A Comparison of Trans-Saharan Trade and Colonialism
COVER PAGE 1
CONTENTS 2
INTRODUCTION 4-5
CHAPTER 1 trans- Saharan trade/ colonialism and religion 6-9
CHAPTER 2 The Interplay of Colonial and Islamic Ideologies and the Impact on West African Societies 10-
Trans-Saharan trade routes were very influential in spreading Islam and Islamic architecture all throughout the West African region over a thousand years ago. West Africa has a rich history of cultural and religious exchanges. However, the region’s religious and architectural landscape has also been forever altered by the impact of European colonialism and the arrival of Christianity. A research gap exists in understanding the interaction between indigenous religious practises and the architectural manifestations of religious beliefs in the context of Islamic and Christian influences in West Africa, even though existing studies have contributed valuable insights into both of these historical transformations. Consequently, the primary purpose of this dissertation is to examine and contrast the impact of colonialism and trans-Saharan trade routes on West African religious architecture and societal growth. The study seeks to assess the comparative influence of these historical forces on modern infrastructure, linguistic manifestations, social norms, and inter-tribal dynamics. The study aims to develop a more thorough and improved comprehension of the effects of these
religious and cultural exchanges on the religious architecture prevalent throughout West Africa today by analysing the region’s historical, religious, and architectural transformations. A critical analysis of historiographical accounts is conducted to identify potential discrepancies between West African and Western narratives, primarily focusing on understanding the consequences of such divergences for the global perception of West African nations. The research examines whether one historical factor has contributed more to or had any hand in the current state of West Africa and the dominant Western perception of the continent as the antithesis of innovation and development. This assessment considers the potential role of activism and social justice advocacy in shaping contemporary narratives concerning West Africa. The study’s conclusion emphasises the importance of preserving and honouring the region’s cultural heritage without altering the overall narrative to fit particular agendas. Preserving and honouring the region’s architectural heritage helps people better understand and appreciate the region’s diverse cultures and rich legacies.
CHAPTER 3 Religious Architecture in West Africa 13-
Case study 1: The great mosque of Djenne
Case study 2: Larabanga mosque
Case study 3 Elmina castle.
CHAPTER4: Historiography discrepancies 20-22
CONCLUSION 23
BIBLIOGRAPHY 24-28
‘With the trans-Saharan trade bringing Islam to West Africa and Colonialism bringing Christianity, which narrative is more responsible for current socio-economic infrastructure, the effects on written/spoken language and societal rules, and the religious architecture of west Africa?’
Around a millennium ago, the Trans-Saharan trade networks significantly impacted the cultural, religious, and architectural landscape of SubSaharan and parts of North Africa. The extensive trading relationships established by early North African inhabitants across the Sahara facilitated the spread of Islam and Islamic architecture throughout the region (Lydon, 2009). The exchange of religious beliefs and customs occurred when Arab and Berber’s traders shared their faith with local populations, leading to widespread conversion (Hunwick, 2003). Some Arab historians, such as Al-Bakri, assert that the ruler of Gao along the Niger River embraced Islam as early as 1009 (Levtzion & Hopkins, 2000). As a result, cities like Timbuktu and Gao emerged as important centres of learning and commerce (Insoll, 2003). Muslim builders introduced a distinct architectural style that reflected Arab and North African traditions, characterised by rectilinear plans, flat roofs, multi-storey buildings, and sundried clay bricks or clay and stones for construction (Moughtin, 1992).
The onset of colonialism brought with it the introduction of European architectural styles and urban planning principles to Africa’s coastal regions and cities (Coquery-Vidrovitch, 2005). Portuguese colonisers, in particular, made their mark by importing medieval European fortification designs to Africa, prominently along the western and southwestern coasts (Davidson, 1991). These structures, characterised by high towers, thick masonry walls with gun turrets, extensive storage areas, slave dungeons, and residential quarters protected by defensive walls, exemplify Portuguese colonial architecture (DeCorse, 2001). The abundance of gold transported from Ghana prompted the construction of numerous European forts and castles along its coast (Kea, 2004). Western settlers, especially Christians, introduced religious architecture and established churches and other religious buildings to practice their faith in the colonies (Etherington, 2001). This fusion of architectural styles and urban planning principles has left a lasting impact on the region, reflecting the complex historical and cultural interactions between Africa and Europe. Despite the existing body of literature, there remains a need to explore further the architectural transformations brought about by the TransSaharan trade and colonialism in West Africa and how they continue to shape the region’s cultural heritage. This research aims to address the gap
in the literature by providing a comprehensive analysis of the architectural manifestations of indigenous religions, Islam, and Christianity in West Africa, focusing on how these architectural forms have evolved. Additionally, this study seeks to contribute to a deeper understanding of the impact of these historical processes on the formation and preservation of West African cultural heritage, fostering a more nuanced appreciation of the region’s architectural history and its significance in the broader context of global architectural heritage.
FUGURE 1 A drawing of the Djingareyber Mosque in Mali. This is one the precedent drawing i made for my design project which happens to be a great example of Islamic west african architecture
There were plenty of varied ethnic groups that were known to have brought about the start of the trade. At the forefront are Amazigh (Zanata, Sahaja and Tuareg), Arabs of North Africa, Malinke, Soninke, Fulani and Songhai of the north but primarily West Africa (Clarke, 1997, p. 21). Most of the fore mentioned tribes/ethnic groups have inhabited the regions of the north and west Africa for at least 10 thousand years, except for the Arabs. They arrived in Africa much later, around the 7th century. They brought with them their religion of Islam and the language of Arabic (Davidson, 1994, p. 36). Islam within continental Africa has existed and been expanding for over 1500 years. Throughout its presence across this broad territory, Islam has assumed immeasurable political, social, economic, and metaphysical interpretations, making it among the continent’s most diversified, “far-flung”, and yet dominant movements. Africa inhabits one-third of the world’s Islamic population, with around 40% of the continent’s inhabitants identifying as Muslim. Furthermore, much of Islam’s expansion throughout Africa occurs in locations south of the Sahara, in territories like West Africa. (M. Apotos p16).
