Subabas: Tales of Sisterhood in Hospitality

©2021 Elham Dawsari. All rights reserved.

Subabas Tales of Sisterhood in Hospitality

Photo essay by Elham Dawsari Translated by Maha Alqubishi

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©2021 Elham Dawsari. All rights reserved.

Contents

Definition: What is the Subaba profession?

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Introduction

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Event Subabas: Origin and Evolution of the Profession in Society

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Evolution of the Profession

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A Look into the Life Background of Subabas

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Subabas and Business

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Subabas’ Affairs

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The Demand on Event Subabas

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The Role of Urbanization in Subabas’ Opportunities and Appearance

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Subabas Facing Challenges

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The Subaba Career Desirability: The Past vs. Now

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The Subaba Community, and the Psychological Aspects of Working in the Profession

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Conclusion

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©2021 Elham Dawsari. All rights reserved.

Definition: What is the Subaba profession?

Subaba is a common term in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf region, and refers to the working women in the hospitality field. The Subabas prepare and serve Arabic coffee, tea, desserts and other alimentary treats.

The root Arabic word of Subaba is subb and translates to “to pour”. Clients hire Subabas for their service in various all-female social events and especially in wedding ceremonies. The term also includes Subabas who work in private houses and palaces.

In the Saudi Vocational Classification Guide1, female Subabas and male Sababs fall under the vocational title “Bartender” (or more accurately, coffee tender), in Arabic ‫ قهوجي‬Qahwaji, and is defined as: “one who prepares beverages such as coffee, tea, cocoa, Arabic coffee and other beverages ordered by customers.”

A majority of Saudis and those working in the profession generically use the two terms “Subaba” and “Coffee tender (Qahwaji)” interchangeably as synonyms. However, there are precise differences in the assigned duties for each job title which become more evident in larger teams of Subabas.

The Focus of this Photo Essay This research paper focuses on the socioeconomic factors and background from which the profession of Subabas evolved and developed.

For the purposes of this research, I will focus on Saudi Subabas in social events, which will be referred to later as ‘Event Subabas’ or simply ‘Subabas’, particularly in Riyadh city and hosted in houses, private and commercial ‘istirahas2’, wedding halls etc.

This research is based on months of in-person and phone interviews with Saudi Subabas from various generations whose experience range from 6 to 40 years, in addition to administrative and technical staff.

It is worth noting that the research’s emphasis on female Subabas does not imply that it is an exclusive-female profession; men are known to prepare and pour coffee in all-men events. This research focuses on female workers for the purpose of enriching content in research and art concerned with the history and documentation of women’s stories and lives in Saudi Arabia.

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Saudi Arabian General Authority of Statistics website.

Rented or owned estate, also called chalet or resort.

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Introduction The delicate cladding of the bukhnaq3 around her neck, head and hair bun, its black sheerness gushes towards her sash, Gracefully embracing her gold-adorned bare neck, it shawls her left arm loosely, and taps her hand gently when she stops to pour another cup.

Lifting her elbow, tilting the dallah4 a stream of golden coffee flows, in a cup she rightly-hands with the resonating kiss of the dallah.

I extend my hand and meet her gaze framed by the mid parting of her finely groomed hair.

A finesse that is present in every other element of the Subaba’s presence.

Subabas to my 12 year old mind were like a silent film - mesmerising but unsung. Their ability to pass on a rich professional and personal philosophy to the guests, without uttering a word, is worthy of awe and respect in my view. I have been an observer of Subabas’ presence and movement in numerous weddings growing up. My attention has and continues to fail me as the bride approaches her guests, but shrewdly prevails when a Subaba graces my periphery.

While writing this research - some 20 years after I first saw a Subaba - I came to understand that the mystery surrounding them stems from the intimidating loss of human connection; a byproduct of the socioeconomic divide. So, I embarked on this research to study the social and economic aspects of a Subaba’s life, where the Subabas’ accounts formulated a deeper understanding of their essence which I lay out in this photo essay.

My personal and long interest in the subject was rekindled when I spoke with artist and curator Tara Aldugaither about her project ‘Sawt Asura’ documenting Saudi women folklore, particularly musical voices. I had started my research after she announced an artist residency in collaboration with Art Jameel. I express my gratitude to Tara for her dedication, support and inspiring passion. I especially thank the Master Subabas Um Fahad and Um Hassan, and all other Subabas for their responsive participation, kind spirits and great experiences. I also wholeheartedly thank my family and friends for their support, and a special thanks to award winning filmmaker and photographer Hind Alfahhad for her assistance and guidance during and post the photo production process.

It is worth noting two points: First is that the history of Subabas is poorly documented in local resources and references. I was not able to find resources concerning their history in local libraries. Therefore, this research narrates and analyzes the Subabas’ own recollection and their personal expertise in the profession, in addition to relying on some marketing material in online forums and social media accounts. Second, the photos accompanying this essay are a realistic representation of the Subabas working in Saudi hospitality companies, and demonstrate today’s styles and appearances and some aspects of their job. However, the face veil is an exception, Subabas generally do not cover their faces or 3

A sheer and fine mesh black fabric worn by women in the Gulf region with which they cover their heads, other names include: Mukhnaq, Shaila, Muneikhil, etc.

4 A traditional Arabic coffee pot used for centuries to brew and serve coffee. Wikipedia.

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wear face veils in all-women events, except for rare cases and specific regions around Saudi according to local and social customs, of which this photoshoot is one example.

