Class, Power and Beauty in Interior Design

CLASS, POWER AND BEAUTY IN INTERIOR DESIGN Independent Research Project Ellie Molloy The University of Salford 2021

TABLE OF CONTENTS 00

Introduction

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Chapter One

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How do we define beauty in art and interior design?

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Chapter Two

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Chapter Three

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Conclusion

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References

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The influence of class on identity and judgments of beauty in a domestic interior.

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The power of societie’s hierarchy and its impact on cultural perceptions

Bibliography List of Figures

How do class and power influence the perception of beauty in interior design?

Introduction This project evaluates beauty in the interior. Beauty is a complex topic to discuss, as it has a range of interpretations. In my essay, I will consider how perceptions of beauty can be affected by power and class. These factors may contribute to how society views spaces, so it is essential to understand how and why individuals have an attraction to particular schemes to design for the future.

My first chapter discusses the subjective and objective definitions of beauty. Using David Hume’s theory of an ideal critic, I will attempt to understand how beauty can be judged in interiors, authority figures’ influence, and the manipulation of core interior principles. A focus on the role of education and its impact on taste will lead to my second chapter.

This chapter focuses on consumerism and the purchasing habits of the different classes. I explore the artwork of figures such as William Morris and Grayson Perry to understand divisions in preferences and their broader impact on society. I will question the concept of identity and if we can be considered individuals or if our purchases influence our lifestyle.

Chapter three focuses on how upper-class’s unquestioned dominance can influence societal perceptions through institutions such as education. I will consider Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of habitus and Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony theory to explain bourgeois status. Throughout this chapter, I plan to highlight how interior design sadly contributes to societal divisions and share designers’ plans to resolve these issues. I will discuss the value of welldesigned spaces and art subjects’ value in education to form an appreciation for aesthetics.

In my conclusion, I argue that our opportunities and knowledge of art and design can influence our judgments of beauty. There is no correct interpretation of attraction, but an individual’s environment and societies institutions can shape their view. I will also highlight some limitations of my report, such as the singular focus on western perceptions of beauty. The essay will finish by indicating the opportunities for future research.

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01 Chapter One How do we define beauty in art and interior design?

Beauty is a challenging term to define. Philosophers have disagreed on its true meaning for centuries. Most believe that it is a subjective experience that can differ due to age, background and gender. However, there is an argument that beauty is measurable and can be influenced, especially in art, by principles such as form, shape and order. In this chapter, I will discuss some theories of beauty and relate them to interior design. I plan to discover what makes interiors aesthetically pleasing and how to define beauty regarding our built environment.

may not be valid to use Hume’s criteria for an ideal critic.

We also can associate the ideal critic with an authority figure. An individual has the power to make decisions about a piece of artwork that will ultimately influence others’ views. We can briefly consider the theory of hegemony.

The critic’s opinions are less likely to be questioned due to the individuals established status. The term hegemony can be defined as “the commonsensical and unquestioned backdrop of reflection on the workings of society” (Longhurst at el,2017, p.150). The statement suggests that we do not question what happens in society. As many of the criteria for Hume’s ideal critic are subjective, it can be problematic to give this person the power to make judgements over art as society is less likely to question their opinions since we are not the ideal critics.

‘Beauty is in the eye of the beholder’ is a famous saying commonly used to describe the subjective nature of attractiveness. The statement suggests that beauty does not exist on its own but is created by observers. If this statement is true, then how can we assess what is beautiful within the design industry. David Hume is an 18th-century philosopher who agrees with beauty’s subjective nature; however, he proposes that art can be judged for its aesthetic value by an ideal critic. In his essay ‘Of The Standard Of Taste,’ he describes a character of “strong sense, united to delicate sentiment, improved by practice, perfected by comparison and cleared of all prejudice” (Hume, 2000, p.10).

To clarify Hume’s words, the ideal critic must have good sense, an eye for detail, experience within the field, and an ability to compare other artworks and be impartial. By creating these criteria, Hume suggests that we can assess an individual’s judgement of beauty for validity.

It is essential to consider the time which David Hume’s essay was written. Eighteenth-century society was very different from today. For example, although Hume does not clarify the amount or type of ‘practice’ an individual needs to be an ideal critic, if we interpret ‘practice’ as education, we can assume that the perfect critic comes from a prosperous background. After all, Hume’s family is described as “modestly circumstanced”, suggesting he had a comfortable financial environment (Cranston and Edmund Jessop, 2020). Therefore, we can expect that economic circumstances may influence an individual’s likelihood to become an authoritative judge of beauty.

Shusterman (1993) describes the essay as “the expression of entrenched bourgeois values, involving the setting up of the taste of those who have been educated and conditioned in a certain way of somehow more natural than that of others”. Shusterman’s statement suggests that ‘Of Standard of Taste’ neglects the views of different classes. He implies that Hume’s criteria allow aesthetic opinions of the rich to dominate our taste.

There are several problems with David Hume’s proposal for the ideal critic. Firstly, implying that art can be judged for its aesthetic value is an objective concept, so Hume’s five criteria should also be objective. However, standards such as “strong sense” can be considered to be subjective.

For instance, “strong sense” can be interpreted in many different ways, so it is hard to identify the values that give an individual “strong sense”. In this case, the word ‘sense’ can be understood as awareness. It seems that Hume is suggesting that an individual must understand themselves and the themes the artwork is portraying to make them the ideal critic. However, self-identity is not a quality we are all gifted. Even if we do claim to know ourselves, would we have an honest reflection of our identity or one that is influenced by the culture of our time? For instance, Shusterman (1993) argues that Hume’s 18th-century wealthy background may have influenced his proposal, which will be discussed later. People who lived during this period had very different views and lifestyles. As a result, it

Hume also had very outdated and inaccurate views about race. In one of his essays, he states, “I am apt to suspect the negroes, and in general, all the other species of men… to be naturally inferior to the whites”, which understandably outraged many philosophers at the time (Malik, 2020). If Hume does not view all human beings as equal, then his construction of the ideal critic is ineffective. The judge would not be representative of everyone in society.

