Ventnor: The Emergence of Place Through the Picturesque | Eliot Ellis-Brown MArch Dissertation

VENTNOR THE EMERGENCE OF PLACE THROUGH THE PICTURESQUE

ELIOT ELLIS-BROWN

For my parents, Helen and Gordon -

Contents

Ethics Declaration

005

Foreword

007

Introduction

009

Ventnor: A History of Health

021

Ventnor’s Vertical Lineality

051

The Unstable Present

069

The Local Creative Resilience

091

3

Conclusion

111

Appendix

123

Fig.1 Etching of Ventnor showing the beach and St. Catherine’s church, by George Brannon, 1847

Ethics Declaration

Ethics declaration, Department of Architecture, University of Westminster (to accompany submitted written work where relevant).

Name of Student:

Eliot Ellis-Brown

Title of Submitted Work:

Ventnor: The Emergence of Place Through the Picturesque

Nature of Submitted Work:

Dissertation

Declaration:

I understand the University’s Code of Practice governing the Ethical Conduct of Research and confirm that my research has been fully compliant with all ethical requirements.

Signed:

Date:

08.01.2020

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Fig.2 My grandmother holidaying in Ventnor, circa 1935

Foreword

My interest is in the coastal resort of Ventnor, located on the south east coast of the Isle of Wight. This small town of approximately 6,000 residents has struggled with a number of social and economic issues in the last few decades.

Unemployment, youth poverty, substance abuse and an ageing population have made it one of the most deprived places in the UK (United Kingdom) according to the English Indices of Deprivation 2018. However, despite these issues, as well as its isolation from the mainland and other towns on the Isle of Wight, it has managed to somewhat retain its seasonal interest and is beginning to reinvent itself.

I have spent many of my childhood summers on the Isle of Wight, with a close connection to Ventnor. Both sets of my grandparents have historic ties to the town (my grandmother spent many summers holidaying in Ventnor), and are all buried in Ventnor cemetery. The town brings me a wealth of nostalgia and I have always been intrigued by its urban form, displaying signs of an unconventional seaside town.

As well as a wealth of nostalgia and seaside memories, I have always been intrigued by the town’s urban form, displaying signs of an unconventional seaside town that has seen prosperity and poverty.

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Fig.3 Map of Ventnor, 2019

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION

Fig.4 Brighton beach at the end of the nineteenth century

i. The Birth of the British Seaside Holiday

The British seaside has always been associated with the idea of freedom, whether it be freedom from work, pollution, stress, social constraints or a combination of all these factors. However, up until the nineteenth century it was extremely uncommon to embark on a holiday, unless you were from a wealthy background.

to give broader acceptability to a variety of sexual partners and practices, or unscheduled bodily exposure, or drink-fuelled raucousness, ribaldry or indelicacy, or the consumption of greasy food.1 Andy Medhurst explains this phenomenon further, by stating The seaside encourages and capitalises on transgression. Seaside culture is somewhere [where] the everyday rules of behaviour are put on hold. Compared to the average working week, where most people have to do set things at set times for set rewards, the seaside is a zone where all bets are off. It gives us the opportunity to write our own rules; in some cases, that can mean the usual codes of respectability cease to hold much sway.2

The Napoleonic Wars put an end to wealthier individuals undertaking the Grand Tour, and Britain’s coastal resorts began to gain popularity.

Families would flock to resorts close to their industrial home towns in the late nineteenth century, such as Blackpool and Brighton and by 1949, five million holidaymakers would crowd Britain’s seaside destinations.

There is a wealth of literature describing the British seaside as a means of escape from social boundaries, with John K. Walton describing the seaside as a place on the margin, where land and sea meet, the pleasure principle is given freer rein, the certainties of authority are diluted, and the usual constraints on behaviour are suspended‌

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ii. Discovering Continental Paradise

In 1980, RW Butler wrote a series of stages depicting the evolution of British seaside resorts:

“ social and economic factors loosened the structures of mass tourism; day trips and overnight stays became the norm, holiday accommodation became cheap housing which encouraged urban social problems, and the decline of the industrial working class unpinned the collective aspect of recreation.” 4

“ 1. the exploitation of a town’s unspoilt cultural and natural character; 2. the involvement of local, private initiatives and the provision of some public infrastructure to provide for growing visitor numbers; 3. a development stage where the facilities are reorganised by external interests to improve them for rapidly growing visitor numbers; 4. phase of consolidation where the rate of growth decreases; 5. stagnation; and 6. decline.” 3

As early as 1962, films such as The Punch and Judy Man depict the fictional town of Piltdown Bay, which shares many of the characteristics of Hastings, as old fashioned and under threat 5 with scenes such as a deserted promenade in the pouring rain making competition from foreign holidays all the more alluring.

This is clearly a generalised assessment of the life cycle of coastal resorts, but nevertheless these phases can be attributed to most seaside towns across the UK, especially the Isle of Wight.

From the 1960s and 1970s, package holidays and cheaper air travel meant that holidaymakers started to abandon the British seaside in favour of warmer, more exotic destinations such as Spain and Greece: Fig.6 Newspaper advert for Globalair Sunflight, circa 1960

Fig.5 Benidorm, circa 1960

13

INTRODUCTION

In 1999, a Consumers’ Association report (reported in the Guardian) concluded that the overriding impression of our traditional resorts is one of ageing infrastructure, tired ideas and lowquality accommodation.6 Many British coastal resorts had reached a point of critical deprivation, with a drop in seasonal trade resulting in further economic decline: towns that were once buzzing with tourists are now marked by struggle and adversity.7 Fig.7 Jaywick Sands named most deprived coastal town three times in the last decade8

iii. The Present-Day British Seaside

In the last two decades a number of coastal resorts have seen an influx in British holidaymakers once again braving the cold seas of England:

document highlights the issues associated with a number of coastal towns across the country and identified ways in which some are attempting and achieving an increase in prosperity:

“ A loathing of today’s intensely crowded and sometimes demeaning air travel, the rise of ‘staycations’, the low cost of the seaside’s faded yet elegant Regency and Victorian homes and an increase in the number of self-employed people working flexible hours have all been helping to revive officially deprived towns.” 9

“ improvements to transport will be vital in supporting further economic development in seaside towns. Improving digital infrastructure in coastal areas should also be considered a top priority, helping to compensate for these towns’ relative isolation, and enhancing their potential role in supporting a good work-life balance by enabling people to work from home and enjoy the delights of the seaside.” 10

This recent resurgence in the popularity of British seaside resorts has allowed for larger destinations such as Bournemouth and Brighton, and even smaller towns such as St Ives in Cornwall and Whitby in North Yorkshire to thrive economically and socially.

Nevertheless, this is not the case across the whole of the UK. Many British seaside towns still struggle with social and economic deprivation, as reported by the House of Lords in a recent report titled The Future of Seaside Towns (2019). This

Fig.8 St Ives, Cornwall

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iv. The Challenge for Ventnor

Ventnor suffers from a number of issues, which are not necessarily exclusive to the town but are negatively impacting the whole of the island. The physical distance from Ventnor to other larger towns on the Isle of Wight, especially ferry towns, isolates Ventnor meaning it has to be more selfreliant. Coupled with this, infrastructure has long been forgotten, with inconsistent public transport links and an absence of car parks in the town making the town less attractive to visitors. What has also played a large role in Ventnor’s overall inability to attract visitors, for better or for worse, is the towns topography: its steep cliffs and limited space has created a disorganised vernacular.

demography), I will try to understand whether Ventnor’s architecture is in fact deterministic.

My interest is in whether this haphazard arrangement of streets and buildings, as well as the towns inability to expand any further, sets it aside from other towns on the Isle of Wight, allowing it to prosper in the future. Although I understand that it is almost impossible to associate economic and social prosperity with the urban fabric of a place for a number of reasons (such as geographical location, connectivity and

I will conclude the dissertation by identifying recent developments in Ventnor, including the uprising of the ‘creative resilience’, and whether the town can once again thrive as a tourist destination or whether it must look inwardly to preserve its authenticity whilst supporting local residents.

I will aim to investigate the reasons behind Ventnor’s uniqueness as a seaside destination by undertaking an in-depth study into its history and present-day status, whilst analysing a number of factors such as its topography, economy and social position against other towns on the Isle of Wight.

Furthermore, I will use the principles set out in Gordon Cullen’s Townscape, as well as other theorists, to ascertain whether the architectural merit and urban fabric of Ventnor sets it apart from other coastal resorts on the Isle of Wight.

Fig.9 Ventnor esplanade, 2019

17

INTRODUCTION

Fig.10 Carol, Ventnor Heritage Museum

v. Methodology

This study will be informed by a wide range of research techniques, in both primary and secondary form.

The secondary research conducted throughout this dissertation was taken from a wealth of literature, which can be found in the Bibliography.

I examined historic, as well as more recent literature, in order to gain an understanding of the nature of the British Seaside as a whole, whilst making a comparison between the Isle of Wight and more specifically Ventnor. Literary reviews into theorists Gordon Cullen and Kevin Lynch have also been conducted in an effort to understand how various architectural principles relate to the urban fabric of Ventnor.

I have conducted a series of interviews with key individuals, including Councillor Delian Backhouse-Fry (Ventnor Town Council), Stephen Izatt (Owner of Ventnor Arts Club) and Jack Whitewood (Owner of the Ventnor Exchange), in an effort to gain an appreciation of the past, present and future situation of Ventnor. I also looked to interview the Economic Development Officer for Ventnor Town Council, but he declined to engage with this work. Nevertheless, every other interviewee was very helpful, and I am grateful for their time.

I attended the Isle of Wight Records office, located in Newport, on three occasions. I was able to gather a wealth of information, from past data to historic illustrations, which has been extremely beneficial to this thesis. I also visited the Ventnor Heritage Museum on two occasions, accessed their historic records and discussed the status of Ventnor with the staff.

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References

1 Walton, The British Seaside – Holidays and resorts in the twentieth century, p.003.

2 http://www.bbc.com/culture/story/20170626the-dark-side-of-the-british-seaside 3 Brodie & Winter, England’s Seaside Resorts, p.008.

4 Farr, Decline Beside the Seaside: British Seaside Resorts and Declinism, p.106.

5 Walton, The British Seaside – Holidays and resorts in the twentieth century, p.010.

6 Walton, The British Seaside – Holidays and resorts in the twentieth century, p.015.

7 1843magazine.com/culture/look-closer/themasochistic-appeal-of-the-british-seaside 8 https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/ukengland-49812519 9 http://www.bbc.com/culture/story/20150609britains-seaside-ruins 10

The Future of Seaside Towns, p.003.