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Event Subabas: Origin and Evolution of the Profession in Society Origin of the Profession Subabas today can trace the beginnings of the profession back to approximately mid-20 century Riyadh, in the palaces of princes and sheikhs since the time of the founding father of Saudi Arabia, King Abdulaziz, where the early Subabas were part of the permanent palace staff. The Subabas resided in quarters adjacent to the palace, where they lived with their spouses who worked in the palace as well and their children. They performed hospitality duties inside those palaces, and took it on as a profession after King Faisal outlawed slavery. th

It is difficult to get hold of contact information of early Subabas who worked in palaces or their daughters from the interviewed Subabas. The reason they give for their apparent reserve is that they either lost contact with them or that given their old age are not willing to speak to a researcher about the past. I hope that this will motivate others to conduct more research in the origins of the profession for its socioeconomic and cultural importance.

Some of those earlier Subabas have trained present-day Event Subabas. A ‘Subaba Mother’ or ‘Matriarch of the profession’ would use the help of close and related women and girls willing to work and secure a daily income. They would be instructed on the fundamentals and principles of hospitality, some of which include the preparation, serving and pouring of Arabic coffee according to the customary historical and regional traditions of Bedouins. Such traditions continue to be orally passed and transmitted to this day, even in the Saudi hospitality companies which train and employ Subabas.

I call them ‘Matriarchs of the profession’ to translate the reverence and respect today’s Subabas hold for them. And also to distinguish them from the ‘Master Subaba’; a chief Subaba with profound experience and reputation in managing hospitality events. ‘Subaba Mothers’ are remembered with great pride by the interviewed Subabas, and particularly among the older Event Subabas. I spoke with Master Subaba Rahmah Mohammed Fallatah (Um Hassan), a former coffee tender and Subaba with a 20 year experience in the profession; a soft spoken dreamer who founded and now manages her own hospitality company that trains and employs Subabas, “We affectionately respect them to the extent of addressing them with the maternal title ‘Mother Rommana’ or ‘Mother Maryam’”, she said.

Despite not having an exact date or documentation of the working history of the early Subabas, the Master Subaba Moudhi Sa’doon Salem Alsa’doon (Um Fahad) relays, “I started as far back as the opening of the Intercontinental Hotel5 in the Malaz district, Riyadh, with Um Muhammed Alasfour, Um Fahad Altuwaim and Um Nasser Almarzouq (of Dawsari Origin). They were older women who were happy to have me around as a woman in her prime carrying buckets of water up the staircases to rooftop terraces of homes to prepare for tea and coffee and many other tasks for these family weddings.” Um Fahad is a coffee tender and a Subaba that brings a vivacious energy to any space and greets guests with her trademark warm enthusiasm. As one of the early Event Subabas with 40 years of experience, she is one of the most renowned names in the profession with commissioned requests even from neighboring Gulf countries.

Um Hassan adds that the early Subabas had the freedom of movement in and out of the palace to run their errands and go on about their lives of which they used to their advantage to accept and attend 5

The Intercontinental Hotel was first opened in Almalaz district, Riyadh in the 1970‘s.

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commissioned social occasions and serve coffee to earn additional income - marking the beginnings of freelance Subabas in the profession.

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Evolution of the Profession The profession of Subabas evolved on two fronts, the first is the evolution as staff of private palaces of the elite to freelance careers in the hospitality industry, and the second is the evolution from freelancing to running fully formalized personal businesses.

From Exclusive Palaces to the Wider Social Fabric Around the 1980’s and 1990’s, post Saudi’s oil boom, the demand on Subabas expanded from private palaces to the upper class and then to middle and low income classes with the rise of weddings halls in Riyadh. Saudi families around the Kingdom recall hiring Subabas and coffee tenders since the weddings of the 1970’s before there were wedding halls. However, Subabas have since vastly grown in number and structure in the eighties and nineties.

The increased demand on the Event Subabas was simultaneous with the settling down of many Saudi families of that time in the big cities such as Riyadh, from various villages and provinces. Consequently, their social circles expanded largely from small and close knit communities, calling for a novel need to receive and entertain guests in the different social occasions as new city dwellers. The Subabas embodied that need; they catered to both society’s tendency to abide by the long standing tradition of generous guest receptions, and to satiate society’s appetite for opulence. A sounding social gesture of loyalty to the past and adaptability to the present. That need was driven by two socioeconomic factors: the deep-rooted custom of generosity and the urban disposition, which are to be discussed in a later section.

The most prominent of these social events are weddings booked at wedding halls. Other social occasions attended by the Subabas include social events in the workplace, engagement parties, graduation parties, all-women traditional music parties, large family gatherings, post-delivery maternity visitations6, and funerals.

The evolution in the Subabas’ profession from exclusive residencies to the rest of the community, in all its various economic classes and growing social occasions both in kind and number, required the early Subabas to create an organizational structure within their freelance framework. This organizational model has laid a solid foundation for and paved a smooth transition to the corporate business model. In it, Subaba groups have been organized in a way that ensures the best delivery of services provided, effective resources and communications management and also warrants their financial autonomy from competing commercial hospitality companies.

