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In addition to Adolescence, Dr. Steinberg is the author or co-author of approximately 400 scholarly articles on growth and development during the teenage years, as well as the books You and Your Adolescent; When Teenagers Work: The Psychological and Social Costs of Adolescent Employment (with Ellen Greenberger); Crossing Paths: How Your Child’s Adolescence Triggers Your Own Crisis (with Wendy Steinberg); Beyond the Classroom: Why School Reform Has Failed and What Parents Need to Do (with B. Bradford Brown and Sanford Dornbusch); The 10 Basic Principles of Good Parenting (which has been published in 10 languages); Rethinking Juvenile Justice (with Elizabeth Scott); and Age of Opportunity: Lessons From the New Science of Adolescence. He is co-editor of Studying Minority Adolescents: Conceptual, Methodological, and Theoretical Issues (with Vonnie McLoyd) and the Handbook of Adolescent Psychology (with Richard Lerner).

Brief Contents

About the Author vi

A Note from the Author xiv

Preface xv

Introduction The Study of Adolescent Development 1

PART 1

The Fundamental Changes of Adolescence 13

1 Biological Transitions 13

2 Cognitive Transitions 42

3 Social Transitions 69

PART 2

The Contexts of Adolescence 95

4 Families 95

5 Peer Groups 122

6 Schools 152

7 Work, Leisure, and Media 181

PART 3

Psychosocial Development During Adolescence 208

8 Identity 208 9 Autonomy 235

10 Intimacy 260 11 Sexuality 290

12 Achievement 320

13 Psychosocial Problems in Adolescence 347

McGraw-Hill Education Psychology’s APA Documentation Style Guide

Glossary G1

References R1

Name Index I1

Subject Index I24

About the Author vi

A Note from the Author xiv Preface xv

Introduction

The Study of Adolescent Development 1

The Boundaries of Adolescence 3

Early, Middle, and Late Adolescence 4

A Framework for Studying Adolescent Development 4

The Fundamental Changes of Adolescence 4

The Contexts of Adolescence 5

Psychosocial Development in Adolescence 7

Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescence 8

Biosocial Theories 8

Organismic Theories 9

Learning Theories 9

Sociological Theories 10

Historical and Anthropological Theories 11

Stereotypes Versus Scientific Study 11

PART 1

The Fundamental Changes of Adolescence 13

Chapter 1

Biological Transitions 13

Puberty: An Overview 14

The Endocrine System 14

What Triggers Puberty? 16

How Hormones Influence Adolescent Development 17

Somatic Development 18

Changes in Stature and the Dimensions of the Body 18

Sexual Maturation 19

The Timing and Tempo of Puberty 21

Variations in the Timing and Tempo of Puberty 22

Genetic and Environmental Influences on Pubertal Timing 23

The Psychological and Social Impact of Puberty 26

The Immediate Impact of Puberty 26

The Impact of Specific Pubertal Events 30

The Impact of Early or Late Maturation 30

Obesity and Eating Disorders 34 Obesity 34

Anorexia Nervosa, Bulimia, and Binge Eating Disorder 36

Physical Health and Health Care in Adolescence 40

The Paradox of Adolescent Health 40 Causes of Mortality in Adolescence 40

Promoting Adolescent Health 41

Chapter 2 Cognitive Transitions 42

Changes in Cognition 43

Thinking About Possibilities 43

Thinking About Abstract Concepts 45

Thinking About Thinking 45

Thinking in Multiple Dimensions 46

Adolescent Relativism 47

Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescent Thinking 47

The Piagetian View of Adolescent Thinking 47

The Information-Processing View of Adolescent Thinking 48

The Adolescent Brain 51

How Your Brain Works 52

The Age of Opportunity 54

What Changes in Adolescence? 55

Implications for Adolescent Behavior 60

Individual Differences in Intelligence in Adolescence 60

The Measurement of IQ 60

Types of Intelligence 61

Culture and Intelligence 61

Adolescent Thinking in Context 62

Social Cognition in Adolescence 62

Adolescent Risk Taking 64

Chapter 3

Social Transitions 69

Social Redefinition and Psychosocial Development 70

The Elongation of Adolescence 71

Adolescence as a Social Invention 72

The “Invention” of Adolescence 73 Emerging Adulthood: A New Stage of Life or a Luxury of the Middle Class? 74

