Introduction

Around a millennium ago, the Trans-Saharan trade networks significantly impacted the cultural, religious, and architectural landscape of SubSaharan and parts of North Africa. The extensive trading relationships established by early North African inhabitants across the Sahara facilitated the spread of Islam and Islamic architecture throughout the region (Lydon, 2009). The exchange of religious beliefs and customs occurred when Arab and Berber’s traders shared their faith with local populations, leading to widespread conversion (Hunwick, 2003). Some Arab historians, such as Al-Bakri, assert that the ruler of Gao along the Niger River embraced Islam as early as 1009 (Levtzion & Hopkins, 2000). As a result, cities like Timbuktu and Gao emerged as important centres of learning and commerce (Insoll, 2003). Muslim builders introduced a distinct architectural style that reflected Arab and North African traditions, characterised by rectilinear plans, flat roofs, multi-storey buildings, and sundried clay bricks or clay and stones for construction (Moughtin, 1992).

The onset of colonialism brought with it the introduction of European architectural styles and urban planning principles to Africa’s coastal regions and cities (Coquery-Vidrovitch, 2005). Portuguese colonisers, in particular, made their mark by importing medieval European fortification designs to Africa, prominently along the western and southwestern coasts (Davidson, 1991). These structures, characterised by high towers, thick masonry walls with gun turrets, extensive storage areas, slave dungeons, and residential quarters protected by defensive walls, exemplify Portuguese colonial architecture (DeCorse, 2001). The abundance of gold transported from Ghana prompted the construction of numerous European forts and castles along its coast (Kea, 2004). Western settlers, especially Christians, introduced religious architecture and established churches and other religious buildings to practice their faith in the colonies (Etherington, 2001). This fusion of architectural styles and urban planning principles has left a lasting impact on the region, reflecting the complex historical and cultural interactions between Africa and Europe. Despite the existing body of literature, there remains a need to explore further the architectural transformations brought about by the TransSaharan trade and colonialism in West Africa and how they continue to shape the region’s cultural heritage. This research aims to address the gap in the literature by providing a comprehensive analysis of the architectural manifestations of indigenous religions, Islam, and Christianity in West Africa, focusing on how these architectural forms have evolved. Additionally, this study seeks to contribute to a deeper understanding of the impact of these historical processes on the formation and preservation of West African cultural heritage, fostering a more nuanced appreciation of the region’s architectural history and its significance in the broader context of global architectural heritage.

Chater1:

There were plenty of varied ethnic groups that were known to have brought about the start of the trade. At the forefront are Amazigh (Zanata, Sahaja and Tuareg), Arabs of North Africa, Malinke, Soninke, Fulani and Songhai of the north but primarily West Africa (Clarke, 1997, p. 21). Most of the fore mentioned tribes/ethnic groups have inhabited the regions of the north and west Africa for at least 10 thousand years, except for the Arabs. They arrived in Africa much later, around the 7th century. They brought with them their religion of Islam and the language of Arabic (Davidson, 1994, p. 36). Islam within continental Africa has existed and been expanding for over 1500 years. Throughout its presence across this broad territory, Islam has assumed immeasurable political, social, economic, and metaphysical interpretations, making it among the continent’s most diversified, “far-flung”, and yet dominant movements. Africa inhabits one-third of the world’s Islamic population, with around 40% of the continent’s inhabitants identifying as Muslim. Furthermore, much of Islam’s expansion throughout Africa occurs in locations south of the Sahara, in territories like West Africa. (M. Apotos p16).

Islam arrived in West Africa gradually, propagated by Muslim traders and intellectuals. The first trips throughout the Sahara Desert were made in phases. Wares were transported through a network of Islamic dealers before being acquired by regional non-Islamic citizens at the end of the route. (A. Bakri). West Africa is seen as somewhat “unique” in analyses of contemporary Islamic culture, owing to the presence of massively diverse communities that have demonstrated surprising levels of “flexibility” in reacting to and adjusting to the influences of Islam across time. Due to these features, Islam’s exceptionally cohesive, fascinating tales established themselves in the territory as early as the ninth century. (M. Apotos p17).