From Freelancing to Formalized Businesses Subabas continued to work independently for approximately three decades as freelancers until the 2000’s and particularly in the 2010’s, where they started to shift their legal form of organization to business models and establish self-managed hospitality companies7. Which legitimized their presence in the competition against commercial hospitality companies present at that time with a serious degree of formality. The motives stimulating the shift from freelancing to formalized businesses vary, ranging from personal ambitions and career goals, to legally securing their rights.

“Starting out around 20 years ago, I used to look at local carpet stores that advertise for Subabas in their store signages by writing their phone numbers and think ‘what is holding me back from owning my own 6

While baby showers have become trendy in Saudi in recent years, it has long been customary to pay a visit to the mother and her newborn shortly after childbirth.

7 Of the most prominent hospitality companies owned by previous Saudi subabas are: Almunasaba Alra-iah, Samr’a Aljazirah, Osoul A’theyafah.

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company with its own signage?’,” Said Um Hassan. She committed to her work until she founded her own company, Almunasaba Alrai’a or The Wonderful Occasion, 8 years ago.

She adds, “the reason behind my pursuit in shifting my freelance career as a Master Subaba to managing my own hospitality company, apart from my personal goal, was the need to secure my legal rights in financial transactions with customers, as well as to preserve my legal rights in advertising materials; some décor companies take photographs of our own hospitality services in events that we both attend and unfairly include them in their services. In addition to that, wedding halls prefer contracting with companies that have a commercial registration rather than with freelance businesses.”

While the first Subabas in Riyadh were Saudi, they have been facing fierce competition from foriegn workers working under commercial hospitality companies ever since the 1980’s. That puts Saudi Subabas in a double layered competition: the battle of companies against freelancers, and the rivalry of cheaper foreign labor via prominent hospitality companies with much larger market share. So much so, it allows some companies to gain monopoly over the most renowned wedding halls in Riyadh. Some wedding halls are known to have an exclusive partnership with known names in the Subaba community of African descent working as Head Subabas in big commercial hospitality companies.

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A Look into the Life Background of Subabas Ethnographic and Historical Background Subabas agree that the profession started mainly with Saudi nationals or Saudi-born8 Subabas who worked in the private palaces of sheikhs and princes since the era of King Abdulaziz. Then, they started to work outside the palaces in the late 1970’s where they grew in number after the opening of wedding halls in the 1980’s.

Um Fahad and Um Hassan believe that more than two thirds of them, in the period between 1980’s and 1990’s, were Saudis. They add that the main regions from which Subabas originate are provinces in the Riyadh region, such as Alhariq, Alhowta and Wadi Aldawasir, or from outside of Riyadh such as Bisha.

Then, followed by those of African origin (Ethiopia, Nigeria, Somalia, or Tukulor) who have obtained the Saudi nationality.

Today, African and Filipino foreign workers in the hospitality field have outnumbered Saudis due to the predominance in size and number of commercial hospitality companies which emerged in the late 1970’s.

Economic Background It was not an anomaly for the working Subaba to be the primary source of income for the whole family.

Um Fahad, for instance, was the primary and sole source of income for her family, “I was the mother and the father” she says. She was even the financial caretaker of some members of her extended family.

The financial statuses of Subabas vary, ranging from social insurance welfare beneficiaries, to a minority who acquired an office day job but continued to work as a Subaba at night out of loyalty and love for the profession and longing for her colleagues. One Subaba’s financial situation may prosper to the extent of affording to own a house in Riyadh, establishing a thriving personal business and securing her children’s futures, as is the case with Um Fahad, who once held herself back on many occasions from enjoying a long-yearned-for shawerma for instance to be able to helplessly secure pampers for her newborn.

The majority of Subabas live in rented houses in Riyadh’s old neighborhoods. “Perhaps only Master Subabas can afford to own a house, but those who work on a weekly basis on weekends are unable to save enough money to buy a house,” says Um Hassan. Verifying Um Hassan’s note on Master Subabas owning houses despite the difficulty, Master Um Fahad says “When I bought my first mud-house in one of the traditional housing areas, it was like a palace to me.”

In addition to working multiple jobs at most times, such as working as a cashier, clerk or a cleaning lady in a school, university or other female workplaces, Subabas earn an average of around 250 Saudi riyals per night in social events. Wages start from around 150 SAR in small modest events, and reach 500 SAR in lavish events, aside from tips that can amount to 100% the service’s cost.

Marital Status Subabas believe that in the earlier days of the profession the majority were likely married, followed by some divorcees and widows. In reality, the interviewed Subabas found it difficult to remember unmarried bachelorettes among them, but they do not dismiss that there might have been. However, the number of unmarried women today have greatly increased; perhaps due to their overall social, 8

Most Saudi-born Subabas are Ethiopian

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educational and professional growth which channels further contemplation on the subject and timing of marriage.

The active support of Subabas’ husbands vary between a majority that emotionally and financially support their wives by assuming responsibility of transportation and carrying equipment, and a minority that are an added burden, emotionally and financially. A burden to the point of resorting to divorce and having to remarry another, but which she contractually conditions with specified support. Legally stipulating support in a marital contract shines a light on how difficult the profession of a Subaba is without it; as she is the sole provider for her children.

Children’s Education and Upbringing In the earlier days, some Subabas had to make the hard choice of leaving their children in the care of others when they left for work. The option of quitting was not possible at times; for there was no other income for the Subaba and her husband was negligent. Um Fahad says, “The most difficult challenge in the beginning for me was the responsibility of my children. I would return home after a long and tiring day to take them home from another family that would greet me with complaints and unnecessary criticism, but I was forced to leave them and earn a living to ensure a decent life for them.”