Changes in Status During Adolescence 77

Drawing a Legal Boundary 77 Inconsistencies in Adolescents’ Legal Status 78

The Process of Social Redefinition 79

Common Practices in the Process of Social Redefinition 79

Variations in Social Transitions 80

Variations in Clarity 81

Variations in Continuity 84

The Transition into Adulthood in Contemporary Society 87

Special Transitional Problems of Poor and Minority Youth 88

The Effects of Poverty on the Transition into Adulthood 89

What Can Be Done to Ease the Transition? 89

The Influence of Neighborhood Conditions on Adolescent Development 90

Processes of Neighborhood Influences 92

PART 2

The Contexts of Adolescence 95

Chapter 4

Families 95

Is Conflict Between Teenagers and Parents Inevitable? 96

The Generation Gap: Fact and Fiction 96

What Do Adolescents and Parents Usually Fight About? 97

Family Relationships at Adolescence 98

A Time of Reorganization and Change 98

The Adolescent’s Parents at Midlife 99

Changes in Family Needs and Functions 100

Transformations in Family Relations 101

Sex Differences in Family Relationships 103

Family Relationships and Adolescent Development 104

Parenting Styles and Their Effects 105

Ethnic Differences in Parenting Practices 108

Autonomy and Attachment in the Adolescent’s Family 109

Adolescents’ Relationships with Siblings 109

Behavioral Genetics and Adolescent Development 110

Genetic and Environmental Influences on Adolescent Development 111

Why Are Siblings Often So Different? 111

The Adolescent’s Family in a Changing Society 112

The Changed and Changing Nature of Family Life 112

Adolescents and Divorce 114

The Specific Impact of Marital Conflict 115

The Longer-Term Effects of Divorce 116

Custody, Contact, and Conflict following Divorce 116

Remarriage 117

Economic Stress and Poverty 118

Special Family Forms 120

The Importance of the Family in Adolescent Development 121

Chapter 5

Peer Groups 122

The Origins of Adolescent Peer Groups in Contemporary Society 124

Changes in the Size of the Youth Population 124

Is There a Separate Youth Culture? 125

The Nature of Adolescent Peer Groups 127

Changes in Peer Groups during Adolescence 127

Cliques and Crowds 128

Changes in Clique and Crowd Structure Over Time 130

Adolescents and Their Crowds 133

The Social Map of Adolescence 133

Crowds as Reference Groups 133

Adolescents and Their Cliques 135

Similarity among Clique Members 135

Common Interests among Friends 137

Similarity between Friends: Selection or Socialization? 140

Popularity and Rejection in Adolescent Peer Groups 142

Determinants of Popularity and Rejection 142

Relational Aggression 145

Victimization and Harassment 147

The Peer Group and Psychosocial Development 151

Chapter 6 Schools 152

The Broader Context of U.S. Secondary Education 154

The Origins of Secondary Education 154

School Reform: Past and Present 155

What Should Schools Teach? 157

Education in the Inner Cities 158

The Social Organization of Schools 158

School Size and Class Size 158

Age Grouping and School Transitions 160

Tracking 163

Ethnic Composition 167

Alternatives to Public Schools 167

Classroom Climate 169

The Best Classroom Climate for Adolescents 169

Teacher Expectations and Student Performance 170

The Importance of Student Engagement 171

School Violence 174

Beyond High School 176

The College-Bound 176

The Non-College-Bound 178

Schools and Adolescent Development 179

Characteristics of Good Schools 179

The Effects of School on Adolescent Development 179

Chapter 7

Work, Leisure, and Media 181

Adolescents’ Free Time in Contemporary Society 182

Patterns of Time Use in Contemporary America 182

Patterns of Time Use in Other Countries 183

Adolescents and Work 184

The Rise and Fall of the Student Worker 184

Teenage Employment in Other Nations 185

The Adolescent Workplace Today 186

Employment and Adolescent Development 186

Youth Unemployment 189

Adolescents and Leisure 190

Adolescents’ Free Time and Their Moods 190

Structured Leisure Activities 191

Unstructured Leisure Time 193

Promoting Positive Youth Development 195

Adolescents, Media, and the Internet 196

Patterns of Media Use 196

Theories of Media Influence and Use 198

Adolescents’ Exposure to Controversial Media Content 200

Electronic Media and Adolescent Development 203

Mass Media and Adolescent Girls’ Body Image 206

The Adolescent Consumer 206

Free Time and Adolescent Development 207

PART 3

Psychosocial Development During Adolescence 208

Chapter 8

Identity 208

Identity as an Adolescent Issue 209

Changes in Self-Conceptions 210

Changes in the Content and Structure of Self-Conceptions 210

Dimensions of Personality in Adolescence 212

Changes in Self-Esteem 213

Stability and Changes in Self-Esteem 213

Group Differences in Self-Esteem 215

Antecedents and Consequences of High Self-Esteem 218

The Adolescent Identity Crisis 219

Erikson’s Theoretical Framework 219

Identity Versus Identity Diffusion 219

The Social Context of Identity Development 220

Resolving the Identity Crisis 221

Problems in Identity Development 221

Research on Identity Development 223

Determining an Adolescent’s Identity Status 223

Studying Identity Development Over Time 224

Identity and Ethnicity 225

The Development of Ethnic Identity 226

Discrimination and Its Effects 228

Multiethnic Adolescents 230

Identity and Gender 231

Gender-Role Development 232

Gender-Role Socialization

During Adolescence 232

Masculinity and Femininity 233

Chapter 9

Autonomy 235

Autonomy as an Adolescent Issue 237

The Development of Emotional Autonomy 238

Emotional Autonomy and Detachment 238

Emotional Autonomy and Individuation 239

Research on Emotional Autonomy 239

Emotional Autonomy and Parenting Practices 241

The Development of Behavioral Autonomy 243

Changes in Decision-Making Abilities 243

When Do Adolescents Make Decisions as Well as Adults? 244

Changes in Susceptibility to Influence 245

Ethnic and Cultural Differences in Expectations for Autonomy 248

The Development of Cognitive Autonomy 249

Moral Development During Adolescence 249

Prosocial Reasoning, Prosocial Behavior, and Volunteerism 252

Political Thinking During Adolescence 255

Religious Beliefs During Adolescence 256

Chapter 10 Intimacy 260

Intimacy as an Adolescent Issue 262

Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescent Intimacy 262

Sullivan’s Theory of Interpersonal Development 263

Interpersonal Development during Adolescence 263

Attachment in Adolescence 264

The Development of Intimacy in Adolescence 268

Changes in the Nature of Friendship 268

Changes in the Display of Intimacy 269

Sex Differences in Intimacy 271

Changes in the Targets of Intimacy 273

Friendships with the Other Sex 277

Dating and Romantic Relationships 279

Dating and the Development of Intimacy 280

The Development of Dating Relationships 282

The Impact of Dating on Adolescent Development 284

Intimacy and Psychosocial Development 288

Chapter 11

Sexuality 290

Sexuality as an Adolescent Issue 291

Sexual Activity During Adolescence 292

Stages of Sexual Activity 293

Sexual Intercourse During Adolescence 293

Changes in Sexual Activity Over Time 296

The Sexually Active Adolescent 297

Psychological and Social Characteristics of Sexually Active Adolescents 297

Hormonal and Contextual Influences on Sexual Activity 299

Parental and Peer Influences on Sexual Activity 300

Sex Differences in the Meaning of Sex 304

Sexual Orientation 305

Sexual Harassment, Rape, and Sexual Abuse During Adolescence 306

Risky Sex and its Prevention 309

Contraceptive Use 309

AIDS and Other Sexually Transmitted Diseases 311

Teen Pregnancy 312

Adolescent Parenthood 315

Sex Education 318

Chapter 12

Achievement 320

Achievement as an Adolescent Issue 321

The Importance of Noncognitive Factors 323

Achievement Motivation 323

Beliefs About Success and Failure 324

Environmental Influences on Achievement 328

The Influence of the Home Environment 329

The Influence of Friends 331

Educational Achievement 333

The Importance of Socioeconomic Status 334

Ethnic Differences in Educational Achievement 335

Changes in Educational Achievement Over Time 338

Dropping Out of High School 340

Occupational Achievement 342

The Development of Occupational Plans 342 Influences on Occupational Choices 343

Chapter 13

Psychosocial Problems in Adolescence 347

Some General Principles about Problems in Adolescence 348

Psychosocial Problems: Their Nature and Covariation 350

Comorbidity of Externalizing Problems 350 Comorbidity of Internalizing Problems 352

Substance Use and Abuse 352

Prevalence of Substance Use and Abuse 353

Causes and Consequences of Substance Use and Abuse 357

Drugs and the Adolescent Brain 360 Prevention and Treatment of Substance Use and Abuse 361

Externalizing Problems 362

Categories of Externalizing Problems 362

Developmental Progression of Antisocial Behavior 364

Changes in Juvenile Offending Over Time 365 Causes of Antisocial Behavior 367 Prevention and Treatment of Externalizing Problems 371

Internalizing Problems 371

The Nature and Prevalence of Depression 372 Sex Differences in Depression 373

Suicide and Non-Suicidal Self-Injury 375 Causes of Depression and Internalizing Disorders 377

Treatment and Prevention of Internalizing Problems 378

Stress and Coping 378

McGraw-Hill Education

Psychology’s APA Documentation Style Guide

Glossary G1

References R1

Name Index I1

Subject Index I24

A Note from the Author

Two psychopathic killers persuaded me to abandon my dreams to someday become a comedy writer and study psychology instead. I did not enter college intending to become either a psychologist or a professor. I majored in English, hoping to study creative writing. I became interested in psychology during the second semester of my freshman year, because of an introductory course in personality theory. My professor had assigned the book In Cold Blood, and our task was to analyze the personalities of Dick and Perry, the two murderers. I was hooked. I followed this interest in personality development to graduate school in developmental psychology, where I learned that if you really wanted to understand how we develop into the people we ultimately become, you have got to know something about adolescence. That was more than 40 years ago, and I’m still as passionate about studying this period of life as I was then.

I hope that this book gets you more excited about adolescence, too.

One reason I like teaching and writing about adolescence is that most students find it inherently interesting, in part because pretty much everyone has such vivid recollections of what it was like to be a teenager. In fact, researchers have discovered that people actually remember events from adolescence more intensely than events from other times, something that has been referred to as the “reminiscence bump.”

The reminiscence bump makes teaching adolescence both fun and frustrating. Fun, because it isn’t hard to get students interested in the topic. Frustrating, though, because it’s a challenge to get students to look at adolescence from a scientific, as well as personal, perspective. That, above all, is my goal for this book. I don’t want you to forget or set aside your own experience as an adolescent. (I couldn’t make that happen, anyway.) But what I hope I can do is to help you understand adolescence—your own adolescence as well as the adolescence that is experienced by others around the world—more deeply and more intelligently, by introducing you to the latest science on the subject. I still maintain a very active program of research of my own, and that necessitates staying on top of the field’s most recent and important developments. There is a lot of exciting work being done on adolescence these days (one of my interests is the adolescent brain), and I want to share this excitement with you. Who knows, maybe you’ll become hooked, too.

I’ve tried to do my best at covering the most important topics and writing about them in a way that is not only informative, but fun and interesting to read. If there’s something I could have done better, please let me know.

Preface

Steinberg . . . Cutting-edge science, personalized for today’s students

As a well-respected researcher, Laurence Steinberg connects current research with realworld application, helping students see the similarities and differences in adolescent development across different social, economic, and cultural backgrounds. Through an integrated, personalized digital learning program, students gain the insight they need to study smarter, stay focused, and improve their performance.