David Hume’s comparison of beauty with taste can allow

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us to understand beauty as a judgement of quality or high aesthetic standard. Although the criteria he sets for an ideal critic is not inclusive, the notion that an expert or someone with a vast knowledge of the art and design industry can judge and make reliable comments about the work is plausible. If a judgment can be made about beauty, it implies that features in a design make something more aesthetically appealing. Interior designers use several principles that help them craft attractive spaces. With David Hume’s theory in mind, I will examine a series of interiors to see if following a set of design rules can help build beautiful schemes.

“the desire for symmetry, for balance, for rhythm in form as well as in sound, is one of the most inveterate of human instincts.”

Figure 1 displays the magazine library of Office AIO’s Read and Rest Hotel in Beijing. The hotel was formed to help citizens and visitors wind down and escape Beijing’s busy city life. The image was taken by Wen Studio’s, a photography company in China that seems to work closely with Office AIO. The photograph captures the blissful nature of the space, and its “muted colour palette” and “natural veins of timber and stone” help create a peaceful atmosphere (Shuang, 2019). An integrated LED strip light enhances the materials used and illuminates the walls.

The lighting paired with the framing devices and central staircase invite guests into the library and through the room.

The photograph is attractive; it creates a sense of warmth and comfort. The studio has used impressive techniques to create an inviting space and encourage people to stay in the library.

Office AIO adopted a few interior design principles to help create this tranquil space. Dezeen (2020) describes how the studio uses repetition and symmetry to “enhance concentration and inspire exploration of the mind.”

Symmetry is an element of attractiveness that is widely discussed. It is also an element of design that can be used to craft a “sense of proportionality and balance that, for many people, represents a pleasing arrangement” (Edwards, 2011, p.85). The statement suggests that we find value in spaces with an order. American novelist Edith Wharton sought to improve interior design and taste during the 19th century (Edwards, 2011, p.41). Wharton (1897) states, “the desire for symmetry, for balance, for rhythm in form as well as in sound, is one of the most inveterate of human instincts.” The phrase ‘desire’ suggests that we have a strong urge to seek out these principles, and ‘human instincts’ has links to survival and evolution. Wharton may be implying that evolution plays a part in our perception of beauty in design.

Edith Wharton

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Figure 1: The magazine library of Office AIO Read and Rest Hotel, Beijing. Captured by Wen Studios. (Source: Dezeen, 2020)

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Dennis Dutton (2010) supports this theory in his TED talk, ‘A Darwinian theory of Beauty’. He states, “The experience of beauty with its emotional intensity of pleasure belongs to our evolved human psychology.” The comment implies that our emotional response to beauty has been inherited from our ancestors.

Dutton continues to use an example of Homo erectus tools (Figure 2) to defend his theory. The “symmetrical pointed leaf or teardrop form” of the object suggests that our ancestors valued aesthetics (Dutton,2010). The implication that our attraction to beauty is embedded in what makes us human supports Wharton’s statement that we desire interior principles such as balance, symmetry and repetition. Therefore, we can understand why Office AIO would employ these features to craft a calming atmosphere within their scheme. Using interior design principles to enhance a space is not purely for aesthetic purposes. The principles used also elicit emotional responses to suit the room’s requirements. For instance, as the room (Figure 1) functions as a library, the space’s simplicity reduces distraction and promotes productivity.

Office AIO’s project was long-listed in the hotel and short-stay category of the Dezeen Awards 2020. Although the project did not win the award, it must have been highly regarded to be long-listed. The projects are judged by “an international panel comprised of 75 leading figures from the architecture and design world” who are looking for beautiful, innovative and beneficial designs (Dezeen, 2020). Like David Hume’s criteria, individuals with a good knowledge of the industry have been chosen to judge the contesting projects. Although Office AIO’s project did not win, It can be assumed that the judges deemed other work more beautiful. However, the Deezen Awards do not just crown the most beautiful projects. Other factors, such as problemsolving, are judged in this competition. Therefore, we cannot assess the beauty of the hotel based solely on this competition.

Figure 2: The tool’s crafted by Homo erectus. (Source: History, 2018)

the principles of traditional gallery interiors. As opposed to Figure 1, the interior has a bold and exciting atmosphere; it is powerful.

Although the explosive graphics are intimidating, they attract users through the space with a sense of curiosity.

The sublime is a theory explored by 18th-century philosophers Immanuel Kant and Edmund Burke. Although the idea refers to the aesthetics of landscapes, it describes beauty as romanticism and the sublime as the feeling of “awe before an object of overwhelming power” (Davidson,2020). We can use this concept to explain why this image is attractive. The exhibitions intimidating nature elicits a strong emotion of wonder, hence encouraging visitors to explore the space. Hadid’s powerful exhibition would be labelled sublime, whereas Office AIO’s interior would be described as beautiful since the atmosphere is soft and calming. Both images are attractive as they evoke an emotional response from the viewer but in opposite ways.

Beauty in interior design can be defined as an emotional response suggesting that it is a subjective experience. However, objective principles can manipulate the emotions one feels to suit the space’s functions. Although we do not have complete control over the opinion’s individuals have towards particular interiors, due to differences in taste, authority figures within the design industry can influence us—the experts view about interiors may affect our perception of beauty. However, the argument that these experts receive their status due to social opportunity is a crucial point to consider. In my following chapters, I plan to examine how differences in economic background influence perceptions of beauty.

The photograph (Figure 1) is an excellent example of a beautiful interior that adopts certain principles to create a pleasing spatial arrangement. The argument that we have an evolved attraction to designs that form a sense of balance suggests that we need interior design principles to find spaces appealing. However, what happens when we do not follow all the rules of interior design.

Figure 3 is taken from the Zaha Hadid and Suprematism exhibition at Galerie Gmurzynska Zurich. The interior in the image is striking due to its contrast of black and white and abstract forms. The juxtaposition in the interior symbolises how Hadid portrays her work compared to her favourite Russian Suprematist artists (Etherington, 2010). The suprematist manifesto was created by Kazimir Malevich in 1913 and was a movement associated with the Russian Revolution. The artwork was an attempt to free art from the real world. The non-objective artwork includes a range of geometry, “including rectangles, triangles and circles often in intense and beautiful colours” (MoMA,2020). Hadid’s use of rectangular shapes crafts a futuristic and almost utopian space. A space that does not share

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Figure 3: Zaha Hadid and Suprematism Exhibition at Galerie Gmurzynska Zurich (source: Deezen,2010)

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02 Chapter Two The influence of class on identity and judgments of beauty in a domestic interior.