In the past, some Subabas would sneak their toddler into the wedding hall under their abaya and past the guard on duty specifically instructed not to allow children inside. She would keep her child in the kitchen where she can see them, and away from the hostess’s gaze in fear of being in trouble. However, most families welcomed the Subaba’s son or daughter in a nursery room with their own children.

Subabas pay great attention to their children’s school performance. They are wholly devoted to ensuring a better life for them where they are not obliged to work in a service field with a low-paying wage. They would apply extra pressure on them to achieve high grades and raise their chances of getting a stable job with a fixed and high salary, and they work to save up for their education. Um Fahad proudly mentions, “I’m grateful that my sons have graduated from college and now work in official government jobs.” A few Subabas have even sent their sons and daughters to study abroad through enrolling in academic scholarship programs, and support them financially.

Educational Background Many of the earliest or eldest Subabas are illiterate, and some of them have completed their literacy education program for the elders, but today the largest segment represents high school graduates.

Young Subabas today who study in university quit the profession by the time they graduate to pursue a degree-related career. Unlike the older Subabas who are immensely proud of their profession, today’s young Subabas (studying in high school or university) are not initially at ease with the possibility of seeing a colleague or a teacher as guests in a social event where they are serving.

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Subabas and Business The following is a look into the business side of the profession of the Subabas. From the foundational principles that ground the profession to this day, to the variations in target audience, organizational structure, legal form, marketing tools, and financial management over the years.

The Principles The profession has been rooted in a set of principles embodied in the early days by the Matriarchs of the profession, and is still evident in today’s Subabas even through the transformations and modernization of the profession. I have elicited these principles from the Saudi Subabas’ accounts and practice regardless of their professional ranking and age. These principles are what distinguish the authenticity of Saudi Subabas’ Arab hospitality from other Subabas and commercial hospitality companies, and they are: ●

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Pride in preparing and serving Arabic coffee and being hospitable to the guests. All of the interviewed Subabas shared a mutual sense of delight and pride upon entering a majlis or a social event to serve the guests.

Altruism, Subabas place the comfort of the hostess and guests before theirs, and therefore are highly energetic and quick to respond to their needs.

Esteemed presence and stature, Saudi Subabas stand out with their poised composure. Light in movement but with an alert posture, they blend in with the space yet can place themselves where they can clearly be called on at any time. Soft spoken and easy to approach.

Warmly welcoming the guests, ensuring their highest comfort and that they’re being served.

Subabas, especially the older and experienced ones, would assume the role of the hostess in passionately greeting the guests with a shower of “ululations”. As well as a flow of chants cheering on the women dancing, and calling the guests to the dinner feast or buffet.

Regarding initiating warm welcomes, Master Um Fahad, known for her radial energy and gleeful greeting, says that “The guests’ joy is my joy. Serving only coffee and drinks does not suffice, and no one asks for greetings and cheering, but I can see how it affects the guests’ spirits so I spur to do so. If you do not share and spread joy on happy occasions, what is the use of being present?”

Master Um Hassan adds “When we provide hospitality services on a certain occasion, especially in private residences, we request the hostess to feel as a guest and we as the hosts. I’m only at ease when I see her sitting and enjoying herself among her guests, and you can catch us moving effortlessly between the hallways and rooms as if we lived there, so the hostess and her family don’t have to worry.”

Target Audience In the 1970’s, 80’s and 90’s, those who hired Event Subabas were mostly high-income Saudi families as opposed to other classes; due to their high purchasing power and capability to afford to bear the financial burden of organizing big wedding ceremonies in their modern form at that time, such as the wedding hall’s renting cost, décor, hospitality service and dinner, etc. However, that changed since the 2010’s, as Subabas relayed that the majority of their customers are middle-income families, and that low-income families are notably present too.

On the subject of the profession’s inclusivity of various social classes and their common characteristic of generosity, the Subaba Souad (33 years old) says, “Oftentimes, we would prepare for a very luxurious 12

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wedding reception, and we never know what to expect of the hostess and guests in terms of social decorum. And other times, we find ourselves in a very humble venue, but are swept away by the hostess and her family warmly greeting us and showing great detail and appreciation to hospitality, and generous with their tips and kind words.”

Organizational Structure As freelancers, the early Subabas relied on assembling and coordinating different groups of Subabas for each event, in the form of per-night contracts and according to their vacancy. Self-employed Subabas and corporate employed Subabas still rely on the same organizational structure.

In theory, the team comprises the Master Subaba, a supervisor, coffee tender/s, Subabas (mostly Saudi-nationals or Saudi-born) and workers (mostly Filipino), all detailed below. Daily wages differ for each duty. ●

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Master Subaba is the most experienced (on average 20 years). The Master Subaba is in charge of assembling, training, hiring, and managing the Subabas and the profession. She is the liaison between the customer and the hospitality service provided by the Subabas, in addition to preparing and providing the entire needed supplies such as coffee beans, cardamom, saffron, tea, mint leaves, pots, cups and uniform clothing. She mostly does not come out to the event except when necessary.

The Supervisor attends the event to supervise the service, and coordinate between the coffee tenders, Subabas, and workers. She usually stands in close proximity to the guests’ seating area.