Personalized Study, Better Data, Improved Results

SmartBook is now available for Adolescence!

McGraw-Hill Education’s SmartBook® is an adaptive learning program designed to help students stay focused and maximize their study time. Based on metacognition, and powered by McGraw-Hill LearnSmart®, SmartBook’s adaptive capabilities provide students with a personalized reading and learning experience that helps them identify the concepts they know, and more importantly, the concepts they don’t know.

SmartBook is the first and only adaptive reading experience currently available.

∙ Make It Effective. SmartBook™ creates a personalized reading experience by highlighting the most impactful concepts a student needs to learn at that moment in time. This ensures that every minute spent with SmartBook™ is returned to the student as the most value-added minute possible.

∙ Make It Informed. The reading experience continuously adapts by highlighting content based on what the student knows and doesn’t know. Real-time reports quickly identify the concepts that require more attention from individual students—or the entire class. SmartBook™ detects the content a student is most likely to forget and brings it back to improve long-term knowledge retention.

Real People, Real World, Real Life

McGraw-Hill Education’s Milestones is a powerful video-based learning tool that allows students to experience life as it unfolds, from infancy through emerging adulthood. A limited number of Milestones videos are now available for viewing within the McGraw-Hill Connect Media Bank for Steinberg’s Adolescence, 11e.

Studying Adolescence in Context

The primary goal of Adolescence is to help students understand how the context in which adolescents come of age shapes the way in which they develop. Adolescent development cannot be understood apart from the context in which young people live and grow up— families, peer groups, schools, neighborhoods, and work and leisure settings. Perhaps the greatest expansion of knowledge during the past two decades has been about adolescents from ethnic minority groups, from families that have recently immigrated to a new culture from parts of the world other than North America, and from studies conducted by scholars outside the United States. The eleventh edition of Adolescence integrates discussions of ethnicity and culture throughout every chapter, focusing not only on ethnic differences in development but also on similarities that cut across adolescents from different social, economic, and cultural backgrounds.

Thinking Critically to Make Connections

Four sets of questions interspersed throughout the text ask students to think more deeply about particular research findings. “Making the Cultural Connection” asks students to contemplate how particular findings might (or might not) change if the research were carried out in a different cultural context. “Making the Personal Connection” asks students to think about their own adolescent experience in the context of the research. “Making the Scientific Connection” asks students to consider a finding’s scientific implications. “Making the Practical Connection” challenges students to think about how a finding might inform policy or practice. Many instructors may want to use these questions as a launching pad for class discussions or as essay questions on examinations.

Analyzing the Latest Research

Adolescence strives to provide students with the most current, most thorough coverage of the scientific literature on adolescent development. The material in each chapter has been thoroughly updated. The eleventh edition includes more than 1,000 new studies from over 60 scientific journals from the fields of psychology, education, neuroscience, sociology, psychiatry, criminology, economics, law, medicine, and public health. I’ve tried to emphasize studies that break new ground (like studies of brain development), change the way the field thinks (like studies of why aggressive adolescents are often popular), or update existing findings with more recent samples or newer methods (like studies of Internet use) in order to give students the opportunity to review and analyze the latest information the field has to offer.

Content Changes

The overall organization of Adolescence has not changed since the previous edition. Specifically, the chapters about psychosocial development during adolescence are separate from those about the contexts of adolescence. In this way, the psychosocial concerns of adolescence—identity, autonomy, intimacy, sexuality, and achievement—are presented as central developmental concerns that surface across, and are affected by, different settings.

In response to feedback from some instructors that the text had become wordy, I devoted special attention in this edition to the quality of the writing. Each chapter has been shortened somewhat without dropping coverage of any major areas of research. I did this by doing what I teach my students about good writing: To follow Strunk and White’s famous dictum, from The Elements of Style, to “Omit needless words.”

This book contains an Introduction and 13 chapters, which are grouped into three parts: the fundamental biological, cognitive, and social changes of the period (Part 1); the contexts of adolescence (Part 2); and psychosocial development during the adolescent years (Part 3). The Introduction presents a model for studying adolescence that serves as both the organizational framework for the text and an overview of some of the basic disciplinary perspectives on the period. I have found the framework to be extremely helpful in teaching adolescent development, and I highly recommend using it. However, if the model does not fit with your course outline or your own perspective on adolescence, it is possible to use the text without using the framework. Each chapter is self-contained, and so it is not necessary to assign chapters in the sequence in which they are ordered in the text. Most users assign the chapters in the order in which they appear, but some assign the chapters in a sequence that pairs an aspect of psychosocial development with the context that most influences it (for example, “Schools” with “Achievement,” or “Peer Groups” with “Intimacy”), and that has worked well for them.

Theory and Methods

Although the Introduction reviews how different disciplines (such as psychology, neuroscience, sociology, anthropology, and history) approach the study of adolescence, it does not provide detailed examinations of particular theories or research methods. My preference is to integrate material on theory and methods when it is most relevant, in a way that shows students how research and theory are related. At the beginning of the chapter on intimacy, for instance, several perspectives on close relationships (for example, attachment theory and Sullivan’s perspective on psychosocial development) are presented, and then the relevant research is examined. Similarly, the research methods and tools employed in the study of adolescence are discussed in the context of specific studies that illustrate the powers—or pitfalls—of certain strategies.

Chapter-By-Chapter Changes

The eleventh edition of Adolescence features updated and expanded coverage of key issues in development in every chapter. Below is a complete list of changes in each chapter:

Chapter 1

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 80 new citations)

∙ Expanded discussion of causes of the decline in the age of puberty

∙ Expanded discussion of adolescent sleep

∙ Expanded discussion of adolescent obesity

∙ Expanded discussion of eating disorders

∙ Expanded discussion of the impact of puberty on brain development

Chapter 2

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 90 new citations)

∙ Expanded discussion of memory during adolescence and the “reminiscence bump”

∙ Expanded material on the basics of brain development

∙ Greatly expanded discussion of structural and functional changes in the adolescent brain

∙ Added discussion of brain plasticity in adolescence

∙ Expansion of material on “the social brain”

∙ Expanded discussion of risk taking in adolescence

Chapter 3

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 50 new citations)

∙ Addition of discussion of the elongation of adolescence

∙ Expanded discussion of mental health problems among emerging adults

∙ Added discussion of the adverse consequences of growing up in affluent communities

∙ Expanded discussion of impact of neighborhood poverty

Chapter 4

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 70 new citations)

∙ Added discussion of dangers of parental overcontrol

∙ Expanded discussion of closeness between adolescents and parents

∙ Revised discussion of sibling relationships

∙ Updated statistics on household composition

Chapter 5

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 100 new citations)

∙ Expanded discussion of unsupervised time with peers

∙ Dropped dated material on study of “nerds to normals”

∙ Added discussion of parental role in managing cross-ethnic friendships

∙ Expanded discussion of relationship between popularity and deviance

∙ Expanded discussion of bullying and victimization

∙ Expanded discussion of cyberbullying

Chapter 6

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 50 new citations)

∙ Updated discussion of big fish-little pond effect

∙ Added material on homeschooling

∙ Expanded discussion of student engagement and its measurement

∙ Expanded discussion of differential treatment of minority adolescents in schools

∙ Updated material on ADHD and medication for the condition

Chapter 7

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 90 new citations)

∙ Condensed discussion of part-time employment

∙ Added discussion of stress associated with organized sports participation

∙ Updating of statistics on Internet use

∙ Updated discussion of the impact of the Internet on adolescent development

∙ Updated discussion of the impact of social networking sites

Chapter 8

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 80 new citations)

∙ Integrated new information on brain science and self-conceptions

∙ Updated material on ethnic identity development and discrimination

∙ Added discussion of differences among sexual identity, sexual orientation, and gender roles

∙ Added discussion of the development of sexual identity, including transgender youth