V E N T N O R : A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

Fig.11 Etching of Osborne House, 1887

i. Seaside Decline on the Isle of Wight

The Isle of Wight was a prosperous location for wealthy Victorian residents and visitors in the mid to late 19th century. Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort purchased Osborne House, located just outside Cowes, and began frequent visits sparking inquisition from society as to the island’s holiday potential.

from the top.2 Measuring only 30 miles from east to west, the island offers stunning views across the English Channel and Atlantic Ocean, as well as back towards the mainland via the Solent. This created desirable seaside towns for both residents and visitors.

Today however, due to this separation from the mainland, as well as the problem of transport and communication on the island itself, the Isle of Wight is continuing to suffer. This separation has long caused issues for travellers, as seen from Whitehead in 1911: I found the island was not easily reached…unless very provident to provisions we ran as much risk of dying from famine, by going to the back of the island, as from consumption.3 This issue is not exclusive to the Isle of Wight, but is definitely heightened due to the islands isolation: their location on the periphery of the country places them on the periphery of the economy, bringing consequential social problems.4

“ The increasing popularity of sailing and the growing fashion for sea bathing, together with the benefits of the Island climate, all encouraged more and more residents and summer visitors.

Alongside this, improved rail communications and ferry services as well as the extension of the railway network on the Isle of Wight made the Island’s towns and resorts increasingly accessible from all parts of the country.” 1 What attracted people to the Isle of Wight was the fact it was an island, providing a continual stretch of coastline: one of the charms of the island is its lack of uniformity and a pleasant way to describe the scenery would be to choose some high spot here and there and describe the view

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A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

But it is not only tourism which is causing social and economic problems for the Isle of Wight. For many years it has suffered from unemployment, poor education standards, low average incomes as well as an ageing population, further isolating the island from the rest of the UK. A report in 2018 released by the Solent Local Enterprise Partnership summarised the current status of the Isle of Wight: “ productivity levels are generally below [that of] the mainland, and there are challenges in terms of educational attainment and skills levels.

The population of the Isle of Wight has been increasing, mainly amongst older age groups, and the Island fails to retain people in younger age groups. Forecasts indicate these population shifts are set to continue leading to a contraction of the working-age population.” 5 The Isle of Wight has extensive issues with education standards and consequently youth unemployment. David O’Hoare, former chairman of Ofsted, came under scrutiny for describing

parts of the Isle of Wight as a ghetto6 (definition: a part of a city, especially a slum area, occupied by a minority group or groups7). Although I do not condone his comments describing the island as a ‘ghetto’, the reality is that the Isle of Wight was ranked second worst in the UK for secondary education, and third worst in the UK for primary education8 and therefore its educational system has to be acted upon in order to encourage sustainable growth.

Although my particular interest is in the problems associated with Ventnor, all of the issues faced by the Isle of Wight in general (as discussed in the previous chapter) can be found within the town, as well as various other site-specific difficulties.

In order to frame these difficulties and provide a cohesive analysis of the town, the next chapter will give an introduction into the history of Ventnor, in turn allowing me to examine the present status and future of the town.

Fig.12 Map of the Isle of Wight, showing primary connectivity to the mainland, including transport routes on the island.

Lymington

Yarmouth

Newport

Cowes

Ryde

Portsmouth

Caption

Freshwater

Ventnor

Brighstone

25

Sandown

A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

Fig.13 Etching of the Undercliff, 1849

ii. A Brief History of Ventnor

Ventnor is situated on the south east coast of the Isle of Wight. This stretch of coast is named the ‘Undercliff’ – the valleys between these cliffs are naturally fertile due to the shelter they provide, as well as their freshwater supply. Much of the stretch of the undercliff is uninhabitable due to the sheer cliffs, meaning settlements are set further inland. However, Ventnor was less exposed than other areas, with the cliffside sitting further back offering an opportunity for development.

“ Ventnor.

Queen of the Undercliff! Gem of the Wight!

Loveliest township in loveliest site!

Sheltered by downs and facing the sea, First in my heart of all towns thou wilt be!

The waves of the channel relentlessly roar, And toss their white foam on thy sandy shore; Its blue rippling water that dances and plays, Makes even more lovely the brightest of days.

And towering above thee are beautiful downs, If thou art a queen, then these hills are thy

crowns.” 9

The overall development of Ventnor took place from 1830-1870. The character of the town and facilities it acquired were influenced by the population growth and interests and attitudes of those who lived there or visited. In 1780, the parish of Newchurch (in which Ventnor was situated), contained roughly 1500 inhabitants.

Ventnor, although not named in the records of that time, could not have had more than a few dozen people. By 1828, Ventnor’s population had risen to 350 people, and 1841 census data shows its population at 900. In the 10 years after that, Ventnor’s population soared to 2569

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people, showing a huge expansion in the town, requiring an equal increase in accommodation and services.10 Up until the 19th century, the sea was useful only as a highway, a fishpond, a battleground – and a graveyard.11 This was consistent across the UK as well as in Ventnor, where most of the inhabitants were fishermen. This dramatically changed with the discovery of the water-cure12 movement.

The water-cure movement began in Scarborough in the late 17th century and was the idea of saltwater being used as a remedy for all illnesses.

This medical phenomenon eventually swept the nation, with Brighthelmstone developing into Brighton in 1753 to accommodate for an influx in tourists in search of saltwater as a cure for their ailments. This remedial revolution is often directly associated with the birth of tourism at the seaside: “ …the meeting-point between the sea and the shoreline, whose re-evaluation during

Fig.14 Bathing machines on Ventnor beach, circa 1910

the eighteenth century as a health-giving, romantically alluring and aesthetically pleasing location was the foundation for the whole great industry and complex of cultural practices that constitute seaside tourism.� 13 Therefore, the birth of many British seaside resorts was not frivolous and leisure-induced, but rather literary and medical. People viewed it as beneficial to health, with resorts becoming more fashionable over time.

The undercliff became hugely popular for its climate and the accessibility to the sea being a natural healer for various illnesses. The microclimate along this stretch of coastline made it all the more attractive to those in search of remediation, with the average summer temperature seven to ten degrees lower than that of London [due to] the lofty situation of the town, the prevalence during summer of cool south-west breezes from the Atlantic, to which the town lies fully open, and the shade afforded towards the beginning and the end of the day by the hills to east and west.14

Fig.15 Sea bathing in Ventnor, circa 1910

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A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

Wealthy families built their winter residences in the neighbouring villages of Bonchurch and Steephill, on large, secluded estates. Servants of these families, as well as trades people for construction of new houses, had to have homes themselves as well as access to the necessities of life, resulting in the town of Ventnor being established. The typology of the town began to change due to land ownership over the years - the rate of development increased as larger properties belonging to wealthier families were divided amongst a greater number of people, usually children and grandchildren.15

15 The Popham Hill Family owned a huge amount of the Ventnor estate (approximately 370 acres) until 1828, when approximately 150 acres was sold off by younger relatives. By 1840, all of the buildable land of the Ventnor estate had been sold off, and the price of land had risen considerably from ÂŁ100 per acre in 1830 to between ÂŁ400-1000 per acres in 1860.16 Steephill Castle, which was built and owned by local resident John Hambrough (1798-1863), helped put Ventnor on the map in terms of fashion and fame. Designed

by Architect James Sanderson (dates unknown), who was known for the restoration of the Chapel of

Fig.16 Etching of Steephill Castle, 1848.

Henry VIII at Westminster Abbey, it consisted of a square battlemented keep with a high rounded tower.

Internally, the castle boasted a large collection of valuable pieces of art in various lavishly decorated rooms. The 40-acre grounds were host to many exotic trees and shrubs, aided by the warmer climate of the undercliff. This attracted many famous visitors, including Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort, who visited the Castle several times in order to enjoy the wonderful view and terraced walks.17

iii. Prosperity Through Healing

By 1859, Ventnor could be described as a picturesque (definition: adjective. visually attractive, especially in a quaint or charming way18) town and rapidly improving sea-bathing place, with no shortage of visitors: locals for the employment; tourists for health reasons; and residents for the picturesque landscape. Due to complaints by visitors, a new public highway was built from the High Street forming the principle entrance to Ventnor, as well as the appropriately named Zig-Zag Road, which meanders down the steep cliffside of the town.

Fig.17 Poster for Southern Railway, promoting the Isle of Wight via rail and sea

It initially became apparent that it was easier to access Ventnor via the water - in 1863 a harbour was constructed, allowing large vessels to drop passengers off at the town three times a week.

However, over the next few years the harbour wall could not withstand the strength of the sea and eventually collapsed. In 1885, the Royal Victoria Pier was constructed on Ventnor seafront, which saw the arrival of 10,000 visitors in 1889 allowing Ventnor to thrive as a tourist destination.19

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A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

Fig.18 Isle of Wight Railway Line cutting through the Undercliff, circa 1940.

Fig.19 Ventnor Railway Station (1866-1966) in the early twentieth century

Perhaps the most significant changes in accessibility to the Isle of Wight were brought about by the introduction of railways.20 The Cowes and Newport Railway was built in 1862, with the addition of the Isle of Wight Railway connecting Ryde and Shanklin in 1864 and finally Shanklin to Ventnor in 1866.22

The railway line brought a huge number of visitors and their associated trade to Ventnor, with more day travellers from Ryde and the mainland.

The journey from Ryde to Ventnor took just 40 minutes, which was a huge reduction in time in contrast to the stagecoach, quickly making the Ryde to Ventnor railway line the most popular on the island. Furthermore, the tourist traffic was maintained all year round, due to Ventnor being a very popular winter health resort.

20 Generally speaking, it was considered that railway systems created the English seaside resort as we know it today as they caused old resorts to swell in visitor numbers and new resorts to spring up along the coast. Due to the Industrial Revolution, a new lower middle class and upper class appeared, resulting in an increase in material prosperity. Every railway company advertised along stretches of coastlines, creating a trend of annual middle-class holidays by the sea. Trainlines from London to Portsmouth and Southampton allowed visitors to travel to Ryde and Cowes, and then elsewhere on the Isle of Wight via stagecoach (which were the norm at the time).21

22 The introduction of ‘railway mania’ to the Isle of Wight was not favoured by all – whilst promoters believed it would develop the resources of the island, landowners believed a railway from Cowes to Ventnor would spoil the town, with tourists frequently coming and going.

This conflict between mobility of goods and services against the retention of the picturesque could be seen as one of the fundamental dilemmas with the tourism trade.23

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A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

The Royal National Ventnor Hospital was another significant health attraction for Ventnor.

Opened in 1878, the enormous building had the capacity to look after 140 patients and specialised in the treatment of Tuberculosis. At this time, Tuberculosis was one of the biggest diseases in the country and it was extremely contagious, making the hospital popular to many on the south coast.

“...the balcony was wide and of strong construction because in earlier days all beds would have been pushed outside in most weathers.� 24

Fig.20 Aerial view of the Royal National Hospital, 1930

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A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

When analysing the events of the nineteenth century, the most significant factors for the rapid growth of Ventnor were the awareness of the beneficial qualities of its warmer winter climate, the piecemeal selling of land and its improvements in communication. All three factors were interrelated and therefore it is difficult to distinguish between cause and effect, but the outcome was that by the 20th century, Ventnor was a prospering tourist destination.

