years in the State, adding that three projects with a total capacity of 329 MW are expected to be commissioned in the State during current year. Giving details of the power projects being executed in the State, Khan said the 2120 MW Pakadul, Kiru and Kawar projects are being executed in joint venture with NHPC and PTC. The JVC has been incorporated and it has started functioning, he said and added that 820 MW Rattle project allotted to one IPP through international tariff based bidding on fast track, is likely to be commissioned in 2017. With a view to overcome the operational inefficiencies leading to high AT&C losses, the State Government has engaged a National reputed consultancy M/S Energy and Resources institute New Delhi for preparing a blue print for bringing about a turnaround in the power sector. The State Government has initiated multipronged action for implementation of the recommendations of the consultancy, he added. Among other measures for development and improvement of power scenario, the Government has enacted its own Electricity Act 2010 and Conservation Energy Act 2011 on the lines of Central Electricity Act for bringing about reforms in the power sector besides to address the demand side management issues of the power sector. The Electricity Regularity Commis-

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sion (SERC) has been made fully functional to ensure metering of all connections and recovery of revenue for power supplied at tariff. The Minister said that the Government contemplates to meter all connections with a period of one year in the State, adding that 52% of the consumer installations have been metered so far. 64000 meters have been installed and nearly 24000 damaged and defective meters replaced during 2010-11 in the State. He said cent percent computerization of billed energy would be registered in the State during this financial year. He said 75 % billed energy has been achieved so far which helped to improve the collection efficiency to 75.68% in 2009-10 and is targeted at 90 % during 2011-12. The Minister said the State cabinet has approved in principal, unbundling of transmission and distribution of electricity and a consultant for the purpose has been engaged. He said 68% of 25 KVA and above connections have been provided shunt capacitors to improve power factor, adding installation of shunt capacitors at 33 KVA level is under progress against Rs. 22 crore in the State. He said to check pilferage of power in the State 26000 inspections were conducted during 2010-11 which led to regularization of 30,000 illegal connections and 135 MW of load, besides recovery of a fine of Rs. 1. 15crore. He said Bijli Adalats are being constituted for addressing the consumer grievances. As a result of these measures adopted by the State Government, reduction albeit marginally (nearly 3%) was registered in T&D losses during 2010-11, adding that the power revenue collection also registered significant improvement of about Rs. 120 crore over the revenues collected in 2009-10 in the State. Epilogue, August 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS NEWS & NOTES

Food Grains Stocked Well

Nubra Councillors Desperate for Tunnelling Khardongla

ith summers waning on the margins, au tumn round the corner, efforts are on to make sufficient stocking of food grains in Ladakh before the harsh winter sets in and the regions gets almost disconnected from rest of the world. According to the department of Consumer Affairs and Public Distribution, 8275 metric tonnes (MT) of rice, 10664 mt of wheat and 608 mt of sugar are available in FCI godowns of Leh district. This information was given to the Minister for CA&PD and Power, Shabir Ahmed Khan during his recent visit to Leh. He was informed that out of the total annual allocation of 1,38,600 quintals of different kinds of food grains for Leh rationees, 53,580 quintals of ration which includes 25,740 quintals of rice, 25,000 quintals of atta and 2,840 quintals of sugar have been provided so far to CA&PD Leh for onward distribution to its rationees. The Minister was also apprised that annual consumption of K. Oil in the district is 24.50 lakh liters, of which 6.59 lakh liters of K. Oil have been received till date. He was informed that in all 1,06,246 souls of the district are getting monthly ration through 140 sale outlets of the department, which also includes 7,150 BPL families. He was also informed that sufficient numbers of LPG cylinders are available with IOC and HP companies in the area. Khan also inspected functioning of 4 MW Power House Stakna, 4 MW DG set Choglamsar and Receiving Stations Leh town and Basgo. He directed concerned authorities to ensure scheduled power supply to the consumers and instructed that early stocking of diesel and other accessories should be ensured so that consumers do not face any electricity problem especially during winter season, when whole Ladakh region remains cut-off from the state due to heavy snowfall. The Minister was apprised that at present 91 diesel generator sets are operational in Leh and Kargil districts for providing electricity to the people for which Rs 35 crore annually is being expended on cost of diesel. He was informed that PDD has registered 30,000 consumers in the region and till ending June this year Rs 1.17 crore have been collected as power tariff from the consumes of the region.