Chapter 9

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 80 new citations)

∙ Revised discussion of emotional autonomy

∙ Replaced discussion of self-reliance with discussion of self-regulation

∙ Updated discussion of the brain science of peer influence

∙ Added discussion of adolescents’ beliefs about the causes of poverty and affluence

∙ Added material on cohort differences in civic engagement

Chapter 10

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 70 new citations)

∙ Added material on the development of the social brain and implications for adolescent relationships

Chapter 11

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 90 new citations)

∙ Expanded discussion of sex differences in emotional reactions to sexual debut

∙ Expanded discussion of sexual harassment, especially of LGBTQ youth

∙ Moved material on sexual identity to chapter 8 (Identity)

∙ Added discussion of long-acting reversible contraceptive use among adolescents

Chapter 12

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 70 new citations)

∙ New discussion of noncognitive contributors to academic success

∙ Expanded discussion of importance of parental expectations

∙ Updated statistics on U.S. high school achievement

Chapter 13

∙ Thorough update of all content (more than 130 new citations)

∙ Expanded discussion of comorbidity of internalizing and externalizing problems

∙ Expanded discussion of mental health problems in adolescence and young adulthood

∙ New discussion of suicide contagion among adolescents

∙ Expanded discussion of the relationship between experimentation with substances and adolescent adjustment

∙ Updated discussion of drugs and the adolescent brain

∙ Updated all statistics on prevalence and demographic differences in substance abuse, crime, and depression

∙ Rewritten all diagnostic criteria tables to be consistent with the DSM-5

∙ Added discussion of abuse of prescription drugs

Supplements

For the Instructor

The supplements for the eleventh edition have been carefully revised and updated. The instructor resources for the new edition include an Instructor’s Manual, Test Bank, and PowerPoint presentations for each chapter.

Acknowledgments

Revising Adolescence at a time when so much new information is available is a challenge that requires much assistance. Over the years, my students (as well as many who have written to me from other institutions) have suggested numerous ways in which the text might be improved, and I have learned a great deal from listening to them. I am especially grateful to Karol Silva, who ably tracked down and organized much of the new research published in the three years between editions.

I also wish to thank my colleagues at McGraw-Hill Education, including William Glass, Managing Director; Krista Bettino, Brand Manager; Dawn Groundwater, Lead Product Developer; Carly Britton, Editorial Coordinator; Sheila Frank, Content Project Manager; Christina Yu, Marketing Manager; and Bruce Cantley, Product Developer.

In addition, I am grateful to the many colleagues and students across the country who took the time during the past 30 years to send me comments and suggestions based on their firsthand experiences using Adolescence in the classroom. They have improved the text with each edition.

The Study of Adolescent Development

INTRODUCTION

The Boundaries of Adolescence

Early, Middle, and Late Adolescence

A Framework for Studying Adolescent Development

The Fundamental Changes of Adolescence

The Contexts of Adolescence

Psychosocial Development of Adolescence

Theoretical Perspectives on Adolescence

Biosocial Theories

Organismic Theories

Learning Theories

Sociological Theories

Historical and Anthropological Theories

Stereotypes Versus Scientific Study

In the spring of 2015, the world watched closely as a young man named Dzhokhar Tsarnaev went on trial for the Boston Marathon bombing. The question before the jury was not whether Tsarnaev had committed this horrific crime—he had admitted as much—but whether he should receive a sentence of life in prison or the death penalty.

Tsarnaev was 19 when the bombing took place. Among the witnesses called by Tsarnaev’s defense team was Jay Giedd, a prominent expert in adolescent brain development. Giedd testified that recent studies showed that the brain was still maturing during the late teens and early 20s. Building on Giedd’s testimony, Tsarnaev’s attorneys argued that people this age lacked the ability to stand up to a more powerful peer, like an older brother, and that this immaturity made Tsarnaev less than fully responsible for his behavior and, accordingly, less deserving of capital punishment.

© FBI/Handout/Getty Images News/Getty Images

making the practical connection

The jury rejected this argument. On May 15, 2015, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev was sentenced to death. It is almost certain that his defense attorneys will appeal this decision.

Although advances in adolescent brain science did not sway the jury in the Boston Marathon bombing case, the science of adolescent development is changing the way in which we think about this stage of life (Steinberg, 2014). Historically, and pretty much around the world, we have drawn a legal boundary between adolescence and adulthood at age 18 (even though in the United States there are some things people are permitted to do at an earlier age, like driving, and others that are prohibited until several years later, like purchasing alcohol). But what if the brain is still maturing in the early 20s? What if things like impulse control or the ability to fully think through the future consequences of one’s decisions are still developing into the mid-20s? Should this change how we define adulthood under the law?

This question is one that I have been studying and writing about for the past 20 years, and I still don’t have a simple answer. If science is our guide, where should we draw the line between adolescence and adulthood? It’s not just an abstract, academic exercise. How we answer this question has far-reaching ramifications for society and, of course, for teenagers. At what age should a pregnant adolescent be able to obtain an abortion without her parents’ permission? How old should individuals have to be to see a psychologist or have cosmetic surgery without their parents knowing? Have we picked the right ages in deciding who can drive, see R-rated movies, or buy cigarettes? And how should we respond to young offenders? “Do the adult crime, do the adult time” may sound fair from the perspective of crime victims, but does it make sense in light of what we know about adolescent development? When he committed the Boston Marathon bombing, was Dzhokhar Tsarnaev an adolescent or an adult?

Studies of adolescent brain development have revealed that the brain continues to mature well into the mid20s. This research was used in several U.S. Supreme Court cases, where the Court ruled that adolescents should not be as punished as severely as adults, even when they have been convicted of the same crimes. But some advocates for youth have worried that this same research can be used to limit what teenagers are

allowed to do, such as drive or seek an abortion without their parents’ knowledge. How would you respond to someone who, on the basis of this research, says that if adolescents are too young to be punished like adults, they are too young to be treated like adults in other ways as well?

What is the nature of adolescents’ identity development in a changing world? How should society deal with problems of youth unemployment, underage drinking,

Defense attorneys for Dzhokhar Tsarnaev, the admitted Boston Marathon bomber, used adolescent brain science to argue that he should be spared the death penalty. The jury disagreed.

teenage pregnancy, and juvenile crime? What is the best way to prepare young people for adulthood?

Answering these questions requires a thorough understanding of adolescents’ psychological development, and in this book we will examine how—and why—people’s hopes and plans, fears and anxieties, and questions and concerns change as they develop from childhood to adulthood.

Answering these difficult questions requires more than an understanding of the ways in which individuals change psychologically as they move through adolescence, though. It also requires knowledge of how they develop physically, how their brain matures, how their relationships with others change, how as a group they are viewed and treated by society, how adolescence in our society differs from adolescence in other cultures, and how the nature of adolescence itself has changed over the years. In other words, a complete understanding of adolescence in contemporary society depends on being familiar with biological, social, sociological, cultural, and historical perspectives on the period (Dahl & Hariri, 2005).

The Boundaries of Adolescence

The word adolescence is derived from the Latin adolescere, which means “to grow into adulthood” (R. Lerner & Steinberg, 2009). In all societies, adolescence is a time of growing up, of moving from the immaturity of childhood into the maturity of adulthood, of preparation for the future (Larson, Wilson, & Rickman, 2009; Schlegel, 2009). Adolescence is a period of transitions: biological, psychological, social, economic. During adolescence, individuals become interested in sex and biologically capable of having children. They become wiser, more sophisticated, and better able to make their

own decisions. They become more self-aware, more independent, and more concerned about what the future holds. Over time, they are permitted to work, to get married, to drive, and to vote. Think for a moment about how much you changed between when you finished elementary school and when you graduated from high school. I’m sure you’ll agree that the changes you went through were remarkable.

adolescence

The stage of development that begins with puberty and ends when individuals make the transition into adult roles, roughly speaking, from about 10 until the early 20s.

