Heraldo USA Lunes 22 de septiembre de 2025

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AN INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF HUMANITY, IT BELONGS TO MEXICO AND IS RECOGNIZED WORLDWIDE

LIVING THE CHARRO SUIT IS A

Marcelino Trujillo Contreras*

Fentanyl: bridge of cooperation

or path to fracture?

THE FENTANYL CRISIS HAS BECOME THE MOST URGENT ISSUE IN U.S.–MEXICO RELATIONS SO FAR IN THE 21ST CENTURY. WHAT STARTED AS A PUBLIC HEALTH PROBLEM IN THE UNITED STATES AND A SECURITY CONCERN IN MEXICO NOW RISKS BECOMING A DISRUPTIVE FORCE CAPABLE OF RESHAPING THE POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND GEOPOLITICAL LANDSCAPE OF NORTH AMERICA.

In Washington, the story is clear: Mexico is the main source of the fentanyl flooding U.S. streets. From Donald Trump’s first term to his return in 2025, this has been the key political talking point in relations between the two countries. The politicization reached its peak when Mexico’s major cartels were officially labeled as foreign terrorist organizations. With this label, cartels are no longer viewed just as a criminal issue but as a serious threat to U.S. national security— similar to ISIS or Al-Qaeda. This move allows Washington to justify extraterritorial actions on Mexican soil, increasing diplomatic tensions and raising concerns over sovereignty.

The political landscape between Trump and Claudia Sheinbaum revolves around the fight against fentanyl trafficking. On one side, the U.S. narrative emphasizes a direct war on drug

trafficking and pressures Mexico as the main source of the drug and its precursors. In contrast, Sheinbaum’s administration argues that the problem is shared, pointing out domestic demand and the permissiveness of the U.S. health system with widespread opioid prescriptions as key factors in the crisis. The bilateral agenda on fentanyl is moving from rhetoric to tangible actions, which, without infringing on either country’s sovereignty, signals a shift toward more mature and practical cooperation. The recent U.S.–Mexico security agreement establishes joint task forces to monitor precursors and trafficking routes—a change that emphasizes shared responsibility rather than dominance. Meanwhile, training chemical lab directors and standardizing practices led by Mexico’s Attorney General’s Office (FGR) and the U.S. Embassy show that technical coordination is just as vital as political coordination, strengthening judicial response

efforts and boosting the credibility of evidence.

The first step to reversing the crisis is to stop relying solely on a punitive approach. Neither border militarization nor the “hugs, not bullets” strategy has produced results. What is needed is a comprehensive framework that connects security, public health, and economic development.

1. A new architecture of cooperation Mexico and the U.S. need to develop a binational framework that extends beyond reactive operations. This means:

Real-time intelligence sharing, with protocols protected against leaks.

Joint control of ports and customs to intercept chemical precursors.

Utilizing disruptive technologies like artificial intelligence to track the cartels’ financial and logistical networks.

2. Public health and prevention strategies

The United States will not resolve its overdose crisis without tackling the root causes: addiction, poverty, and lack of access to treatment. Mexico, on its part, needs to prepare to control domestic consumption before it follows the path of crack or methamphetamine. Cooperation in this area should include:

Binational prevention programs in at-risk communities.

Funds allocated for rehabilitation and mental health services.

Strict regulation of the global trade in chemical precursors.

3. Economic development as a security strategy

If drug cartels remain the main employers in marginalized areas, any anti-drug policies will likely fail. Investments in infrastructure, jobs, and education are urgently necessary. This isn’t an act of charity but a strategic move to promote regional stability.

This crisis is more than just a security challenge; it’s a test of maturity for the bilateral relationship. The first step to overcome it is shifting away from a punitive approach as the only solution. Neither border militarization nor Mexico’s “hugs, not bullets” policy has been effective. What’s needed is a comprehensive approach that links security, public health, and economic development. History shows that complex problems require collaborative, long-term solutions. The future of this bilateral relationship—and the credibility of the USMCA as an integration effort—depends on both governments recognizing that true sovereignty isn’t maintained through isolation but through strategic vision and shared responsibility. The dilemma is unavoidable: either Mexico and the United States share responsibility for this crisis, or fentanyl will become the greatest divide in North America during the 21st century

* The author holds a bachelor’s degree with honors in International Relations and Political Science from the University of the Americas, Puebla, and has completed postgraduate diplomas in Political Foresight and Strategic Planning, National Security, and Human Rights. He currently works as a legislative and regulatory affairs analyst and as an international consultant.