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eflecting urges and aspirations of people they represent, the Councillors from Nubra are desperately pushing for construction of tunnel through Khurdungla pass. In this connection, recently, a delegation of Councillors of Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council, belonging to different constituencies of Nubra valley, called on the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance, led by its chairman Yashwant Sinha and proposed the construction of a tunnel for Khardongla pass. The delegation also called on Director General of the Border Roads Organization (BRO), Lt. Gen. Ravi Shankar, who was recently at Project Himank Headquarter. They apprised him of the inconveniencies being faced by the people of Nubra as well as the army personnel on account of frequent closure of Khardongla road during winter months and also requested the improvement of facilities of casual paid labourers working on the Khardongla road - famously known as the highest motorable-road, Khardongla pass that stands between Leh and Nubra is located at an altitude of 18,380 feet. Impressing upon the Parliamentary Standing Committee and the Director General BRO about the significance of having a tunnel for Khardongla road, Councilor Diskit Tsewang Rigzin, Councilor Panamik Tsering Angchuk, Councilor Tegar Rigzin Wangdus and Abdul Ali argued that tunnelling of Khardongla road is important from the strategic point of view also as the movement of Defence Duty convoy is very regular and large. The road remains closed very often in winter months due to heavy snowfall and avalanche. When the pass is open for vehicles, the councilors said, there's the danger of avalanche and because of frequent avalanche lots of accidents also occur every winter. Khardongla being single-lane for traffic with narrow stretches causes lots of accidents, traffic jams and road blockages. Loss of human lives and a burden to the government exchequer in the last many decades is countless, the councilors added. After giving the Councillors a patient hearing to the delegation, Yashwant Sinha assured that the Standing Committee will surely recommend the construction tunnel for Khardongla-road in its report. Subsequently on July 4 Yashwant Sinha has requested the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh to consider construction of tunnel at Khardongla. In a letter written to the Prime Minister recommending a tunnel for Khardongla, Sinha, referring to the representation made before him by Councillors of Nubra in June during his visit to Leh, has requested the Prime Minister to immediately attend the matter keeping in view its strategic importance

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Epilogue, August 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS NEWS & NOTES

Spalbar Gets Experts from Sikkim to Plan Leh Town

n a significant move to carve out an integrated and holistic town planning for beautification of Leh town, the Chief Executive Councilor, Ladakh Autonomous Hill Council Leh Mr. Rigzin Spalbar has invited the town planners of Sikkim in Leh to share their experiences with the public representatives, religious leaders, government officials and the representatives of various nongovernmental organizations working in different fields in Leh District. In this connection on July 9, in the jam-packed Conference hall Leh, Mr. Rajesh Pradhan, the Town Planner of Sikkim gave a power point presentation on the beautification project of Gangtok city whose condition five years back was as similar as of today's Leh town. Pradhan said that Leh has comparatively vast potential for beautification as Leh is situated on a flat surface having much possibility of expansion of road and streets besides having traditional touch to many of its building. Welcoming the guests from Sikkim and the participants, the Chief Executive Councilor said that LAHDC in the larger interest of Ladakh is intent to bring out a futuristic town planning for beautification of Leh city having every facility of modernity in terms of sewerage, drainage, road, parking and other pedestrian need, and therefore, evolving of consensus from all stakeholders and their cooperation is very much needed to carry forward the project in letter and spirit. Mr. Spalbar said that Leh now become as a destination of world attraction on tourism point of view and in such a circumstances, need of giving a face-lift maintaining the

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traditional looks to Leh city is assumes very crucial to make an impact on the visiting tourists about the living traditions and characteristic values of Ladakh. CEC said that positive transformation in the development of the area must go on along with the fast changing scenario so that our posterity may not blame upon the mind-set of the

Complimenting the initiatives of Chief Executive Councilor, all the stakeholders assured to extend their fullest supports with the LAHDC in implementing the beautification project of Leh town. They welcomed for inviting town planners from Sikkim saying that both Sikkim and Ladakh shares a great affinity in art, culture and traditions. present generation for the lapses. Spalbar cautioned not to tolerate the interference of those societies or individuals who resort to criticize upon the implementation of beautification work of Leh town and instead they should contribute in the development of Leh town. Complimenting the initiatives of Chief Executive Councilor, all the stakeholders assured to extend their fullest supports with the LAHDC in implementing the beautification project of Leh town. They welcomed for inviting town planners from Sikkim saying that both Sikkim and Ladakh shares a great affinity in art, culture and traditions.