As you can see in Table 1, there are a variety of boundaries we might draw between childhood and adolescence, and between adolescence and adulthood. Whereas a biologist would place a great deal of emphasis on the attainment and completion of puberty, an attorney would look instead at important age breaks designated by law, and an educator might draw attention to differences between students enrolled in different grades in school. Is a biologically mature fifth-grader an adolescent or a child? Is a 20-year-old college student who lives at home an adolescent or an adult? There are no right or wrong answers to these questions. It all depends on the boundaries we use to define the period. Determining the beginning and ending of adolescence is more a matter of opinion than of absolute fact.

Rather than argue about which boundaries are the correct ones, it makes more sense to think of development during adolescence as involving a series of transitions from immaturity into maturity (Howard & Galambos, 2011; Settersten et al., 2005; Trejos-Castillo & Vazsonyi, 2011). Some of these passages are long and some are short; some are smooth and others are rough.

Table 1 The boundaries of adolescence. Here are some examples of the ways in which adolescence has been distinguished from childhood and adulthood that we examine in this book. Which boundaries make the most sense to you?

Perspective When Adolescence Begins

Biological Onset of puberty

Emotional Beginning of detachment from parents

Cognitive Emergence of more advanced reasoning abilities

Interpersonal Beginning of shift in interest from parental to peer relations

Social Beginning of training for adult work, family, and citizen roles

Educational Entrance into junior high school

Legal Attainment of juvenile status

Chronological Attainment of designated age of adolescence (e.g., 10 years)

Cultural Entrance into period of training for ceremonial rite of passage

When Adolescence Ends

Becoming capable of sexual reproduction

Attainment of separate sense identity

Consolidation of advanced reasoning abilities

Development of capacity for intimacy with peers

Full attainment of adult status and privileges

Completion of formal schooling

Attainment of majority status

Attainment of designated age of adulthood (e.g., 21 years)

Completion of ceremonial rite of passage

early adolescence

The period spanning roughly ages 10–13, corresponding roughly to the junior high or middle school years.

middle adolescence

The period spanning roughly ages 14–17, corresponding to the high school years.

late adolescence

The period spanning roughly ages 18–21, corresponding approximately to the college years.

emerging adulthood

The period spanning roughly ages 18–25, during which individuals make the transition from adolescence to adulthood.

puberty

The biological changes of adolescence.

And not all of them occur at the same time. Consequently, it is quite possible—and perhaps even likely—that an individual will mature in some respects before he or she matures in others. The various aspects of adolescence have different beginnings and different endings for every individual. An individual can be a child in some ways, an adolescent in other ways, and an adult in still others.

For the purposes of this book, we’ll define adolescence as beginning with puberty and ending when individuals make the transition into adult roles, roughly from age 10 until the early 20s. Although at one time “adolescence” may have been synonymous with the teenage years (from 13 to 19), the adolescent period has lengthened considerably in the past 100 years, both because physical maturation occurs earlier and because so many individuals delay entering into work and marriage until their mid-20s (Steinberg, 2014).

Early, Middle, and Late Adolescence

Because so much psychological and social growth takes place during adolescence, most social scientists and practitioners view adolescence as composed of a series of phases rather than one single stage (SamelaAro, 2011). The 11-year-old whose time and energy is wrapped up in hip-hop, Facebook, and baseball, for example, has little in common with the 21-yearold who is involved in a serious romance, worried about pressures at work, and looking for an affordable apartment.

Social scientists who study adolescence differentiate among early adolescence (about ages 10–13), middle adolescence (about ages 14–17), and late adolescence (about ages 18–21). In discussing development during adolescence, we’ll need to be sensitive not only to differences between adolescence and childhood, or between adolescence and adulthood, but also to differences among the various phases of adolescence itself. Some writers also have suggested that a new phase of life, called emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2004), characterizes the early and mid-20s. However, despite the popularity of this idea in the mass media, there is little evidence that “emerging adulthood” is a universal stage or that the majority of young people in their

mid-20s are in some sort of psychological or social limbo (Côté & Bynner, 2008; Kloep & Hendry, 2014). Indeed, what is most striking about the transition from adolescence to adulthood today is just how many different pathways there are. Some individuals spend their 20s single, dependent on their parents, and bouncing from job to job, while others leave adolescence and go straight into marriage, full-time employment, and economic independence (Osgood, Ruth, Eccles, Jacobs, & Barber, 2005).

A Framework for Studying Adolescent Development

This book uses a framework for studying adolescence that is based on a model originally suggested by John Hill (1983). The model has three basic components: (1) the fundamental changes of adolescence, (2) the contexts of adolescence, and (3) the psychosocial developments of adolescence.

The Fundamental Changes of Adolescence

What, if anything, is distinctive about adolescence as a period in development? According to Hill, three features of adolescent development give the period its special flavor and significance: (1) the onset of puberty, (2) the emergence of more advanced thinking abilities, and (3) the transition into new roles in society. These three sets of changes—biological, cognitive, and social—are the fundamental changes of adolescence. Importantly, they are universal changes; virtually without exception, all adolescents in every society go through them.

Biological Transitions The chief elements of the biological changes of adolescence—which collectively are referred to as puberty—involve changes in the young person’s physical appearance (including breast development in girls, the growth of facial hair in boys, and a dramatic increase in height for both sexes) and the development of the ability to conceive children (Bogin, 2011).

We’ll look at the biological changes that occur in early adolescence and examine how puberty affects the adolescent’s psychological development and social relationships.

Cognitive Transitions The word cognitive refers to the processes that underlie how people think. Changes in thinking abilities make up the second of the three fundamental changes of adolescence. Compared with children, adolescents are much better able to think about hypothetical situations (that is, things that have not yet happened

Another Random Scribd Document with Unrelated Content

DE LYNCH-WET.

Eer wij verder gaan moeten wij in weinige woorden verklaren wat eigenlijk de Lynchwet is, daar wij in den loop van dit verhaal reeds meermalen van gesproken hebben en die in de prairiën van Noord-Amerika niet alleen, maar ook in sommige gedeelten der Vereenigde Staten nog zulk eene groote rol speelt.

Hoezeer wij Europeanen ons altijd met reden verwonderen dat in een zedelijke maatschappij zulk een monsterachtige wet als de zoogenaamde Lynch-wet bestaan kan, moeten wij om den Amerikanen recht te laten wedervaren erkennen dat deze wet in haar beginsel een uitvloeisel was van gebiedende omstandigheden, al kunnen wij ook het tegenwoordige stelsel niet goedkeuren dat zij op hare oorspronkelijke instellingen hebben gebouwd. De Lynch-wet was in den eersten tijd der vader-kolonisten op het land van Plymouth, niets anders dan de kastijding of straf, door eene geheel wettelooze maatschappij opgelegd, die geen ander middel had om gepleegde misdaden te straffen.

Thans daarentegen is deze wet in de grootere Staten der Unie niets anders dan een onwettige machtsoefening der meerderheid, in strijd met de wetten des lands die zij trotseert zoowel als de straffen door deze wetten opgelegd.

In de nieuwe nederzettingen waar de bevolking schaars is, zijn de kolonisten, zoolang het volgens de staatsregeling der Unie gevorderde aantal inwoners om een district te vormen ontbreekt, genoodzaakt hun toevlucht te nemen tot de Lynch-wet, daar zij geen rechtsbedeeling bezitten noch wettige bescherming kunnen inroepen, tegen de dieven en moordenaars van allerlei soort die de kolonie onveilig maken.

In de Prairiën van het Verre Westen is deze wet ongeveer gelijk aan de wet der wedervergelding der oude Hebreeuwen en andere oosterlingen: »oog om oog, tand om tand.”