The trans-Saharan trade route was not limited to trading goods. It also involved trading enslaved people. This trade was ongoing from mid 7th century till the 11th century. Most were transported to North Africa to be sold to Mediterranean and Middle Eastern civilisations. (B.Keith p.177). W.C. Smith’s ‘Islam and Slavery’ discusses the role of slavery in Islamic history, including its economic and social impact and the debates surrounding its legitimacy. It argues that slavery in Islam exhibited distinctive traits but was recognisably a slave system and that productive slavery was more extensive than often acknowledged (Smith, 1994, p. 38). Debates among scholars and slave rebellions revolved around the treatment of enslaved people and the economic and social distribution of power (Smith, 1994, p. 39). An informative analysis is provided here of the complexities and diversity of Islamic slavery, challenging some common misconceptions and emphasising the need for further study and debate. The article demonstrates that, despite some distinct features of Islamic slavery, like the emphasis on concubines and the prohibition of labour coercion, it was fundamentally a slave system based on exploitation and commodification (Smith, 1994, p. 40). Throughout Islamic history, slavery has been a contentious challenge that has impacted many facets of society. The book highlights the legal, religious, economic, social, and political aspects of Islamic slavery in order to illuminate its nuanced and intricate nature. Doing this dispels widespread myths and preconceptions about this contentious subject. The text ultimately urges readers to take a more critical and nuanced stance when considering the significance of enslavement in Islamic history.

Colonialism and Religion: Christianity was first introduced to West Africa by the Portuguese. Their more significant contact with West Africa occurred when they arrived on the coast of Ghana in 1471, in a town they later named Elmina (J. Fage). However, after they left the West Coast of Africa in the 17th century, the Christian religion was only preserved in Upper Guinea, where a priest was kept in the Cape Verde Islands. This was primarily due to the Portuguese being preoccupied with establishing their trade in gold, commodities, and enslaved people instead of evangelising and Christianising the natives of West Africa.

Nevertheless, by the beginning of the 1800s, methodical attempts were made by “churches of Christian Europe” (Britain to be exact), notably: “Anglicans, Methodists, and Baptists” who were active in Sierra Leone and, with “Presbyterians”, in Nigeria. Methodists also established missions in Ghana, Gambia, and Dahomey (N. Achebe). Afro-Brazilians also returned to Benin and Nigeria with Catholicism in the nineteenth century. The attainment of these Christian Missions’ goals came with a price. Owing to the unfavourable tropical climate, numerous missionaries perished at a young age (Ajayi, 1965). In West Africa at the time, efforts to engage populations inland with the gospel were met with the southern growth of Islam, posing considerable risk to the spread of Christian evangelistic ventures (Falola, 2001). The preachers’ work was also unsuccessful, as the masses greeted their message with apathy. This turned around for them with the arrival of Black Christians from Nova Scotia in Sierra Leone in 1787. In 1804 and 1811, other missionaries started their work among liberated slave settlements throughout Sierra Leone. The preachers’ initial accomplishment encompassed locations such as Freetown and nearby settlements. The Liberian coast, where Afro-Americans and formerly enslaved people were converted, was an immediate success. Notable French commercial outposts include Grand Bassam (Ivory Coast), Assinie, and Libreville in Gabon (Muller, 2003). Indigenous Christianity in West Africa refers to the adaptation of Christianity to the cultural and religious beliefs of the local people. It is a form of Christianity incorporating African traditional religion and cultural practices into the faith. This contrasts with ‘mainstream’ Christianity, significantly impacting Western customs and practices. One key aspect that separates indigenous Christianity from general Christianity is the use of music and dance in worship.

African Christians “generally respond more warmly to worship that involves movement, rhythm, and music, all of which are part of African religious traditions,” says Paul Gifford. (Gifford, 2009). African musical instruments like drums, rattles, and xylophones are used in worship events at indigenous Christian churches in West Africa. The importance of the community in religious life is another feature that sets indigenous Christianity apart from mainstream Christianity. Communal worship and decision-making are highly valued in indigenous Christian societies. According to Afe Adogame, indigenous Christianity in Africa is not just about solitary conversion but also about forming a community of adherents who share similar, if not the same, ideals, beliefs, and practises. (Adogame, 2013, p. 180). This communal emphasis is evident in the organisation of indigenous Christian churches, often structured around extended family units or kinship groups.

