Democratic Labour Party 61st Annual Conference Magazine 2016 by Democratic Labour Party Barbados

celebrating 50 years of Independence from Colony to Nationhood

2016

THE DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY

61st ANNUALCONFERENCE The Auditorium

George Street, Belleville, St. Michael

Saturday, 13 | Sunday, 14 | Sunday, 21 August 2016

TABLE OF

CONTENTS 4

Agenda

Standing Orders

How We Started

President’s Message - The Rt. Hon. Freundel Stuart, Q.C., M.P.

Foreword - George A. Pilgrim, B.A. M.Sc

Address to Launch of 50th Anniversary Celebrations - The Rt. Hon. Freundel Stuart, Q.C., M.P.

Education As A Choice - George A. Pilgrim, B.A. M.Sc

Remarks - Mr. Vere Parris, President of BAPPSS Launch of The Schools’ Engagement Essay and Drama Competition

Demise of the Little Eight & The Origin of Independence

Debate for Barbados Independence

No Loitering on Colonial Premises

The Long Rough Road to Independence

Let’s Talk Republic

Statement - Issued by Executive & General Councils

Statement - Issued by General Council

Statement - Issued by General Secretary

Statement - Issued by General Council

Statement - Issued by General Secretary

on Water Supply and linking it to deaths in our country

on release of unemployment figures by Statistical Services Dept.

Statement - Issued by General Secretary on passing of Sir Frederick Smith

Annual Report - DLP United Kingdom

Annual Report - DLP Friends of Barbados, New York

100

Annual Report - DLP Canadian Branch

104

Passing Parade 2015-16

AGENDA Saturday, 13th August 2016 Election of Officers and Members of General Council 3 p.m. - 5:30 p.m. Gala Opening Ceremony Cocktail Reception Sunday, 14th August 2016 8:30 a.m. Registration Morning Devotions Call to Order Election of Officers and Members of General Council (continue) Reports Amendments to Constitution Resolutions Presentations of Awards

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Sunday, 21st August 2016 8:30 a.m. Prayer Breakfast Church Service- Senior Pastor / Founder Roger Husbands Presidentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Address Rt. Hon. Freundel Stuart, Q.C., M.P., (Prime Minister) Resolutions (continue) Appointment of Auditors Presentations of Awards Please note that the election of officers will take place on the first business day of The Conference from 8:30 a.m. to 3:00 p.m. All members are invited. All members must be financial.

George A. Pilgrim General Secretary

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

STANDING ORDERS All party members must bring their Membersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Passport to the Conference.

No business of a general nature which is not on the original Agenda for the Conference may be discussed except by Special Resolution of the Conference.

No nomination for Office or Membership of General Council will be accepted on the day of the Conference.

No member (except the mover of a resolution) may speak more than once or for longer than five (5) minutes on any one motion or resolution.

The mover of a resolution may speak for ten ( 10) minutes, in the first instance, and for five (5) minutes in reply.

All members desiring to speak shall rise and address the Chair, and the Chairman shall have the right to decide the order in which the delegates should speak, should more than one member be standing at the same time.

Each member shall be entitled to one ( 1) vote. The Chairman shall have an original and a casting vote.

Voting for General Council and for Officers shall be by secret ballot. All other voting shall be by the show of hands.

Canvassing at the Conference by a nominee or his supporters will disqualify such persons from participating in any form in the election.

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How We Started In 1952, Mr. Errol Barrow and several others began to entertain serious doubts about the policies and purposes of the Barbados Labour Party leadership. With his well know directness of speech, Mr. Barrow several times challenged these policies in party conclave, and was sometimes forced to dissociate himself from them in the House of Assembly. The inevitable break engendered since 1952 came early in 1954. After the 1954 St. Lucy Bye-Election, which was won by Mr. Cameron Tudor and in which Mr. Owen .T. Alder, then an Independent Member of the House, played a full part, it was now thought propitious to launch a new Political Party. Mr. Barrow, Mr. A. E. S. Lewis, Mr. Tudor and Mr. F. G. Smith had already developed a common outlook. But there was another group, of which Mr. Alder was the leading figure, also organising a Party. Accordingly they initiated conversations with Mr. Alder’s group who, by this time, February 1955, had accepted Mr. C. L. Brathwaite’ s suggestion, that they should seek a wider affiliation. Discussion lasted two months and it was agreed that a political Party, whose outlook was to be both Democratic and Socialist, could be organised. Aims and Objects were discussed, a name was chosen and a Constitution drawn up for adoption. On the night of 27th April, 1955, twenty-six persons met at Lands’ End, St. Michael. They represented varied backgrounds and outlooks. By the time the meeting ended, twenty-five people had started something that would change the course of Barbadian History, Thus was born the Democratic Labour Party.