Healthy visitors had a number of hotels to choose from, but most prominent was the Royal Hotel.

Built in 1832, the hotel is one of the oldest on the island, reportedly being used by John Hambrough to accommodate his guests when Steephill Castle was at capacity.26

By the end of the nineteenth century, the town was hardly recognisable as the small fishing village it had once been. Tourists were flooding in via rail and sea for its prominence as a health resort as well as its sophistication as a middleclass establishment. Many felt that Ventnor had reached its climax of development and would never achieve its potential prosperity as a seaside resort. The Shanklin Chronicle remarked in 1899: [Ventnor] lacks the fortitude of determination [and] lacks the civic enterprise which declines to allow the world to forget her or ignore her.25 Fig.21 The Royal Hotel, 2019

Top: Fig.22 Map of Ventnor, 1870 Bottom: Fig.23 Map of Ventnor, 1940

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A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

It therefore appears that the success of Ventnor as a health resort hindered the prosperity of the town as a resort for healthy holidaymakers, due to the lack of investment in modern attractions, amongst other factors. Other seaside resorts on the south coast which did not possess Ventnor’s natural advantages were becoming more popular and prosperous as more emphasis was being placed on commercial provision for tourists.

This poses the question of whether Ventnor’s inability to become the quintessential seaside town of the 20th century has fundamentally damaged its success as a tourist destination, or whether it has allowed the town to retain its historic characteristics with an emphasis on the picturesque.27

27 John Richards, an American who began visiting Ventnor in 1872, envisaged a recreation tower in the centre of the town, hosting amusements such as a shooting gallery, bowling alley, photography gallery and cinema. He also had visions for a funicular railway, but both schemes were dismissed by the public and investors due to cost, even though he stressed the owner could …immortalise himself and make Ventnor the most popular seaside resort on the south coast.28 Richards went on to say with the observation tower and accessories, I think a step in the right direction would be made. Ventnor would begin to rise as a town to the

level with the beauties and opportunities of its position, with all the great natural attractiveness as a background to support every effort to advancement.29 Many locals felt that such a commercial enterprise would detract considerably from the natural attractiveness of the town and inevitably ruin the character of Ventnor: perhaps the islanders were not so short sighted, for after all it is the natural characteristics rather than the man-made ones which are the peculiar attraction of Ventnor…30

Fig.24 Ventnor Beach, circa 1910

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iv. The Theatre Town

“ The town, in fact, is built on the principle of a theatre, so that the occupant of every seat, no matter how far back or removed, shall have a full view of the stage, which in this case is the sea.� 31

The number of independent families in Ventnor rose significantly between 1841 and 1851, with the 1851 census showing a wide range of trades within the town. Many local businesses, such as butchers, blacksmiths and tailors moved from other parts of the Isle of Wight as they had recognised the expanding trade opportunities in Ventnor due to population increase. Younger people moved from the traditional professions such as fishing and agriculture, into higher paid jobs in the increasing number of shops and businesses within Ventnor, especially the building trades.32

32 Trade professions constituted approximately a quarter of the population in Ventnor in 1841, with skilled labourers such as carpenters and plumbers coming from the mainland. However, most trades arrived from Ryde and Shanklin, as these towns developed much earlier at the start of the 19th century, allowing younger men to gain skills as apprentices and bring their knowledge to Ventnor. Ryde during the 19th century was one of the most desirable places to live on the island, with the

high street accommodating banks, expensive clothing brands and luxurious extras rather than the usual grocery shops. Being the closest point to the mainland on the north east coast of the Isle of Wight, the town thrived due to ease of access. Furthermore, its steady geological incline allowed for numerous rows of terraced Victorian houses to gain full advantage of a sea view.33

Fig.25 Aerial view of Ventnor, 1932

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A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

The Hambrough Hotel

Shore Hill

The Winter Gardens

Fig.26 Shore Hill from the esplanade

This accelerated rate of development, whilst allowing Ventnor to thrive, resulted in a chaotic topography: the results of all the building activity was a rather confused collection of buildings perched at various angles and levels on any available land‌the layout of the town and lack of planning was certainly criticised by visitors

who tended to compare Ventnor unfavourably with Eastbourne or Brighton.34 This haphazard topography is further described as providing accidental relationships between buildings and broken land-form which are sometimes striking but too often seem simply awkward.35

Belgrave Road

The Smoking Lobster

Kingsview apartments

Fig.27 View towards Kingsview apartments from the esplanade

The large estates which had once owned an abundance of land were developed piecemeal, allowing for Ventnor’s’ terraces to become steadily more crowded, with some buildings erected on the most vertiginous plots.36 Sanitary provisions and below ground drainage were disregarded and existing pathways were replaced by new

buildings, creating an infrastructural nightmare.

Wealthy immigrants built large stone houses with hanging gardens overlooking the sea, whilst the lower classes lived in terraced houses on the higher levels, described by the Victorians as mean rows of squalid dwellings.37

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A H I S T O RY O F H E A LT H

Visitors have offered juxtaposing opinions of the varied architecture and urban form of Ventnor, with W. Adams commenting in 1862 in no town in England have builders indulged such monstrous vagaries as this. There is scarcely a villa of modest or unpretending aspect in the whole town; and to pass through its streets is enough to affect a sensitive architect with a hideous nightmare.38 Alternatively, T. Nelson described Ventnor’s layout with positivity, stating the roads leading into [Ventnor] have been placed in an admirable condition; some excellent shops cater to the visitors wants; good hotel accommodation has been provided; and villas, suitable for the wealthier classes, have been erected in the most favourable situations.39 It could be argued that due to the topography and geographical influence of the land in Ventnor, even if systematic planning had prevailed, the town wouldn’t have looked much different.

The steep cliffside offers very little opportunity for development, meaning buildings have been erected on almost every parcel of flat land.

Cullen describes the typical town as not a pattern of streets but a sequence of spaces created by buildings.40 This is directly related to Ventnor due to the unplanned growth of the town – the streets and infrastructure were very much a product of the construction of houses. In doing this, a variety of spaces have been created, providing stimulation through movement from the wide to the narrow.41 During the 1860s, some progress was made in improving the amenities of the town, with many more buildings being erected and alongside them a wealth of foliage grew. Due to the warmer climate, many tropical flora and fauna is now native to the town, with many gardens displaying a selection of palms and ferns. This allowed the artificial elements of Ventnor, such as buildings and roads, to become less visually intrusive: the town of Ventnor remained rather confused and crowded, but it gradually lost its barren appearance as the buildings mellowed and settled into the landscape.42

Fig.28 Victorian houses in Alexandra Gardens

47

References

1 McInnes, Down to the Coast - Fine Mansions & Fair villas Architectural Overview, p.057.

11 Marsden, The English at the Seaside, p.009.

2 Wilson, Portrait of the Isle of Wight, p.021.

13 Walton, The British Seaside - Holidays and resorts in the twentieth century, p.121.

3 Whitehead, The Undercliff of the Isle of Wight, p.124.

4

The Future of Seaside Towns, p.003.

5

I sland Infrastructure Investment Plan Final Report, p.003.

12 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hydrotherapy

14 http://www.invectis.co.uk/iow/wl_ventnor. html 16 Curtis, The development of Ventnor as a seaside resort in the nineteenth century, p.122.

6 https://www.independent.co.uk/news/ education/education-news/ofsted-isle-ofwight-chairman-david-hoare-inbred-poorwhite-ghetto-comment-a7173381.html

17 https://woottonbridgeiow.org.uk/wightlife/ castle.php

7

19 Lane, Piers of the Isle of Wight: A Nostalgic Review, p.112.

Oxford Dictionary.

8 Direction Under Section 497A 4B of the Education Act – Department for Education.

9 J.E.W, Francis Gray Bacon: Recollections of His Short Life, p.028.

10 Curtis, The development of Ventnor as a seaside resort in the nineteenth century, p.047.

18

Oxford Dictionary.

21 Long, Isle of Wight Railways: A New History, p.015.

23 Curtis, The development of Ventnor as a seaside resort in the nineteenth century, p.114.

24 From the diary of R.J.Beazley, Tuberculosis patient from Gurnard, Isle of Wight. Age 15, 1958

35 Lloyd & Pevsner, The Buildings of England: Isle of Wight, p.283.

36 Freeman, Victorians in Search of Winter Health: Ventnor, Isle of Wight: the Mediterranean on an English Shore, p.009.

25 Curtis, The development of Ventnor as a seaside resort in the nineteenth century, p.123.

37 Curtis, The development of Ventnor as a seaside resort in the nineteenth century, p.053.

26 https://www.wyattandjack.com/blogs/ news/115520964-ventnor-royal-hotel 28 Richards, Almost Fairyland, p.059.

38 Adams, Nelson’s Handbook to the Isle of Wight, p.278.

29 Richards, Almost Fairyland, p.038.

39 Nelson and Sons, The Isle of Wight: Its Towns, Antiquities, and Objects of Interest, P.062.

30 Curtis, The development of Ventnor as a seaside resort in the nineteenth century, p.140.

40 Cullen, The Concise Townscape, p.046

31 http://www.invectis.co.uk/iow/wl_ventnor. html

41 Cullen, The Concise Townscape, p.046 42 Curtis, The development of Ventnor as a seaside resort in the nineteenth century, p.070.

33 Watson, Union Street Ryde: A Historical Study, p.063.

34 Curtis, The development of Ventnor as a seaside resort in the nineteenth century, p.067.

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Fig.29 Ventnor beach, circa 1950

VENTNORS VERTICAL LINEALITY

Fig.30 Ventnor from the Royal Victoria Pier, circa 1910

i. Enclosure & Exposure

Today, Ventnor’s topography is one of urban merit.

The majority of the town’s urban form comprises of predominantly large Victorian terraced houses, separated vertically rather than horizontally as they climb the cliffside. The vernacular of Ventnor appears to be centred around the bay, which is of no surprise. Tree covered slopes, interspersed with houses and flats, define the landscape of the town. Many of the terraced houses were designed to take advantage of the spectacular views, with the addition of bay windows in each floor to allow as much natural light into the buildings.

“ Due to the steep geological nature of the town, terraces of houses appear to almost sit on top of one another, allowing for almost every building to benefit from a seaward view. Balconies and terraces were added to these structures, allowing those visiting the health resort with ailments to benefit from the sun and sea air.” 1

Furthermore, the architecture has an intricacy2 within its details, with the wide array of houses and villas, although not the finest display of Victorian craftmanship, hold a certain charm when juxtaposed against the urban fabric of neighbouring towns such as Sandown. This charm has potentially been preserved due to Ventnor’s inability to expand - Sandown’s sprawl has resulted in ‘bungalow suburbia,’ providing very little architectural merit.