In the previous chapter, we considered the famous statement ‘Beauty is in the eye of the beholder’ when trying to define the term beauty. However, there is an argument that our environment can influence our aesthetic tastes and that “beauty is in the culturally conditioned eye of the beholder” (Dutton, 2010). The statement suggests that beauty is learnt from the behaviours of society. This section will examine the working, middle and upper-class consumer habits and relate this to their perception of beauty. The chapter will also focus on class identity and investigate the impact this has on their cultural tastes.

“Have nothing in your houses that you do not know to be useful or believe to be beautiful”

The Arts and Craft Movement 1860-1910 was formed to respond to the Industrial Revolution’s low design standards.

Supporters were horrified by the downfall of craftmanship caused by mass production. As a result, the movement placed importance on aesthetics as well as functionality. William Morris was one of the leading figures of the campaign. He stated, “Have nothing in your houses that you do not know to be useful or believe to be beautiful” (Edwards, 2011, p.25).

Morris suggests that beauty comes from the objects within an individual’s home. He adopted this philosophy when creating his company Morris & Co. The business produced beautiful handcrafted home decorations such as wallpaper and furniture.

William Morris

Figure 4 is a photograph of the wallpaper ‘Trellis’, the first wallpaper Morris designed for the Standen House. Morris worked alongside architect Phillip Webb when creating the middle-class family home. The home represents the pair’s ambition to change the “life of the working-class” (HarrisonMoore,2018) as the building celebrates the kitchen and servant quarters in the same way as the other rooms in the house. The corridor connecting these areas is lined with the beautiful wallpaper represented in Figure 4. ‘Trellis’ is a visual representation of the designer’s partnership. The wallpaper is described as “a natural paper that does not artificially recreate three dimensions” (Harrison-Moore,2018). As the artwork is not attempting to mimic something, it can be seen as honest, a value of design fostered by the arts and craft movement.

objects were time-consuming and expensive. He stated, “it is only that I spend my life ministering to the swinish luxury of the rich” (Edwards, 2011, p.25). The sorrowful statement reveals Morris’s feeling of failure as he found it challenging to reach working-class consumers. The working-class was reluctant to buy Morris’s products as although they provided high aesthetic value, they functioned the same as cheaper mass-produced items. Here, we can see the differences in the preference of the two classes.

The consumer habits of an individual can be linked to their social status. French philosopher Pierre Bourdieu identifies “how cultural tastes and preferences correspond to a person’s education level and social class (Longhurst et al.,2017, p.182).

Bourdieu believes that people learn how to consume, and their cultural background can influence their preferences. Although Morris was a socialist who despised society’s divisions, he was born into a wealthy family and had an Oxford education (Prichard 2020). Bourdieu may have argued that Morris’s affluent background gave him access to opportunities that influenced his

The illustrations on the wallpaper are symbolic of the troubles of the Victorian era. The bird and rose represent liberation and love. A response Morris wanted from his designs. He wished to bring beauty into everyday life and fight “against the ugliness and injustice of capitalist society” (Jones,2016). A trellis is a device used for support. Morris could be highlighting the need to support the movement and poorer members of society.

Lastly, the thorns symbolise pain. During Morris’s mission to revive craftsmanship, he realised that producing these detailed

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Figure 4: The Trellis wallpaper by William Morris, In the hallway of Standen House. (Source: National Trust, 2019)

Figure 5: The Vanity of Small Differences by Grayson Perry exhibition at the Victoria Miro Gallery II (Source: Victoria Miro, 2012)

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taste and view of beauty. As working-class people did not receive the same privileges, their perception of beauty likely differed from Morris’s. Therefore, Bourdieu’s theory may explain why Morris struggled to obtain the custom of the working-class people.

The theory can also be applied to explain taste in 21stcentury society. Artist Grayson Perry (2012) presents a three-part docu-series, “All in the best taste”. In these films, he visits different parts of the United Kingdom and studies residents’ homes from different economic backgrounds.

Perry creates a series of stunning tapestries from his findings to represent the differences of each class. The series is called The Vanity of Small Differences (Figure 5).

Critic Simon Schama rightfully described Perry’s work as “social storytelling” (Tonkin, 2013) as each tapestry narrates the life of Tim Rakewell. A man born into a working-class family climbs the social ladder to fame and fortune, leading to his demise. Amongst the story of Tim’s journey, Perry has included illustrations that tribute the lifestyles of the people he visited. The sequential tapestries suggest that people can shift their identities by owning products and styling their homes in a way that represents a particular social class.

Therefore, we can assume that “individual identities are less fixed, and more based upon ‘lifestyles’ choices” (Longhurst at el,2017, p.184), suggesting that people can choose how they want to be perceived.

Figure 6: The Juicy Salif Lemon Squeezer by Phillippe Starck (Source: Deezen, 2014)

the ‘embodied’, ‘objectified’ and ‘institutionalised’ state.

The embodied state is usually inherited from our parents and translates into our behaviours such as language, mannerisms and preferences. The objectified state relates to consumption as culture “is transmissible in its materiality” (Bourdieu,1986). The items we own can communicate our cultural knowledge and position in society. Lastly, the institutionalised state is a measurable culture in the form of qualifications and education credentials. A person’s capital culture can accumulate over time through different experiences and opportunities.

A lifestyle can be understood as a “material expression of an individual’s identity” (Wilska, 2002). As materials usually refer to an object, the statement suggests that objects can help form an identity. Chaney (1996) supports this theory as he states that lifestyles represent individuals constructed “surface-selves and sensibilities”. This argument implies that we justify our identities through the things we purchase.

Marketing companies utilise the concept of identities to sell products to appropriate audiences. A report from the Harvard Business Review states, “If social identity shapes decisions, then a company’s marketing strategy should encourage customers to tune in to an identity” (Champniss et al., 2015). Therefore, purchasing certain brands can help build individual identities. Grayson Perry highlights the importance of brands and how they develop an identity within his series. Middle-class residences seem to be most concerned with the status of a brand. An example of this was the Jamie At Home cookware event hosted by middleclass women to show off their latest purchases from the collection.