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Earlier the CEC along with the Sikkim Town Planner, Rajesh Pradhan, Executive Councilor Agriculture, Sonam Dorjey, Executive Councilor Tourism Gyurmet Dorjey representatives from various religious and social organizations, NGOs, Govt. officers, engineers and residents of Leh old town conducted a heritage walk in Leh town and assessed the possible initiatives and measures for beautification of Leh town. Passing through each streets of Leh old town, CEC emphasized upon the residents to take responsibility to keep their area neat and clean. In a desperate attempt to keep the heritage zone of old Leh town neat and clean, a massive cleanliness drive led by the Chief Executive Councilor, LAHDC, Leh Mr. Rigzin Spalbar was carried out on July 13. Initiated by the Municipal Committee, Leh, the drive was participated by the people of different hamlets of old Leh town like Skyanos, Gogsoom, Stalam, StagoFilok and Kharyok. Addressing the huge gathering of residents of Leh old town at the foot of historical Leh palace, Mr. Spalbar said that Leh is the face of Ladakh, thereby dirty and filthy looks of heritage zone of Leh where large number of foreign tourists are visiting, could label a bad impression on the image of Ladakh. He urged the locals to keep their locality clean by taking individual responsibility and adding that it would not only provide them a hygienic environment for better health but also help to safeguard the civilized outlook of Ladakhis. He strongly urged the people to make it compulsory to have toilets and

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LADAKH AFFAIRS NEWS & NOTES

sewerage in each house so that rubbish and wastes would not spread in the streets. The CEC said that the poor families who do not afford to create safety tanks at their own, the LAHDC would think for a possible financial help in favour of such families. For larger interest of Leh town in terms of better sanitation, Mr. Spalbar indicated stern action against the defaulters and urging

Municipality Committee to issue notice at first instance to the defaulter who resort to make further swelling of garbages in the streets. Those who do not cooperate with the MC, the CEC directed the Administrator, MC, Leh to initiate action against them under law. He emphasized the locals to extend fullest cooperation to the Municipality Committee and NOGs like

LAMO and LOTI who are working in this locality on conservation and cleanliness. The Executive Councilor Health Dr. Sonam Wangchok, Executive Councilor Agriculture Sonam Dorjey, Administrator, MC, Leh. Deepika Sharma, representatives of Hotelier Association, Taxi Operators Union and other stake holders also took part in the cleanliness drive.

From 200 MT Milk Production in 1970s to 9500 MT Now, Leh Headed for White Revolution

he Minister for Animal, Sheep Husbandry & Science Technology and Information Technology, Mr. Aga Sayed Rohullah in a meeting with the LAHDC, Leh reviewed the activities of Animal, Sheep & Science Technology and Information Technology in Leh district. The Chief Executive Councilor, LAHDC, Leh Rigzin Spalbar, Executive Councilor CAPD, Ghulam Abbas Abidi, Executive Councilor, Agriculture Sonam Dorjey, Deputy Commissioner, T Angchok, Secretary, Science & Technology and IT, MK Dwividi, Director Sheep Husbandry, Director Animal Husbandry, Chief Executive Officer, JAKEDA, Director, LREDA, Jigmet Takpa and officers of allied department attended the meeting. The Deputy Commissioner through a power point presentation highlighted the activities of Sheep and Animal Husbandry Department. It was told that Leh has been producing 200 MT of milk in 1970's now it has increased to 9500 MT in 2010. Under the scheme of conservation of double humped camels, the population of camel increased from 47 numbers in 1990 to 212 in 2010. Through the presentation, it was disclosed that 577 units of single

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cow unit also provided to the breeders during last 4 years under employment generation scheme in rural areas. Besides 4600 poultry units of 10 birds also given to the farmers on 50% subsidy. The DC told that Leh has a total population of 3,58,616 sheep and goats excluding 1557 animals in Govt farms and produced 418 quintals of pashmina, 980 qtls of wool, 8090 qtls of mutton and 4647 qtls of fodder during 2010-11. The demands and problems of these sectors were also highlighted during the presentation which include filling up of 9 posts of Vets, regularization of 15 internally adjusted Centers in the district. It was also demanded for creation of 3 new Animal Husbandry Centers in Durbuk block and 5 Animal centers in Nyoma block. During the meeting, the current status of Community Information Centers functioning at Leh, Nyoma, Durbuk, Khaltsi and Kharu and financial requirement for further strengthening of these CIC was also highlighted. The current status of Rs: 473 Crore cost Ladakh Renewable Energy Initiative program where under 30 Hydro power projects, Solar Plant power projects

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are coming up in Ladakh also revealed in the meeting. Addressing the meeting Mr. Aga Sayed Rohullah appreciated the LAHDC and the district administration for the success stories and excellent achievement under Information Technology and Ladakh Renewable Energy Initiative adding that it could be an example for other districts of the State. He said that Sheep Husbandry and Animal Husbandry departments have also done a great job as compare to other district. The Minister assured to provide Rs: 1.00 crore for infrastructure development of Animal farms in the district and also committed for Rs: 5.00 lacs for repair and renovation of CIC at Durbuk which was gutted in a fire accident last year. Mr. Rohullah further promised to provide a mobile dispensary van for health care of animals in Leh district. Welcoming the Minister in Leh, Mr. Spalbar extended gratitude to the minister for taking a meaningful review meeting at Leh and for taking keen interests in the development under his portfolio. The CEC hoped for Mr. Rohullah's utmost supports in sorting out major as well as minor issues of Ladakh at State level.