The Coffee Tender, (in Arabic, Qahwajiyah), prepares Arabic coffee, tea and other beverages and works in the kitchen. (Images from 01-05 show the main beverages like Arabic coffee, tea and mint tea, and secondary beverages like hibiscus tea, ginger tea, fruit tea and cappuccino that the Qahwajiyah prepares).

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Subabas. The Master Subaba assigns the Subabas hospitality duties, especially serving beverages like Arabic coffee, tea, and juices and preparing and serving incense, (as seen in images 06-11).

Their responsibilities vary by their expertise levels as does the size of events they attend; skilled ones attend big events, whereas beginners attend small events, or can be assigned supporting roles in big events so as to observe and learn. An example of which is the “carrier” who carries sets of cups (as seen in image 12), tracing the Subabas flow and need.

Servers, mostly of Filipino nationality, who serve sweets and appetizers.

In reality, duties of the Master Subaba, supervisor, and coffee tender might overlap at times, like when the Master Subaba handles supervision or coffee tending, or the coffee tender handles supervision, all according to the size of the event and the number of guests.

The organizational structure of the Subabas is a flexible one, except for two elements on which experienced and renowned Subabas agree that they could never be compromised. These two elements are entrenched in the recognized and customary fundamental etiquettes of serving Arabic coffee. The first is the experience level, for instance, Master Subabas avoid assigning beginner Subabas to big events, to the extent of attending the event themselves if needed. The second is the nationality or ethnicity of the Subaba, where Master Subabas do not assign the duty of pouring and serving Arabic coffee to a foreign worker from the Philippines for instance. Saudi Master Subabas unanimously agree that that is on the grounds that foreign workers have not shown to master the fundamentals of serving Arabic coffee or to appreciate its symbolic significance.

Um Hassan stresses that “It is not socially sensible to allow a Filipino server to serve coffee, except in the case we are serving male relatives of the bride who come to the bride’s suite to congratulate her.” And even though allowing a non-Saudi to serve Arabic coffee puts um Hassan in an awkward situation in front of guests and social customs, she cannot ask of Saudi Subabas to serve men because of customary traditions concerned with gender segregation.

The Subabas group can also include the Master Subaba’s daughter in the case of shortage in the Subabas group.

The Master Subaba is an initiator and leader, with marketing skills and the ability to build and manage relations with customers, the Subabas community and even the event halls. Freelance Master Subabas choose their teams of fixed and alternating Subabas for each event after contacting them either in-person or on the phone, and sometimes arranging for their transportation.

Subabas’ Affairs Communication Communication between Subabas in the past varied from telephone to in-person communication, today it has extended to include texts and phone calls.

Regarding organizing Subabas’ teams over the years, Um Hassan says “In the past I used to call the Subaba that I want by telephone, and if it wasn’t possible, I would tell a close person to pass the message to her to prepare for a commissioned event, with information about the time and place. If that wasn’t possible, I would ask for another Subaba from someone I trust.” She was surprised by their success in coordinating teams despite the limitations of communication in the past, “The strange thing is 14

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that when the event started, we would find everyone there. Nowadays, everyone is within reach through a text or a phone call.”

Contracting Contracting can be unofficial among self-employed Subabas, where a mere conversation, text or phone call concludes the agreement. Whereas in companies, it is made official through signing an employment contract, but pay is still on a wage basis rather than a fixed monthly salary.

The working evening for Subabas starts from late afternoon, as they prepare the equipment and arrange for transportation, and usually ends in the early morning hours. Some lavish events are known to end at around 8 in the morning.

Qualifications The Master Subabas rely on particular qualifications when choosing Subabas, and they agree on summarizing the qualifications in the Saudi colloquial word ‫ سناعة‬sana’ah (closest English; diligence) or being diligent. Master Um Fahad specifies “She must be diligent and hardworking”, elaborating that “She has to be energetic, good-spirited and skillful at serving coffee.” Sana’ah denotes many things, most importantly proficiency and knowledgeability about the fundamentals of hospitality, along with being lively, kind and quick-witted.

The Subaba profession is no different than other hospitality fields, where looks and appearances of the hospitality attendants bear great importance. Master Subabas pick Subabas based on the psychological influence of their figure and movement wielded on guests. Master Um Hassan describes the Subaba’s qualifications she seeks in her team, “Diligent as in: agile, focused on the job and delightful. I personally prefer Subabas of medium build; not too thin that she loses gravitas, and not obese that she moves heavily or deforms the dress’s shape,”.

Commute On the subject of commuting to and from work in the 80’s and 90’s, before women driving or current ride-sharing services, Subabas used to largely rely on male relatives for commuting. If that was not possible (most of the time), she would look for other Subabas who had family members to transport them or call a taxi, in both cases she has to pay for the drive. Um Fahad says “No one used to drive anyone for free back then.” At times, Um Fahad couldn’t find any Subaba that would drive her back home after an event in the late night hours. Afraid of getting into a taxi alone at 2 or 3 am after the wedding is over, she would wait outside the wedding hall on the main entrance after it had been closed until dawn. And when the sun rises, she would call a taxi to go pick up her children and head home.

Communications Management and Marketing Channels of communication and marketing were numerous in the past, from word of mouth, to business cards distributed in many events by the Subabas themselves or by wedding singers who mutually advertise for each other’s services.

In addition, carpet shops used to support Subabas in the past and advertise for them as an external service by adding their contact information in the shop’s signage. That is because local social events that require carpet rentals usually most likely need hospitality services as well.