The power of imagery is more evident today than ever before. Violent scenes spread across social media with such speed that they seem to splash blood through screens into homes around the world.

THAT STAINS THE AN IMAGE

The assassination of Charlie Kirk unfolded in real time—unfiltered, without subtitles, without special effects.

A 31-year-old man whose blood, raw and unmediated, painted the world’s networks red and exposed, through that stark image, the deep political and social fracture in the United States—one that, like the video itself, spills across the entire American continent.

Trumpist politics have made the fight against drug trafficking south of the border a top security priority—offering rewards, tightening surveillance along Mexico’s frontier, deporting migrants, and betting on the public image of a president cast as the savior of his people.

To reinforce that goal, President Trump’s image—often retouched and enhanced with special effects—appears in photos on social media, as well as in speeches and messages, all with a single objective: to position him as America’s avenger.

That strategy has shaken Mexico—forced into compliance, constantly threatened with tariffs and invasions, reduced to obeying Trump’s orders. Other Central and South American nations have also begun to face the weight of these new U.S. policies.

He has also brought Ukraine to its knees: the image of Volodymyr Zelensky, who in 2022 rose as the defender of an oppressed and plundered people, is today that of a weakened leader, subdued and left with no room to negotiate anything but surrender.

It is a public image that sweeps across the globe, but paradoxically, within U.S. territory, it fuels growing fear.

Inside the country, images of injustice, social rupture, and violent extremism are gaining strength; unretouched, unplanned, and unchecked, the rhetoric intensifies and the threats multiply. The intimidation the United States has long imposed on foreign nations has gradually seeped back inside its own borders.

Extremist demagoguery, fanaticism, and intolerance have taken the place of open dialogue and balanced debate. Fear now invades American homes—even those of citizens who once celebrated Donald Trump’s victory and helped cement his leadership.

Charlie Kirk was one of them. He was one of the most important architects of radical pro-gun discourse in the United States: a conservative voice among young people, a champion of MAGA, and a fierce opponent of LGBTQ+ rights.

Kirk was an expert in building narratives and images. Through his organization, Turning Point, he produced multiple podcasts and managed social media accounts with millions of followers.

His flagship program, The Charlie Kirk Show, alone reached half a million people every month.

A specialist in public image, he combined his media reach with rallies that allowed him direct contact with hundreds of university students across the United States. With the slogan “Prove Me Wrong,” he attracted both supporters and detractors alike, fueling heated debates through his fundamentalism.

His tragic assassination reveals how deeply that rhetoric has taken root—and how dangerous it is to build a public image on the glorification of fear.

The very weapons he defended in his podcasts and speeches claimed his life, as they have claimed the lives of other political figures in recent times.

Just three months ago, Democratic legis -

The killing of Charlie Kirk exposed how easily every internet user is now confronted with violent imagery ’ Images of confrontation and violence stir anger and confusion in audiences—emotions that are difficult to harness for calculated political ends

John Hoffman and his wife were wounded in direct attacks on their homes.

Three blatant acts of extremism, in a climate increasingly shaping American daily life: migrants trapped in detention centers, cut off and overcrowded; Latino tourists stopped on the streets as if they were criminals; people who have watched the American dream slowly turn into a nightmare.

It is the image of fear—the photographs of bunk beds, security mesh, and dark corridors in Alligator Alcatraz; the videos of homes cordoned off by authorities while bodies on stretchers, covered with blue sheets, are wheeled across wide front lawns; the attacks and murders broadcast live on social media.

When images speak, everyone listens—because beyond language, context, or individual reality, watching a person die on-screen, before thousands of university students, sends a message far more powerful than any calculated speech: hate does not deliver justice; it summons vengeance, pain and death.