Islam arrived in West Africa gradually, propagated by Muslim traders and intellectuals. The first trips throughout the Sahara Desert were made in phases. Wares were transported through a network of Islamic dealers before being acquired by regional non-Islamic citizens at the end of the route. (A. Bakri). West Africa is seen as somewhat “unique” in analyses of contemporary Islamic culture, owing to the presence of massively diverse communities that have demonstrated surprising levels of “flexibility” in reacting to and adjusting to the influences of Islam across time. Due to these features, Islam’s exceptionally cohesive, fascinating tales established themselves in the territory as early as the ninth century. (M. Apotos p17).
The trans-Saharan trade route was not limited to trading goods. It also involved trading enslaved people. This trade was ongoing from mid 7th century till the 11th century. Most were transported to North Africa to be sold to Mediterranean and Middle Eastern civilisations. (B.Keith p.177). W.C. Smith’s ‘Islam and Slavery’ discusses the role of slavery in Islamic history, including its economic and social impact and the debates surrounding its legitimacy. It argues that slavery in Islam exhibited distinctive traits but was recognisably a slave system and that productive slavery was more extensive than often acknowledged (Smith, 1994, p. 38). Debates among scholars and slave rebellions revolved around the treatment of enslaved
people and the economic and social distribution of power (Smith, 1994, p. 39). An informative analysis is provided here of the complexities and diversity of Islamic slavery, challenging some common misconceptions and emphasising the need for further study and debate. The article demonstrates that, despite some distinct features of Islamic slavery, like the emphasis on concubines and the prohibition of labour coercion, it was fundamentally a slave system based on exploitation and commodification (Smith, 1994, p. 40). Throughout Islamic history, slavery has been a contentious challenge that has impacted many facets of society. The book highlights the legal, religious, economic, social, and political aspects of Islamic slavery in order to illuminate its nuanced and intricate nature. Doing this dispels widespread myths and preconceptions about this contentious subject. The text ultimately urges readers to take a more critical and nuanced stance when considering the significance of enslavement in Islamic history.
Colonialism and Religion: Christianity was first introduced to West Africa by the Portuguese. Their more significant contact with West Africa occurred when they arrived on the coast of Ghana in 1471, in a town they later named Elmina (J. Fage). However, after they left the West Coast of Africa in the 17th century, the Christian religion was only preserved in Upper Guinea, where a priest was kept in the Cape Verde Islands. This was primarily due to the Portuguese being preoccupied with establishing their trade in gold, commodities, and enslaved people instead of evangelising and Christianising the natives of West Africa.
Nevertheless, by the beginning of the 1800s, methodical attempts were made by “churches of Christian Europe” (Britain to be exact), notably: “Anglicans, Methodists, and Baptists” who were active in Sierra Leone and, with “Presbyterians”, in Nigeria. Methodists also established missions in Ghana, Gambia, and Dahomey (N. Achebe). Afro-Brazilians also returned to Benin and Nigeria with Catholicism in the nineteenth century. The attainment of these Christian Missions’ goals came with a price. Owing to the unfavourable tropical climate, numerous missionaries perished at a young age (Ajayi, 1965). In West Africa at the time, efforts to engage populations inland with the gospel were met with the southern growth of Islam, posing considerable risk to the spread of Christian evangelistic ventures (Falola, 2001). The preachers’ work was also unsuccessful, as the masses greeted their message with apathy. This turned around for them with the arrival of Black Christians from Nova Scotia in Sierra Leone in 1787. In 1804 and 1811, other missionaries started their work among liberated slave settlements throughout Sierra Leone. The preachers’ initial accomplishment encompassed locations such as Freetown and nearby
FIGURE 3
settlements. The Liberian coast, where Afro-Americans and formerly enslaved people were converted, was an immediate success. Notable French commercial outposts include Grand Bassam (Ivory Coast), Assinie, and Libreville in Gabon (Muller, 2003). Indigenous Christianity in West Africa refers to the adaptation of Christianity to the cultural and religious beliefs of the local people. It is a form of Christianity incorporating African traditional religion and cultural practices into the faith. This contrasts with ‘mainstream’ Christianity, significantly impacting Western customs and practices. One key aspect that separates indigenous Christianity from general Christianity is the use of music and dance in worship.
African Christians “generally respond more warmly to worship that involves movement, rhythm, and music, all of which are part of African religious traditions,” says Paul Gifford. (Gifford, 2009). African musical instruments like drums, rattles, and xylophones are used in worship events at indigenous Christian churches in West Africa. The importance of the community in religious life is another feature that sets indigenous Christianity apart from mainstream Christianity. Communal worship and decision-making are highly valued in indigenous Christian societies. According to Afe Adogame, indigenous Christianity in Africa is not just about solitary conversion but also about forming a community of adherents who share similar, if not the same, ideals, beliefs, and practises. (Adogame, 2013, p. 180). This communal emphasis is evident in the organisation of indigenous Christian churches, often structured around extended family units or kinship groups.