When a customer wishes to see the Subaba’s range of services and her sets of hospitality silverware and uniforms, it was known then to describe a place or a landmark where the Master Subaba would either 15

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get in the customer's car or follow her home. The Subaba would bring a variety of uniforms, cup sets and silverware from which the customer could select.

Nowadays, customers reach Subabas via the company’s map location, or via a Whatsapp Business link to their services and products. Clients can also visit the company’s account on social media, especially Instagram, to view their services.

(Images from 13 to 22 show a collection of products provided by Subabas to their customers, such as uniforms, cup sets and silverware, vanity perfumes etc. Photos were taken from Almunasaba Alrai’ah headquarters and screenshots of their whatsapp business account.)

With the break of the internet, Subabas started to advertise for themselves on electronic platforms such as the many widespread Arabic social forums. At many times, the forums are filled with pages of indirect marketing by former and potential customers.

Uniform Costumes Subabas collectively agree that there was no uniformed dress code in the early beginnings of the Event Subabas profession. Every Subaba had the freedom to wear a tunic or dress of her choosing, and the bukhnaq (a sheer black headcovering) was not used yet. Rather, Subabas would wear only a standard black hijab, in addition to a face veil (burka) in the presence of men. However, costumes (dress, bukhnag, hairstyles and other accessories) were uniformed in the late 1970’s and early 80’s by the consumerist trends of the high-income classes. These classes paid great attention to the style and appearance of these Subabas that they would buy rolls of fabric to be uniformly designed and sewn for them. At one point there was a trend for separate uniforms for coffee servers and tea servers.

Nowadays, the costume consists of the dress (traditional9, or modern style as shown in the photoshoot accompanying this essay), a sash, bukhnaq (image 23), a rear hair bun (image 24), and a shageesah (a front hairpiece split from the center of the head, see image 25 to 27), matching shoes (often orthopedic shoes) and sometimes accessories or jewelry such as necklaces, bracelets, etc.

(The essay’s accompanying video shows how Subabas style their hair and bukhnag in the present and past.)

Financial Management It was common for customers to pay a 50% advance deposit after scheduling the service with the Master Subaba or the company. The remaining half is paid at the end of the event. Cash payments have mostly transitioned to bank transfers today.

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in the style of kurtah or sh’wal

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The Demand on Event Subabas As previously mentioned, generosity and urbanization are the factors stimulating the demand for Subabas. But before I further elaborate, the central role of Arabic coffee in earlier Bedouin communities must be taken into consideration in order to understand the reasons behind society’s and Subabas’ devotion to the authenticity of Arabic coffee despite shifting temporal and social needs.

In addition to Arabic coffee being a symbol of Arabian generosity - a noble manner that Bedouins knew and valued in their arduous, impoverished and constant movement around the Arabian Peninsula - along with its surrounding high conventionalities and precise methods of preparation and serving, it has been seriously employed as an illusive language of civil, military and security-related alliances among Bedouins in their tents and majlises, increasing its significance further. We often hear or read about the different cups’ names (i.e. cup of the guest, cup of the sword.. etc.), and their social or alliance meanings, which have been cited numerous times in online references, therefore I won’t mention them here.

To draw a quick comparison between serving Arabic coffee in the past and in the present, we see that generosity is the bedrock principle in both periods, where it goes hand in hand with the birth and continuity of serving Arabic coffee. However, the difference appears in the illusive and symbolic language, where it has been altered from a practical and security-related language that served social ends in the past, to a consumerist language expressed through the substantial lavish beverages and pastries served, as well as in the Subabas’ costumes and silverware. As the urge to pledge loyalty in social congregations had vanished after the prosperous stability of tribes and families in safe urban and relatively-affordable lifestyles, it has been replaced with a strive to indulge in luxuries in a display of extravagent urbanization adopted by families.

1. Societal Generosity Although generosity is a personal trait, where degrees of one’s generosity differs from another, but by looking at our Arab communities and long history, it can be regarded as an inherited social trait, and a pillar of the construct of Arab identity, and particularly the Saudi community for purposes of this essay.

The meaning of generosity extends to include generosity of the soul, and can be easily summed up in the rich symbolism of the dallah (traditional coffee pot) and Arabic coffee.

Arabic coffee has earned that cultural and historical symbolism, as the fundamentals of preparing, pouring and serving it have been created and practiced with attentive delicacy and shows guests the utmost dignity. Such attention and commitment in its preparation and the communal act of sharing it with others come from Arabic coffee’s association with highly-regarded social values and noble human acts such as generosity and giving.

The migration of Saudi families from villages to cities, even if it changed their social habits gradually over the years, it had not affected their generosity. Rather, Saudi families have paid great attention to providing larger and more diverse hospitality as they settled in the city and their social occasions grew in size, despite their growing cost.

The need of Saudi families to provide the best hospitality to their guests in different events is a top personal and social priority. Hostesses would not be satisfied unless the hospitality is at its best, guests are well-served, and perhaps only when her choice of hospitality is complimented. Saudi older women at large pay great attention to Subabas, their practice, the coffee’s taste and other hospitality details, and they exchange Subaba’s contact details at events.

