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EXCUSES MADE FOR HONORING WHITE SUPREMACIST HATTON W. SUMNERS 1. The Texas State Historical Association (TSHA) handbook doesn’t mention any racist elements in Sumners’ biography and so an individual or organization might claim that they were uniformed. No competent historian believes that the TSHA handbook is reliable and considering that Sumners represented Dallas in the U.S. House for decades, that should have been a clue that the entry wasn’t reliable. For those who wish to know who Sumners really was there are pages and subpages with documentation at this URL. http://templeofdemocracy.com/hatton-w-sumners.html 2. Some try separating the constitutional scholar Sumners from the racist Sumners. Sumners’ racism wasn’t carried along in a travel bag. Sumners in his speeches would talk about the Anglo-Saxon constitution versus jazz ideas, such as “Jazz philosophy” etc. Sumners labeled ideas he opposed as “jazz” ideas versus his favored Anglo-Saxon constitutional ideas. He would talk about “watermelon time” and that the nation had “jazzed off into the jungle” in his speeches. At the time jazz was seen as African American music and Sumners was employing Negrophobia in the exposition of his constitutional ideas. He did this starting in the 1920s and through his career as a congressional representative and in his final book, “The Private Citizen and His Democracy,” published in 1961 by the Southwestern Legal Foundation. More importantly, in 1944 when the Supreme Court struck down the white primary in Texas, he faced some serious criticism from his associates as to why he wasn’t raising hell. In reply Sumners, in a series of letters, and in particular one to a really angry supporter, Cleo Thompson, how Sumners’ exposition of his constitutional ideas was to get national support to block civil rights legislation. Sumners explained that the South is one-quarter of the federal legislature and needed allies and these allies could be found on the basis of his constitutional arguments and not specifically Southern partisan arguments or racist arguments. 3. Someone might want to frame Sumners as some type of prophet against too much government or government centralization or federal bureaucracy, you should understand he was afraid of these things because they might be used to end white supremacy as revealed in his letters. 4. A person might be tempted to want to just focus on the proposed Supreme Court expansion by Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1937 and Sumners’ opposition to it as to why you think he should be honored.