In addition to these cultural differences, there are also theological differences between indigenous Christianity and general Christianity. For instance, native Christian communities in West Africa frequently adopt a more ‘allencompassing’ strategy for healing and regeneration, addressing both spiritual and physical issues. African indigenous Christian leaders are more likely to stress the importance of prayer, fasting, and divine assistance in healing, claims Jacob Olupona (Olupona, 2003, p. 128). The main differences between indigenous Christianity and general Christianity in West Africa are cultural and theological in nature.
Indigenous Christianity in North and West Africa, according to Lamin Sanneh, a prominent scholar of African Christianity, the adoption of Christianity in Africa resulted from a process of cultural translation, whereby the Christian message was communicated in ways that resonated with the local context (Sanneh, 1989).
Christianity had already spread in North Africa through early Christian missionaries such as St. Augustine of Hippo, a North African. Augustine’s influence on African Christianity is evident in how African Christian theologians have incorporated African traditional
religious practices into their theology. As Ogbu U. Kalu notes, “The strong presence of ancestral cults and related practices in African traditional religion and culture has made the issue of ancestral veneration an important aspect of African Christianity” (Kalu, 2005, p. 52). When Christianity was introduced during colonialism in West Africa, it was often associated with suppressing indigenous cultures and practices. According to Kwame Bediako, the colonial era introduction of Christianity led to a conflict between the new faith and African cultural identity. Bediako writes, “Inevitably, the African cultural ethos had to conflict with the Christian ethos imported by the European colonialists” (Bediako, 1995, p. 20). This conflict resulted in the emergence of syncretic forms of Christianity that blended African cultural practices with Christian beliefs. As the writer Allan Anderson notes, “In Africa, the religious terrain is characterised by an intermingling of various religious traditions, both African and non-African, with Christianity” (Anderson, 2001, p. 6). A complex and dynamic phenomenon, indigenous Christianity in North and West Africa represents the ample wealth and variety of the continent’s cultures. Unlike Christianity, which was spread during colonialism and was frequently associated with the erasure of indigenous cultures and customs, indigenous Christianity aims to celebrate and protect African cultural identity within the framework of the Christian religion. African Christians have created a distinctive brand of Christianity that incorporates their cultural customs and practices through cultural translation and modification. Christianity has flourished in various communities across the continent owing to this distinctive approach, which has preserved the extensive fabric of African cultural heritage while nurturing a sense of community and shared faith.
FIGURE 5 by Nigerian painter, Twins Seven Seven. Showing pre islamic/ pre colonial Yuroba ritualistic worship of music and dancingBetween 1948 and 1953, Dutch colonial executive Albert van Dantzig served as the governor-general of the Dutch East Indies. Although he did not directly participate in the conquest of West Africa, numerous European colonialists shared his ideals and beliefs. Van Dantzig maintained a belief in the superiority of European culture and viewed colonisation as a civilising mission. He contended that the Western powers were responsible for bringing their advanced civilisation and modern technology to Africa’s “uncivilised” people. This notion was part of a more extensive colonial ideology that depicted colonised people as backward and needing Western guidance (van Dantzig, 1992, p. 1).
Nonetheless, this perspective on colonisation disregarded the rich and varied cultures and societies in West Africa before European contact. The imposition of European values, language, and societal rules significantly impacted the region. Many African languages and cultural practices were suppressed in favour of European norms, leading to the loss of cultural heritage and identity. The legacy of colonialism has profoundly affected the region, including the loss of cultural heritage, uneven infrastructure development, ongoing tribal tensions, and a built environment reflecting the power dynamics of the colonial period (Afigbo, 2002, p. 10). Van Dantzig’s article “Effects of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Some West African Societies” (1992, p. 3) critically analyses the transatlantic slave trade’s impact on West Africa. This piece provides insights into the political, social, and cultural transformations resulting from the trade.
Van Dantzig’s primary argument is that the slave trade dramatically disrupted traditional West African cultures by upending pre-existing social and economic systems. The demand for enslaved people created a lucrative trade that incentivised some groups to engage in violent raids and kidnappings, leading to widespread conflict and population displacement. This disruption of social norms and structures resulted in the collapse of conventional political systems and the emergence of new types of “government” better suited to addressing the problems brought about by the slave trade, such as centralised states (van Dantzig, 1992, p. 5). ). In his analysis of the slave trade, Van Dantzig highlights its devastating effects on human lives and how it impacted West Africa’s economy (van Dantzig, 1992, p. 4). The trade created a high demand for specific goods, such as firearms and textiles, which in turn led to new industries emerging in and around the region. While this may have initially appeared as a positive outcome, a closer examination reveals that many West African economies remained underdeveloped and heavily reliant on external trade due to their focus on maintaining the slavery industry and resource
extraction. These countries’ dependence on foreign trade made them vulnerable to fluctuations in market prices or supply chain disruptions (van Dantzig, 1992, p. 5). Moreover, while some areas experienced growth due to the demand for specific goods generated by the slave trade, other regions were left behind. As they struggled to adapt to the shifting economic patterns, many communities fell into poverty (Afigbo, 2002, p. 16). Furthermore, even those who profited from this newly discovered industry often did so at a high cost. A system that relied on treating people as commodities rather than unique beings deserving of respect and dignity, slavery was inherently exploitative (Afigbo, 2002, p. 14). West Africa continues grappling with this dehumanisation’s aftermath (Afigbo, 2002, p. 16).