53

Fig.31 Ventnor Bay with views and High Street area

Whereas Ventnor’s town centre is located slightly inland, the main part of Sandown is located on the seafront, with the High Street running roughly parallel to the sea and esplanade. Although the High Street is merely 100 metres from the sea, the continuous row of houses, empty shops and abandoned hotels hides the view of the ocean,

allowing glimpses at road junctions and through windows. This detachment from the sea has clearly had an effect on the High Street, as Sandown feels less like a unified seaside resort.

Ventnor is one of the smallest towns on the Isle of Wight, both in terms of its population and physical

Fig.32 Sandown Bay with views and High Street area

size, but due to the constant change in topography it gives a false sense of scale. This is enhanced with the addition of a chaotic road network (allowing for the possibility of disorientation within the town and therefore a lack of understanding of its size), as well as buildings being reasonably tall and compacted together. Moreover, the scarce amount of low-lying

land in Ventnor has resulted in its very distinct terrace formation, which in turn has reduced the number of closes and housing estates. All of these factors result in the illusion of a more metropolitan town, which potentially makes for a more interesting experience rather than the predictable suburban layout of places like Sandown.

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V E N T N O R S V E RT I C A L L I N E A L I T Y

Exploring the town by foot, one experiences a separate journey than that by car due to the freedom of movement, with vehicles being restricted to the main roads, deterred by the steep hills and narrow alleyways. It is only when negotiating these precarious streets that one understands the true magnificence of Ventnor and allows the user to appreciate the beauty of the unplanned urban fabric.

The ability to walk everywhere within Ventnor provides the fundamental basis for a humancentric town, allowing the user to experience an emotive connection with the town. This human scale3 is heightened with the offering of glimpses into people’s lives via the different heights of terraces (views through windows into internal spaces and into private gardens). Enclosure within the town allows for a sense of protection from the coastal conditions, furthered by the wider enclosure of the bay.

Fig.33 Illustration showing glimpses into homes

Fig.34 A view into a private garden

The embedding of Ventnor’s buildings into the cliffside presents a more dynamic urban form.

With numerous terraces of buildings acting as a series of elevations facing the ocean, you can experience a range of emotions when stood at various points within the town. Cullen describes the ‘change in level’ as providing intimacy and enclosure at lower levels, and command and superiority4 at higher levels. The notion that the higher points of a town are advantageous to the lower levels is interesting, as it is often the buildings closer to the seafront which are associated with being more desirable. It is clear from the architecture of Ventnor’s esplanade that the more modern but less characterful buildings (generally serving the tourist trade) have chosen to situate themselves along the seafront, with the majority of the Victorian sandstone buildings sitting on the higher terraces. The residents of the town, living further up the cliffside, therefore appear to retain their superiority over the tourists down below.

Ventnor offers a variety of spaces to the user throughout its urban fabric, their basic qualities determined by the shape and proportions of the volume: both intrinsic proportions and proportion to their use and to the human being.5 Meandering streets offer intrigue to the user, hiding the destination around corners and then offering spectacular vistas of the sea. The constant change in levels allows users glimpses of aspects and buildings in the town, and then steals them back only to reveal another view.

A variance in building height provides both a human scale to the town, as well as a grandiose opulence, echoing the wealth of many residents in the nineteenth century. The smooth irregularities6 of Ventnor’s vernacular offer harmonious rhythm to the user, with sequential viewpoints primarily hidden by houses, hotels, walls and foliage, giving a lasting impression of the town. The pleasure experienced by motion over and under, in and out7 is exaggerated in Ventnor due to irregularities in the layout of buildings as well as the variance in heights at certain locations in the town.

Fig.35 Levels of superiority

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V E N T N O R S V E RT I C A L L I N E A L I T Y

Fig.36 Meandering High Street, Ventnor

The layout of Ventnor provides dynamism, from the chaotic road network of the town to the terraced format of the bay. Whilst there are very limited open spaces (aside from the roads and private gardens), the topography of the town is fairly forgiving due to the green fields of St. Boniface Down as well as the great expanse of

ocean to the east, therefore alleviating the sense of enclosure. Although unable to view the town in its entirety, potentially causing disorientation8, the continuous aspects of the ocean at each terrace, framed by the backdrop of the hills above allows the user to locate themselves relative to their surroundings.

Fig.37 Deflection on the High Street

The winding road network of the high street in Ventnor will naturally provide a richer experience for the end user. There are a number of instances in the town which encourage deflection of the user’s view, whereby the object building is deflected away from the right angle9 allowing intrigue as to where the street will lead and a

sense of progression beyond.10 This anticipation11 to arrive in a new space is apparent throughout many of Ventnor’s streets and is often met with an ocean vista.

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V E N T N O R S V E RT I C A L L I N E A L I T Y

Once the chaotic streets and alleys of Ventnor’s town centre have been negotiated, the user is presented with a steep decline to the seafront.

Once descended, the esplanade provides the greatest sense of exposure,12 which is only heightened due to the enclosure of the town. The expanse of sea is not only an awe-inspiring vista for the town, but also installs fear and emptiness in the viewer.

Fig.38 Anticipation and exposure

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V E N T N O R S V E RT I C A L L I N E A L I T Y

One of the key architectural characteristics of Ventnor (and possibly its greatest) is that it never reveals itself fully – you are offered glimpses of particular aspects as you meander through the streets, but you are never able to fully understand the towns layout without carefully studying a map. This is highlighted in Townscape when Cullen discusses looking out of enclosure as creating a sense of Thereness13 – the intrigue offered when a space (slightly out of reach) is framed, for example by the end of an alleyway.

Sandown, on the other hand, is linear in its form, making it easy to navigate and is perhaps one of the reasons it was popular to some tourists: simplicity from the beach, to the High Street, to the bed and breakfasts.

Fig.39 Sense of Thereness created at the end of alleyways

When walking through the streets of Ventnor, I can only describe the feeling as that of elation – the relationship between spaces is unexpected and disorderly yet provides pleasure to the user. At a smaller scale, the details within the fabric of the town offer further delight. Personalised ornaments specific to Ventnor, such as the Ventnor Arts Club logo chiselled into the stonework, are expressive symbols which may go unnoticed to many but provide uniqueness to a place. Details within the building fabric, such as windows furnished with personal antiquities or seemingly random objects placed in odd locations provide a sense of warmth and uniqueness to Ventnor, allowing locals to take ownership over the identity of the town.

“ Whoever you speak to in the town, resident or visitor, you will always hear the same thing: Ventnor’s quirky.” 14

Fig.41 Ventnor Arts Club logo, chisseled into the stonework

Fig.40 One of the many quirks of Ventnor: Spyglass Inn

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References

1 Freeman, Victorians in Search of Winter

13 Cullen, The Concise Townscape, p.033.

Health: Ventnor, Isle of Wight: the Mediterranean on an English Shore, p.011.

14 Interview with Stephen Izatt (Founder of Ventnor Arts Club), September 2019.

2 Cullen, The Concise Townscape, p.065.

3 Lynch, City Sense and City Design, p.140.

4 Cullen, The Concise Townscape, p.038.

5 Lynch, City Sense and City Design, p.144.

6 Lynch, City Sense and City Design, p.150.

7 Lynch, City Sense and City Design, p.150.

8 Lynch, City Sense and City Design, p.135.

9 Cullen, The Concise Townscape, p.043.

10 Cullen, The Concise Townscape, p.047.

11 Cullen, The Concise Townscape, p.049.

12 Cullen, The Concise Townscape, p.069.

T H E U N S TA B L E P R E S E N T

Fig.42 Royal Victoria Pier, 1905

A Place on the Margin

Towards the second half of the 20th century, Ventnor began to face numerous social and economic problems. The demise of the Royal National Ventnor Hospital and its eventual closure in 1964 was due to the discovery of the cure for Tuberculosis, resulting in an abundance of empty beds. This enormous edifice was eventually demolished in 1966 shortly before the closure of the railway. Today, the Ventnor Botanical Gardens sits in its place. After the closure of the hospital, Ventnor proceeded to fall into a terrible state of decline that lasted until the middle of the 1990’s.

trades, the construction of the Isle of Wight railway and the introduction of cheap package holidays to Europe meant the pier was not maintained and therefore demolished in 1993.1 This had a big impact on the town over the last few decades, as piers have a direct correlation with seaside tourism.2 Even Sandown, although faced with a number of social and economic issues, regards its surviving pier as one of its primary attractions and has the only pleasure pier on the island.

The first and second world wars resulted in Ventnor’s original pier being neglected, and eventually most of the structure was demolished.

After a number of years, the council secured funding to reconstruct the pier and hence the New Royal Victoria Pier was opened in 1953.

The ornately decorated structure of cast iron and welded steel used the latest innovation in technology, and by 1955 it is reported to have attracted around 200,000 visitors. Over the next 30 years however, the reduction in the steamer

2 Brighton, for instance, generated ÂŁ31.3 million in revenue through its famous pier in 2017 with its numerous attractions and heritage status.3

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Fig.43 Sandown Canoe Lake, circa 1950

The lack of accessibility to Ventnor, as well as to many other areas of the island, was (and still is) one of the primary factors in its decline. As early as 1911, promoters of tourism in Ventnor could envisage problems with its isolation:

The creation of the railway lines on the Isle of Wight were paramount to the increase in tourism.

Despite the initial popularity in the railway line from Ryde to Ventnor, by 1951 an average of 20 passengers per day in the summer and 8 passengers per day in the winter were travelling on each train service, resulting in a loss of £18,000 a year (the equivalent today of £400,000).6 The railway line between Sandown and Ventnor was subsequently closed in 1952, creating further issues with accessibility to Ventnor and therefore a direct loss of income.

“ until the difficulties and the delay connected with the water crossing have been surmounted, either by means of a tunnel under the Solent or by improved steamboat service, and the antiquated railway system has been modernised, the Undercliff district as a whole, despite the undoubted climatic advantages the locality possesses, cannot hope to attain that degree of prosperity and usefulness to which its claims so justly entitle it.” 4

One reason for the loss of visitors to Ventnor via rail was due to the increase in popularity of Sandown in the 1950s and 1960s. The reduction in family income after the second world war meant middle-class destinations were less attainable.

Sandown, being larger and therefore able to offer competitive holiday rates, attracted large amounts of tourists in the mid-twentieth century, cutting off an important artery to Ventnor’s seasonal economy.

Jack Whitewood summarised the town’s situation as a marginal place, describing Ventnor as an island within an island.5

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Today, Ventnor’s future is uncertain. The town ranked in the top 20% of most deprived areas in the UK in 2019 and came within the top 10% of most unemployed areas in the UK.7 Furthermore, Ventnor has the highest child poverty statistics compared to the rest of the Isle of Wight (End Child Poverty 2018), creating further problems with crime and substance abuse.