In addition to these cultural differences, there are also theological differences between indigenous Christianity and general Christianity. For instance, native Christian communities in West Africa frequently adopt a more ‘allencompassing’ strategy for healing and regeneration, addressing both spiritual and physical issues. African indigenous Christian leaders are more likely to stress the importance of prayer, fasting, and divine assistance in healing, claims Jacob Olupona (Olupona, 2003, p. 128). The main differences between indigenous Christianity and general Christianity in West Africa are cultural and theological in nature.

Indigenous Christianity in North and West Africa, according to Lamin Sanneh, a prominent scholar of African Christianity, the adoption of Christianity in Africa resulted from a process of cultural translation, whereby the Christian message was communicated in ways that resonated with the local context (Sanneh, 1989).

Christianity had already spread in North Africa through early Christian missionaries such as St. Augustine of Hippo, a North African. Augustine’s influence on African Christianity is evident in how African Christian theologians have incorporated African traditional religious practices into their theology. As Ogbu U. Kalu notes, “The strong presence of ancestral cults and related practices in African traditional religion and culture has made the issue of ancestral veneration an important aspect of African Christianity” (Kalu, 2005, p. 52). When Christianity was introduced during colonialism in West Africa, it was often associated with suppressing indigenous cultures and practices. According to Kwame Bediako, the colonial era introduction of Christianity led to a conflict between the new faith and African cultural identity. Bediako writes, “Inevitably, the African cultural ethos had to conflict with the Christian ethos imported by the European colonialists” (Bediako, 1995, p. 20). This conflict resulted in the emergence of syncretic forms of Christianity that blended African cultural practices with Christian beliefs. As the writer Allan Anderson notes, “In Africa, the religious terrain is characterised by an intermingling of various religious traditions, both African and non-African, with Christianity” (Anderson, 2001, p. 6). A complex and dynamic phenomenon, indigenous Christianity in North and West Africa represents the ample wealth and variety of the continent’s cultures. Unlike Christianity, which was spread during colonialism and was frequently associated with the erasure of indigenous cultures and customs, indigenous Christianity aims to celebrate and protect African cultural identity within the framework of the Christian religion. African Christians have created a distinctive brand of Christianity that incorporates their cultural customs and practices through cultural translation and modification. Christianity has flourished in various communities across the continent owing to this distinctive approach, which has preserved the extensive fabric of African cultural heritage while nurturing a sense of community and shared faith.

Chapter2: : The Interplay of Colonial and Islamic Ideologies and the Impact on West African Societies

Between 1948 and 1953, Dutch colonial executive Albert van Dantzig served as the governor-general of the Dutch East Indies. Although he did not directly participate in the conquest of West Africa, numerous European colonialists shared his ideals and beliefs. Van Dantzig maintained a belief in the superiority of European culture and viewed colonisation as a civilising mission. He contended that the Western powers were responsible for bringing their advanced civilisation and modern technology to Africa’s “uncivilised” people. This notion was part of a more extensive colonial ideology that depicted colonised people as backward and needing Western guidance (van Dantzig, 1992, p. 1).

Nonetheless, this perspective on colonisation disregarded the rich and varied cultures and societies in West Africa before European contact. The imposition of European values, language, and societal rules significantly impacted the region. Many African languages and cultural practices were suppressed in favour of European norms, leading to the loss of cultural heritage and identity. The legacy of colonialism has profoundly affected the region, including the loss of cultural heritage, uneven infrastructure development, ongoing tribal tensions, and a built environment reflecting the power dynamics of the colonial period (Afigbo, 2002, p. 10). Van Dantzig’s article “Effects of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Some West African Societies” (1992, p. 3) critically analyses the transatlantic slave trade’s impact on West Africa. This piece provides insights into the political, social, and cultural transformations resulting from the trade.