The infrastructure established by European colonial powers in West Africa was frequently designed to serve the colonisers’ interests rather than the needs of local populations. Roads, railways, and other infrastructure were primarily to facilitate extracting natural resources and transporting goods to European markets. This resulted in a legacy of underdeveloped and uneven infrastructure in many West African countries, with some areas requiring better connectivity while others remained isolated. The colonial legacy has also contributed to ongoing tribal tensions in West Africa. The arbitrary boundaries drawn by colonial powers often divided ethnic groups and created new nations lacking a shared national identity. This has contributed to ongoing conflicts and instability in the region.
European colonisers introduced their architectural styles to West Africa through colonial architecture. Many buildings were designed in European neoclassical or Art Deco styles, with grand public buildings, churches, and private homes constructed to impress and project the colonisers’ power. These buildings often used local labour and materials but were designed and overseen by European architects.
The introduction of Islam and Christianity in West Africa also significantly impacted the region’s architecture. Islamic architecture, characterised by its domes and minarets, was introduced to the region by Arab and Berber traders and travellers. This architectural style can be seen in the construction of mosques and other religious buildings. Gbadegesin (2014) describes Islamic architecture as being characterised by geometric patterns, intricate calligraphy, and local building materials. In contrast, Christian architecture introduced new construction styles in West Africa, with churches built using European design aesthetics like Gothic, Romanesque, and Baroque architectural forms. Ogbazi (2019) asserts that European architectural designs brought by Christianity significantly impacted the region’s architecture, as they were used in constructing schools, hospitals, and government buildings.
Falola and Childs (2016) explain that the spread of Islam and Christianity in West Africa resulted in adopting lan-
FIGURE 7 The Methodist religious group of Ghana established the Methodist Book Depot in 1881, Tema , Ghana. One of the area’s oldest structures, it still serves as a bookseller for academic, religious, and intellectual literature as well as fiction and other genres. Take note of the building’s distinctive boxy shape and the towering arches that frame the front door and windows.
guages and writing systems somewhat new to the region, significantly impacting the language and literature. Arabic became the official language of Islam in West Africa, and it was utilised for writing. Similar to how Christianity brought new languages like English, French, and Portuguese, they have had a long-lasting influence on West African language and literature.
Islam and Christianity have also influenced the vocabulary and syntax of West African languages. For example, Hausa and Fula, West African languages commonly spoken in Nigeria and neighbouring countries, often incorporate Arabic loanwords. Likewise, numerous Hausa words are used in Arabic (Jumare, Oseni 2018).
The article “Islamic and Western Educational Accommodation in a West African Society: A Cohort Comparison Analysis” by William R. Morgan and J. Michael Armer (1991, p. 33) contributes to the ongoing discourse on education in West Africa by examining the experiences of two different cohorts in Kano, Nigeria. The authors emphasise the necessity for an educational system that blends the advantages of conventional Islamic and Western-style education.
The authors argue that traditional Islamic education in Kano prioritised routine memorisation of religious texts, which had limited practical applications. This perspective aligns with Lamin Sanneh’s (1987, p. 82) observation in his book “The Crown and the Turban: Muslims and West African Pluralism,” where he notes that traditional Islamic education in West Africa focused on the Quran and Islamic law while neglecting practical subjects such as mathematics and science. Sanneh also highlights the potential limitations of this style of education, which often results in high unemployment rates and fails to prepare students for the modern world adequately. Conversely, the writers acknowledge the positive benefits of Western-style education, which equips students with helpful information and abilities. This perspective is supported by Kofi Abrefa Busia (1951, p. 13). In his book “The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti,” he makes the argument that, for the most part, the spread of Western education in Africa has had a positive effect on the continent because it resulted in the development of an entirely novel set of educated elites who were extremely important in the fight for independence.
The writers also point out that Western-style schooling frequently encourages individuality and materialism, which can harm enduring values and societal norms. This view is in line with the argument put forth by Chinua Achebe (1958, p. 138). In his work, “Things Fall Apart,” he criticises the colonial system’s effects on African communities, specifically West Africa, and Western education’s role in the decline of indigenous beliefs and practices.
The overall message here emphasises the necessity of an inclusive and balanced strategy towards education that considers all of the requirements and viewpoints of pu-
pils. This viewpoint aligns with Kwame Nkrumah’s philosophy, which aimed to combine traditional African values with socialist principles to forge a distinctively ‘African identity’. In his book “Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonisation and Development,” Nkrumah (1964,) advocates for a curriculum incorporating both traditional and contemporary knowledge, emphasising the role that education plays in fostering social and economic growth.
The text examines the coexistence of Western and Islamic education systems in a Muslim region of northern Nigeria. The research found that participation in both systems increased over time and that the social forces that encouraged attendance in one system progressively encouraged attendance in the other (Adegbija, 2001, p. 67). The text also explores the unique features of the Kano case, such as the legacy of mass literacy and the contemporary cultural significance of Islamic schooling. In comparing this text to Frantz Fanon’s colonialism ideologies, it is essential to remember that Fanon’s work focuses on the psychological effects of colonialism on colonised people and how colonisers use education as a tool for cultural dominance (Fanon, 1963, pp. 35-38). According to Fanon, colonisers use education to establish a cultural order in which the coloniser culture is at the top and the colonised culture is at the bottom. This societal hierarchy maintained the power disparity between the coloniser and colonised.