The hate-filled discourse that has taken root in American society is not a traditional enemy; for the first time, it has social media as its amplifier. Its strength cannot be measured by old standards—and for now, it remains incalculable. It is time to change course, to impose a perspective of law and respect, of justice and freedom—one that disarms violence and prevents the division and death born of intolerance. By contrast, hatred is uncontrollable. It can be triggered as part of a political strategy, but once it awakens and takes hold of the discourse, it cannot be contained—and its consequences can be devastating.

PHOTOART: ALEJANDRO
lator Melissa Hortman and her husband were murdered in Minnesota; Senator

In the history of modern democracies, few mechanisms inspire as much interest, fear, and controversy as Mexico’s political trial and the United States’ impeachment. Both were born as tools to curb abuses of power and safeguard public integrity. Yet, while they remain constitutionally grounded, in practice, they often devolve into partisan maneuvering, ideological clashes, and media spectacles. This article offers a comparative reflection on their origins, procedures, and current challenges.

ONE ORIGIN, TWO OUTCOMES: FROM WESTMINSTER TO OUR CONSTITUTIONS

Political trials and impeachment share a common root in 14th-century England, where Parliament developed ways to accuse and remove officials who betrayed public trust. The principle was simple: no one in power is above the law. The idea traveled to the Americas, enshrined in the U.S. Constitution of 1787, and later adapted in Mexico’s 19th- and 20th-century constitutions.

Though similar in form, their reach and effectiveness have differed widely.

STEP BY STEP: MEXICO AND THE U.S.IN THE MIRROR

In Mexico, a political trial applies to high-level officials accused of harming the public interest. The Chamber of Deputies investigates and files charges; the Senate acts as the jury. Proceedings start with a formal complaint, committee review, and a majority vote in the Chamber. If approved, the Senate conducts a hearing. Conviction requires

IMPEACHMENT AND POLITICAL TRIAL

a two-thirds majority and can result in removal and disqualification from office.

Political arithmetic often carries more weight than evidence. In the U.S., impeachment involves two main steps. The House of Representatives conducts investigations and votes to impeach; the Senate then decides whether to remove the official. Hearings, articles of impeachment, and a House majority decision lead to a Senate trial, which is presided over

by the Chief Justice if the President is the one charged. Conviction requires a two-thirds majority vote, leading to removal from office and the possibility of disqualification from holding future positions. Criminal or civil cases can still be pursued afterward.

BEYOND POLITICS: ALTERNATIVE FORMS OF ACCOUNTABILITY

Both countries also hold officials accountable through administrative, civil,

and criminal liability. Political trial or impeachment only affects public trust in institutions, while other methods aim for restitution or punishment for misconduct.

MEXICO: HEADLINES LACKING VERDICTS

Although constitutionally regulated, Mexico’s political trials rarely result in rulings. Many complaints make headlines but stall in committees. Often mistaken for “fuero” removal, the process fuels public expectations that rarely align with legal outcomes.

THE SYMBOLIC SIGNIFICANCE OF U.S. IMPEACHMENT

In the U.S., impeachment is a powerful tool but rarely results in removal. Cases from Andrew Johnson to Bill Clinton, and Donald Trump twice, all ended with Senate acquittal. More recently, a Secretary of Homeland Security faced the same outcome. Ultimately, outcomes depend less on evidence than on Senate politics.

WHEN POLITICS TAKES THE PLACE OF LAW

Both systems face the risk of ritualization, evident in stalled proceedings in Mexico and polarization in the U.S. Overuse weakens legitimacy and diminishes public trust.

FINAL REFLECTIONS

Designed to safeguard democracy from misuse, these processes now submit to political

BY: SUSANA MERCADO

THE SUIT

and tradition

It represents us. You have to wear it with dignity,” Morales insists.

The word “charro” originally came from Salamanca, Spain, to describe rustic country folk. In Mexico, it came to mean a skilled, brave horse rider. The earliest version of the suit emerged in the 16th century from chinacos—liberal mestizo fighters forbidden from dressing like Spaniards— who created their own attire using cotton cloth and leather.

After independence, this style developed into clothing characterized by flat-brimmed hats and pants decorated with lateral buttons. By the 20th century, there were two main types: expensive wool suits with silver trim and more affordable suede versions.

“The price varies a lot. A basic suit with simple trim may cost around 15,000 pesos, while some hats can reach 80,000 or even 100,000 pesos. It depends on what you want,” Morales explains.