Epilogue, August 2011

LADAKH AFFAIRS NEWS & NOTES

Fearing Chinese Objection, Delhi Shelves Aeactivating Chushul Airstrip

he Government of India has shelved plans to reactivate the Chushul airfield in Ladakh close to the Line of Actual Control (LAC), apprehending Chinese objections. "The Indian Air Force, however, is going to revive several other Advanced Landing Grounds (ALGs) in a phased manner as part of its efforts to beef up capabilities along the boundary with China," IAF sources said. They said, "In China's version of the border and our version of the border, there is a clash on Chushul. The government did not want us

make any move there. So, we are not working on such controversial projects". Located close to the LAC with China at a height of over 13,000 feet, the Chushul Valley in Ladakh has an airstrip, which was a key platform during the Sino-Indian War in 1962 but has not been in use since then. Sources said it was part of IAF's original plans to develop ALGs along the India-China border as part of its efforts to strengthen the defence in these areas and support Army operations in the rugged terrain.

They said IAF has already developed a number of ALGs in the northeast and the Ladakh sector, including Daulat Beg Oldie (DBO), Fuk Che and Nyoma for aircraft operations. "A number of new ALGs would be opened by the IAF in the coming years in these areas and many of them would be upgraded for heavier aircraft operations. Such ALGs will help support our forward area policy. With helipads, say we can support only 200 troops there but with a runway, we can land supplies for over a thousand troops there," a source said. (PTI)

Cover 80 KMs to link Ladakh with country Spalbar Lists Power Issues with Parliamentary Panel

he Chief Executive Councillor of LAHDC, Leh, Rigzin Spalbar has urged a Parliamentary Panel to influence the concerned authorities for addressing power related issues of Ladakh, particularly timely completion of 45-MW Alchi Hydel Project, exploration of Geo-thermal power project and follow up of linking Ladakh with Northern Power Grid. The CEC had a meeting with the visiting eight-member Parliamentary Standing Committee headed by MP and former Union Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha at Leh. Highlighting the geographical problems of Ladakh in terms of closing both the National Highways to Ladakh during winter months bringing everything nearly stand still in

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the region for almost six months, Spalbar convincingly made the Parliamentary Committee comprehend about the multifarious problems of this region and sought their recommendations and support to materialize the proposed all weather road to Ladakh via Parangla either through Border Road Organization or other construction agencies. The CEC with the help of land map made the Parliamentary team understand that only a small length of road that is of about 80 kilometres needed to be constructed to link Ladakh with rest of the Country during the winter as major part of the road from both the sides already exist, the CEC has briefed. Considering the importance of

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an all weather road for overall development of Ladakh, the Parliamentary Standing Committee showed keen interests to materialize Parang-la road. The Committee assured for pressurizing the Government for sanctioning of the road. The CEC also sought supports from the Parliamentary Committee for early construction of multipurpose Khardongla tunnel as survey of the tunnel has already been done. Rigzin Spalbar further urged the Standing Committee to have their help in early releasing of Central fund for permanent restoration of Leh district, adding that Leh Hill Council has already sent a project proposal of Rs: 133 crore to the Central Govt.

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LADAKH AFFAIRS NEWS & NOTES

HOMAGE TO KARGIL HEROES

he Twelfth anniversary of 'Op eration Vijay Diwas' (Kargil Diwas) was celebrated in Drass Kargil by 'Forever in Operations' Division to commemorate the victory of Indian Armed Forces in 1999 Kargil War. The proceedings began with a solemn Wreath Laying Ceremony organized at Dras War Memorial which was presided over by the Chief Guest, Lt Gen Ravi Dastanae, General Officer Commanding, 14 CROPS and joined by other senior serving and retired officers, gallantry award winners as well as family members of gallant martyrs. Colour was added to this formal and dignified event by the Army Aviation helicopters, which showered flower petals from the sky during their impressive fly past. This was followed by the Sainik Sammelan, wherein addressing the assembled troops, the Chief Guest recalled how our Armed Forces have always risen to the occasion and especially during 'Operation Vijay', un-mindful of the adverse terrain and extreme weather conditions, our troops braved untold hardship and demonstrated indomitable spirit and excellent fighting skills to safeguard the honour and territorial integrity of the nation. He called upon all ranks to draw inspiration from the unity of purpose, steely resolve and spirit of sacrifice, displayed then by our Armed Forces and continue to strive hard to maintain these standards. The Chief Guest also said that the victory was not possible with out the contribution and sacrifice of the people of Kargil and the country has to remember their contribution also. Later on The Sainik Sammelan terminated with honouring of Veer Naris and Next of Kin of martyrs and

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an interaction with them. This event led to the exhibition of War Memorabilia which showcased a variety of equipment used by both sides during the conflict as also the present ones in use. After the Exhibition the Chief Guest Interacted with the Media and said that Army is preparing for all kind of eventualities and these events remembers one about the history and makes them vigil for the future. He said that in the progress of India as a Powerful country there is the contribution of Jawan, Kissan and the Scientists.