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The following foundation members formed the Provisional General Council and Executive Committee. Mr. O. T. Alder Mr. E. W. Barrow Mr. J. Best Mr. O. Blackman Mr. J. O. Bonnet Mr. C. L. Brathwaite Mr. L. B. Brathwaite Mr. L. D. Burrowes Mr. H. Coulston Mr. D. Farrell Mr. C. A. Gill

Mr. D. Holder Mr. A. E. S. Lewis Mr. A. H. Lewis Mr. F. G. Smith Mr. H. Springer Mr. J. B. Springer Mr. J. B. Springer (Jr) Mr. D. Straker Miss. Elsie Tudor Mr. J .C. Tudor Mr. L. Wood

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Presidentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Message The Rt. Hon. Freundel Stuart, Q.C., M.P. Prime Minister of Barbados

It pleases me to greet you on this the occasion of the 61st Annual Conference of the Democratic Labour Party. This Conference takes place at a time when Barbados is celebrating the 50th Anniversary of its Independence. Happily, the coincidence of these two events is enriched by the fact that the Party which took the country into Independence has been in office since January 2008. This adds a particular authenticity to our celebrations. We have taken careful note of the confusion which our adversaries have sought to create over the celebration of our Golden Jubilee. History certainly repeats itself, for the situation was no different fifty years ago when, as a people, we were setting out on our Independence journey. Descendants of the doubters of 1966 are once again trying to spread alarm and to make light of our fifty years of unyielding effort and undeniable achievement. As a Party, we should feel proud that we had the hindsight, the insight and the foresight to take the Independence project on, and to guard it as jealously as we have done over the last 50 years. In that connection, we remember with deep and abiding gratitude the Rt. Excellent Errol Walton Barrow who assumed a forefrontal position in our struggle for Independence.

As we reflect on 50 years of Independence and accomplishment, I invite you to reflect also, on those three questions I have been asking during our celebrations: (i) (ii) (iii)

What are those features of Barbadian life which we have lost and need to reclaim?; What are those features of Barbadian life which we have not lost and need to retain?; and What are those features of Barbadian life which we have not lost but need, with haste, to discard?

I assure you that frank and honest answers to those questions can help us as a Party to craft a sensible and practicable way forward. Best wishes to all of you. The Rt. Hon Freundel Stuart, Q.C., M.P. Prime Minister The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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As a grateful successor of Errol Barrow, I am committed to guarding his legacy and that of our great Party with all of the vigour and vigilance at my command. I am committed also to continuing the struggle for the things for which this Party has always stood, not the least of which is the creation of a society based on equality and committed to the protection of the most vulnerable elements in Barbados.

Foreword

General Secretary, George A. Pilgrim, B.A. M.Sc The Democratic Labour Party at 61 years would like to say thanks to the members for staying the course. This party’s success is at the feet of the dedication of its rank and file who continue to give yeoman service to this institution. This year, one such member has departed in the person of Sir Fredrick Smith, our first chairman and founder member. Sir Fredrick embodied the essence of a true blue and we are appreciative of the efforts and times he spent with us and Barbados in his 92 years on earth. May his soul rest in peace. The party celebrates under the theme The Journey to 50: From Colony to Nationhood. Under this theme we have launched a series of activities aimed at celebrating our country’s progress through the years. This activity will defined by a School’s Engagement competition at the primary and secondary level. A lecture series along with an activity every week in November constitutes part of our overall rollout.