Van Dantzig’s primary argument is that the slave trade dramatically disrupted traditional West African cultures by upending pre-existing social and economic systems. The demand for enslaved people created a lucrative trade that incentivised some groups to engage in violent raids and kidnappings, leading to widespread conflict and population displacement. This disruption of social norms and structures resulted in the collapse of conventional political systems and the emergence of new types of “government” better suited to addressing the problems brought about by the slave trade, such as centralised states (van Dantzig, 1992, p. 5). ). In his analysis of the slave trade, Van Dantzig highlights its devastating effects on human lives and how it impacted West Africa’s economy (van Dantzig, 1992, p. 4). The trade created a high demand for specific goods, such as firearms and textiles, which in turn led to new industries emerging in and around the region. While this may have initially appeared as a positive outcome, a closer examination reveals that many West African economies remained underdeveloped and heavily reliant on external trade due to their focus on maintaining the slavery industry and resource extraction. These countries’ dependence on foreign trade made them vulnerable to fluctuations in market prices or supply chain disruptions (van Dantzig, 1992, p. 5). Moreover, while some areas experienced growth due to the demand for specific goods generated by the slave trade, other regions were left behind. As they struggled to adapt to the shifting economic patterns, many communities fell into poverty (Afigbo, 2002, p. 16). Furthermore, even those who profited from this newly discovered industry often did so at a high cost. A system that relied on treating people as commodities rather than unique beings deserving of respect and dignity, slavery was inherently exploitative (Afigbo, 2002, p. 14). West Africa continues grappling with this dehumanisation’s aftermath (Afigbo, 2002, p. 16).

The infrastructure established by European colonial powers in West Africa was frequently designed to serve the colonisers’ interests rather than the needs of local populations. Roads, railways, and other infrastructure were primarily to facilitate extracting natural resources and transporting goods to European markets. This resulted in a legacy of underdeveloped and uneven infrastructure in many West African countries, with some areas requiring better connectivity while others remained isolated. The colonial legacy has also contributed to ongoing tribal tensions in West Africa. The arbitrary boundaries drawn by colonial powers often divided ethnic groups and created new nations lacking a shared national identity. This has contributed to ongoing conflicts and instability in the region.

European colonisers introduced their architectural styles to West Africa through colonial architecture. Many buildings were designed in European neoclassical or Art Deco styles, with grand public buildings, churches, and private homes constructed to impress and project the colonisers’ power. These buildings often used local labour and materials but were designed and overseen by European architects.

The introduction of Islam and Christianity in West Africa also significantly impacted the region’s architecture. Islamic architecture, characterised by its domes and minarets, was introduced to the region by Arab and Berber traders and travellers. This architectural style can be seen in the construction of mosques and other religious buildings. Gbadegesin (2014) describes Islamic architecture as being characterised by geometric patterns, intricate calligraphy, and local building materials. In contrast, Christian architecture introduced new construction styles in West Africa, with churches built using European design aesthetics like Gothic, Romanesque, and Baroque architectural forms. Ogbazi (2019) asserts that European architectural designs brought by Christianity significantly impacted the region’s architecture, as they were used in constructing schools, hospitals, and government buildings.

Falola and Childs (2016) explain that the spread of Islam and Christianity in West Africa resulted in adopting lan- guages and writing systems somewhat new to the region, significantly impacting the language and literature. Arabic became the official language of Islam in West Africa, and it was utilised for writing. Similar to how Christianity brought new languages like English, French, and Portuguese, they have had a long-lasting influence on West African language and literature.

Islam and Christianity have also influenced the vocabulary and syntax of West African languages. For example, Hausa and Fula, West African languages commonly spoken in Nigeria and neighbouring countries, often incorporate Arabic loanwords. Likewise, numerous Hausa words are used in Arabic (Jumare, Oseni 2018).

The article “Islamic and Western Educational Accommodation in a West African Society: A Cohort Comparison Analysis” by William R. Morgan and J. Michael Armer (1991, p. 33) contributes to the ongoing discourse on education in West Africa by examining the experiences of two different cohorts in Kano, Nigeria. The authors emphasise the necessity for an educational system that blends the advantages of conventional Islamic and Western-style education.