In the case of Kano, Nigeria, the coexistence of Western and Islamic education systems suggests a potential resistance to the cultural domination that Fanon describes. Participation in both systems increased over time, indicating that cultural blending or synthesis may occur rather than a strict hierarchy of one system over the other (Dorayi & Jibir, 2013). This suggests a potential for cultural resistance or hybridity that challenges the power dynamics between the coloniser and colonises. Additionally, the legacy of mass literacy and cultural significance associated with Islamic education in Kano may be seen as a form of cultural resistance against colonial powers’ imposition of Western education. Fanon argues that colonisers use education as a tool for cultural domination. However, the existence of a solid indigenous education system challenges this notion and suggests a potential for resistance against colonialism. Overall, while the study in Kano, Nigeria, does not directly address Fanon’s theories of colonialism, it does suggest a potential for cultural resistance and hybridity that challenges the power dynamics between coloniser and colonised. The coexistence of Western and Islamic education systems and the significance of indigenous education in Kano may be a form of cultural resistance against colonial powers’ imposition of Western education. As such, it is consistent with some of Fanon’s ideas about the potential for resistance against colonialism.
FIGURE 9 International Islamic Academy (IIA), Madalla, Niger State, Nigeria
Apart from their religion, Muslim artisans brought over their techniques of construction that reflected their Arab and North African heritage: rectilinear in plan, flat-roofed, and frequently two stories or more in elevation (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241-245); these structures were constructed of sun-dried clay blocks or a mixture of clay and rocks (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 54). Two notable buildings are the pinnacle of Islamic West African heritage. The first is The Great Mosque of Djenne, often confused with (D. Field) The Djinguereber Mosque of Timbuktu. The exact date of construction of the original mosque in Djenné is disputed, but estimates ranging from 1200 to 1330 have been proposed (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 54). Abd al-Tarikh Sadi’s al-Sudan, which provides the historical origins, apparently from folk tales as it existed in the midseventeenth century, is the earliest text referencing the place of worship. According to the Tarikh, Sultan Kunburu, the ruler at the time, converted to Islam. This helped spread “the religion of trade” (how many people referred to Islam then). The Sultan had his palace demolished and the place rebuilt into a mosque. On the east side, he built another mansion beside the mosque (Hunwick, 1999, p. 18). His subsequent successor erected the mosque’s spires, while the Sultan after him completed the encircling wall (Hunwick, 1999, p. 20). The Great Mosque of Djenne is a remarkable example of the Sudano-Sahelian architectural style (Mali 2022). It is located in Djenne, Mali, and is one of the most significant clay structures in the world (Gupta & Singh, 2019, p. 24). The mosque is built on a platform made of compacted earth that rises about three meters above the marketplace level (Ricardo & CoqueryVidrovitch, 2003, p. 35). Its mud-brick walls are reinforced by wooden beams that protrude from the facade, forming a permanent scaffolding for annual repairs (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 28). Its distinctive features include the flat roof, toron, or pinnacles, and the protruding wooden beams, which are also ornately decorated (Mali 2022). The toron are bundles of rodier palm fronds woven together to form a cone shape (Gupta & Singh, 2019, p. 24). The mosque has an interior courtyard with ventilation and illumination and a covered prayer hall (Ricardo & Coquery-Vidrovitch, 2003, p. 35). There is no more known documented data about the Great Mosque until the French researcher René Caillié visited Djenné in 1828, sometime after it had been abandoned. In his words, “Jenné is a mosque built of earth, surmounted by two massive but not high towers; it is rudely constructed, though very large. It is abandoned by thousands of swallows, which build their nests in it.
This occasions a very disagreeable smell, to avoid which, the custom of saying prayers in a small outer court has become common”(Caillié, 1830, Vol. 1, p. 460). Here, he was mostly illuding to how small the mosque’s interior is compared to the large size of the exterior, though his word choice was in poor taste. The Fulani chieftain Seku Amadu had begun jihad and seized the town ten years before René Caillié’s arrival. Seku Amadu seemed to have opposed the current mosque, leaving it to deteriorate (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 55). The French authority in the town organised for the original mosque to be reconstructed. The reconstruction was finalised in 1907, utilising forced labour under the supervision of Ismaila Traoré, the leader of Djenné’s mason union. According to images recorded at the time, the placement of most of the exterior walls appears to be similar to that of the initial mosque. However, whether the columns upholding the ceiling maintained the initial configuration is uncertain. The degree to which France influenced the style/form of the restored mosques has been debated (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 55).’
According to Rene Gardi in his book “Indigenous African Architecture,” the Great Mosque of Djenne is a remarkable example of indigenous African architecture that is unique in its style and construction techniques (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241245). The mosque was built entirely from local resources, and its architecture represents the community’s customs. The mosque’s construction is a testament to the ingenuity and creativity of the local artisans who developed techniques to build such monumental structures using only earth and wood. The Great Mosque of Djenne is one of the most famous examples of Sudano-Sahelian architecture, a style characterised by mud bricks, wood, and the absence of arches or domes (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241245). The mosque’s design also includes unique features, such as its towering walls, which reach over 15 meters in height. The Great Mosque of Djenne is somewhat comparable to the mosques of Timbuktu in terms of construction methods and resources compared to other structures in the book. Both mosques are made entirely of mud bricks and constructed using traditional techniques passed down through generations of craftsmen (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241). However, no other mud-brick mosque in West Africa is equal to the enormous size of the Great Mosque of Djenne, which makes it stick out. The Great Mosque of Djenne also has a distinctive architectural design that sets it apart from nearby structures. The mosque’s imposing walls, which are decorated with intricate designs and patterns, reflect the cultural and artistic traditions of the local people (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241-245). The mosque’s minarets are an additional distinctive element not present in other structures in the area. They are decorated with ostrich eggs and have spires on top. The Great Mosque of
FIGURE 11 Photo taken by H. Danel in or before 1904 showing the deralict mosque before it was rebuilt.