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2. Urbanization The new city life of these families called for new forms of social events. Despite the expansion of social circles, the degree of proximity and spontaneity of relations with neighbors had diminished in comparison to those in villages and provinces. Consequently, wedding ceremonies have moved from home events (hosted in rooftops or courtyards of homes, of which doors were kept wide open and lit by stripes of festoon lights, perhaps with some carpets and tents as to signal an open invitation to neighbors to attend); to weddings booked at big halls that can take in a larger number of guest, around 600 or 700 guests per event in the early 90’s and gradually decreasing to 200 attendees in the following years.

As a result, events required bigger hospitality logistics than before, as in hiring a specialized group of Subabas to accommodate the event’s scale. Such hospitality was needed to meet the hostess’s wish in providing a hospitality befitting of her guests in a display that sometimes surpasses their affordability and economic status. In doing so, families do not merely seek to display their success at urbanization, but to treat their guests with generosity that implicitly dignifies the hosting family in the face of this deep rooted social tradition. The concern of shame still haunts Saudi families should they be neglectful in providing a high standard of hospitality.

The Saudi Subabas’ success in harmonizing between the authenticity of generosity and the urbanization of society could be the reason behind their durable presence in the hospitality industry despite the fierce commercial and foreign competition (mentioned later under “Subabas Facing Challenges”), and their preservation of their traditional styles, as well as their hospitality practice performed according to long standing customs despite society’s incessant strive towards the latest consumerist trends.

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The Role of Urbanization in Subabas’ Opportunities and Appearance Curiosity Like any other field, the Subaba’s reputation and social connections determine the quality and quantity of the opportunities she will get. However, modernity and urbanization were and still remain among the main motives behind why a Subaba opts for a particular event over another, especially earlier in her career.

Master Um Hassan says about her initial years “We definitely did not reject any work proposal that any of the known Subabas then would offer us, even if it conflicted with our schedules. Besides the opportunity of working with a renowned and famed Subaba, the chance to see a famous hall, the décor, dressed-up women and even the thought of acquiring more connections and socializing with new and familiar women was exhilarating and it motivated us to accept various hospitality commissions.”

Anticipating Demand Since the late 70’s, many hospitality practices of today’s Subabas were inspired by the hospitality practices of the elite and high-income customers (as mentioned in “Uniform Costumes”), who were known for first applying uniform costumes for Event Subabas, as well as their attention to selecting and providing silverware and supplies such as coffee beans and pots at their own expenses, and at times providing their own coffee-tender that specializes in preparing coffee and tea.

Since Event Subabas are the common factor among the different social classes, they brought such practices and standards of costumes, styles and utensils to their general practices with other social segments - with differences in quality of materials and tools. Consequently, they wore the bukhnag instead of the hijab, uniforms designed by the Subabas, and a unified hairstyle, until the overall appearance of the Subabas was eventually popularized among all social classes.

Opposed to Subabas’ early beginnings, their appearance was no longer spontaneous. Subabas’ observations of their earlier customers’ purchasing preferences intrigued and encouraged them to seek a unified appearance for themselves.

The earlier customers’ choice of décor colors in the first wedding halls of Riyadh, known mainly for two sets of colored seats: ivory and crimson, were one of the reasons behind their unified-color uniforms.

Master Um Hassan proudly recollects, “In the past, and after the opening of fancy wedding halls such as Alsleimaniya and Afrah Adhahabi that were distinct for their two sets of seat colors, crimson or ivory, we started to include the options of crimson or ivory uniform dresses, for customers to select according to their choice of seats.” Since then, uniform design and colors diversified further over the years.

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Subabas Facing Challenges Competitiveness and Monopoly in the Hospitality Industry In the 1980’s, commercial hospitality companies spread extensively. These companies sub-contract Subabas and claim a percentage of their daily wages (around 30%) despite the raise in service charges for customers. However, many Saudi self-employed Subabas stood up against such exploitation in their earnings, especially that Subabas have been working in hospitality many years before the rise of the commercial hospitality companies. Collectively, they formed together in clusters of freelancers to protect their professions from commercial hospitality companies that monopolize some wedding halls and raise service charges for customers, surpassing the Event Subabas’ charge.

It is known that the majority of these hospitality companies’ staff are of Filipino, Egyptian and African nationality that are dressed in the traditional costume of Saudi Subabas, yet not trained with the same fundamentals of hospitality known among Saudi Subabas. Saudi customers notice and stress on this matter, and their comments -in-person or on online forums- focus on the aspects of the coffee’s taste, Subabas’ energy, delightfulness, and their styles; and attribute low standards of some or all aspects to foreign Subabas.

Master Um Fahad clarifies, “There is a big difference between Saudi Subabas that are apprenticed by a Master Subaba or a professional Saudi Subaba, where she takes pride in the tradition of Arabic coffee and hospitality; and a foreign Subaba that is not instructed the known fundamentals and consequently does not present a cultural profundity in her hospitality.”

Despite the discontent felt by Saudi Subabas, especially older ones, towards modern consumerist trends, they make sure to provide everything ordered so they can preserve their place in the business. Um Fahad says “I see no point in serving various tea trends -such as fruit tea- if guests will not drink them. It pains me that hundreds and thousands of riyals end up in the trash, but I commit to providing everything that the customer orders, even if I disapprove of squandering and wastefulness.”