The authors argue that traditional Islamic education in Kano prioritised routine memorisation of religious texts, which had limited practical applications. This perspective aligns with Lamin Sanneh’s (1987, p. 82) observation in his book “The Crown and the Turban: Muslims and West African Pluralism,” where he notes that traditional Islamic education in West Africa focused on the Quran and Islamic law while neglecting practical subjects such as mathematics and science. Sanneh also highlights the potential limitations of this style of education, which often results in high unemployment rates and fails to prepare students for the modern world adequately. Conversely, the writers acknowledge the positive benefits of Western-style education, which equips students with helpful information and abilities. This perspective is supported by Kofi Abrefa Busia (1951, p. 13). In his book “The Position of the Chief in the Modern Political System of Ashanti,” he makes the argument that, for the most part, the spread of Western education in Africa has had a positive effect on the continent because it resulted in the development of an entirely novel set of educated elites who were extremely important in the fight for independence.

The writers also point out that Western-style schooling frequently encourages individuality and materialism, which can harm enduring values and societal norms. This view is in line with the argument put forth by Chinua Achebe (1958, p. 138). In his work, “Things Fall Apart,” he criticises the colonial system’s effects on African communities, specifically West Africa, and Western education’s role in the decline of indigenous beliefs and practices.

The overall message here emphasises the necessity of an inclusive and balanced strategy towards education that considers all of the requirements and viewpoints of pu- pils. This viewpoint aligns with Kwame Nkrumah’s philosophy, which aimed to combine traditional African values with socialist principles to forge a distinctively ‘African identity’. In his book “Consciencism: Philosophy and Ideology for Decolonisation and Development,” Nkrumah (1964,) advocates for a curriculum incorporating both traditional and contemporary knowledge, emphasising the role that education plays in fostering social and economic growth.

The text examines the coexistence of Western and Islamic education systems in a Muslim region of northern Nigeria. The research found that participation in both systems increased over time and that the social forces that encouraged attendance in one system progressively encouraged attendance in the other (Adegbija, 2001, p. 67). The text also explores the unique features of the Kano case, such as the legacy of mass literacy and the contemporary cultural significance of Islamic schooling. In comparing this text to Frantz Fanon’s colonialism ideologies, it is essential to remember that Fanon’s work focuses on the psychological effects of colonialism on colonised people and how colonisers use education as a tool for cultural dominance (Fanon, 1963, pp. 35-38). According to Fanon, colonisers use education to establish a cultural order in which the coloniser culture is at the top and the colonised culture is at the bottom. This societal hierarchy maintained the power disparity between the coloniser and colonised.

In the case of Kano, Nigeria, the coexistence of Western and Islamic education systems suggests a potential resistance to the cultural domination that Fanon describes. Participation in both systems increased over time, indicating that cultural blending or synthesis may occur rather than a strict hierarchy of one system over the other (Dorayi & Jibir, 2013). This suggests a potential for cultural resistance or hybridity that challenges the power dynamics between the coloniser and colonises. Additionally, the legacy of mass literacy and cultural significance associated with Islamic education in Kano may be seen as a form of cultural resistance against colonial powers’ imposition of Western education. Fanon argues that colonisers use education as a tool for cultural domination. However, the existence of a solid indigenous education system challenges this notion and suggests a potential for resistance against colonialism. Overall, while the study in Kano, Nigeria, does not directly address Fanon’s theories of colonialism, it does suggest a potential for cultural resistance and hybridity that challenges the power dynamics between coloniser and colonised. The coexistence of Western and Islamic education systems and the significance of indigenous education in Kano may be a form of cultural resistance against colonial powers’ imposition of Western education. As such, it is consistent with some of Fanon’s ideas about the potential for resistance against colonialism.