FIGURE 13 People take part in the annual rendering of the Great Mosque of Djenne in central Mali on April 28, 2019.
Djenne is a remarkable example of indigenous African architecture reflecting local artisans’ creativity and ingenuity. The mosque is indeed a rare structure in West Africa due to its construction methods, materials, and distinctive architectural design. Comparing it to other buildings in the book, the Great Mosque of Djenne stands out for its massive size, unique architectural style, and use of local materials and techniques.
The Mosque, located in Ghana’s Northern Region, is one of the oldest mosques in West Africa. It was built using the Sudano-Sahelian architectural style, which is frequently dubbed “Flat roofed adobe architecture” (Briggs 2014, p432) . The mosque is constructed entirely of mud and sticks, with a thatched roof. The mosque consists of three distinct parts: the mihrab, the main prayer hall, and the entrance porch. Elaborate patterns adorn the mosque’s conical roof, while the walls of the prayer area are plain. A layer of straw mats covers the compressed earth base. The mihrab, which indicates the direction of Mecca, is decorated with green and white patterns and has a small prayer cushion on its slightly elevated floor. The Larabanga Mosque was erected about 590 years ago. It is thought to have been built by Ayuba, an Islamic tradesman (Blier 2003, p.37). Larabanga Mosque is tiny in comparison to other mosques in West African cities. Countryside mosques, such as Larabanga’s, were typically designed by a single marabou and modelled after designs seen elsewhere, such as the Great Mosque of Djenné. However, larger buttresses were used to make the structure equivalent to the architectural style on which it was based to make the building more solid and sturdy. This was also done to compensate for the poor quality of the construction materials. The mosque includes two large pyramid-shaped towers, one for the mihrab, which forms the east facade, and another as a turret in the Northeastern part. Those are all supported by twelve protruding structures with timber parts. ( Briggs 2014, p. 436. ). It was dubbed the “Mecca of West Africa.” Since its establishment in 1421, it has been repaired repeatedly. The World Monuments Fund (WMF) has significantly contributed to its repair and has been designated one of the 100 Highly Vulnerable Structures. The rebuilding process has rekindled the understanding of adobe preservation. ( Prussin 1968, p. 72. ). Larabanga is an essential case study as it displays an architectural and cultural landscape dedicated to optimising the effective performance of Islamic identity inside the confines of the community. Furthermore, it illustrates how Islamic identity and modernity may coexist within the changing circumstances of a particular community. In order to organise the real certainty of the society, Larabanga’s constructed and natural environment (the entire
village area encompassing the mosque) is progressively facilitating the circulation of “history, memory, and emerging anecdotes”. This has effectively transmitted both formed personas and their contemporary re-imaginings into the physical foundations of the surroundings. This affirms the function of architecture in producing and enforcing cultural experiences in certain contexts.
(Apotsos,
Compared to the Great Mosque of Djenné, the Larabanga mosque is smaller and has larger buttresses. Briggs (2014) states, “Both mosques are made entirely of mud and feature similar decorative patterns. However, the Larabanga mosque’s smaller size and the use of larger buttresses set it apart from the Great Mosque of Djenné, which is larger and features more elaborate decorations, including patterned walls and tall towers” (p. 436). The Sudano-Sahelian style, which is prominent in the design of the Larabanga mosque, is a result of the fusion of Islamic and indigenous West African architectural styles. Blier (2003) notes that “the Sudano-Sahelian style is characterised by its use of local materials, such as mud and wood, and its reliance on traditional building techniques” (p. 109). This distinctively West African design reflects the area’s rich cultural and built heritage. Within the context of Northern Ghana, the Larabanga mosque is a religious landmark and a cultural symbol representing the community’s heritage and identity. According to Briggs (2014), “The mosque’s design and cultural significance demonstrate the function of architecture in producing and enforcing cultural experiences in specific contexts” (p. 437). The mosque functions as a source of commonality for the neighbourhood. It draws together residents from various tribal backgrounds and different walks of life. The Larabanga mosque represents the Sudano-Sahelian architectural style and Northern Ghana’s rich cultural legacy. The region’s diverse cultural and religious past can be observed in its unique amalgamation of Islamic and native West African styles of architecture. The mosque’s cultural significance as a religious and cultural symbol highlights the role of architecture in rodnshaping and reinforcing cultural experiences in specific contexts.