Alessi is a homeware company that sells products created by designers and architects. One of the most controversial products the company sold was the Juicy Salif lemon squeezer by Phillippe Starck (Figure 6). The product was marketed to middle-class consumers, and although the device had a beautiful form, it was not “practical for squeezing fruit” (Hobson,2014). The lemon squeezer has become a sculptural piece rather than a functional kitchen utensil, signifying how products evolve into “social identifiers”, demonstrating the tribes to which we belong (Wollaston,2012). As a result, middle-class owners of the lemon squeezer showcase their objectified cultural capital as purchasers demonstrate familiarity with famous designers, such as Phillippe Starck, and their prosperous background for enjoying an unfunctional product.

As previously discussed, Bourdieu believes that people learn how to consume, and their cultural background and education affects this. His theory of cultural capital can be used to understand why people consume differently.

Cultural capital can be recognised as the assets that give someone social advantages. Bourdieu (1986) discussed how cultural capital could exist in three forms

As identities have developed over time, consumerist habits have also changed. Figure 7 represents the refurbishment

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Figure 7: A Victorian Townhouse refurbishment by 2LG studios (Source: Taylor, 2020)

of a Victorian townhouse located in Wandsworth, a middleclass neighbourhood in London. The large bay windows and Victorian covings indicate the rich history of the property and its inhabitants. In the 18th century, this home would have been decorated with expensive chandeliers and ornaments like the example shown in Figure 8. Ferry (2017) describes the Victorian middle-class interior as a space filled with expensive clutter to demonstrate individual success. The “rapid industrialisation fuelled conspicuous consumption, and the display of household objects was all about demonstrating an individual’s place in the world” (Ferry,2017). There was a societal understanding that ornamental clutter equated to wealth during the Victoria era.

However, now middle-class taste has shifted to a ‘less is more’ approach. The refurbishment of this home (Figure 7) by 2LG studios uses colour, texture and furniture to create a modern Victorian aesthetic. The studio comments on the clients “beautiful vintage pieces” and “strong pieces of art” reflect their cultural knowledge, tastes and economic background (Levy,2020). The room’s main addition was the Melting Pot Coffee Table by Dutch designer Dirk Vander Kooij (Figure 9). To form the indestructible table, “discarded chairs, vases, cabinets and more” were fused and moulded into shape (the frozen fountain, 2015). The table unintentionally represents the shift in middle-class consumer habits as various home decor pieces were remodelled into a single table. Levy (2020) comments on how “Left-behind stickers and barcode labels are still visible in translucent areas of the table. This tiny detail draws recognition to modern-day consumerism and the ability to purchase a lifestyle.

is “an increasingly popular low-consumption lifestyle whereby people deliberately live with fewer possessions” (Lloyd and Pennington, 2020). The moral movement rejects materialism and consumer culture. Therefore, this way of living reduces clutter and has environmental and wellbeing benefits. Nevertheless, Fagan (2017) critiques the movement by describing minimalism as “another form of conspicuous consumption.” She acknowledges that terming this lifestyle as ‘moral’ is offensive to those who are forced to live a minimal lifestyle due to financial difficulties. Instead, Fagan (2017) scrutinises the minimalist aesthetic by mockingly saying, “Look at all of the things I have refused to buy, and the incredibly-expensive, sparse items I have deemed worthy instead!”. Kim Kardashian’s and Kayne West’s minimalist Californian home (Figure 10) highlights how the ‘less is more’ aesthetic can be luxurious.

The pair worked with Axel Vervoordt to create the beautiful and spiritual house described as an “otherworldly oasis of purity and light” (Rus,2020). The sleek interior would not be achievable without the celebrities enormous budget.

However, the Kardashian-West family are not an average middle-class family. The minimalist aesthetic is achievable at a lower cost, and if adopted by more people, will “lessen the population’s ecological footprint” (Lloyd and Pennington, 2020). Unfortunately, many people fail to modify their consumerist lifestyles due to social desires and pressures explained in Chapter Three.

On the contrary, Grayson Perry’s “All in the best taste” displays how working-class aesthetic decisions “demonstrate loyalty to the clan” (Perry,2012). These individuals are assumed to prefer sentimental and personal domestic decorations that prove their connection to the community. Clarke (2020) investigates Judith’s decorative

However, not all middle-class interior design decisions are made to demonstrate their cultural knowledge. Minimalism

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choices, a working-class council flat resident of Jay Road, North London. Judith has a personal relationship with the items she displays in her home as she has either acquired them as gifts from her children or inheritance from her past love ones. The leopard print teapot (Figure 11) was gifted to Judith by her mother. She explains that she never uses this teapot but displays it to tribute her relationship with her mother. As opposed to the middle-class concept of good taste, working-class people find beauty in objects that preserve personal memories. Items around their home are not exhibited to showcase their cultural knowledge but rather their relationships. However, Judith’s ‘personal’ taste can be questioned as it is based on the preferences of the people who previously obtained the objects that she was gifted. Therefore, we can question if Judith’s interior decor is shaped by what she likes or what society labels her. Appiah (2018) examines the power of labels and self-identity. He states, “We don’t own our words; other people get a say.”

Although we can give ourselves labels such as working or middle-class, to be widely accepted, this label needs to be confirmed by others in society.

Figure 8: A heavily-ornamented late-Victorian interior (source: Ferry, 2017)

Although the Grayson Perry documentary provides an in-depth investigation of the various social classes’ aesthetic preferences, the analysis has some problems. For example, Sunderland is not the only working-class society in the UK; taste preferences may differ between different working-class cities. Therefore, the documentary does not represent the tastes of the whole country. Also, the notion that economic backgrounds reflect cultural knowledge disregards established working-class culture. Shukla (2017) argues that due to hardships and the Thatcherism push towards a middle-class society, the “working class became not a solid identity, with its own cultural history, but a transitory phase one” that individuals aim “to escape from as quickly as possible.” Liverpool is an example of a working-class city with a rich history and strong relationship with the creative industry. The city was named the European capital of culture for 2008 (Guardian, 2003). Manchester is another working-class city known as being “the most ethnically diverse in Europe” (Doward, 2012), representing many people sharing many diverse identities living in the town. The working-class community has a strong cultural identity that is often overlooked due to the dominant middleclass judgment of taste and beauty, which will be discussed further in Chapter Three.