After the Mexican Revolution, the charro suit established itself as a symbol of national identity. Its fit is snug but not restrictive, accentuating the figure while staying comfortable.

The male version usually includes a shirt, a wide-brimmed hat, a short jacket, a bow tie, a sash, a belt, pants, boots, chaps, and spurs. For women, the outfit typically features a hat, boots, a dress, a crinoline, a rebozo, a hair ribbon, and pants worn underneath the skirt. Suede is the fabric most used.

Charros are athletes and expert riders; mariachis, dressed in the same attire, enliven gatherings with traditional songs. In Mexico’s golden cinema, the charro suit became a symbol of Mexican identity—a mark still proudly worn and recognized worldwide today.

WHEN ICE BURSTS

INTO THE CLASSROOM

Education is a universal right. Yet what happens when a country’s policies intervene and undermine this right, directly or indirectly? This question becomes urgent when we talk about migrant communities. Migrants don’t just adapt to a new language, currency, or customs. Very often, their physical appearance— such as skin tone or eye color—becomes a factor that conditions access to fundamental rights. victor.cordova@

According to the Mexican Ministry of the Interior, the United States has deported 61,465 Mexicans. 01

According to the Center for Latin American Monetary Studies, the schooling of Mexican migrants will double by 2025. 02

The classroom in the face of fear

The presence of ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) in schools provokes panic. Many families choose not to send their children to school out of fear of raids at bus stops or near school grounds. Teachers also feel responsibility and fear: what should we do if ICE shows up on campus? The response has meant urgent training, community partnerships, and identifying sanctuary cities. Safety, it became clear, comes even before education.

FACT: Nearly 700,000 Mexican children of school age are enrolled in U.S. schools, according to The Students We Share report.

In California, I witnessed firsthand the uncertainty faced by migrant families. They arrive with no home, no money, and no idea how to navigate daily life. They live with constant doubts: will there be work tomorrow? What happens if someone gets sick without health insurance? Everyday activities like going to school, working, or attending an event become acts of bravery. The socalled American dream becomes a map of resilience marked by fear and scarcity. The consequences of immigration policies affect not only students but also teachers. Some binational teachers lose their jobs or are forced to run educational programs with no budget. Ethical dilemmas arise: how do we support families without putting them at risk? The classroom turns into an emotional refuge, but outside of it students still face the constant threat of deportation. Teachers feel pressured to provide real support while also managing personal obligations—rent, insurance, and families to support.

FACT: In 2024, women in the United States reached a record of more than 10 million employed, with a labor force participation rate of 77.9% among working-age women.

03 9% of schools in the United States teach foreign languages in elementary education.

I don't know if I'll see my students from this summer again, but I hope they have positive memories of our time together. I hope they know they matter, that their education matters, and that they have the power to shape the future, including through their vote. From this meeting, I pledge to continue building educational bridges, because our communities, although divided by a border, share the same dream: a barrier-free education that brings dignity.’

PROBEM is one of the programs that sends Mexican teachers to teach migrant children of various nationalities.

04 For the first time, Mexico has a migrant senator. Karina Ruiz, who benefited from the DACA program. 05

These children and young people did not choose to migrate, but they live with the consequences. They must adapt to a new language, a new country, and new friendships, all while living under the fear of being detained. Many feel that school, instead of being a safe place, may actually be a risk. For me, being a binational teacher means accompanying them, addressing their socio-emotional needs, and providing stability in the middle of uncertainty. I have confirmed that the work of a teacher goes far beyond economics. In more than thirteen years of teaching in three countries, I had never seen communities paralyzed by fear the way did in California during the July raids. Yet the gratitude of my students and the chance to rebuild trust became an intangible but very real payment that motivates me to stay on the front lines.

BUILDING BINATIONAL EDUCATION As a Binational Teacher of Migrant Education in Tamaulipas, I have had the opportunity to ensure academic continuity through curricula aligned between Mexico and the United States. This work makes it necessary for teachers to address especially sensitive socio-emotional and pedagogical issues among migrant children and youth. Over time, we have managed to reduce educational gaps and strengthen cultural identity.