CASE STUDY 3 ELMINA CASTLE. Elmina Castle, located in Elmina, Ghana, is a stark reminder of the colonial heritage that has moulded the structure and the surrounding community. Symbolising the tragic legacy of the slave trade in the Atlantic, the fortification serves as a monument to the victims. (Davidson, 1991, pp. 304-305). The Portuguese constructed the fortification, also known as St. George’s Fortress, as a trading post in 1482. Many African nations experienced a gloomy time during the 17th and 18th centuries as they developed into important hubs for the slave trade. They shifted their focus from trading
FIGURE 14 Showing the interior structure of the mosque timber columns
FIGURE 16 showing the plans and elevation of the building. You can really see its similarities with the great mosque of Djenne
gold and ivory to human beings captured and sold into slavery. This change had a terrible impact on the enslaved people’s families, communities, and other individuals besides the enslaved people themselves. The conditions under which enslaved Africans were kept during this time are difficult to comprehend. They were often crammed into filthy dungeons with little access to food or water. Plenty of them perished even before they reached their destination. (Rodney, 2018). A masterful example of medieval European military architecture, Elmina Castle boasts a unique design that combines European and African architectural styles, with its rectangular walls and towers resembling those of European castles. At the same time, courtyards and living quarters evoke the feel of African architecture. Built of stone and featuring a central courtyard, the castle is surrounded by four levels of rooms and dungeons, a chapel and a governor’s residence, each contributing to its haunting atmosphere and legacy (Davidson, 1991, p. 306). Despite changing hands multiple times over the centuries, with the Dutch and British taking control, the castle remained a hub for the slave trade until its eventual abolition in the 19th century (Rodney, 2018). However, it had a lasting impact on the community of Elmina and beyond because it represented European dominance over Africa and the idea that Africans were inferior, feeding racial stereotypes that depicted them as barbaric and undeveloped. (Davidson, 1991, p. 324). Today, Elmina Castle is a gloomy reminder of the horrors of the slave trade and the ongoing effects of colonialism on African communities. I t also known as being a UNESCO World Heritage Site and a well-liked tourist destination. Although efforts to protect the castle and educate visitors about its history have been made, much more needs to be done to address the lingering effects of the slave trade and to foster healing and reconciliation. (UNESCO, n.d., p. 1).
In the early 1500s, the Portuguese built a catholic church in Elmina’s central courtyard when they operated the castle. As described by historian Kwame Arhin (1985), the chapel “was a small, dark and gloomy room with a low ceiling, its walls covered with painted scenes from the Bible” (p. 68). The chapel functioned as a place of religious worship and a further justification for the Portuguese to legitimise their presence in that part of the world. However, for the enslaved Africans held in the castle’s dungeons, the chapel represented a stark contrast to their spiritual beliefs and practices. Over the centuries, with the Dutch and British both taking control of the fortification, the castle’s religious function evolved to reflect the changing beliefs and practices of the colonisers. As historian Trevor Getz (2016) notes, “the Dutch modified the Portuguese chapel, turning it into a Reformed Protestant chapel with an attached minister’s residence, while the British converted
the same chapel into a Methodist meetinghouse” (p. 156). Similarly, churches were built around the town of Elmina by various colonisers, including the Dutch Reformed Church and the Anglican Church. Despite the differences in religious affiliation, these chapels and churches all symbolised European power and domination over Africa. As Arhin (1985) writes, “the Christian churches built in the coastal towns were clear indications of the subjugation of the African spirit to the European” (p. 71). For the colonisers, Christianity represented a means of civilising and controlling the African population, while for many Africans, it became a source of resistance and cultural identity.
FIGURE 17 Inside of one of the dungeons at Elmina
FIGURE 19 A rare image where Elmina looks like a calm peaceful structure. Image purpose was fro tourism advertisement
Various historiographical viewpoints, particularly those focusing on colonialism and the trans-Saharan trade, have influenced the study of West African written history. Some historians have argued that the region’s history was defined primarily by the slave trade and the colonial era. In contrast, others have emphasised the trans-Saharan trade as the primary factor shaping the region’s historical trajectory. This chapter aims to evaluate these conflicting viewpoints of a wide selection of Historians and writers and contrast them with each other.
When discussing West African history, the historiography surrounding colonialism and the trans-Saharan trade is often marred by discrepancies. One of the main discrepancies is the interpretation of how colonialism affected West Africa’s economic development. Certain historians assert that colonisation has had a beneficial effect on the region’s economic development in particular. In contrast, certain historians argue that it is quite the opposite and has had an extremely detrimental effect. By creating a secure environment for trade and investment, colonialism, in this case, according to A.G. Hopkins, “played a significant role in promoting economic growth in West Africa.” Other historians, like Walter Rodney, contend that colonisation hampered the economic advancement of West Africa by encouraging the export of raw materials and undermining domestic industries. Some historians have emphasised colonialism’s destructive effects, contending that it led to the upheaval of conventional social, economic, and political systems. For instance, Walter Rodney asserts, “The slave trade destroyed the economic basis of African societies and then uprooted and replaced by colonialism” (Rodney, 2018). Rodney further contends that colonialism resulted in the exploitation of African resources and the subordination of African people to European interests. However, certain historians maintain their argument that colonialism had benefits, especially in terms of modernisation/industrialisation and growth. In his book The British in West Africa, A.H.M. Kirk-Greene’s thesis claims that “British peace brought peace and stability to the region and introduced new technologies and modes of governance.” (Kirk-Greene, 2014, p. 102). Kirk-Greene also contends that colonialism brought about the integration of West Africa into the global economy, which in turn stimulated economic growth and development. Similarly, the trans-Saharan trade is often portrayed differently in West African historiography. Some scholars assert that the trade network encouraged the development of more powerful West African states and empires. In contrast, others argue that it was to blame for the Tran
Saharan slave trade, which had disastrous repercussions for the area. For instance, in his book, “The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality,” Cheikh Anta Diop argues that the trans-Saharan trade was responsible for the rise of powerful West African states such as the Ghana Empire, Mali Empire, and Songhai Empire. Other scholars, like Basil Davidson, contend that the trans-Saharan trade made the transatlantic slave trade possible for Europeans. Historians suggest that this trade significantly impacted the region’s history by enabling the movement of goods, concepts, and enslaved people. It linked West Africa to the Mediterranean and Middle East. John Wright claims in his book The Trans-Saharan Slave Trade that “the transSaharan trade was the backbone of West African societies.” This provided a vital source of wealth and enabled powerful kingdoms such as Ghana, Mali, and Songhai to emerge (Wright 2007:4).