Figure 9: The Melting Pot Table by Dirk Vander Kooij (Source: Taylor, 2020)

The upper-class community, also known as ‘the landedgentry’ (Biressi and Nunn, 2013), was the last societal group discussed by Grayson Perry. Although once described as the “tastemakers” of Britain, the elite class value preserving their inherited homes over displaying their wealth (Perry,2012). Therefore, the upper-class tastes belong to their ancestors, which Bourdieu would describe as the embodied state of cultural capital. The documentary takes us on a tour of the Frampton Court Estate in the Cotswolds owned by Rollo and Janie Clifford. The home is crumbling and is an example of the ‘faded glory’ of the upper classes (Perry,2012). Although in their decrepit condition, these homes are still a symbol of aristocratic power and status.

Mandler (1997) explains that “over the past two hundred years, aristocratic culture has been preserved, and with it some remnants of aristocratic wealth and authority, at the expense of democracy and modernity.” The home-owners attempt to preserve the past means they are not adapting to our evolving society and, therefore, in danger of losing their privileged positions. However, the owners of Somerleyton

Figure 10: The Kardashian-West minimalist family home (Source: Gibson, 2020)

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Hall (Figure 12) understood the necessity of change. The barons worked with interior designer Laura Ingrams to revive the country house. “The newly redecorated rooms are historically sensitive but fresh-feeling, with bright painted or silk-covered walls, antique mahogany furniture, and Axminster carpets made to order by the family room” (Patience, 2016). The Crossley family restored the property, allowing it to be more appealing to a 21st Century audience.

Their work highlights how heritage properties can be a representation of the past as well as the future.

To conclude, it can be assumed that society can influence individual perceptions of beauty within a domestic interior.

As Grayson Perry (2012) suggested, aesthetic preferences are shaped towards our ‘tribe’. Our cultural backgrounds and education influence how we interpret beauty within a space and judge others’ tastes’. It is evident that upper-class taste is favoured in society, and investigating Bourdieu’s (1984) theory of cultural capital, inherited traits give the elite an unfair advantage. However, Bourdieu’s theory can be criticised as the ‘embodied state’ proposes that cultural capital is inherited, dismissing other groups’ prospect of learning certain behaviours. However, the school system is set up to teach students behaviours, such as language and assist social mobility, which will be discussed further in the following chapter. This section highlights how ideals of beauty within British society are based on consumerism and identity. The objects we purchase or chose not to purchase, in the case of the aristocratic class, can communicate our position in society. In the next chapter, I will focus on the class system’s power and how society’s institutions can influence our perceptions of beauty and culture.

Contrary to the previous argument, the upper class is not dying off; it is reinventing itself. It is believed that by the end of the 21st century, “a ‘new aristocracy’, comprised of these high visibility celebrities together with people in business and finance, have deployed their elite status to influence policy, and thus may even distort democratic processes” (Biressi and Nunn, 2013, p.134). Musician Sir Paul McCartney is an example of a celebrity who has achieved elite status and is part of the new upper class.

The upper class’s new identity implies that there will be new tastes, culture, and beliefs within this group, suggesting that society’s hierarchy is slowly shifting.

This chapter has argued that individuals can shape their consumer habits towards how they want to be identified.

The ability to purchase a lifestyle suggests that we have power over our own identity. However, the assumption that individuals have possession over their identities can be challenged as we cannot control how others perceive us. Philosopher Kwame Anthony Appiah (2018) suggests that identities are labels assigned to us by ourselves and others. He explains how “we connect these labels with our behaviour” and therefore tell society what “labels they can claim” and “what they must do if they are to fit our labels” (Appiah, 2018). However, ‘labels’ can be problematic as we may have different perceptions of identities and the behaviours that come with them. For instance, “social class extremely difficult to measure” as the criteria of each group is based on “perceptions and belief” (Chalabi, 2013).

Therefore, many of us fail to identify what social group we belong to correctly (Aitkenhead, 2007).

Consequently, this makes it difficult to determine what class an individual belongs to and judging the taste of classes may not be entirely representative. Not everyone will fit into the groups society has created, so the traditional upper, middle and working-class categorisation contributes to social identity troubles. This system does not represent a diverse British culture.

Figure 11: Judith’s leopard print teapot inherited from her mother (Source: Clarke, 2020)

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Figure 12: An example of the modern interiors of Somerleyton Hall (Source: Elle Decor, 2016)

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03 Chapter Three The power of societie’s hierarchy and its impact on cultural perceptions This essay has focused on defining beauty when studying interiors and how individuals’ cultural and economic backgrounds influence their aesthetic preferences in domestic interiors. Next, we will focus more on class hierarchy and investigate the upper classes’ power and their influence on societal perceptions. This chapter also looks at a way of bridging the gaps in social disparity by designing to give everyone access to beauty and culture.

(Longhurst at el, 2017, p.157). Consequently, the higherclasses remain dominant in society as they control the structure of social mobility.

Not only do the upper classes control the education structure, but “since 2010, the state school system has been systematically de-funded by the Conservative government” (Boyce, 2020). The lack of funds means the absence of resources and a challenging learning experience for working-class students. With these cost cuts, there has been “a significant decline in the number of state schools offering arts subjects taught by specialist teachers” (BBC, 2015). The omittance of these subjects means that working-class students are less likely to progress in the creative industries. Statistics from the Panic Report (2018) support this argument as “aside from Crafts, no creative occupation comes close to having a third of its workforce from working-class origins.” The creative industry is usually seen as a meritocracy that awards individuals for their talent. However, the Report highlights how the industry is not as ‘open’ and ‘diverse’ as its dominated by white middleclass males.

Britain’s capitalist society functions on inequality. The systems and institutions put in place favour the middle and upper-class population. Lynsey Hanley (2016) discusses how her education had allowed her to climb the social ladder, much like Tim in Perry’s tapestries. Although born into a working-class family, Hanley explains how her cultural tastes had aligned with the middle-class as she progressed through the education system. She describes her secondary school experience as being “condemned to a dump” as the students “hadn’t been taught” and “refused to learn” (Hanley,2016). The working-class students found the teaching disengaging, and as a result, rebelled.