Wij zullen hier niet verder uitweiden over de Lynch-wet, zoo duister in haren oorsprong, dat zelfs haar naam een onoplosbaar raadsel is, ofschoon sommigen beweren dat zekere Lynch, een pachter of landbouwer, haar het eerst heeft toegepast; het eenige bezwaar dat ik tegen deze naamsafleiding heb, is dat de Lynch-wet in Amerika heeft bestaan van den eersten tijd af dat de Europeanen er zich vestigden. Het blijkt echter dat deze wet in de beschaafde staten der Unie niet is uitgeoefend vóór de laatste jaren der vorige eeuw, toen men met de volgens hare rechtspraak veroordeelden zoo kort en zakelijk te werk ging, dat men den eersten lantarenpaal den besten te baat nam om er het slachtoffer aan op te hangen. Vandaar zouden wij geneigd zijn te veronderstellen dat het woord Lynch misschien een verbastering is van light (licht).

Hervatten wij den draad van ons verhaal, dat nu spoedig ten einde loopt.

Vier dagen na de in het vorige hoofdstuk vermelde gebeurtenissen bood het legerkamp van den Eenhoorn een zonderling schouwspel. Niet alleen dat er Indiaansche krijgslieden van al de bondgenooten der Comanchen vereenigd waren, maar tevens een groot aantal jagers en strikkenzetters, zoo kleurlingen als blanken, die uit alle hoeken der prairie waren samengevloeid om de rechtspleging der sedert eenige dagen gevangen gemaakte bandieten bij te wonen en de strengheid der Lynch-wet op hen te helpen toepassen, zoo als men die in de Prairie begrijpt.

Pater Seraphin, die zich op dat oogenblik mede in het kamp bevond, om zijne zorgen en vertroostingen aan Mme. Guillois te besteden die thans tot haar uiterste genaderd was en weldra zachtjes zou afsterven, had al het mogelijke beproefd om zich tegen de rechtspleging der gevangenen te verzetten.

Te vergeefs echter stelde hij aan de blanken zoowel als aan de Indianen voor, dat er in de Vereenigde Staten onpartijdige rechters genoeg te vinden waren die naar ambt en plicht billijk recht spreken en de schuldigen doen straffen; al zijne pogingen bleven echter zonder gevolg en hij was tot zijn innige smart genoodzaakt het op te geven.

Toen hij zag dat hij de gevangenen niet kon redden, had hij hen behoorlijk voor den dood willen bereiden, maar ook hierin leed de zendeling schipbreuk; de booswichten waren zoo verstokt van ziel en in de ondeugd verhard dat zij hem niet wilden aanhooren en hem zelfs met schimp terug wezen. Zonderling genoeg hadden de drie bandieten, sedert zij in handen hunner vijanden waren geraakt, geen woord samen gewisseld; ieder in een hoek der hut nedergehurkt die hun tot gevangenis strekte, norsch en stil als wilde dieren, schenen zij elkander nog te ontwijken zooveel de banden die hen knelden hun toelieten.

Alleen Ellen was in hun midden als een vertroostende engel, die hun heilzame woorden toesprak en bovenal de laatste dagen van haar vader poogde te verzachten.

De Roode-Ceder leefde dan ook alleen door en voor zijne dochter; elke glimlach van het arme kind, dat hare tranen voor hem verborg, deed op zijn door booze hartstocht verwoest en verwilderd gelaat wederkeerig een glimlach verschijnen; zoo hij nog had kunnen leven en op den goeden weg had kunnen terugkeeren, zou zijne vaderlijke liefde wellicht dit wonder hebben uitgewerkt, maar het was nu te laat; alles was als verstorven in dat hart, waar de vaderlijke liefde zelfs niet veel meer was dan het instinct van tijgers of panters.

»Zal het van daag eindelijk gebeuren, mijn kind?” vroeg hij aan zijne dochter

»Ik weet het niet, vader,” antwoordde zij bedeesd.

»Ik begrijp u, mijne arme lieveling, gij vreest mij verdriet te doen door mij de waarheid te zeggen; maar misleid u zelve niet langer, wanneer een man zoo diep gezonken is als ik, is het eenigste wat hij begeert de dood, en ziedaar, ik krijg reeds dadelijk antwoord: de Lynch-wet begint hare taak. Zij zal van daag een ruimen oogst inzamelen,” liet hij er grinnekend op volgen.

Op dit oogenblik hoorde men in het kamp een geweldig rumoer.

Drie galgen waren dien morgen opgericht en rondom dezelve was een talrijke volkshoop druk in de weer met het verkiezen der rechters die het publieke recht zouden moeten handhaven.

De verkozen rechters waren ten getale van zeven, met name als volgt:

Valentin, Curumilla, de Eenhoorn, de Zwarte-Kat, de Spinnekop en twee andere jagers der Comanchen.

Men had zorg gedragen geene namen op de lijst te plaatsen van personen die zelven beschuldigingen tegen de gevangenen hadden in te brengen.

Des middags ten twaalf ure werd het in de vergadering op eens dood stil.

Een kleine troep, uit krijgslieden en jagers bestaande, was de misdadigers uit de gevangenis gaan halen om hen voor de rechters te brengen, die zich tegenover de galgen vereenigd hadden.

Ofschoon pater Seraphin in zijne pogingen om hen tot betere gedachten op te wekken niet was geslaagd, had hij hen toch willen vergezellen om hen tot het laatste oogenblik te vermanen.

Hij ging met den Roode-Ceder aan zijne rechter en Ellen aan zijne linkerzijde.

Toen de gevangenen voor de rechtbank kwamen, riep Valentin, die zeer tegen zijn zin tot voorzitter benoemd was, de beschuldigers op.

Deze traden onmiddellijk te voorschijn.

Zij waren ten getale van vijf, namelijk don Miguel de Zarate, don Pablo de Zarate, Andres Garote, de Witte-Gazelle en de Zoon des Bloeds.

Valentin nam het woord en sprak met eene luide en vaste stem:

»Roode-Ceder, gij staat hier voor de rechtbank der Lynch-wet, om de misdaden te hooren waarvan men u beschuldigt, gij hebt volkomen vrijheid om u te verdedigen.”

De Squatter haalde de schouders op.

»Uwe Lynch-wet is eene domme wet,” zeide hij op schamperen toon, »zij doodt zonder lang pijn te veroorzaken; in plaats van deze onnoozele wraakneming moest gij mij liever aan den folterpaal binden en een ganschen dag pijnigen, dan kondt gij uw hart ophalen van genot, want dan zoudt gij zien hoe een krijgsman den dood in ’t aangezicht durft zien, en de smart weet door te staan.”

»Gij vergist u in onze bedoelingen,” zei de voorzitter, »wij wreken ons niet, maar wij straffen u, de folterpaal is voor de dappere en onberispelijke krijgslieden bestemd, de misdadigers verdienen niets anders dan de galg.”

»Zooals u behaagt,” antwoordde hij onverschillig, »wat ik u gezegd heb, was alleen om voor uw genoegen te zorgen.”

»Welke personen zijn hier aanwezig om tegen den Roode-Ceder beschuldigingen in te brengen?” hervatte Valentin.

»Ik, don Miguel de Zarate.”

»Ik, don Pablo de Zarate.”

»Ik, dien men de Zoon des Bloeds heeft genoemd, maar die zijn waren naam zal noemen, zoodra de Roode-Ceder dit verlangt.”

»Het is onnoodig,” bromde hij met eene doffe stem.

»Ik, de Witte-Gazelle.”

»Formuleert uwe beschuldigingen,” sprak de voorzitter.

»Ik beschuldig dezen man, dat hij mijne dochter geschaakt en daarna laaghartig vermoord heeft,” zei don Miguel.

»Ik beschuldig hem bovendien, van mijnen vriend den generaal Ibanez den dood te hebben berokkend.”

»Beschuldigde, wat hebt gij hierop te antwoorden?”

»Niets.”

»Wat zegt het volk?” hervatte Valentin.

»Wij hechten ons zegel aan de beschuldiging,” riepen allen met eenparige stem.

»Ik beschuldig dezen man, van dezelfde misdaden,” zeide don Pablo, »hij heeft mijne zuster opgelicht en gedood.”