Chapter3: CASE STUDY 1: THE GREAT MOSQUE OF DJENNE

Religious Architecture

Apart from their religion, Muslim artisans brought over their techniques of construction that reflected their Arab and North African heritage: rectilinear in plan, flat-roofed, and frequently two stories or more in elevation (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241-245); these structures were constructed of sun-dried clay blocks or a mixture of clay and rocks (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 54). Two notable buildings are the pinnacle of Islamic West African heritage. The first is The Great Mosque of Djenne, often confused with (D. Field) The Djinguereber Mosque of Timbuktu. The exact date of construction of the original mosque in Djenné is disputed, but estimates ranging from 1200 to 1330 have been proposed (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 54). Abd al-Tarikh Sadi’s al-Sudan, which provides the historical origins, apparently from folk tales as it existed in the midseventeenth century, is the earliest text referencing the place of worship. According to the Tarikh, Sultan Kunburu, the ruler at the time, converted to Islam. This helped spread “the religion of trade” (how many people referred to Islam then). The Sultan had his palace demolished and the place rebuilt into a mosque. On the east side, he built another mansion beside the mosque (Hunwick, 1999, p. 18). His subsequent successor erected the mosque’s spires, while the Sultan after him completed the encircling wall (Hunwick, 1999, p. 20). The Great Mosque of Djenne is a remarkable example of the Sudano-Sahelian architectural style (Mali 2022). It is located in Djenne, Mali, and is one of the most significant clay structures in the world (Gupta & Singh, 2019, p. 24). The mosque is built on a platform made of compacted earth that rises about three meters above the marketplace level (Ricardo & CoqueryVidrovitch, 2003, p. 35). Its mud-brick walls are reinforced by wooden beams that protrude from the facade, forming a permanent scaffolding for annual repairs (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 28). Its distinctive features include the flat roof, toron, or pinnacles, and the protruding wooden beams, which are also ornately decorated (Mali 2022). The toron are bundles of rodier palm fronds woven together to form a cone shape (Gupta & Singh, 2019, p. 24). The mosque has an interior courtyard with ventilation and illumination and a covered prayer hall (Ricardo & Coquery-Vidrovitch, 2003, p. 35). There is no more known documented data about the Great Mosque until the French researcher René Caillié visited Djenné in 1828, sometime after it had been abandoned. In his words, “Jenné is a mosque built of earth, surmounted by two massive but not high towers; it is rudely constructed, though very large. It is abandoned by thousands of swallows, which build their nests in it.

This occasions a very disagreeable smell, to avoid which, the custom of saying prayers in a small outer court has become common”(Caillié, 1830, Vol. 1, p. 460). Here, he was mostly illuding to how small the mosque’s interior is compared to the large size of the exterior, though his word choice was in poor taste. The Fulani chieftain Seku Amadu had begun jihad and seized the town ten years before René Caillié’s arrival. Seku Amadu seemed to have opposed the current mosque, leaving it to deteriorate (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 55). The French authority in the town organised for the original mosque to be reconstructed. The reconstruction was finalised in 1907, utilising forced labour under the supervision of Ismaila Traoré, the leader of Djenné’s mason union. According to images recorded at the time, the placement of most of the exterior walls appears to be similar to that of the initial mosque. However, whether the columns upholding the ceiling maintained the initial configuration is uncertain. The degree to which France influenced the style/form of the restored mosques has been debated (Bourgeois, 1987, p. 55).’

According to Rene Gardi in his book “Indigenous African Architecture,” the Great Mosque of Djenne is a remarkable example of indigenous African architecture that is unique in its style and construction techniques (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241245). The mosque was built entirely from local resources, and its architecture represents the community’s customs. The mosque’s construction is a testament to the ingenuity and creativity of the local artisans who developed techniques to build such monumental structures using only earth and wood. The Great Mosque of Djenne is one of the most famous examples of Sudano-Sahelian architecture, a style characterised by mud bricks, wood, and the absence of arches or domes (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241245). The mosque’s design also includes unique features, such as its towering walls, which reach over 15 meters in height. The Great Mosque of Djenne is somewhat comparable to the mosques of Timbuktu in terms of construction methods and resources compared to other structures in the book. Both mosques are made entirely of mud bricks and constructed using traditional techniques passed down through generations of craftsmen (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241). However, no other mud-brick mosque in West Africa is equal to the enormous size of the Great Mosque of Djenne, which makes it stick out. The Great Mosque of Djenne also has a distinctive architectural design that sets it apart from nearby structures. The mosque’s imposing walls, which are decorated with intricate designs and patterns, reflect the cultural and artistic traditions of the local people (Gardi, 1973, pp. 241-245). The mosque’s minarets are an additional distinctive element not present in other structures in the area. They are decorated with ostrich eggs and have spires on top. The Great Mosque of