Pierre Bourdieu’s work has been referenced throughout this essay, particularly when considering how cultural capital can influence taste. Bourdieu constructs the idea of the habitus, “A structuring structure, which organises practices and the perception of practices” (Bourdieu and Nice, 2010, p. 166). In other words, the habitus is a universal understanding of the social world. Therefore, “people’s perceptions, thoughts, tastes and so forth are shaped by their habitus” (Longhurst at el,2017, p.157). As previously discussed, different social classes have different tastes, resulting from their diverse backgrounds and educational levels. Consequently, each class will have different habitus.

Whilst researching ideals of taste in the previous chapter, it was evident that working-class aesthetic judgment was often overlooked and not deemed as worthy as the upperclasses.

“ the higher-classes remain dominant in society as they control the structure of social mobility.”

The education system, however, favours the middleclass habitus. Those with middle-class tastes and values constructed the vocabulary, dress codes and literature used in schools (the cultural capital). Therefore, “the education systems of industrialised societies function in such a way as to legitimate class inequalities” (Sullivan, 2002, p.144).

Students who share this habitus are more likely to succeed, and as a result, progress to higher levels of education and advance their cultural and economic capital. Hanley’s peers do not identify with these ‘traits’, and as a result, “the failure of the majority of these pupils is inevitable” (Sullivan, 2002, p.144). The student’s rejection of the middle-class values imposed on them is known as ‘symbolic violence’

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College (Figure 15) is a more admirable response to the government’s restrictions. The firm designed a series of schools as part of the ‘Liverpool Schools Concept’ programme. The building was a low-cost, simple shell allowing “the building interior to respond to the school’s specific needs” (Sheppard Robson, 2013). The design of the school mimics a village as clusters of spaces circle around the chapel. Even the finger-post signage (Figure 16) helps craft a communal atmosphere. The open space allows friends to socialise and teachers to passively watch over students. Sheppard Robson has also carefully considered the “ventilation and natural lighting” to create “the optimum conditions for focused work” (Sheppard Robson, 2013).

The firms work highlights how designers can still achieve beauty with a limited brief. Archbishop Blanch School (Figure 17) is the third development of Liverpool’s school series and is built of a similar framework as Notre Dame Catholic College (Sheppard Robson, 2015). This school has been labelled outstanding in the Ofsted Report 2020. The impressive standard of education that Archbishop Blanch School offers could be a result of several factors. However, before completing the new building in 2015, the school was identified as good by Ofsted. As the school’s effectiveness has increased, we can find a correlation between a welldesigned school and its performance.

Figure 13: A photograph of the reception of Richard Lee Primary School (source: IID Architects, 2015)

The dominance of the middle-class in the creative industry may explain why their ideals of taste and beauty are favoured as their power “ensures that their cultural habitus is preferred over others” (Longhurst at el, 2017, p.157).

Perhaps, if more working-class people obtained creative occupations, their aesthetic preferences regarding interior design would be more recognised, and they would have more influence over taste.

Although there are many ways design can resolve societal problems, there are examples of how interior design has contributed to class inequalities. Gentrification is a process of urban development whereby wealthy individuals buy property in impoverished neighbourhoods, pushing out the working-class residents in the area. Glass (1964) states, “many of the working-class quarters of London have been invaded by the middle classes.” The word ‘invaded’ suggests that working-class people have been forced out of their homes now overrun by the bourgeoisie. Gentrification is mainly a result of people viewing houses as investments rather than homes where people live.

The design of education buildings may encourage the creativity of working-class students. In 2012, Michael Gove criticised architects for spending too much on school designs so, he cut the Building Schools for The Future (BSF) programme and called for “affordable, strippeddown, purely functional school buildings” (Rose, 2012).

The government proposed ‘guidelines’ for how schools should be designed. The RIBA scrutinised this ‘flat pack’ approach as it is “inflexible and will deprive students and teachers of quality environments that are proven to support teaching and learning” (Frearson, 2012). Richard Lee Primary School (Figure 14), Coventry, by IID Architects, is an example of a construction that followed the government’s cheap guidelines. Boyce (2016) describes this building as ‘soulless’ and ‘retrograde.’ Figure 14 displays the school’s dull entrance. The magnolia walls and lifeless reception seating set the tone for the rest of the building. Rather than creatively responding to the restrictions, the architects adopted a minimum scheme to save money.

Sheppard Robson’s design of Notre Dame Catholic

Daytrip’s redevelopment of a townhouse in Hackney, East London (Figure 17) is an example of how interior design companies contribute to gentrification. The clients of the project, “a married couple who had purchased the property with the hope to resell, approached Daytrip to carry out a complete overhaul” (Levy, 2020). Levy (2020) described the home as being part of several “unloved” living spaces in the area. The interior now fosters a sanctuary aesthetic crafted from beautifully spaces flooded with natural light and a

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Figure 14: Notre Dame Catholic College (Sheppard Robson,2013)

Figure 15: Finger-post signage to guide occupants around the school (Sheppard Robson,2013)

Figure 16: The communal space of Archbishop Blanch School (Sheppard Robson,2013)

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neutral colour palette. However, the antique furnishings picked by studio Béton Brut, the artwork ‘sourced by Modern Art Hire’, and luxury materials of ‘Douglas fir wood’ and ‘pale Evora marble’ demonstrate the expansive budget of the project (Levy, 2020). As a result, the property will have a high retail price that will target upper and middle-class buyers.

Hackney is an area of London that has been hugely affected by gentrification. A documentary called The Streets by Zed Nelson (2019) captures the rapid changes of Hoxton Street over four years. Skyscrapers encircle the small community. Family-owned businesses that have existed for over a century are being closed and replaced by middleclass coffee shops and craft breweries. The documentary showcases the devastating effects gentrification has on working-class residents. As a result, designers must look at cost-effective solutions and how they can regenerate an area to benefit its existing residents instead of neglecting them.

Prefabricated homes have been considered as a solution for the housing crisis in Britain. These buildings are constructed off-site, which allows them to be built quickly and cheaply.