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The evening celebrations opened up with a Mass Band Display followed by Beating the Retreat. In the Memorial Service that followed, of candles and lamps were lit up at the War Memorial. In a be-fitting finale to the Celebrations, all the battle locations of Tiger Hill and Tololing too were lit up. The celebrations were conducted with full military stateliness and decorum to pay homage to martyrs as well as acknowledge the contribution of units and formations which had participated in the conflict

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LADAKH AFFAIRS DOCUMENTS

'We want UT with legislature' In a memorandum submitted to Government of India's interlocutors on Jammu and Kashmir during their two-day roundtable conference in Jammu, the President Ladakh Buddhist Association Dr. Tsewang Tundup strongly asserted for Union Territory status to Ladakh with legislature of its own. Here is full text of the document:

begin by saying that the struggle for survival - survival of our com munity, art and culture - has remained our core issue particularly since India's Independence when Ladakh was merged with Kashmir against our wishes. Under different banners and leadership since 1947 whether it was NEFA type administration, Central Rule or UT, the struggle or the movement has been carried out by different individuals and groups concerned about Ladakh's fate and destiny. We share no homogeneity with Kashmir in terms of culture, language, and ethnicity; moreover, sheer geography isolates us from the rest. Many laws legislated by govt. often go against the people as it does not match with our land and people. Our motive is to join the national mainstream shoulder to shoulder in the strides of development that would be feasible only if we are allowed to decide for ourselves instead of resting the control in the hands of Kashmiri leaders. Empowering the people of Ladakh means empowering the nation as we are inhabitants of India's most strategic location, and to secure the country's border, ensuring political security of the people living there becomes essential. Patriotic feeling of the people Ladakh has been exemplified by our active contributions in wars fought by India against neighbouring countries on this soil. Ladakhi community

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may be a miniscule population but has proved truly resourceful for Indian nation as it has displayed tremendous unity to put up a formidable resistance against the enemy forces whether it was 47 Pak raiders' invasion, 62 war with China, 71 war with Pakistan or the most recent the Kargil episode in 1999. Today this small population spread across the Ladakh region face all kinds of threats in terms of losing its cultural identity as a direct or indirect consequence of Kashmir politics. On these bases we have sustained our struggle, and our struggle has always aimed at separation from Kashmir and joining the national mainstream. It is in the interest of the country also to consider this strongly as our small population form an important buffer from defense point of view ensuring the security of the whole Nation. We would like to point out that we have no objection against other demands from the valley regarding solution to the Kashmir problem; however, any attempt to drag us into a solution on the bases such demand would be completely unacceptable. Our stand is clear, in one voice, UT with Legislature for which we are ready to face any challenge. Time and again we have raised our demand for UT at different forums and organized mass rallies in which our fellow Ladakhis belonging to other religions like Muslims, Christians, Hindus or even Sikhs

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have actively supported the cause. There may be some reservations in Kargil, however, large majority have always benefited from Scheduled Tribe, LAHDC which were opposed by a section of Kargili leadership when their counterparts in Leh raised the demands initially. People in Kargil too have achieved a lot after getting ST status to its population and along with Leh they too are prospering under the Autonomous Council today, and I believe that large majority of people there have understood that the initial opposition to such demands were under the influence Kashmir politics. In 1999 people of both Leh and Kargil came out strongly to defend the country's borders. It is very unfortunate that our demand raised peacefully is paid no attention, as if only trigger-happy gun -totting are worthy of being listened to. It is pertinent to mention here that during the Dogra regime of nearly a century and a quarter, Ladakhi people had countless bitter experiences at the hands of Kashmiri administrators. In addition to this, continued discriminations meted out to Ladakhi people by successive rulers of J&K for decades after the independence, further intensified Ladakh's demand for separation from Jammu & Kashmir. There are historical documents that reveal that right after the independence, even before Jammu & Kashmir finally acceded to the Indian Union, people of Ladakh sought