Djenne is a remarkable example of indigenous African architecture reflecting local artisans’ creativity and ingenuity. The mosque is indeed a rare structure in West Africa due to its construction methods, materials, and distinctive architectural design. Comparing it to other buildings in the book, the Great Mosque of Djenne stands out for its massive size, unique architectural style, and use of local materials and techniques.

CASE STUDY 2: LARABANGA MOSQUE

The Mosque, located in Ghana’s Northern Region, is one of the oldest mosques in West Africa. It was built using the Sudano-Sahelian architectural style, which is frequently dubbed “Flat roofed adobe architecture” (Briggs 2014, p432) . The mosque is constructed entirely of mud and sticks, with a thatched roof. The mosque consists of three distinct parts: the mihrab, the main prayer hall, and the entrance porch. Elaborate patterns adorn the mosque’s conical roof, while the walls of the prayer area are plain. A layer of straw mats covers the compressed earth base. The mihrab, which indicates the direction of Mecca, is decorated with green and white patterns and has a small prayer cushion on its slightly elevated floor. The Larabanga Mosque was erected about 590 years ago. It is thought to have been built by Ayuba, an Islamic tradesman (Blier 2003, p.37). Larabanga Mosque is tiny in comparison to other mosques in West African cities. Countryside mosques, such as Larabanga’s, were typically designed by a single marabou and modelled after designs seen elsewhere, such as the Great Mosque of Djenné. However, larger buttresses were used to make the structure equivalent to the architectural style on which it was based to make the building more solid and sturdy. This was also done to compensate for the poor quality of the construction materials. The mosque includes two large pyramid-shaped towers, one for the mihrab, which forms the east facade, and another as a turret in the Northeastern part. Those are all supported by twelve protruding structures with timber parts. ( Briggs 2014, p. 436. ). It was dubbed the “Mecca of West Africa.” Since its establishment in 1421, it has been repaired repeatedly. The World Monuments Fund (WMF) has significantly contributed to its repair and has been designated one of the 100 Highly Vulnerable Structures. The rebuilding process has rekindled the understanding of adobe preservation. ( Prussin 1968, p. 72. ). Larabanga is an essential case study as it displays an architectural and cultural landscape dedicated to optimising the effective performance of Islamic identity inside the confines of the community. Furthermore, it illustrates how Islamic identity and modernity may coexist within the changing circumstances of a particular community. In order to organise the real certainty of the society, Larabanga’s constructed and natural environment (the entire village area encompassing the mosque) is progressively facilitating the circulation of “history, memory, and emerging anecdotes”. This has effectively transmitted both formed personas and their contemporary re-imaginings into the physical foundations of the surroundings. This affirms the function of architecture in producing and enforcing cultural experiences in certain contexts.

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Compared to the Great Mosque of Djenné, the Larabanga mosque is smaller and has larger buttresses. Briggs (2014) states, “Both mosques are made entirely of mud and feature similar decorative patterns. However, the Larabanga mosque’s smaller size and the use of larger buttresses set it apart from the Great Mosque of Djenné, which is larger and features more elaborate decorations, including patterned walls and tall towers” (p. 436). The Sudano-Sahelian style, which is prominent in the design of the Larabanga mosque, is a result of the fusion of Islamic and indigenous West African architectural styles. Blier (2003) notes that “the Sudano-Sahelian style is characterised by its use of local materials, such as mud and wood, and its reliance on traditional building techniques” (p. 109). This distinctively West African design reflects the area’s rich cultural and built heritage. Within the context of Northern Ghana, the Larabanga mosque is a religious landmark and a cultural symbol representing the community’s heritage and identity. According to Briggs (2014), “The mosque’s design and cultural significance demonstrate the function of architecture in producing and enforcing cultural experiences in specific contexts” (p. 437). The mosque functions as a source of commonality for the neighbourhood. It draws together residents from various tribal backgrounds and different walks of life. The Larabanga mosque represents the Sudano-Sahelian architectural style and Northern Ghana’s rich cultural legacy. The region’s diverse cultural and religious past can be observed in its unique amalgamation of Islamic and native West African styles of architecture. The mosque’s cultural significance as a religious and cultural symbol highlights the role of architecture in rodnshaping and reinforcing cultural experiences in specific contexts.