Some historians have disputed this hypothesis and made the case that trans-Saharan commerce may not have been as significant as once believed.
In his book Africa in World History, Erik Gilbert argues that “other factors, such as the Niger River and the Atlantic Ocean, were equally important in shaping the region’s history” (Gilbert, 2017,). Gilbert also contends that the emphasis on the trans-Saharan trade has led to a neglect of other important aspects of West African history.
Kwame Nkrumah and Franz Fanon were two well-known African intellectuals who significantly influenced African political and historical events in the middle of the 20th century. The ideologies of Nkrumah and Fanon also offer contrasting perspectives on the impact of colonialism on West Africa. Nkrumah, Ghana’s first president, was a PanAfricanist who pushed for establishing an African socialist state to advance unification and independence from colonialism. Nkrumah also believed, “” in his book Africa Must Unify. In addition, he believes that “only socialism can industrialise Africa,” so the African movement must be socialist. (Nkrumah 1963:3). Nkrumah believed that African unity was essential for developing the continent and eradicating poverty and underdevelopment. Nkrumah also believed that colonialism was a system of oppression and exploitation that devastated African societies. He truly believed that colonisation was the leading cause of Africa’s underdevelopment and that opposition to it was a crucial step Africans needed to take. Conversely, the decolonisation movement argued that colonialism’s effects extended beyond economic exploitation. It led to psychological alienation and cultural loss of colonised people. Fanon played a significant role in this fight against colonialism. Fanon argues in his book “The Wretched of the Earth” that “decolonisation is always a violent phenomenon” and that revolutionary violence is the only means of releasing colonialism’s psychological hold.
was a politician, political thinker, and revolutionary from Ghana who lived from 21 September 1909 to 27 April 1972. He led the Gold Coast to independence from Britain in 1957, becoming Ghana’s first prime minister and president.a wellknown proponent of pan-Africanism
FIGURE 21 Dr.
Nevertheless, similar the Nkrumah’s last point, Fanon deemed that colonialism was a dehumanising system that reduced the colonised people to objects. Fanon suggested that the only way to overcome the effects of colonialism was through a complete decolonisation of the mind and society.
Significant differences in opinions regarding the trans-Saharan trade and colonialism characterise the historiography of West Africa. Some historians emphasise how vital the trans-Saharan trade is to West Africa’s current global standing and argue that colonialism was a mixed blessing. Other historians believe colonialism was a system of oppression and exploitation, and the significance of the trans-Saharan trade has been wildly exaggerated. Kwame Nkrumah and Franz Fanon’s ideologies reflect the latter view, emphasising the need to resist and overcome the adverse effects of colonialism on African societies.
This dissertation has explored two parallel narratives of Colonialism and trans-Saharan trade within the rich and diverse history of West Africa, spanning from pre-colonial times to the present day. Through examining various case studies, including the Great Mosque of Djenne, the Larabanga Mosque, and Elmina Castle, the dissertation has revealed the profound impact of religion, architecture, and Colonialism on West African societies and the intricacies intertwined within them. One of the key findings of this study is that religion played a crucial role in shaping West African societies, providing a framework for cultural expression, social organisation, and political power. The Kingdom of Mali, for instance, was an Islamic state that used religion to legitimise its rule and foster trade and commerce across the Sahara. Similarly, the Great Mosque of Djenne and the Larabanga Mosque are examples of Islam’s influence on West African architecture, showcasing the Sudano-Sahelian style that emerged from the fusion of Arab and African construction techniques.
The dissertation somewhat covered Colonialism and the trans-Saharan trade’s positive and negative impacts on West African societies. There was not a conclusive/ definitive answer to the question posed at the start of this dissertation, which was ‘With the trans-Saharan trade bringing Islam to West Africa and Colonialism bringing Christianity, which narrative is more responsible for current socioeconomic infrastructure, the effects on written/ spoken language and societal rules, and the religious architecture of west Africa?’ On a superficial level, it seems like had more of a negative impact as the people of West Africa and their diaspora are still experiencing its negative effects. However, some historians argue that western Colonialism of West Africa would not have been possible without the existence of the trans-Saharan trade. The trans-Saharan trade was also responsible for the
enslavement of West Africans, which lasted longer than the trans-Atlantic slave trade. The positives consist of the education systems, both the Western and Islamic, and how they both broaden specific horizons. However, the study also revealed another negative impact of Colonialism on West African societies, including the transatlantic slave trade and the exploitation of resources and people for European interests. Elmina Castle, for example, was a trading post that played a crucial role in the slave trade, leaving a lasting legacy of trauma and inequality. The study also highlighted discrepancies in the historiography surrounding Colonialism and the trans-Saharan trade, revealing the divergent views of scholars on the impact of these phenomena on West African history. Within these discrepancies, we can see a clear division between the written and beliefs of the historians. The clearest, perhaps, is the separation between the Western historians and the pan-Africans. The primary and only consensus within Western historians’ discussions is about economic value, Whether the slave trade improved or destroyed the West African economy and whether the economic success of the trans-Saharan trade got Western countries interested in colonising countries in West Africa. The pan-Africanists also discuss the economy but focus more on the effects Colonialism had on the colonised population, psychological effects and how these people are fighting back. Of course, all the historians discuss different subject matters regarding Colonialism, which are all important in their way. However, overall, there is something more humane about writing about how these tragic happenings affect people, and that is something that needs to happen more .
All the research put into this dissertation showed how layered and multi-faceted the topic is and how and why the answer could be both and neither all at the same time.
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