Even with successful examples of hospitality companies owned by Saudi Subabas that pose as competitors against commercial hospitality companies, some Master Subabas were able to perpetuate the rivalry against such commercial companies while working as freelancers because of their achieved fame and success. “There is no need for me to establish a company now, I have everything I need. I bought houses for me and for my sons and their families. I still receive offers on a daily basis, but I only go to work two to three times a week because of the competitive and consumerist trends that do not meet my hospitality standards,” Said Master Um Fahad. It is no surprise that Um Fahad has achieved a special success despite being self-employed her entire career. It is because she is dedicated to her work, a work in which she crystalizes her passion for life. Um Fahad is energetic and committed to strenuous work ever since she started, she also celebrates the values of authentic hospitality and gracious Saudi hospitality that permeate even in her warm welcoming at every interview or phone call.

The Subaba’s Eligibility in the Eye of Society Self-employment in the Subabas profession sometimes does not guarantee their financial and legal rights. Um Hassan says “Some customers pay tens of thousands for décor companies, dinner feast, flower arrangements and others, but haggle in our pay which does not even exceed 250 SAR.” 20

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For that reason, some Subabas have strived to establish their own companies in order to stand up against such unfair attitudes. Whereas, freelance or self-employed Subabas are obliged to minimize staff members to evade wage reduction, which in turn negatively affects their professionalism and performance, especially in larger events.

The Subaba Career Desirability: The Past vs. Now Considering that Subabas work in hospitality out of a financial destitution, personal well being, or as an inherited profession from their mothers; they are notably proud of their work nonetheless. Um Fahad says “I take great pride whenever I attend an event and perform my duty, for I do it on the grounds of generosity of the spirit, gracious hospitality, and guests’ comfort, all of which are noble principles.”

The Subaba Souad, assigned by Um Hassan as a wardrobe consultant for one of this essay’s photoshoots, says about being a young Subaba “In the beginning I was ashamed of seeing a familiar face from my relatives and college or school colleagues among the guests that I serve. But it was soon that feelings of joy and pride of my work overcame such initial hesitance.”

Some older Subabas complain about the unenthusiastic and spiritless younger Subabas toward hospitality and Arabic coffee, describing them as indifferent and hesitant. Perhaps that description comes in the light of the great contrasted economic situation between the two generations, where work opportunities have become abundantly diverse, besides the wide gap between the two generations concerning world exposure and communication means that influence their career choices.

Heba, a young receptionist working in Um Hassan’s company, says “I do not consider working as a Subaba. It is very tiring with really long working hours that last until early in the morning and sometimes until 8 am. It is a profession that many women, especially older women, enjoy where they get to fill up their long days and meet with their colleagues.”

The Subaba Community, and the Psychological Aspects of Working in the Profession Many women have started in the profession through a Subaba friend that invited or advised them to get out of a poor state of mind caused by depression, a husband’s retirement or boredom. Um Hassan says “I was going through a tough mental state, then a friend of mine invited me to join her for a night to have a change of scenery and to feel refreshed. She started to convince me of how great the atmosphere in those events was, how you get to acquaint yourself with new women and feel refreshed by seeing new places every night, and above all that, an earning and a meal for my children. Frankly, once you see people in a celebratory atmosphere, you immediately find yourself revived and laughing.”

Fatima, a vibrantly energetic young Subaba, says with smiling eyes under her veil in the photoshoot “I was very isolated before I became a Subaba, and I wanted to change how I viewed life and others. Once I got used to working with other Subabas, I started to enjoy socializing with a large number of women and getting out of my closed social circle. I’ve been working with Um Hassan for six years now.”

The sense of belonging among Subabas is evident in their talk about their profession, their preparation for events or the photoshoot, their help in adjusting the bukhnaq of a colleague (as caught through the lens in image 28), and their shared pride in what they do. Um Fahad says “We see each other two to 21

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three times a week where we live in such a friendly environment. It is very normal that we have become like family.”

For that reason, many women take up the profession of a Subaba driven by mental and social reasons that outweigh financial reasons. There is a communal celebratory joy when they regularly get together where they dress up, laugh, joke and wear a new dress (that sometimes can end up being hers in extravagant events), all of that creates a strong sisterly and intimate bond.

Um Hassan says about the pride felt by Subabas in their work “I love my work, I got used to going out and seeing people, some kind of familiarity developed between us. It is a very beautiful feeling to enter a majlis when you’re profoundly proud to serve it.”

Conclusion The rise of Subabas in a shared social and economic environment and geographical proximity has contributed to forging a bond that fosters support within their community, one that can be observed by outsiders. These bonds cultivate initiative and leading ethos within their own selves and among themselves, encouraging them to take control of their mental, social and financial affairs. These bonds also, along with their authenticity and pride in hospitality and serving Arabic coffee, forms a sinew through which the profession has evolved along with the transformations of society in its broad picture over the decades.

The philosophy of Saudi Subabas is still rooted on noble Arab attributes that gave rise to the Arabic coffee symbolism that celebrates generosity, welcoming guests, stature and altruism, which are evident in the duties performed by Saudi Subabas in serving true generous hospitality as if they were the actual hosts.

The Saudi Subabas’ embodiment of Arabic coffee’s essence, personally and professionally, is overwhelming and notable. It astonishingly encapsulates the graciousness of self and cherishment of the fundamentals of serving coffee. They also embodied the gravitas associated with the Arabic coffee attained by their effective apprenticeship, long expertise and a belief in the noble role of Arabic coffee among all, near and far.

The gravitas which they delicately acquired in every element of their presence through their unwavering commitment to the old ways, which only increased my appreciation and respect towards them as I set out to study the socioeconomic gap.

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