»Ik beschuldig dezen man, dat hij het huis van mijne ouders verbrand, mijn vader en moeder vermoord en mij aan de bandieten heeft overgeleverd om mij in de misdaad te doen opvoeden,” zei de Witte-Gazelle.

»Ik,” sprak de Zoon des Bloeds, »beschuldig hem van dezelfde misdaden, de vader van dit meisje was mijn broeder.”

Een huivering van afgrijzen doorliep de vergadering.

Valentin, na in stilte de overige rechters te hebben geraadpleegd, sprak:

»De Roode-Ceder, met algemeene stemmen schuldig verklaard, wordt veroordeeld om gescalpeerd en daarna gehangen te worden.”

Sutter werd alleen veroordeeld om gehangen te worden, daar de rechters hem, uit aanmerking zijner jeugd en het slechte voorbeeld dat hij steeds voor oogen had gehad, wilden verschoonen.

Thans was de monnik aan de beurt.

»Een oogenblik!” riep de Zoon des Bloeds, voorwaarts tredende, »deze man is niets meer dan een ellendige avonturier, die het recht niet heeft om het kleed te dragen dat hij reeds zoo lang onteerde; ik verzoek dat men den onverlaat, alvorens hem te beschuldigen, daarvan ontdoe.”

»Waartoe zoudt gij uw tijd verkwisten met mij te beschuldigen en al die rechtsvormelijke fratsen?” antwoordde Fray Ambrosio schamper. »Gij allen die ons hier te recht stelt zijt even misdadig als wij; gij zijt moordenaars, daar gij u wederrechtelijk eene macht aanmatigt die u niet toekomt. Voor dezen keer ja, slaat gij juist, maar in duizend andere gevallen laat gij u door het u omringende gepeupel beheerschen, en veroordeelt gij onschuldigen. Gij verlangt mijne misdaden te kennen, ik zelf zal ze u zeggen.

»Deze man heeft gelijk, ik ben geen monnik, en ik ben het nooit geweest; ik ben begonnen als een losbandige, ik eindig als een misdadiger. Als medeplichtige van den Roode-Ceder heb ik landhoeven verbrand of er de bewoners van vermoord om ze te berooven en te bestelen. Met denzelfden Roode-Ceder was ik een scalpenjager; ik hielp hem het meisje stelen dat daar voor u staat. Wat meer? Om hem het geheim van een goudmijn te ontrooven, heb ik den vader van dezen gambusino gedood. Wat wilt gij meer? Bedenk vrij de gruwzaamste en verfoeielijkste misdrijven, ik heb ze gepleegd.

Spreekt nu uw vonnis en legt het ten uitvoer, maar gij zult geen woord meer van mij hooren, ik veracht u, gij zijt lafhartigen!”

Na deze hatelijke taal met honende ergernis te hebben gesproken, wierp hij een uitdagenden blik op de vergadering.

»Fray Ambrosio,” zei Valentin na de stemmen te hebben opgenomen, »gij zijt veroordeeld om gescalpeerd, onder de oksels opgehangen, met honig bestreken te worden en aldus te blijven hangen, tot de vogels des hemels u verslonden hebben.”

Onder het aanhooren van dit vonnis kon de bandiet zijn schrik niet verbergen, terwijl de verzamelde menigte het strenge recht met uitbundig gejuich beantwoordde.

»De vonnissen zullen onmiddellijk worden voltrokken,” zei Valentin.

»Wacht een oogenblik,” riep de Eenhoorn, plotseling opstaande en zich voor de rechters plaatsende.

»Wat den Roode-Ceder betreft is de eisch der wet niet gevolgd; zegt zij niet: oog om oog, tand om tand!”

»Ja! ja!” schreeuwden de Indianen en jagers.

Door een onbeschrijfelijk voorgevoel getroffen, sidderde de Roode-Ceder en kromp hem het hart ineen.

»Ja!” sprak de Zoon des Bloeds met eene koele stem, »de Roode-Ceder heeft dona Clara, de dochter van don Miguel de Zarate, gedood, ook zijne dochter Ellen moet sterven.”

De rechters zelven deinsden verschrikt terug.

De Roode-Ceder stiet een vreeselijk gebrul uit.

Alleen Ellen bleef kalm.

»Ik ben bereid te sterven,” zeide zij met eene zachte gelatene stem. »Helaas! die arme dona Clara! God weet met hoeveel vreugde ik mijn leven had willen geven om het hare te redden.”

»Mijne dochter!” riep de Roode-Ceder wanhopig.

»Dat riep don Miguel ook, toen gij zijn kind laaghartig hebt vermoord,” antwoordde de Zoon des Bloeds onbarmhartig; »oog om oog, tand om tand.”

»O! het is gruwzaam wat gij daar doet, mijne broeders,” riep pater Seraphin. »Gij gaat onschuldig bloed vergieten, het zal terugkomen op uw hoofd, God zal er u voor straffen; om Zijner barmhartigheids wille, doodt dat onschuldige meisje niet!”

Op een wenk van den Eenhoorn maakten vier Indianen zich van den zendeling meester, namen hem in weerwil van zijn verzet, ofschoon altoos met de meeste voorzichtigheid op en brachten hem naar de hut van het opperhoofd, waar hij zoolang onder toezicht bleef tot de rechtspleging was afgeloopen.

Valentin en Curumilla wendden vergeefsche pogingen aan om zich tegen dit barbaarsch bedrijf te verzetten; de Indianen en jagers, door den Zoon des Bloeds opgeruid, eischten met groot gedruisch de toepassing der wet en dreigden anders zichzelven recht te zullen verschaffen.

Vruchteloos smeekten don Miguel en zijn zoon den Eenhoorn en den Zoon des Bloeds, zij konden niets bij hen uitrichten.

Eindelijk, door de gebeden van den jongman getergd, nam de Eenhoorn Ellen bij de haren, stiet haar zijn mes in de borst en wierp haar don Pablo in de armen, met den uitroep:

»Haar vader heeft uwe zuster vermoord, en gij bidt om haar leven! Gij zijt een laag mensch!”

Haar vader heeft uwe Zuster vermoord bladz 286

Bij deze onverantwoordelijke daad verborg Valentin zijn aangezicht met beide handen en vluchtte heen.

De volksmenigte integendeel juichte haar uitbundig toe.

De Roode-Ceder wrong zich schuimbekkend in de banden die hem kluisterden; toen hij Ellen had zien vallen veranderde hij als een blad van een boom; hij brulde alleen dit eene woord:

»Mijne dochter! mijne dochter!”

De Zoon des Bloeds en de Witte-Gazelle waren onverbiddelijk, zij woonden roerloos de strafoefening bij die aan de veroordeelden voltrokken werd.

De Roode-Ceder en zijn zoon leden niet lang, ofschoon de eerste vooraf gescalpeerd was; hij werd waanzinnig en scheen ongevoelig voor alles.

Wie het meeste leed was Ambrosio; de rampzalige onderging zijne straf en kromp gedurende vierentwintig uren onder de vreeselijkste smarten eer de dood er een einde aan maakte.

Zoodra de schuldigen hun vonnis hadden ondergaan, stegen de Zoon des Bloeds en de Witte-Gazelle te paard en verwijderden zich in galop.

Na dien tijd heeft men niet weder van hen hooren spreken en niemand weet wat er van hen geworden is.…

Ziedaar den afloop van het verschrikkelijke drama van roof en moord, vervolging en wraak dat onze lezers in dit en eenige vorige verhalen, zoo wij hopen niet te lang en tevens niet geheel onnut zal hebben bezig gehouden. De toepassing der Lynch-wet, die door de wreedste straffen aan de bloedige veete een einde maakte, is een verschijnsel dat alleen in de half beschaafde streken der Nieuwe Wereld mogelijk is, zij behoort tot de donkere zijde der Amerikaansche toestanden; als overlevering uit vroegere eeuwen van barbaarschheid en bloedwraak begint zij echter meer en meer zeldzaam te worden, en kan men met grond verwachten dat zij bij de uitbreiding der beschaving en de vestiging eener ordelijke maatschappij, ook in de onmetelijke velden van het Verre Westen eerlang geheel zal verdwijnen.