Participating in the Mexico–U.S. Teacher Exchange 2025 reinforced my commitment to building bridges and sharing these experiences in forums, conferences, and spaces where public policies are discussed with empathy and a human perspective.

RETURNING HOME WITH MIXED FEELINGS I came back to Mexico with a sense of hope, but also bittersweet. Teachers know there is still much to be done, but we also know that change is possible through education and solidarity. My commitment as a teacher is clear: to continue building educational bridges that unite communities divided by a border, with the conviction that education without barriers dignifies and protects.

PHOTOART: IVAN BARRERA

The HBO Max docuseries revisits the disappearance and death of 18-year-old Debanhi Escobar in Monterrey. Told through her parents’ perspective, it reveals unanswered questions, media scrutiny, and a family’s persistent fight for justice.

We spent over two years working on this HBO Max project to ensure Debanhi’s case isn’t forgotten. We made sure it was based on thorough investigation. Although there is still more to discover, we are pleased with the outcome of this effort.

THEIR DAUGHTER WITHOUT FORGETTING

The docuseries “Debanhi: Who Killed Our Daughter?” tells the story of the 18-year-old's murder from her parents' perspective. An intimate and revealing look, stemming from investigative journalism, comes with “Debanhi: Who Killed Our Daughter?”, a documentary series that reexamines the heartbreaking case of the young woman who went missing in Monterrey, Nuevo León. This documentary explores the life of the Escobar Bazaldúa family, including videos showing what their lives were like before the daughter of Mario and Dolores disappeared. Debanhi was 18 when she went missing in Monterrey in April 2022. Thirteen days later, she was found dead near the location where she was last seen alive.

With exclusive testimony from Debanhi’s parents and previously unreleased archive footage, this production highlights the relentless effort of a family to uncover the truth about what happened in April 2022 in Nuevo León, when the young woman disappeared after attending a party and was later found dead.

In the first episode, Mario Escobar details the fight he started the moment he learned his daughter was missing. Despite the risks, he and his wife searched tirelessly for her across different places for several days. Over four episodes, the series retells the key moments of that night: from when Debanhi was last seen alone on a highway to the discovery of her body. Amid extensive media coverage and a probe filled with questions, the case attracted widespread public attention and became a key topic in national debate. With an intimate narrative, the series examines different angles of the case, the role of media and social networks, and the deep social impact that kept the search for answers alive. Journalists, lawyers, and experts explain the case inconsistencies by providing context and analysis, leaving viewers with many questions.

The screen also shows those supposedly involved in Debanhi’s disappearance, along with several theories developed by the family in collaboration with authorities and journalists who covered the case from the beginning.

During a special presentation, Debanhi’s parents shared: “We want people to know our daughter as she really was, a young woman with dreams and many goals. We don’t want Debanhi to be remembered only as a headline, but as someone sensitive.”.

BY: NAYELY RAMÍREZ MAYA ART: ALEJANDRO OYERVIDES of September 2003, Debanhi Escobar was born in Monterrey, Nuevo León.

FACTS

01 THE CONSULATE OF MEXICO IN DENVER ORGANIZED 13 “GRITOS DE INDEPENDENCIA” WITH OVER 20,000 ATTENDEES IN CITIES AND UNIVERSITIES.

02 STUDENTS TOOK PART IN CIVIC ACTS HIGHLIGHTING MEXICAN IDENTITY, INDEPENDENCE HISTORY, AND THE IMPORTANCE OF CULTURAL HERITAGE.

03 IN AN EMOTIONAL MESSAGE TO THE COMMUNITY, CONSUL GENERAL MELÉNDEZ CRUZ CALLED FOR UNITY AND RESPECT BETWEEN THE ANGLO AND HISPANIC COMMUNITY.

04 IN DENVER, SEDENA, SEMAR, AND THE AIR FORCE JOINED THE CEREMONY ALONGSIDE COLORADO’S LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR DIANNE PRIMAVERA.

05 IN AURORA, MAYOR MIKE COFFMAN PRAISED IN ENGLISH AND SPANISH THE MEXICAN COMMUNITY’S CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE CITY AND THE STATE.