Using this concept, IKEA is working with SKANSKA to create new affordable homes that “a single parent can afford to buy and live in” (Osborne, 2019). The companies will be working with Worthing Council to provide good quality affordable housing (Figure 18). These homes will combat gentrification as “hard-working individuals” will gain “a genuine chance to buy their own home without having to move out of the town” (Osborne, 2019). Modular homes previously had a bad reputation due to “the low-quality prefabricated homes of Britain’s post-war era” (Cassidy, 2019). However, since then, technology has advanced, and these properties have many benefits, including “a lower carbon footprint” (Cassidy, 2019). Therefore, prefabricated homes seem like a good response to gentrification.

Although as a result of the cost-saving nature, some developers have taken advantage of this scheme. Urban Splash is a development company in Manchester, best known for its modular approach to constructing neighbourhoods. New Islington (Figure 19) is the celebrated development of the run down Cardroom Estate, Manchester (Bloxham,2018). These homes stand out as they are customisable and built with their residents in mind.

Although the properties are branded ‘affordable’, they are listed for over £500,000 on property market websites such as Right Move; a sum that is unaffordable for ordinary working-class people. Founder Tom Bloxham (2018) states, “I believe many parts of the country would love a little bit of regeneration – perhaps even gentrification.” The argument that many parts of the country would benefit from improvements in their community is plausible. However, these changes should be accessible to everyone, regardless of their financial background.

Figure 17: Daytrip’s redevelopment of a London townhouse (Source: Deezen, 2020)

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This chapter has discussed several ways the upper classes have power over the tastes and perspectives in society.

This power leads to inequalities; however, the upper classes maintain unquestioned dominance. Lukes (2004) states, “the powerful have power to the extent that they can prevent people, to whatever degree, from having any grievances by shaping their perceptions, cognitions and preferences in such a way that they accept their role in the existing order of things.” The statement implies that the upper classes have that much control over other groups in society that they do not face any resistance. Again, like in chapter one, we can look at Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony theory to explain this. He suggests that schools, courts, churches, and the mass media encourage the ruling class’s beliefs (Longhurst at el, 2017, p.150). As the framework of these institutions is established within society, individuals are less likely to question it. For instance, as highlighted earlier in the essay, the school structure favours middle-class students.

Although some students from working-class backgrounds, like Hanley, succeed in education, Sullivan (2002) argues that this “contributing to the appearance of meritocracy”.

Hence, this theory suggests that we do not control our identities as education moulds our ideologies.

Figure 18: IKEA and SKANSKA’s BoKlok Homes in Bristol (Source: BoKlok, 2020)

The ‘mass media’ is a considerable part of 21st-century British society. We learn about events occurring in our country and the rest of the world from media outlets.

However, Jeremy Corbyn (2019) revealed that “two billionaire press barons now own half of the top 10 daily newspaper” companies. Corbyn’s comment specifies that the elite members of society control the information we receive, supporting the hegemony theory. Gentrified areas in the UK are often described as ‘upcoming’ by media outlets.

For instance, the New Islington development is described “as “one of Manchester’s most promising areas” by The Sunday Times” (Bloxham, 2018). The media pacifies societal issues and helps construct the beliefs of its audiences.

To conclude, this chapter highlights how the bourgeoise’s ownership of established institutions in society allows them to dominate culture. As these institutions are society’s framework, the upper classes can maintain their ‘invisible’ control unchallenged. Therefore, we can question whether we have ownership over our ideals and perceptions or if they are imposed onto us. Interior Designers can improve social housing quality and enhance school buildings to boost creativity within the working-class. However, design alone cannot solve the class divisions in the UK; legislation needs to be introduced to lessen the upper-class’s dominance in society.

Figure 19: Urban Splash’s New Islington neighbourhood (Source: Urban Splash, 2018)

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04 Conclusion At the beginning of the essay, we considered the phrase ‘beauty is in the eye of the beholder’ and decided that beauty in interior design is represented through subjective, emotional responses manipulated by objective design principles. However, when conducting further research, it was evident that the class-hierarchy significantly impacted individual preferences as social identities shaped consumer habits and home decorations. The essay also discussed how we do not have single-custody over our identities. We cannot control how others perceive us, which proposes that society influences tastes and interior aesthetics.

This project mainly focuses on British culture, a country facing “rising inequality” (Hodgson, 2018). Therefore, if the interior preferences of egalitarian Nordic countries were studied, the results may have been entirely different. If I were to continue this project, I would explore the effects of cultural appropriation in interior design, impacting perceptions of beauty. The essay could continue to study how the dominate cultures use interior elements from subordinate cultures in society. Taylor (2020) states, “Interior design casually borrows from cultures it finds aesthetically pleasing without hiring people from those backgrounds.” Again, this raises concern for misrepresentation in our creative industries. In order to fully appreciate the beauty of spaces, designers have a role in combating societal inequalities.

Pierre Bourdieu’s sociological theories helped us establish links between tastes, cultural backgrounds and education.

Here, it became clear that the upper-classes dominated taste and cultural perceptions. The bourgeois has power over institutions such as schools and the media that are the framework of society. As a result, this has led to inequalities that have made their way into the creative industry as disparities in the education system have not provided every social group with the same opportunities. David Hume’s construction of an ideal critic would be an effective method of assessing beauty in design if the creative industry was a genuine meritocratic practice. However, the industries middle-class dominance suggests that they have final judgment over beauty in interior design.

Word Count: 7858

Curious about how the upper-class rule their society’s tastes and perceptions unchallenged, we can refer to Gramsci’s hegemony theory. This theory explains that upper-class dominance is almost ‘invisible’ as it is embedded in society’s framework. Therefore, an interior’s beauty is difficult to assess as 21st-century perceptions of beauty are biased towards society’s wealthiest.

In answer to this project’s central question, the upperclasses dominate society’s institutions that help build our values, ideals, and perceptions. Therefore, they can impose their beliefs on the rest of society. The subjective nature of beauty, as a result, can be questioned as aesthetic preferences of the upper-classes are favoured. However, this essay has touched on ways interior design can bridge the gaps of social divisions in society by designing state schools and social housing to increase living and learning standards, allowing good design and beauty to be more widely accessible.