Wij bevinden ons in het kamp van den Eenhoorn, dat nog altijd op dezelfde plaats was opgericht. Het is acht dagen na de boven door ons beschreven toepassing der Lynch-wet, en tegen den avond, even voor zonsondergang.

Alle sporen der strafoefening zijn verdwenen. De Sachem had bepaald dat zijn stam voorloopig zou blijven waar hij was, uit hoofde der ziekte van Mme. Guillois, wier hopelooze toestand volkomen rust vorderde.

De arme vrouw gevoelde dat zij ging sterven en werd van dag tot dag zwakker, ofschoon zij in het genot van al hare zielsvermogens, met al de helderheid die God soms den stervenden verleent, den dood met een glimlach zag naderen en alleen haar zoon zooveel mogelijk over haar verlies zocht te troosten.

Maar Valentin, die na eene afwezigheid van zoovele jaren zijne moeder niet had wedergezien dan om op nieuw en voor altijd van haar te zullen scheiden, was ontroostbaar.

Van den omgang met don Miguel en zijn zoon verstoken, die onmiddellijk naar Paso del Norte waren teruggekeerd, het lijk der ongelukkige Ellen met zich voerende, zat de jager weenend bij Curumilla die tot allen troost niets anders wist te doen dan met hem te weenen.

»De Groote Geest roept de moeder mijns broeders tot zich, omdat Hij haar lief heeft!” zeide hij.

Een gezegde vrij lang voor den woordkarigen Araucaan, en wel een bewijs van zijne innige deelneming in de smart zijns vriends.

Dien dag waarop wij ons verhaal hervatten lag Mme. Guillois op een hangmat voor hare hut met het aangezicht gekeerd naar de ondergaande zon.

Valentin stond aan hare rechterzijde, vader Seraphin aan hare linker, en Curumilla naast zijn vriend.

Op het gelaat der kranke lag een glans van inwendige rust en genoegen, uit hare oogen blonk een levendige gloed terwijl een zweem van licht rood hare wangen kleurde; zij scheen gelukkig.

De krijgslieden, in het leed van hun aangenomen broeder deelende, zaten in groepjes stilzwijgend nedergehurkt rondom de hut.

Het was een heerlijke avond; de lichte koelte, die zich langzaam verhief, deed op hare golvende beweging de bladeren nu en dan zacht ritselen; de zon daalde ter kimme in een zee van dampen door duizend afwisselende kleuren geschakeerd.

De kranke sprak van tijd tot tijd eenige afgebroken woorden, die haar zoon zorgvuldig beluisterde.

Op het oogenblik dat de zon achter de besneeuwde toppen der verre bergen verdween, richtte de zieke zich op als door een onwederstaanbare macht gesteund, zij wierp een kalmen en helderen blik in het rond, legde de beide handen op het hoofd van den jager en sprak met zekeren nadruk en op zonderling welluidenden toon:

»Vaarwel, Valentin!”

Daarop zonk zij achterover.

Zij was dood.

Als bij onderlinge afspraak knielden al de aanwezigen rondom haar leger.

Valentin boog zich over zijne moeder, wier gelaat de aureool der hemelsche schoonheid droeg, welke sommige dooden tooit; hij sloot haar de oogen, kuste haar en nam hare rechterhand, die van de sponde afhing in de zijne.

Valentin boog zich over zijne moeder bladz 287

Zoo ongeveer ging die gansche nacht voorbij, zonder dat iemand zijne plaats verliet.

Met het krieken van den dag deed pater Seraphin, geholpen door Curumilla, die hem tot sacristaan diende, de lijkdienst, daarop werd het lijk ter aarde besteld; al de Indiaansche krijgslieden woonden deze plechtigheid bij.

Toen al de anderen waren heengegaan, knielde Valentin neder bij het graf, en hoe ook de missionaris en de Araucaan er op aandrongen dat hij zich zou verwijderen, wilde hij ook dien nacht nog bij zijne doode moeder blijven waken.

Toen zijne vrienden met het aanbreken van den volgenden morgen bij hem kwamen, vonden zij hem geknield en biddende, hij was doodsbleek en zag er afgemat uit, zijne haren, den vorigen dag nog zoo zwart, waren met witte vlokken doormengd.

Wat was er gedurende dien langen nacht tusschen hem en de doode omgegaan, welke geheimen had de doode aan den levende ontsluierd?

Vader Seraphin trachtte hem nieuwen moed in te boezemen. De jager schudde bij zijne toespraak treurig het hoofd en zuchtte:

»Wat baat het mij?”

»O! Valentin,” zei de zendeling ten slotte, »gij die altijd zoo kloek waart, wordt gij nu zoo zwak als een kind; de droefheid slaat u neder zonder strijd, gij weigert dien strijd, en gij vergeet dat gij u zelven niet toebehoort; kom, laat u raden.”

»Ik,” riep hij; »helaas! wat blijft mij nu nog over?”

»God blijft u over!” zei de zendeling op strengen toon, terwijl hij hem naar den hemel wees.

»En de wildernis,” zei Curumilla, terwijl hij den arm uitstrekte naar de opkomende zon.

In het oog van den jager schitterde een heldere straal, hij schudde meer dan eens het hoofd, wierp een teederlievenden blik op het graf zijner moeder en zei met een geschokte stem:

»Tot wederziens, moeder!”

Zich daarop tot den Indiaan wendende, zeide hij vastberaden:

»Laat ons gaan!”

Valentin zou eene nieuwe periode van zijn leven beginnen1

Zie de graaf de Lhorailles. ↑

EINDE VAN DE LYNCH-WET.

COLOFON

Beschikbaarheid

Dit eBoek is voor kosteloos gebruik door iedereen overal, met vrijwel geen beperkingen van welke soort dan ook. U mag het kopiëren, weggeven of hergebruiken onder de voorwaarden van de Project

Gutenberg Licentie bij dit eBoek of on-line op www.gutenberg.org .

Dit eBoek is geproduceerd door het on-line gedistribueerd correctieteam op www.pgdp.net .

Nederlandse vertaling van La Loide Lynch, dat oorspronkelijk in 1859 verscheen.

Metadata

Titel: De lynch-wet

Auteur: Gustave Aimard (1818–1883) Info

Vertaler:

Lodewijk Christiaan Cnopius (1831–1904) Info

Illustrator: Charles Rochussen (1814–1894) Info

Taal:

Nederlands (Spelling De VriesTe Winkel)

Oorspronkelijke uitgiftedatum: 1884

Codering

Dit boek is weergegeven in oorspronkelijke schrijfwijze. Afgebroken woorden aan het einde van de regel zijn stilzwijgend hersteld. Kennelijke zetfouten in het origineel zijn verbeterd. Deze verbeteringen zijn aangegeven in de colofon aan het einde van dit boek.

Documentgeschiedenis

2019-06-03 Begonnen.

Externe Referenties

Dit Project Gutenberg eBoek bevat externe referenties. Het kan zijn dat deze links voor u niet werken.

Verbeteringen

De volgende verbeteringen zijn aangebracht in de tekst:

Bladzijde Bron

IV, 14, 87, 88, 147, 174, 199

4, 4, 9, 28, 28, 60, 76, 175

6, 13 Andrès Andres

6 idée idee 1 / 0

9 Nahan Nathan 1 9, 28, 28 » [Verwijderd] 1

12, 134 [Niet in bron] ,

23, 23, 45

227

31, 43, 54, 63, 71, 79, 109, 148, 161, 178, 186, 186, 242, 259, 268

31, 174, 174, 190

62, 70, 93, 152, 177, 178

63, 63, 63, 63, 64, 130

65, 67, 94, 94, 95, 95, 95, 97, 97, 98, 98, 98, 131, 247, 258, 265

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