06 GOVERNOR OF WYOMING EMPHASIZED TRADE TIES WITH MEXICO, WITH USD 67.8M EXPORTS AND HISTORIC ALLIANCES IN CATTLE RANCHING AND COMMERCE.

During this year’s Independence celebrations, the Consulate General of Mexico in Denver, always engaged with the community, organized 13 Gritos de Independencia events across Colorado in Denver, Aurora, Fort Collins, Colorado Springs, Brighton, and Castle Rock, as well as in high schools and universities. At each event, the cry of ¡Viva México! was led by Consul General Pável Meléndez and Deputy Consul José Federico Bass Events at academic institutions like CU Boulder, Arapahoe Community College, and Castle Rock High School had a significant impact on the student community, as they emphasized the importance of Mexican cultural heritage among young people, children, and teachers through the National Flag and the history of Mexico’s Independence. The consuls also gave talks and shared messages about Mexican identity and the cultural richness that Mexico offers to the world.

The largest crowds gathered at the 2025 Fiestas Patrias in Aurora, the Grito in Colorado Springs, and the Latino Festival in Brighton. Altogether, more than 20,000 people shouted ¡Viva México! in unison, while local government representatives highlighted the multicultural spirit of these events.

The festive atmosphere was evident at traditional-style fairs held at events like “Amor a la mexicana” in Denver, the Fiestas Patrias Celebration in Fort Collins, and the Grito at Plaza Colorado, where Mexico’s spirit was alive through stands showcasing the country’s traditions. Additionally, the “Grito 5K” race took place, with proceeds supporting scholarships for young Mexican-origin students pursuing higher education.

RESONATES

gained recognition in U.S. public life were also honored, including Paul López, the first Mexican American elected to lead Denver’s Office of Records, as well as notable businesswomen and cultural and folkloric figures.

20,000 Independence united binational families in a spirit of pride and brotherhood. Mexican migrants were honored for their cultural, social, and economic impact. 14-15

Continuing the celebrations in Denver on the night of September 15, a civic and protocol event included participation from detachments of the Mexican Armed Forces at Colorado’s Northern Command, such as SEDENA, SEMAR, and the Air Force. At the same event, Colorado’s Lieutenant Governor Dianne Primavera addressed the Mexican community in the city. Mexicans who have

From Denver to Aurora, over 20,000 people gathered at Mexico’s Consulate in Colorado to shout ¡Viva México! The celebrations combined tradition, culture, and pride, showcasing the contributions of Mexican migrants to the U.S. economy and society.

In an emotional message to the community, Consul General Meléndez Cruz called for unity and respect between the Anglo and Hispanic communities, emphasizing the vital role of Mexican migrant labor, which accounts for 8% of the United States’ Gross Domestic Product. During the celebrations, shouts of ¡Viva! echoed loudly, including ¡Viva las familias binacionales!, as Denver’s community came together to celebrate the 215th anniversary of Mexico’s Independence.

On September 16 in Aurora, home to the state’s largest Mexican community due to its affordable housing, Mayor Mike Coffman, along with the city’s Office of International Affairs and the nonprofit Amigos de México, held a civic ceremony at City Hall. Mayor Coffman delivered remarks in both English and Spanish, praising the contributions of the Mexican community. Consul General Meléndez Cruz performed the traditional Arenga,

while audiences enjoyed dances representing several regions of Mexico. On September 15 and 16, the McNichols Civic Center Building in Denver illuminated with Mexico’s green, white, and red colors, honoring the cultural richness of Mexican migrants who make significant contributions to the United States.

As part of the celebrations, Wyoming Governor Mark Gordon addressed the community in a video message, emphasizing the strong trade relationship between Mexico and Wyoming established over many years. He specifically mentioned Wyoming’s USD 67.8 million in exports to Mexico and USD 36 million in imports from Mexico in 2024, covering a variety of goods. He also highlighted the historic partnership in cattle ranching and other trades and thanked Consul General Pável Meléndez for strengthening the connections between Wyoming and Mexico. Thus, the commemorations of the Grito de Dolores in Colorado concluded, bringing together Mexican and U.S. communities and binational families in a spirit of culture, food, respect, and brotherhood between neighboring peoples.

people shouted Viva México! across Colorado and Wyoming events.

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