CASE STUDY 3 ELMINA CASTLE. Elmina Castle, located in Elmina, Ghana, is a stark reminder of the colonial heritage that has moulded the structure and the surrounding community. Symbolising the tragic legacy of the slave trade in the Atlantic, the fortification serves as a monument to the victims. (Davidson, 1991, pp. 304-305). The Portuguese constructed the fortification, also known as St. George’s Fortress, as a trading post in 1482. Many African nations experienced a gloomy time during the 17th and 18th centuries as they developed into important hubs for the slave trade. They shifted their focus from trading gold and ivory to human beings captured and sold into slavery. This change had a terrible impact on the enslaved people’s families, communities, and other individuals besides the enslaved people themselves. The conditions under which enslaved Africans were kept during this time are difficult to comprehend. They were often crammed into filthy dungeons with little access to food or water. Plenty of them perished even before they reached their destination. (Rodney, 2018). A masterful example of medieval European military architecture, Elmina Castle boasts a unique design that combines European and African architectural styles, with its rectangular walls and towers resembling those of European castles. At the same time, courtyards and living quarters evoke the feel of African architecture. Built of stone and featuring a central courtyard, the castle is surrounded by four levels of rooms and dungeons, a chapel and a governor’s residence, each contributing to its haunting atmosphere and legacy (Davidson, 1991, p. 306). Despite changing hands multiple times over the centuries, with the Dutch and British taking control, the castle remained a hub for the slave trade until its eventual abolition in the 19th century (Rodney, 2018). However, it had a lasting impact on the community of Elmina and beyond because it represented European dominance over Africa and the idea that Africans were inferior, feeding racial stereotypes that depicted them as barbaric and undeveloped. (Davidson, 1991, p. 324). Today, Elmina Castle is a gloomy reminder of the horrors of the slave trade and the ongoing effects of colonialism on African communities. I t also known as being a UNESCO World Heritage Site and a well-liked tourist destination. Although efforts to protect the castle and educate visitors about its history have been made, much more needs to be done to address the lingering effects of the slave trade and to foster healing and reconciliation. (UNESCO, n.d., p. 1).

In the early 1500s, the Portuguese built a catholic church in Elmina’s central courtyard when they operated the castle. As described by historian Kwame Arhin (1985), the chapel “was a small, dark and gloomy room with a low ceiling, its walls covered with painted scenes from the Bible” (p. 68). The chapel functioned as a place of religious worship and a further justification for the Portuguese to legitimise their presence in that part of the world. However, for the enslaved Africans held in the castle’s dungeons, the chapel represented a stark contrast to their spiritual beliefs and practices. Over the centuries, with the Dutch and British both taking control of the fortification, the castle’s religious function evolved to reflect the changing beliefs and practices of the colonisers. As historian Trevor Getz (2016) notes, “the Dutch modified the Portuguese chapel, turning it into a Reformed Protestant chapel with an attached minister’s residence, while the British converted the same chapel into a Methodist meetinghouse” (p. 156). Similarly, churches were built around the town of Elmina by various colonisers, including the Dutch Reformed Church and the Anglican Church. Despite the differences in religious affiliation, these chapels and churches all symbolised European power and domination over Africa. As Arhin (1985) writes, “the Christian churches built in the coastal towns were clear indications of the subjugation of the African spirit to the European” (p. 71). For the colonisers, Christianity represented a means of civilising and controlling the African population, while for many Africans, it became a source of resistance and cultural identity.