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separation of Ladakh from Jammu & Kashmir, and appealed to the Government of India to administer Ladakh directly from the Center on the pattern of the North Eastern Frontier Area (NEFA) administration or to make it a part of erstwhile East Punjab. In the present political scenario of the State, Ladakh, that had been an independent kingdom for about nine centuries until 1830s, has been reduced to mere two districts. This unique region has its unique problems for which most of the laws legislated by the State Government go against the interests of the people of Ladakh. Anyone with an average common sense would easily understand that it doesn't make any sense to keep Ladakh forcefully with Jammu & Kashmir despite that fact that Ladakh has nothing in common linguistically, culturally, historically and geographically with other parts of Jammu & Kashmir. Moreover snow falls in winter months cause the closure of Ladakh-Srinagar highway for about six months a year thereby isolating Ladakh physically from rest of the State. Geographically Ladakh constitutes two-third of the entire State of Jammu & Kashmir, but at present in the 87 member state assembly, representation to Ladakh is very minimal as there are only four seats, two each for Leh and Kargil districts. Total neglect of Ladakh region (it is considered a region only in geographical sense. Administratively it is part of the Kashmir Division --one of the two divisions in the State, the other being Jammu). It is pertinent to mention that the Justice Wazir Commission had recommended the creation of more districts in Jammu Division so that both Kashmir and Jammu Divisions could have equal number of districts. It

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LADAKH AFFAIRS DOCUMENTS

had taken into account the fact that Leh and Kargil districts together constituting Ladakh were part of the Kashmir Division. However, the present Government while raising the number of districts has maintained the numerical primacy of the Kashmir Division. It has thus behaved like the majority of its predecessors. All of them (the solitary exception being the People's Democratic Party-led coalition government) have revelled in ruling Leh and Kargil through remote control never bothering to integrate them emotionally into the Kashmir Division. Injecting communal virus into Ladakh politics. A hideous bid is being made to split Buddhists and Shias of Ladakh by making light of their age-old ethnic and linguistic affinity. With this background in view it should be evident that our leaders are unable to look beyond their nose. They have confined their prime concerns to the Kashmir region which happens to be their electoral constituency. It has been done to the exclusion of genuine hopes and aspirations of the people of Ladakh. It is also doubtful whether they have been able to live up to the expectations of ordinary masses of the Valley. Their marginalisation on the home turf since 1988 is self-explanatory. We are too close to the history. But sooner or later it will have to be admitted that their double talk and conflicting statements have confused an entire generation of Kashmiri young persons. This backdrop is necessary to understand why we have been agitating for a separate Union Territory status for the last 50 years. We in Ladakh feel that our interests will be best served if we are free from the clutches of a puzzled and selfabsorbed leadership. We want a

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direct contact with New Delhi. For us the Centre-State relations mean preserving our beliefs, culture and customs within the framework of the Indian Constitution. We do believe that there should be specific schemes for the welfare of people living in difficult areas as they do in this State. But we don't think that the way to achieve this is to have a separate Constitution. We are for autonomy provided it percolates down to the people and is not vested in the hands of those who want to perpetuate their hold over political and administrative dispensation in its disguise. Moreover, it should be accompanied by the will to generate revenue to reduce dependence on the Centre. We have always given preference to the country's overall interests in our State. That is why whenever asked by Central leaders beginning with Jawaharlal Nehru we have stopped short of taking our stir for UT to the logical conclusion. We may not agree with their plea that the separation of Ladakh would affect to some extent the country's case before the United Nations so far as the State is concerned. But we have seen no reason to suspect their motives. We will not dare do so. Nehru and Indira Gandhi both have taken special care to shower tremendous affection on the people of Ladakh. To our ill luck, however, the situation is only worsening in the recent years. Now and then there are efforts by the State Government to undermine our authority. We had after a sustained struggle won the right to form the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) to manage our affairs in Leh (we can claim with humility that our success has enabled the people of Kargil to see reason and have a

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similar dispensation though they were initially reluctant. Elsewhere also there are demands for setting up such councils). More tourists --- domestic as well as foreign -- visit Ladakh now than ever before. The Council in Leh has been able to extensively protect and develop indigenous products. It has literally taken the administration to doorstep. One can notice the amazing enthusiasm that it has generated at grassroots level. The Council is not being given financial and legislative powers even in matters under its charge. I may draw a parallel with Lakshadweep. In size the beautiful group of islands is the same as Ladakh but its population is less than one-third that of Ladakh. Yet, as UT it has a budget of more than 400 crore rupees a year as against less than a hundred crore a year of Ladakh. We don't get our quota of Central funds sanctioned under various schemes especially in social sector. On one occasion the State Government had even transferred the funds sanctioned by the Planning Commission for Leh under the Border Area Development Programme (BADP) for some other place. Our leaders resisted it and were eventually able to persuade the Planning Commission to tell the State Government to retrace its move. why ut... We have to preserve our unique identity in every sense --- ethnic, linguistic and even religious. We are the only region to have grand Buddhist monasteries and eminent schools of Shia philosophy co-existing with each other. We are a trans-Himalayan territory that deserves particular attention which is possible only if it is governed directly. We are concerned about our very survival because the most of