“ The worry is that this population trend is accelerating and will eventually lead to a demographic emergency – the council can’t see this and therefore there is a lot of uncertainty within the society of Ventnor.” 8

Ventnor’s primary issue is its demography. The town has an ageing population issue, with many people moving from the mainland to retire to the Isle of Wight, whilst the younger generation tend to leave the Island to find work on the mainland.

This large proportion of Ventnor’s population are economically inactive, requiring more resources as they get older. The number of over 85-year olds on the Isle of Wight is increasing, whilst the number of under 25-year olds is decreasing, which is all the more apparent in Ventnor.

Fig.44 Older shoppers are the norm on Ventnor’s High Street

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Unemployment, due to a decline in seasonal trade, results in further economic issues, meaning locals leave Ventnor in search of other employment or seek benefits. “ Retirement bungalows began to spring up, and now the population of the Island comes mostly from retirement, which has had a dreadful effect on everything. The actual Islanders now represent about 20% of the current Constituency, and most of our money is spent on incomers, who don’t bring money with them, due to their need for care in old age. Our schools and hospital have all suffered, and that makes it even more unattractive for young professionals to come and live here.” 9 Stephen Izatt, a local resident and founder of the Ventnor Arts Club, moved from London to Ventnor in 2006, and although he views Ventnor as his home, he still works 3 days a week in the capital. This, in his view, is one of the most apparent issues with Ventnor as young people have very little employment opportunities here,

and with the nearest university in Portsmouth, it is extremely difficult to encourage them to return to Ventnor.10 This loss of the younger generation, coupled with a large number of retirees, puts the future of Ventnor in an unstable position. This issue is not just specific to Ventnor, but endemic across the whole of the Isle of Wight.

Another of Ventnor’s main issues is its lack of skilled labour. The lack of a highly skilled workforce inevitably means there is a shortage of highly skilled jobs, resulting in lower incomes generally. Without a university on the Isle of Wight, residents in search of higher education have to leave the island creating a negative flow of people and income (which links back to the initial problem of the ageing population) – not only is the Isle of Wight losing people to the mainland, it doesn’t receive an input of new people in search of education: it’s a chicken and egg situation: an unskilled population means there are no skilled jobs, further resulting in a minimal input of new people to the island.11

Fig.45 Staring into the abyss, Ventnor esplanade

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A Class Divide

One of the key differences one notices when visiting Ventnor and neighbouring towns such as Sandown, is the apparent class divide. Ventnor still attracts a large number of retired, elderly holidaymakers each year. However, a considerable number of visitors are from the middle classes, who venture further along the coast from the easily accessible destinations such as Ryde and Sandown in search of more seclusion.

This is not a recent change, as throughout its history, Ventnor has always attracted the middle and upper classes. Its inability to accommodate urban sprawl, due to its geological form, has allowed the town to retain much of its Victorian vernacular. Sandown, however, is much more low-lying and has therefore grown considerably in size over the last century: Sandown, on paper, has a lot more advantages as a leisure facility than Ventnor: the transport links; the long sandy beach; its overall layout.12 Large hotels were opened to accommodate the influx of tourists in the summer, which have since closed down (but still remain standing) and retirement parks have opened on the outskirts of the town.

Fig.48 The Grand Hotel in Sandown remains vacant

Top: F ig.46 F at Harry’s fish & chips on Sandown High Street Bottom: Fig.47 More upmarket food choices on Ventnor High Street

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Coachloads of tourists enter Sandown at the height of summer for its long sandy beach, cheap hotels and various gaudy amusements. Upon visiting Sandown in July 2019, it became apparent that the beach had appeared to lose its appeal to the masses, with most visitors finding entertainment in the arcade machines inside the pier. The noisy, vibrant and visually intrusive arcade hall created an oasis from the natural world, offering tourists endless hours of supposed fun with the input of loose change.

Fig.49 Attractions on Sandown Pier compared to the vacant beach

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T H E U N S TA B L E P R E S E N T

Top: Fig.50 Vacant units in Sandown Bottom: Fig.51 Typical commerce of Sandown

Sandown’s High Street offers the most insight into the town’s state of affairs. Due to the decline in tourism, an ability to adapt to change and the overall issues faced by high street businesses across the country, many of the shopfronts now lay abandoned. When wandering along the street, which runs perpendicular to the seafront but only offers occasional glimpses of the ocean, it becomes evident that the town is somewhat stuck in the past. Endless tacky souvenir shops with dated signage such as ‘Present Times’ and ‘Bags of Sandown’ are interlaced with fish and chip shops and tea rooms, as well as the countless empty units. All of these independently run businesses, with their depressing window displays and even more dated interiors are all likely to fall victim to the same fate as their neighbours if they aren’t able to modernise.

Whilst Ventnor still has its fair share of empty units, the town centre appears to be more prosperous than that of Sandown. Unlike Sandown, a number of the shops have managed to adapt with the times. Rather than there being countless souvenir shops and fast food outlets, a select few stores appear characterful rather than tacky, positively adding to the identity of the town. Furthermore, due to Ventnor’s chaotic road network, not only does this offer a more dynamic town centre experience, but the High Street can only expand so much until it reaches a cliff face or the sea. Sandown on the other hand, with no physical limitations can continue to grow parallel to the seashore, heightening the current issues with the High Street.

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A3

FOR DETERMINATION

0

2

8m

1:200 Job N Drg N

Scale

Status

Job

-

1 : 200

PLANNING

THE PAVILION, VENTNOR

Date

Director

Author

Check

Drawing

31/05/2018

GG

BLR

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Proposed Street Scene Context Elevation

14/005 / P-50

Nero Brewery, Cricket Green, Hartley Wintney, Hants RG27 8QA Tel: 01252 844144 Fax: 01252 844800 Web: www.lsharch.co.uk

Rev

NOTE: All figures are approximate and have been measured and expressed in a manner as defined by the current edition of the RICS/ISVA Code of Measuring Practice. Figures relate to the current stage of the project and any development decisions to be made on the basis of this information should include due allowance for the increases and decreases inherent in the design and building processes.

Reproduced from Ordnance Survey mapping under Licence Numbers AR152978 & 100020449

LYONS+SLEEMAN+HOARE Ltd

This drawing may be scaled or cross referenced to the scale bar for Planning Application purposes only. Do not scale for any other purpose, use figured dimensions only. Subject to site survey and all necessary consents. All dimensions to be checked by user and any discrepancies, errors or omissions to be reported to the Architect before work commences. This drawing is to be read in conjunction with all other relevant materials.

When analysing the residents of Ventnor, one can only describe the demography as a social mixture. Unlike other towns such as Bembridge or Cowes, which are predominantly made up of second homeowners due to their increased access to the mainland, Ventnor has a range of social typologies. As well as its high percentage of child poverty, the town has a number of affluent areas made up of wealthy retirees and second homeowners.

The amusement arcade located on Ventnor’s esplanade has recently closed due to the lack of interest from tourists. This could perhaps be an indicator of the struggle of seasonal trade, or maybe the disinterest of the particular type of clientele that Ventnor attracts, or potentially the change in attitude towards the future character of the town. There are proposals for the leisure arcade, which was originally built at the end of the nineteenth century, to be partially demolished allowing for a new residential property to be constructed. The proposed design aims to create a solution which echoes back through Ventnor history and to produce an outstanding building to rival the original,14 with a contemporary interpretation of the original pavilion. Whilst the design is considerate to the heritage of the site, it is unfortunate that this plot will be removed from the public domain.

“ The population of the town isn’t very transient – there are very few commuters and those that live in Ventnor tend to either work from home or work in one of the local businesses. Moreover, the towns large proportion of retirees makes for a static environment with residents being fairly engrained in the community.” 13

Top: Fig.52 Existing elevation of esplanade Bottom: Fig.53 Proposed elevation of esplanade

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T H E U N S TA B L E P R E S E N T

This demographic disparity is inherent amongst many coastal towns, and dates back to the birth of seaside resorts when town planners would design a place in order to attract a certain clientele: “ …conflicts arose when contrasting holiday preferences came into contact and resort interests had to decide on which visiting publics to encourage and cater for…these tensions between freedom and restraint, in a situation where getting the balance right was central to resort identities and economic success, were again to remain important twentieth-century themes.” 15

Unfortunately, Ventnor receives very limited help from the Isle of Wight Council. The county council has a specific interest in the Medina Valley, Sandown Seafront, Ryde Seafront and Newport Harbour, as it owns assets in all of these places. With the reduction in tourism in Ventnor over the years the council sold off businesses such as the Botanic Gardens and the Winter Gardens, resulting in them becoming privately owned. As the Isle of Wight Council regeneration schemes tend to be focused on assets which are owned by the council, combined with the size of Ventnor, inevitably means it is excluded from any current regeneration scheme on the island.16

As is the case with Ventnor, towns with large estates would provide opportunities for planning and control, tilting the balance towards catering for the upper classes, whereas sub-divided land ownership encouraged development aimed at the less-demanding level of the market. This short-term profit maximisation can create longterm problems when places are unable to sustain desirable environments.

16 This is not necessarily an oversight, but rather an inability to successfully counteract all of the numerous problems on the Isle of Wight. Councils across the UK are inherently made up of older, white, middle-class men – it would be foolish to assume they have the combined skillset to tackle every single issue faced by a place.17

Fig.54 The Winter Gardens, Ventnor

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Ventnor Town Council is viewed by many local residents as fairly forward-thinking and progressive, and they understand that the town has to change to survive. However, when speaking to local business owners such as Jack Whitewood, it becomes apparent that they don’t appear to fully understand the underlying issues of Ventnor: “ each year they open their town council meeting by describing their surprise at the level of child poverty within the town, but then proceed to discuss improvements such as new public toilets, hanging baskets and new allotments: they completely miss the fundamental problems.” 18

It is difficult to hold the town council accountable for being so naïve, as the problem of child poverty is so extensive that it stretches beyond the remit of local authorities and falls upon national governance to take action: “ Investment from central government must be focused on supporting sustainable, longterm regeneration, not piecemeal, short term initiatives. Local authorities, alongside business and community leaders, have a crucial role to play in providing vision, leadership and enforcement, enabling partnerships, and setting a favourable planning environment.” 19

References

1 Lane, Piers of the Isle of Wight: A Nostalgic Review, p.114.

11 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

3 https://www.thecaterer.com/news/brightonpier-group-2018-financial-results

12 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

4 Whitehead, The Undercliff of the Isle of Wight Past and Present, p.139.

13 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

5 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

14 Gaiety Amusements Design and Access Statement (Planning Ref: P/00664/18) Lyons+Sleeman+Hoare Ltd Architects.

6 Drummond, Southern Rails on the Isle of Wight Volume One: The Central and Freshwater Lines, p.134.

15 Walton, The British Seaside – Holidays and Resorts in the Twentieth Century, p.016.

7

17 https://iwightinvest.com/

Indices of Deprivation 2019

8 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

18 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

9 Interview with Councillor Delian BackhouseFry (Ventnor Town Council), October 2019.

19

10 Interview with Stephen Izatt (Founder of Ventnor Arts Club), September 2019.

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The Future of Seaside Towns, p.003.