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Shukla, N. (2017). The working class has its own cultural identity – and we must see it on the page. Retrieved from https://www. theguardian.com/books/2017/feb/24/written-words-are-citizensof-everywhere-and-we-should-admit-more Shusterman, R. (1993) “Of the scandal of taste: social privilege as nature in the aesthetic theories of Hume and Kant,” in Mattick, Jr, P. (ed.) Eighteenth-Century Aesthetics and the Reconstruction of Art. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 96–119.

Sullivan, A. (2002). Bourdieu and Education: How Useful Is Bourdieu’s Theory for Researchers? The Netherlands’ Journal of Social Sciences, 38, 144-166. Retrieved from https://www. researchgate.net/publication/283919595_Bourdieu_and_education_How_useful_is_Bourdieu’s_theory_for_researchers# Taylor, B. (2020). “Interior design casually borrows from cultures it finds aesthetically pleasing without hiring people from those backgrounds”. Retrieved from https://www.dezeen.com/2020/07/14/ interior-design-diversity-opinion-bhavin-taylor/ The Frozen Fountain (2015). Meltingpot Table. Retrieved from https://frozenfountain.com/products/melting-pot-table-doublebase Tonkin, B (2013) Grayson Perry: a very modern artist. Retrieved from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/profiles/grayson-perry-very-modern-artist-8874841.html Wilska, T.-A. (2002). Me–A Consumer? Consumption, Identities and Lifestyles in Today’s Finland. Acta Sociologica, 45(3), 195– 210. https://doi.org/10.1177/000169930204500302 Wollaston, S. (2012). TV review: All in the Best Possible Taste with Grayson Perry. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/tvand-radio/2012/jun/12/tv-review-grayson-perry

List of Figures Figure 1: Wen Studios. (2020). Read and Rest Hotel in Beijing includes a library dedicated to print magazines [Digital Image]. Retrieved from https://www.dezeen.com/2020/05/31/read-rest-hotel-interiors-beijing-china/ Figure 2: Cohen, J. (2018). Human Ancestors Crafted Advanced Tools Earlier Than Thought. [Digital Image] Retrieved from https://www.history.com/news/human-ancestors-crafted-advanced-tools-earlier-than-thought Figure 3: Etherington, R. (2010) Zaha Hadid and Suprema-

tism at Galerie Gmurzynska Zurich [Digital Image]. https:// www.dezeen.com/2010/07/12/zaha-hadid-and-suprematism-at-galerie-gmurzynska-zurich/ Figure 4: Freeman, E. (2019). Who was William Morris? National Trust [Digital Image]. https://www.nationaltrust.org.uk/features/ who-was-william-morris Figure 5: Victoria Miro Gallery. (2012). Grayson Perry: The Vanity of Small Differences [Digital Image]. Retrieved from https://www. victoria-miro.com/exhibitions/429/ Figure 6: Hobson, B. (2014). Philippe Starck’s Juicy Salif was “the most controversial lemon squeezer of the century”. [Digital Image]. https://www.dezeen.com/2014/07/09/movie-alberto-alessi-juicy-salif-controversial-lemon-squeezer-philippe-starck/#:~:text=Starck’s%20Juicy%20Salif%20citrus%20squeezer,all%20 practical%20for%20squeezing%20fruit.&text=Alessi%20says%20 that%20the%20project,that%20form%20should%20follow%20 function.

Figure 7: Taylor, M. (2020) 2LG Studio enlivens Louisville Road house in London with bright hues. [Digital Image] https://www. dezeen.com/2020/06/17/louisville-road-house-interiors-2lg/?li_source=LI&li_medium=rhs_block_1 Figure 8: Ferry, K. (2017). Clutter and the Clash of Middle-class Tastes in the Domestic Interior. [Digital Image] Open Cultural Studies, 1(1), 113-124. https://doi.org/10.1515/culture-2017-0011 Figure 9: Taylor, M. (2020) 2LG Studio enlivens Louisville Road house in London with bright hues. [Digital Image] https://www. dezeen.com/2020/06/17/louisville-road-house-interiors-2lg/?li_source=LI&li_medium=rhs_block_1 Figure 10: Gibson, E. (2020). Kim Kardashian and Kanye West reveal Californian house designed by Axel Vervoordt [Digital Image] https://www.dezeen.com/2020/02/04/kim-kardashian-kanyewest-californian-house-axel-vervoordt-vincent-van-duysen/ Figure 11: Clarke, A. (2002). Taste Wars and Design Dilemmas: Aesthetic Practice In the Home. Contemporary Art and the Home (p.131-152). [Digital Image] London: Routledge. https://books. google.co.uk/books?hl=en&lr=&id=kTPpDwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA131&dq=bourdieu+class+and+taste+interior+design&ots=jI0dvoBRO_&sig=lzbLuOGdqh87BlCu8Web7baByoo#v=onepage&q=bourdieu%20class%20and%20taste%20interior%20 design&f=false

Figure 12 : Upton, S. (2016) House Tour: A Historic English Estate that combines Traditional with Fresh Accents. Retrieved by https://www.elledecor.com/design-decorate/house-interiors/ a9396/english-estate/ Figure 13: IID Architects. (2015). Richard Lee Primary School.

[Digital Image] https://www.iid.co.uk/project/richard-lee-primary-school Figure 14: Sheppard Robson. (2013). A new model for economic school design. [Digital Image] https://www.sheppardrobson.com/ architecture/view/notre-dame-catholic-college Figure 15: Sheppard Robson. (2013). A new model for economic school design. [Digital Image] https://www.sheppardrobson.com/ architecture/view/notre-dame-catholic-college Figure 16: Sheppard Robson. (2015). Fulfilling the potential of the Liverpool Schools Model. [Digital Image] https://www.sheppardrobson.com/architecture/view/archbishop-blanch-school Figure 17: Levy, N. (2020). Daytrip digs beneath east London townhouse to create contemporary living spaces. [Digital Image] https://www.dezeen.com/2020/04/05/powerscroft-road-townhouse-interiors-london/ Figure 18: BoKlok. (2020). BoKlok on the Brook. [Digital Image] https://www.boklok.co.uk/find-your-new-home/ Figure 19: Bloxham, T. (2018). The regeneration of New Islington - Creating Manchester’s most thriving neighbourhood. [Digital Image] https://www.urbansplash.co.uk/blog/the-regeneration-of-new-islington