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our "leaders" sitting in Srinagar distrust us completely and have made it known through their actions. Our huge natural resources in the form of pashmina and herbal plants, among many others, remain unexploited. The LAHDC has taken some beneficial steps in this regard but a lot more can be done which will be possible only if we have a full-fledged administrative set-up taking care of them. We want due recognition for the Bhoti language. In the house of 89 we have only four MLAs in the J&K assembly to represent the 70 percent of the entire state size. We want to have a separate university. There should be complete jurisdiction of Central institutions like Parlimaent. We don't favour any dilution in this regard. There are any number of our "leaders" who have sought and got relief from the Supreme Court and the National Human Rights Commission after being denied the same in the State. We are unequivocal in our commitment to India and don't want any talk with those who are either unclear or mischievous about their political aims. We don't want to be led by those who are bereft of conviction and change their tune according to the occasion. It is astounding that even some Communists in the State should exhibit religious biases. We are for a genuinely secular society in which every religion is equally respected. We don't want discrimination on any ground --religion, gender or region. We seek dignified existence for every individual. I wish to point out that almost all remote areas have UTs. I have already referred to Lakshadweep in this regard. We can cite the examples of Daman and Diu and Nicobar Islands too. One reason

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that they have been made UTs is their isolation from the mainland heightening the country's security concerns. In the case of Ladakh as well it is cut off from the mainland for seven months every year. Instead of sea we are separated by the mighty Himalayas. Unlike the Islands, however, we are face to face with hostile neighbours not only directly eyeing but also targeting us. Both Pakistan and China have managed to bag a big chunk of our territory. Our strong point, however, is that we have a powerful democratic dispensation. Our cooperation with the Armed Forces is legendary. This is recognised by one and all. We feel that we can contribute more in this direction in terms of infrastructure if we have a UT. A UT based on the will of the people will be the country's bulwark in Ladakh. Let it not be delayed any further.

In the present political scenario of the State, Ladakh, that had been an independent kingdom for about nine centuries until 1830s, has been reduced to mere two districts. This unique region has its unique problems for which most of the laws legislated by the State Government go against the interests of the people of Ladakh.

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LADAKH AFFAIRS DOCUMENTS

Ladakh Unanimous for Union Territory The Ladakh Young Buddhist Association in a memorandum submitted to the interlocutors through Oglus Tandup claimed that people of Ladakh have unanimously agreed, with one clear voice on demand for Union Territory Stuns with legislature. Full text of document is given below:

istorically, the present con glomeration of three hetero geneous regions of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh were never an organic political entity and didn't form any natural cohesion. There is inherent inter-regional and distinct regional-identity in terms of history, physiography, ethnicity, language and culture. & such Ladakh with a distinct social-customs and ethnicity has no integration with the Kashmiri speaking Muslim population of Kashmir valley and Jammu region with Dogri as their language and Vedic culture. Our national integration and patriotism towards our Mother- India since the days of Independence is clearly depicted through various episodes in Indian History. Whether it was 1948 war with Pakistan, 1962 war with China, 1971 war with Pakistan, or 1999 Kagil War; the dedication, loyalty and laying down precious lives for Mother-India by the people of Ladakh needs no evidence. And India should not forget that in times of difficulty, crisis and at the instance of swallow-up by neighboring enemies the people of Ladakh have always stood first to defend the motherland and are the only one who will weep for India in Kashmir. That the political domination of Kashmiri Muslims and their discrimination against Ladakh and Jammu has kept these two regions neglected, un-developed and ex-

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ploited the aspiration and sentiments .The democratic process in the state of Jammu and Kashmir was manoeuvred by the dominant political representation of the valley in the state Legislative Assembly by placing the political command of the state in the hands of Kashmiri Muslims. With Kashmir valley-centric mind-set and deliberations embarked the Legislative Assembly in the state, even though more than half of the population and 90 per cent of the land area belong to Jammu and Ladakh. Presently, in the house of 87 member legislative assembly in the state, Kashmir valley sends 46 members and the rest is shared between the two regions with 37 from Jammu and only 4 from Ladakh. Of the total six Lok Sabha seats from the state, Kashmir valley, Jammu and Ladakh have been sharing three, two and one seats, respectively. The regional share of political representation in the state is not in conformity with the strength of population and voters structure of the respective region. The voters strength of Jammu (24,55,174), Kashmir valley (24,22,765) and Ladakh (1,43719) vividly vindicates that the people of Jammu and Ladakh have uneven representation in the state Legislative Assembly and due to this the voice of Jammu and Ladakh region were absolutely- ignored and discriminated in the decision making process in the state.