Fig.55 Marine villas and hotels rise up from the Esplanade at Ventnor, 1895. As the art scene was predominantly centred around London in the nineteenth century, when paintings such as this (depicting Ventnor’s unique landscape and its relationship to the sea) were shown to wealthy patrons in the capital, it raised interest in the Isle of Wight’s coast as a location for the construction of marine villas.

T H E L O C A L C R E AT I V E RESILIENCE

Fig.56 Photo montage illustrating Ventnor’s locally run High Street

A Growing Industry

There are a number of general conditions which inform the urban identity and architectural manifestations of a place, including natural, sociopolitical, cultural, technological and economic conditions.

attraction as well as a local economy.

Since the late twentieth century, it is apparent that Ventnor has in fact improved in recent years, albeit slowly: “ the process of change has been a gradual shift – it is very much ‘two-steps-forward-one-stepback’. There is still a fairly high turnover of shops and businesses, but the overall direction is positive. The last few commercial chains have left Sandown, which initially creates a negative and nervous reaction, but ultimately this allows local independent shops to be more successful.” 2

The future of seaside towns report sets out a series of points to address in an effort to develop a coastal renaissance and enhance the general conditions of seaside towns: “ the hospitality sector should be championed and transformed into a rewarding and highlyrespected career path; connectivity, both in terms of transport and the digital world, must be enhanced; the growth in the cultural and creative economy of coastal areas needs to quicken so that every region has access to a fair share of the nation’s cultural capital.” 1

This ‘high street revolution’, in my opinion, gives the town a much more desirable character, as well as develops the community spirit within Ventnor. Money spent in shops is reinvested in the local economy, rather than being hoarded by the gargantuan chains, creating a somewhat closed loop system.

It would be impossible to tackle all of these conditions in this thesis and therefore I am focusing specifically on the addition of creativity within decaying seaside towns – both as a tourist

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Fig.57 Ventnor Arts Club event, 2019

The initial positive change for Ventnor in recent years has been its food and restaurants. Local people began to diversify the High Street with a mixture of fine dining and local seafood establishments, setting a trend for the town. The Hambrough Hotel employed Robert Thompson as its head chef in 2008, who went on to win the island’s only Michelin Star, which inevitably brought a lot of interest to Ventnor. This encouraged other restaurants to open up, such as the Smoking Lobster Grill and the Bistro, attracting residents from all over the Isle of Wight to Ventnor.

Speaking to Stephen Izatt one begins to gain an understanding of why Ventnor retains its popularity, both as a tourist destination as well as a place to live. “ I moved to Ventnor for a number of reasons: its rich artistic history shared by many interesting and creative people; its natural and man-made beauty as a town; but most importantly it doesn’t have a view of the mainland – just a continuous stretch of sea.” 4 When interviewing Jack Whitewood, he also mentioned this inability to see the mainland and characterised it as one of Ventnor’s foremost attributes.5

There are currently approximately thirty places to eat in Ventnor, which shows a positive change to the town’s economy. However, it has now reached a saturation point – Ventnor is a small town of 6,000 people and the majority of the restaurants only cater for a third of the town’s population at most. The next step is to uncover what else Ventnor has to offer to help it develop socially and economically. According to Charles Landry, creativity is the principle factor in determining future civic success, describing urban creativity as a dynamic concept and a renewable resource.3

When Stephen moved to Ventnor, he began to meet like-minded creative people who shared a passion for Ventnor. As there was no meeting place for these people, he decided to buy a 1920s bank in the town centre and convert it into the Ventnor Arts Club with the aim of bringing creatives together. Over the years, this small events space has transformed the art scene in

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Ventnor, bringing events from the Royal Opera House and New York Metropolitan Opera House as well as curating exhibitions for local residents and more prominent artists.

Stephen is also part of the Arts Council in Ventnor – a recent initiative set up by locals from business and art backgrounds with the aim of developing the creative scene of the town further. The group have spent the last couple of years studying coastal towns which have experienced a rise in popularity due to the introduction of a large art gallery, such as St Ives in Cornwall and Margate in Kent. Their objective is to identify whether creating a large art gallery in a coastal town which has faced fundamental social and economic decline can have a positive impact on a place.

6 The Winter Gardens is one of Ventnor’s most famous architectural merits – an art-deco building designed by Douglas Clare and constructed out of steel and concrete in 1936, located on an isolated terrace above the harbour. Initially a hugely popular concert hall (visited

by Queen Elizabeth II in 1965), the building fell into disrepair in the 1970s as the town lost its tourism and

The Arts Council are looking to establish links with the mainland by securing a big creative brand, such as the Royal Academy of Arts or Tate, and encouraging them to initiate a new gallery in Ventnor. Using grants from local and regional governance, as well as from big businesses, the group will look to redevelop an existing building, such as the Winter Gardens building.6 In doing so, the Arts Council aim to build the creative heritage of Ventnor and boost the social and economic development of the town, enhanced by the free publicity from the name of a big art gallery. This poses the question of whether Ventnor can once again return to attracting people from further afar through its art scene, as was the case in the nineteenth century (see Fig.55).

was eventually taken over by the South Wight Borough Council in 1974. After a number of failed attempts to promote the building, it was closed down to the public in 2011 and sold privately to the Hambrough group for £1. Since its purchase and refurbishment, the Winter Gardens have continued to face economic pressures due to poor management of events and promotion.7

Fig.58 Mural on a wall in Ventnor depicting the town on the back of a sea creature

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Fig.59 Turner Contemporary Gallery (2011), by David Chipperfield Architects. Margate, Kent

When examining Margate in Kent, the introduction of the Turner Contemporary Gallery appears to have had a hugely positive impact on the development of the town. Similar to Ventnor, the seaside town was initially developed as a Victorian tourist destination, attracting many visitors from London via the new railway in the 19th century. After a number of years of decline, Margate is experiencing a recent social and economic rejuvenation, with many naming the town Shoreditch-on-Sea8 due to the surge in exLondoners taking up residence.9

Upon analysing Margate’s population statistics, the reality is that life expectancy is still 8 years below the national average12 and child poverty is still rife, with recent statistics from the Ministry of Housings Communities and Government putting the town in the 1% of most deprived areas in England.13 There is therefore an apparent correlation between Margate and Ventnor, as well as many other coastal towns in the UK, in which case can we assume that the introduction of a large art gallery in Ventnor may not be the best use of limited council funds?

However, we cannot hold the opening of the Turner Contemporary Gallery as the sole reason for Margate’s recent popularity. The construction of the HS1 high speed railway line to London has allowed those who either cannot afford to live in London or prefer to live outside of the capital to commute each day with ease. It can therefore be assumed that the reintroduction of a railway line from either Ryde or Cowes to Ventnor would allow for an influx in visitors.

9 The average property price in Margate is £235,143,10 compared to £509,038 11 in Peckham making the seaside town hugely attractive to those who can’t afford London.

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Alternatively, when reviewing the popularity of the Tate St Ives in Cornwall, it becomes clear that although this has had a positive impact on the tourism, the town’s creative history (from Barbara Hepworth’s sculptures to Alfred Wallis’ paintings)14 has provided a fundamental heritage.

Moreover, this arts scene isn’t limited to St Ives – Newlyn and Penzance have nurtured many an artist over the years and continue to inspire creativity at establishments such as Newlyn Art School.15 Therefore, the introduction of the Tate St Ives merely heightened the art scene, rather than created a whole new economy for the town.

Satirical artist Banksy created a huge amount of interest in Weston-super-Mare with his installation of Dismaland in 2015. The 5-week exhibition reportedly brought an extra £20 million of trade16 to the town whilst it was on display, boosting the local economy temporarily.

Whilst the temporary nature of the exhibition was essential to the narrative of Dismaland, it could be argued it has somewhat left a void in Weston-super-Mare’s creative scene. Although it

has allowed for a slight emergence of a creative scene within the town, the number of visitors has dropped significantly. Furthermore, the site in which Dismaland stood is now vacant, with almost all of the attractions being sold off privately or to other galleries around the world.

Fig.60 Banksy’s Dismaland, Weston-super-Mare

Fig.61 The Tate St Ives, Cornwall

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I met up with Jack Whitewood, owner of Ventnor Exchange and organiser of Ventnor Fringe Festival, in October to discuss his viewpoints on the history of the town as well as its current developing creative scene.17

mainland, the chance to entertain small groups of people throughout the year. Moreover, Jack hosts acting lessons for adults as well as a youth program to encourage creativity locally.

The Ventnor Exchange is a small craft beer and record store, which also hosts a range of theatre productions. Amongst other creative ventures such as Stephen Izatt’s Ventnor Arts Club, the Exchange represented a shift towards a new way of thinking in Ventnor: we wanted to create an art space which would develop a creative community.19 The space offers local residents, as well as more prominent performers from the

17 Having grown up in Ventnor, Jack found the town fairly constraining when he was looking to undertake further education and ultimately find employment in his subject of choice: the performing arts. He moved to London to study at drama school and eventually found a job as the head of the literary department for

Hampstead Theatre. Although enjoying it at first, he soon became frustrated with the amount of enjoyable scripts that weren’t making it onto the stage due to the vast amount of competition. Jack therefore moved back to Ventnor and set up the Exchange in 2014.18

Fig.62 Jack Whitewood, owner of Ventnor Exchange

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Fig.63 Ventnor Beach, 2019

Discussing the creative identity of Ventnor, Jack says:

than at the beach, which causes accessibility and congestion issues. Finally, and possibly the most fundamental factor, is that Ventnor ultimately cannot be subservient to tourism:

“ for as long as I have been in Ventnor the town has always had a creative spirit; it just manifests itself in different ways. Ventnor feels like an island within an island due to its distance from the mainland and therefore is relatively independently-minded, with residents wanting to do things in different ways to elsewhere.” 20

“ although I think it’s great that tourists visit and I want to encourage that, my primary interest is in the people that live here. In too many instances, especially on the Isle of Wight, the focus is on how to manage visitors’ expectations, rather than develop the lives of locals.” 21

Furthermore, its social diversity allows for a more creative atmosphere rather than accommodating one group of people.

Many members of Ventnor’s community aim to ensure it doesn’t emulate the traditional model of the seaside town for a number of reasons. Firstly, the town doesn’t host the most attractive beach, being relatively short and not the quintessential sandy beach that many visitors search for.

Secondly, the natural layout of the facilities of the town is problematic – the town centre, hotels and car parks are located in the hillside rather

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Developing the existing fabric of the town with a focus on the lives of residents rather than visitors may in fact have a positive impact on tourism.

There appears to have been a recent shift in what visitors expect from the traditional British seaside holiday and the word ‘tourist’ is beginning to have negative connotations, with a shift towards words such as ‘traveller’. The types of holidays have also shifted, with tourists wanting shorter breaks which are less beach driven, but more in search of authenticity. Traditional seaside resorts such as Sandown, which have been fabricated towards the tourist industry, are being abandoned by seasonal visitors in search of places with heritage, such as the fishing villages of Mousehole in Cornwall or Whitstable in Kent.

However, whilst this may help develop the economy, too much focus on tourism could result in ‘over-tourism’ (definition: over-tourism describes destinations where hosts or guests, locals or visitors, feel that there are too many visitors and that the quality of life in the area or the quality of the experience has deteriorated unacceptably22), as is being seen in towns such as St Ives, as well as on a larger scale in places such as Venice23:

23 Although Venice is much larger, proportionally over time Ventnor could fall victim to the issue of overtourism that the Italian island is facing – 12% of

Venice’s housing stock is listed on Airbnb, which is comparable to the 10% of Ventnor’s housing stock on Airbnb.24

“ it is important that [residents] don’t oversell themselves to tourists at the expense of the place.” 25

Fig.64 Over-tourism in Venice, Italy

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When tackling the issue of an unskilled population in Ventnor, as well as the island, Jack feels there is only one logical way of tackling it: “ if people have the skills, they will create the jobs and create the demand. The schools on the Isle of Wight don’t have the best reputation, but the introduction of a university or specialised college would benefit the island hugely.” 26 This can also be tackled through the introduction of more localised initiatives, such as workshops and short courses in specific trades and crafts, which will help develop skills whilst reinvesting in local economies and the economy of the Isle of Wight overall. This, in my view, would be a much better use of council funding and would benefit the community far more than the introduction of a large art gallery, which in reality would only provide a handful of jobs to local people.

It isn’t just the local residents that understand that the enhancement of the existing skill base of Ventnor is paramount to future social and

economic growth. The Isle of Wight Regeneration Strategy highlights that: “ enhancing skill levels and improving educational attainment is necessary to provide an appropriately skilled workforce to both attract higher-value inward investment and ensure existing businesses remain competitive…a key objective of relevant stakeholders is therefore to develop a workforce with the qualifications and skills which meet the demand from strategically important sectors, such as advanced manufacturing and engineering, marine industries and renewables.” 27

Fig.65 The emergence of Ventnor

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References

1

The Future of Seaside Towns, p.006.

2 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

15 https://www.newlynartschool.co.uk/ 16 https://www.dazeddigital.com/art-photography/ article/41049/1/three-years-legacy-of-banksydismaland-weston-super-mare-england-tropicana

3 Landry, The Creative City, p.224.

18 https://ventnorexchange.co.uk/ 4 Interview with Stephen Izatt (Founder of Ventnor Arts Club), September 2019.

5 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

19 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

20 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

7 http://www.ventnorwintergardens.com/ 8 https://www.ft.com/content/4ee29918-3819-11e8b161-65936015ebc3

21 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

10 https://www.zoopla.co.uk/house-prices/margate/

22 https://responsibletourismpartnership.org/ overtourism/

11 https://www.zoopla.co.uk/house-prices/peckham/

24 http://insideairbnb.com/venice/report_en.html

12 https://maps.cdrc.ac.uk/#/metrics/lifeexpectancy/ default/BTTTFPT/14/1.4074/51.3788/

25 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

13 https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/englishindices-of-deprivation-2019

26 Interview with Jack Whitewood (Owner of Ventnor Exchange), October 2019.

14 https://www.schoolofpainting.co.uk/aboutus/514-2/

27 https://iwightinvest.com/the-wight-we-want/

C ONC LU SION

Conclusion

“ The British seaside retains its weird and wonderful dark side – and it keeps going, because nobody could go any further.” 1 The purpose of this dissertation is to identify the reasons behind Ventnor’s uniqueness as a seaside destination, by studying the past and present status of the town, whilst analysing other factors such as topography, economy and social position against other seaside towns on the Isle of Wight, as well as the rest of the UK. It is evident from this study that Ventnor’s recurring primary issue is its isolation as a town, located on the margin of an already disconnected island. Coupled with other factors, such as an ageing population (which is not exclusive to the town, but rather endemic across the whole of the Isle of Wight) and a relatively unskilled workforce, Ventnor has struggled economically and therefore socially for many years.

Fig.66 Ventnor beach from the south, circa 1950

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CONCLUSION

Fig.67 Ventnor pier with steamboat, circa 1910

When examining Ventnor’s history as a health resort in the nineteenth century, it becomes apparent that the economy has always been reliant on visitors to the town. The favourable winter climate, suitable for the treatment of tuberculosis, allowed for the construction of the

Royal National Hospital, amongst many private villas with large terraces and balconies providing access to fresh sea air. With the modernisation of transport links to Ventnor, such as steamboats to the pier and the railway line from Ryde, the town was prospering by the early twentieth century.

Fig.68 A view of Ventnor from the pier, circa 1890-1900

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CONCLUSION

The heightening of Ventnor’s attractiveness as a visitor destination (as well as a place to settle) is its unique urban form. Due to the steep nature of the Undercliff with St. Boniface Down above, houses were built on all available plots, creating a series of terraces. Access to direct sea views at almost any part of the town is extremely rare, and this sets it apart from other neighbouring towns such as Sandown, which is much more low lying. Moreover, the chaotic street network of the town (which appears subservient to the buildings) provides dynamism and intrigue, which cannot necessarily be experienced in Sandown.

Ventnor’s urban form, architectural characteristics and individual quirks provide a distinctive identity and differentiate it from other coastal resorts on the Isle of Wight, as well as the rest of the UK. Fig.69 Architecture typical of Ventnor High Street

Fig.70 Progression through Ventnor

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Fig.71 Fort Spinney holiday bungalows, Sandown

In recent years, however, the town has experienced a decline in its visitors and therefore its economy.

The discovery of the cure for tuberculosis, the demolition of the pier and the removal of the railway line, amongst other factors, emphasised the isolation of Ventnor. The introduction of cheaper package holidays to warmer destinations in Europe made it difficult for visitors to justify the expensive and slow ferry to the Isle of Wight, only to have to negotiate the winding roads that lead to Ventnor. Furthermore, towards the end of the twentieth century, those travelling to the Isle of Wight were choosing to stay in the more entertaining towns such as Sandown.

creating a more self-sustained community than that of Sandown. Nevertheless, the issues faced by many isolated seaside towns in the UK are still very apparent within Ventnor, and continue to affect the economic status and social dynamic.

Today, Ventnor, as well as Sandown, suffers from an ageing demography, lack of infrastructure, unemployment and child poverty, as well as numerous other issues. Unlike Sandown, however, Ventnor appears to have retained a somewhat prosperous interest from visitors throughout the year, with an influx in successful restaurants and hotels in recent years. The High Street maintains interest from both tourists and local residents,

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Fig.72 Ventnor Fringe Festival, 2018

Whilst I feel tourism cannot be neglected, as it has been Ventnor’s primary economy for many years and therefore has to continue catering for visitors, the town has to diversify and modernise in order to adapt to the extremely transient and fast-paced world of today. Although the creativity of the town should absolutely be celebrated (and it is being celebrated through events such as the Ventnor Fringe Festival), the introduction of a higher skilled and more diverse workforce through advanced education may ensure a longerterm sustainable future for Ventnor.

“ The Isle of Wight’s hidden gem is indisputably Ventnor Exchange, an arts centre that comprises a theatre, record shop, live music venue, coffee shop and a craft beer bar...it’s run by the team behind Ventnor Fringe, launched 10 years ago by a group of teenagers who wanted to make a difference to their dilapidated Victorian seaside town.” 2 When interviewing locals Jack Whitewood and Stephen Izatt, I was given different opinions on how Ventnor should develop to ensure its future survival. Stephen felt that with the introduction of a large art gallery in the town, visitor interest would grow exponentially, boosting the towns economy and in turn developing its social status.

Jack, however, felt that the towns limited council funds should be spent elsewhere, in an effort to improve the lives of local residents rather than cater for tourists. If, in his opinion, the underlying issues of child poverty, unemployment and an ageing demographic are tackled, the economy will thrive and so will the community.

Fig.73 Ventnor High Street, circa 1900

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References

1 http://www.bbc.com/culture/story/20170626-thedark-side-of-the-british-seaside 2 https://www.theguardian.com/travel/2019/dec/17/ uk-hidden-gems-pub-cafe-bookshops-village

APPENDIX

Books

Adams, W. Nelson’s Handbook to the Isle of Wight.

T. Nelson and Sons, London. 1862.

Marsden, C. The English at the Seaside. Collins, Glasgow. 1947.

Brodie, A & Winter, G. England’s Seaside Resorts.

English Heritage. 2007.

Richards, J.M. Almost Fairyland: Personal Notes Concerning the Isle of Wight. John Hogg, London.

1914.

Cullen, G. The Concise Townscape. The Architectural Press, London. 1961.

Freeman, M. Victorians in Search of Winter Health - Ventnor, Isle of Wight: the Mediterranean on an English Shore. Cross Publishing, Isle of Wight. 2015.

Lane, M. Piers of the Isle of Wight: A Nostalgic Review. Isle of Wight Council. 1996 Landry, C. The Creative City. Earthscan Publications, London. 2000.

Lloyd, D.W & Pevsner, N. The Buildings of England: Isle of Wight. Yale University Press. 2006.

Long, R. Isle of Wight Railways: A New History. Ian Allan Publishing, London. 2015 Lynch, K. City Sense and City Design. Halliday Lithograph, USA. 1990.

W, J.E. Francis Gray Bacon: Recollections of His Short Life. Printed for Private Circulation. 1892.

Walton, J.K. The British Seaside: Holidays and resorts in the twentieth century. Manchester University Press.

2000.

Whitehead, J.L. The Undercliff of the Isle of Wight Past and Present. Leopold Classic Library. 1911.

Wilson, L. Portrait of the Isle of Wight. Robert Hale Limited, London. 1966.

Author Unknown. The Isle of Wight: Its Towns, Antiquities, and Objects of Interest. T. Nelson and Sons, London. 1923.

Articles

Curtis, A.M. The Development of Ventnor as a Seaside Resort in the Nineteenth Century. College of Sarum St. Michael, Salisbury. 1970.

Farr, M. Decline Beside the Seaside: British Seaside Resorts and Declinism. Newcastle University. 2017.

The Future of Seaside Towns. Select Committee on Regenerating Seaside Towns and Communities. 2019 Island Infrastructure Investment Plan Final Report.