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Since no sincere effort was made by the dominant Muslim leadership in the state to provide equalopportunity and representation of rights to the people of Ladakh. As such economic-neglect of the region, discrimination in Government jobs, setting up of professional institutions, Universities, and absence of Public Service Commission and JKSSRB centre at Leh etc. In reality, the Kashmiri identity became a synonym of the Muslim identity in the state. The complete absence of a genuine, democratic and equal representatives representing in the State legislature, Lok-Sabha and Rajya-Sabha and state level leadership representing the three geoethnic heterogeneous region, the Kashmiri identity as being projected by the political leaders of Kashmir valley had no takers among ladakh and Jammu region as unacceptable at all. According to Gajendragakar Commission set by Govt in 1967 it gives a clear picture by submitting" That the main cause of irritation and tension is the feeling of political neglect and discrimination from which the certain regions (Jammu and Ladakh) suffer. Even if all the matters are equally settled, we feel that there would still be a measure of discontent unless the political aspirations of the different regions are satisfied. People of Ladakh feel that 1947 was not as the Independence

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LADAKH AFFAIRS DOCUMENTS

of Ladakh but its enslavement to the leaders of the Kashmir valley. This went to such an extent that, in 1952 when Sheikh Abdullah presented the state's budget to the constituent assembly, he forgot Ladakh. When Kushok Bakula protested in a strongly worded speech, Abdullah asked his speech to be expunged from the records under the pretext that it was in English and not in Urdu. Consequently now the people of Ladakh want immediate freedom from the autocratic-dictators and oppressive regime of pre-dominantly Kashmiri leadership. Leaders and voices of Kashmir valley can never be the voices of Ladakh region. The ethno-religious divide continued to haunt the dominant inhabitants of Ladakh and Jammu regions. Creation of a separate district of Doda for the Muslim majority area of Udhampur district of Jammu and similar Muslim majority district of Kargil after bifurcating the Buddhist majority district of Ladakh is viewed as an ill-designed fundamentalist approach of Kashmiri leaders for ethnic cleansing of the state. We are feeling a sense of acute insecurity, uncertainties, corruption and extreme discrimination at the hands of ever hardening Islamic fundamentalists. They have elaborate plans to eliminate Buddhists altogether from the state and they have succeeded to a great extent. The most glaring situation today is that of the situation of Rangdurn region, Buddhists of which are likely to be evacuated any time and there is no hope or support from any side. These are the reasons for demanding Union Territory status to Ladakh, which would guarantee us an administrative set-up to run our own affairs and to safeguard our culture and identity. The plight of about two lakh Hindu migrants from Kashmir val-

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ley has confirmed this fear. Their deep apprehension is that the fundamentalist forces with the support of elements in the state govern-

ment are systematically trying to bring a demographic change in the regions with the view to make them also a Muslim majority area.

Conclusion: Government of India must bestow Union Territory Status with legislature for Ladakh in view of divergent political-aspirations, distinct heterogeneous identity of culture, history, language, geo-political scenario of the people in the region. Our assimilation with the mainstream India and grant of our demand within the constitution of India is our fundamental right as been provided to other parts of India in the past. Similarly, India should not forget Ladakh's special strategic location, it is the only region in India facing two prominent enemies-The Chinese "PIA" on the high plateau of Aksai Chin and Linzinthang in the north and Pakistan in the east. The region is also the scene of battle for the strategic Siachen Glacier. Therefore, India has two options either to choose patriotic Ladakhi people or antinationalist?

Our national integration and patriotism towards our Mother- India since the days of Independence is clearly depicted through various episodes in Indian History. Whether it was 1948 war with Pakistan, 1962 war with China, 1971 war with Pakistan, or 1999 Kagil War; the dedication, loyalty and laying down precious lives for Mother-India by the people of Ladakh needs no evidence. And India should not forget that in times of difficulty, crisis and at the instance of swallow-up by neighboring enemies the people of Ladakh have always stood first to defend the motherland and are the only one who will weep for India in Kashmir. That the political domination of Kashmiri Muslims and their discrimination against Ladakh and Jammu has kept these two regions neglected, un-developed and exploited the aspiration and sentiments .The democratic process in the state of Jammu and Kashmir was manoeuvred by the dominant political representation of the valley in the state Legislative Assembly by placing the political command of the state in the hands of Kashmiri Muslims. With Kashmir valley-centric mind-set and deliberations embarked the Legislative Assembly in the state, even though more than half of the population and 90 per cent of the land area belong to Jammu and Ladakh.

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Epilogue, August 2011

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Vol. 5 Issus 08

Epilogue, August 2011

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Vol. 5 Issus 08

Epilogue, August 2011