Solent Local Enterprise Partnership, Isle of Wight.

2018 McInnes, R. ‘Down to the Coast- Fine Mansions & Fair villas Architectural Overview’. 2017.

Watson, J. Union Street Ryde: A Historical Study.

Portsmouth College of Education. 1976.

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Electronic

English indices of deprivation, 2019. https://www.gov.uk/ government/collections/english-indices-of-deprivation

The history of Ventnor Winter Gardens, 2015. http://www. ventnorwintergardens.com/

The dark side of the British seaside, 2017. http://www.bbc. com/culture/story/20170626-the-dark-side-of-the-britishseaside

House prices in Margate, 2019. https://www.zoopla.co.uk/ house-prices/margate/

The masochistic appeal of the British seaside, 2019.

1843magazine.com/culture/look-closer/the-masochisticappeal-of-the-british-seaside Britain’s seaside ruins, 2015. http://www.bbc.com/culture/ story/20150609-britains-seaside-ruins Ofsted chairman David Hoare describes Isle of Wight as ‘inbred, poor, white ghetto’, 2016. https://www.independent. co.uk/news/education/education-news/ofsted-isle-ofwight-chairman-david-hoare-inbred-poor-white-ghettocomment-a7173381.html

House prices in Peckham, 2019. https://www.zoopla.co.uk/ house-prices/peckham/ Margate: will the buyers keep coming from London, 2018. https://www.ft.com/content/4ee29918-3819-11e8-b16165936015ebc3 Consumer Data Research Centre, 2019. https:// maps.cdrc.ac.uk/#/metrics/lifeexpectancy/default/ BTTTFPT/14/1.4074/51.3788/ Art Scene in St. Ives, 2018. https://www.schoolofpainting. co.uk/about-us/514-2/

Hydrotherapy, 2019. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Hydrotherapy

Inside Airbnb, 2019. http://insideairbnb.com/venice/report_ en.html

WARD LOCK & Co’s Illustrated Guide Book: Ventnor, from the 1984 book. http://www.invectis.co.uk/iow/wl_ ventnor.html

Isle of Wight Regeneration Strategy, 2019. https:// iwightinvest.com/the-wight-we-want/

The Forgotten Castle, 2017. https://woottonbridgeiow.org. uk/wightlife/castle.php Brighton Pier Group reports £32m in revenue, 2019. https:// www.thecaterer.com/news/brighton-pier-group-2018financial-results

Ventnor Royal Hotel, 2016. https://www.wyattandjack.com/ blogs/news/115520964-ventnor-royal-hotel 10 hidden UK travel gems: readers’ tips, 2019. https://www. theguardian.com/travel/2019/dec/17/uk-hidden-gems-pubcafe-bookshops-village

List of Illustrations

Fig.1 E tching of Ventnor showing the beach and St. Catherine’s church, by George Brannon, 1847. http:// www.gmwarner.com/BranPrints.htm

Fig.10 C arol, Ventnor Heritage Museum. Author’s own, 2019 Fig.11 E tching of Osborne House, 1887. https://www.alamy. com/stock-photo-the-front-entrance-of-osbornehouse-isle-of-wight-victorian-engraving-47988527. html

Fig.2 M y grandmother holidaying in Ventnor, circa 1935.

Author’s own Fig.3 Map of Ventnor, 2019. Author’s own

Fig.12 M ap of the Isle of Wight, showing primary connectivity to the mainland, including transport routes on the island. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.4 B righton beach at the end of the nineteenth century.

Exact date unknown. https://www.gravelroots.net/ history/storebrighton/587.html Fig.5 B enidorm, circa 1960. https://www.dailymail.co.uk/ news/article-3172423/How-Benidorm-s-beachespacked-Brits-1906s.html

Fig.13 E tching of the Undercliff, 1849. George Brannon, https://www.antiquemapsandprints.com/steephillundercliff-brannon-castle-boat-print-1840-38618-p. asp

Fig.6 N ewspaper advert for Globalair Sunflight, circa 1960. http://finntales.co.uk/front-page/costa-packet-a-stoneage-tradition/

Fig.14 B athing machines on Ventnor beach, circa 1910.

Exact date unknown. Copyright of Ventnor Heritage Museum

Fig.7 J aywick Sands named most deprived coastal town three times in the last decade. https://www. insidehousing.co.uk/insight/insight/coastal-crisisdeprivation-in-jaywick-sands-53144

Fig.15 S ea bathing in Ventnor, circa 1910. Exact date unknown. Copyright of Ventnor Heritage Museum Fig.16 E tching of Steephill Castle, 1848. George Brannon, http://www.lostheritage.org.uk/houses/lh_isleofwight_ steephillcastle_info_gallery.html

Fig.8 S t Ives, Cornwall. https://www.cornwalllive.com/news/ cornwall-news/tourist-season-begun-cornwall-2932759

Fig.17 P oster for Southern Railway, promoting the Isle of Wight via rail and sea, Date Unknown. https:// www.travelpostersonline.com/isle-of-wight-southernrailways-vintage-travel-poster-by-allinson-562-p.asp

Fig.9 Ventnor esplanade, 2019. Author’s own

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Fig.18 I sle of Wight Railway Line cutting through the Undercliff, circa 1950. Exact date unknown.

Image captured from https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=6sIt90uSHpc Fig.19 V entnor Railway Station (1866-1966) in the early twentieth century. Exact date unknown. http://www. disused-stations.org.uk/v/ventnor/ Fig.20 A erial view of the Royal National Hospital, 1930. https://britainfromabove.org.uk/en/ search?keywords=ventnor&country=global&year=all

Fig.28 V ictorian houses in Alexandra Gardens. Author’s own, 2019 Fig.29 V entnor beach, circa 1950. Exact date unknown. https://woottonbridgeiow.org.uk/imapventnor.php Fig.30 V entnor from the Royal Victoria Pier, circa 1910.

Exact date unknown. McInnes, R. ‘Down to the Coast- Fine Mansions & Fair villas Architectural Overview’. 2017.

Fig.31 V entnor Bay with views and High Street area.

Author’s own, 2019

Fig.21 The Royal Hotel, 2019. https://royalhoteliow.co.uk/ Fig.22 Map of Ventnor, 1870. https://digimap.edina.ac.uk/ Fig.23 Map of Ventnor, 1940. https://digimap.edina.ac.uk/ Fig.24 V entnor Beach, circa 1910. Copyright of Ventnor Heritage Museum Fig.25 A erial view of Ventnor, 1932. https:// britainfromabove.org.uk/en/ search?keywords=ventnor&country=global&year=all

Fig.32 S andown Bay with views and High Street area.

Author’s own, 2019 Fig.33 I llustration showing glimpses into homes. Author’s own, 2019 Fig.34 A view into a private garden. Author’s own, 2019 Fig.35 Levels of superiority. Author’s own, 2019 Fig.36 M eandering High Street, Ventnor. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.26 Shore Hill from the esplanade. Author’s own, 2019 Fig.37 Deflection on the High Street. Author’s own, 2019 Fig.27 V iew towards Kingsview apartments from the esplanade. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.38 Anticipation and exposure. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.39 S ense of Thereness created at the end of alleyways.

Author’s own, 2019

Fig.49 A ttractions on Sandown Pier compared to the vacant beach. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.40 O ne of the many quirks of Ventnor: Spyglass Inn. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.50 Vacant units in Sandown. Author’s own, 2019 Fig.51 Typical commerce of Sandown. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.41 V entnor Arts Club logo, chisseled into the stonework.

Author’s own, 2019 Fig.42 R oyal Victoria Pier, 1905. Lane, M. Piers of the Isle of Wight: A Nostalgic Review. Isle of Wight Council.

1996

Fig.52 E xisting elevation of esplanade. 2018. https://www. iow.gov.uk/planning/AppDetails3.aspx?frmId=34423 Fig.53 Proposed elevation of esplanade. 2018. https://www. iow.gov.uk/planning/AppDetails3.aspx?frmId=34423

Fig.43 S andown Canoe Lake, circa 1950. https://www. bartiesworld.co.uk/postcards/sandown/fullsize/ sandown04.jpg

Fig.54 The Winter Gardens, Ventnor. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.44 O lder shoppers are the norm on Ventnor’s High Street. Author’s own, 2019

McInnes, R. ‘Down to the Coast- Fine Mansions & Fair villas Architectural Overview’. 2017.

Fig.55 M arine villas and hotels rise up from the Esplanade at Ventnor, 1895. Watercolour by Henry B. Wimbush.

Fig.45 S taring into the abyss, Ventnor esplanade. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.56 P hoto montage illustrating Ventnor’s locally run High Street. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.46 F at Harry’s fish & chips on Sandown High Street.

Author’s own, 2019

Fig.57 V entnor Arts Club event, 2019. Provided by Stephen Izatt

Fig.47 M ore upmarket food choices on Ventnor High Street.

Author’s own, 2019

Fig.58 Mural on a wall in Ventnor depicting the town on the back of a sea creature. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.48 The

Grand Hotel in Sandown remains vacant.

Author’s own, 2019

Fig.59 T urner Contemporary Gallery (2011), by David Chipperfield Architects, Margate, Kent. https:// davidchipperfield.com/project/turner_contemporary

Fig.68 A view of Ventnor from the pier, circa 1890-1900.

Exact date unknown. McInnes, R. ‘Down to the Coast- Fine Mansions & Fair villas Architectural Overview’. 2017.

Fig.69 A rchitecture typical of Ventnor High Street. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.60 B anksy’s Dismaland, Weston-super-Mare. https:// www.thisiscolossal.com/2015/08/dismaland/ Fig.61 T he Tate St Ives, Cornwall. https://www. businesscornwall.co.uk/news-by-industry/tourismsector-business-news-cornwall/2019/04/record-visitornumbers-for-tate-st-ives/

Fig.70 Progression through Ventnor. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.62 J ack Whitewood, owner of Ventnor Exchange.

Author’s own, 2019

Fig.72 V entnor Fringe Festival, 2018. https://twitter.com/ vfringe/status/993570728040714246

Fig.63 Ventnor Beach, 2019. Author’s own

Fig.73 V entnor High Street, circa 1900. Exact date unknown. Copyright of Ventnor Heritage Museum

Fig.71 F ort Spinney holiday bungalows, Sandown. Author’s own, 2019

Fig.64 O ver-tourism in Venice, Italy. https://www. businessinsider.com/venice-is-going-to-startseparating-tourists-from-the-locals-20184?r=US&IR=T Fig.65 The emergence of Ventnor. Author’s own Fig.66 V entnor beach from the south, circa 1950. Exact date unknown. https://woottonbridgeiow.org.uk/ imapventnor.php Fig.67 V entnor pier with steamboat, circa 1910. Exact date unknown. https://i.pinimg.com/originals/3a/9f/ bb/3a9fbb49d020bddfd9765859dc542532.jpg

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