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To date, we have successfully completed the Drama Competition within schools with the three schools from the north emerging victorious. First place was Ignitius Byer Primary, second place was Roland Edwards Primary and third place was Gordon Greenidge Primary school. The party has also launched a lecture series titled, Celebrating Fifty Years of Independence Pride and Industry Lecture Series Some Thoughts. As part of our conference activities we shall have as our guest presenter at our Public Lecture series Dr. Henderson Carter on the topic the Nature of the Opposition to Independence in Barbados on August 24th at Almond Bay Hastings Christ Church. This year’s conference will acknowledge the policy deposit of the Democratic Labour Party to the transformation of our country. We don’t lay claim to all that has been done but we must take credit for the heavy emphasis on right fit policies. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

The policy decisions of the Democratic Labour Party between 1961 and 1976 must be viewed within the context of limited resources and the birth of a nation. Our success is well documented in a publication entitled 30 YEARS AND ONWARD…THE DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY. Barrow reminded us of the difficulties “… we encountered from among our own people in our fight for independence” .. He further states… “We do not believe that any right thinking Barbadian today regrets that decision.- but how many remember the extent of the opposition at the time?” This party must not retreat and be distracted by the spin doctors on the other side. The facts of the party’s contribution must be trumpeted. We must understand what Barrow meant by describing the BLP as having the “capacity for malice” that character trait still distinguishes this Democratic Labour Party from the opposition. In our efforts to move the process forward, we laid the Independence Resolution in December 1965 in the House of Assembly and Senate. In early 1966, the Resolution was passed. Within this resolution was a request to Britain to convene a Constitutional conference in London to settle the constitution and fix a date for the independence of Barbados. Fifty years later, we can commemorate the debate and the decision because the Democratic Labour Party showed leadership. Comrades congratulations on staying the course. The present “cast” of political actors and supporters has truly made it possible for the dream of our founding members to prosper. As loyal members we gave flight to the philosophy of the party by sticking with the Dems. THANK YOU

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The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Journey to 50

Address by Prime Minister, The Rt. Hon. F. J. Stuart, Q.C., M.P. At The Launch of The 50Th Independence Celebrations Heroes Square, Bridgetown, Wednesday, January 06, 2016 Honourable Chief Justice, Members of Cabinet of Barbados, The Right Excellent Sir Garfield Sobers, National Hero of Barbados, Honourable Leader of the Opposition of Barbados, Chairman of the Barbados Christian Council, Members of the Judiciary of Barbados, Members of the Diplomatic Corps., Excellencies, Distinguished Guests, fellow Barbadians at home and abroad, ladies and gentlemen. On the 30th day of November this year, Barbados will have completed 50 years as a sovereign Independent State. Fifty years ago, there were those who doubted, there were those who feared, there were those troubled by uncertainty, but I think that it would be very difficult today, 50 years later, to find any Barbadian who believes that Barbados should still have been a colony, and therefore we meet today to launch a celebration of this very successful project upon which Barbados embarked in 1966.

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I use the word celebration not to suggest that for the next few months this country will be engulfed in an atmosphere of unrestrained and extravagant merriment and jollification, but the fact is that we have something to celebrate, and every single Barbadian at home and abroad has contributed to the success which we celebrate here this evening and which we will be celebrating for the next few months as we go down to the completion of 50 years of Independence. As a nation, we have had our ups and downs. After all, nobody has yet pointed any of us to the clause in Adamâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s will which says that all other countries should have their ups and downs but that Barbados should enjoy a special dispensation. But the peculiar feature of Barbados over the last 50 years is that when we have had our ups and downs, our footsteps have not faltered, our faith never wavered, we confronted our challenges and kept a balance in all of our responses to the challenges which we were made to face from time to time. We are all of us familiar, are we not, with the traumatic dislocation which we experienced over the last 50 years, from the four major global setbacks which we call recessions, the effects of which were felt here in Barbados; 1973 to around 1976, the first oil crisis when unemployment in Barbados reached 22.5 per cent; the second recession around 1980/1981 and on, when again The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

there was dislocation; the third around 1991 and on, when again there was dislocation, and most recently from the last quarter of 2007 and still happening, we have been feeling the effects of that dislocation. But it is testimony to the strength of Barbadosâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; character, it is testimony to our resilience as a people that we have been able to keep cool heads, keep our society calm through all of these crises and tonight to be launching a celebration of 50 years of our Independence. In the context of the last 50 years, let us not forget that it has always been our view, on both sides of the political aisle, that a country is as rich as its poorest citizen and therefore successive Governments of Barbados have forged a relationship with the underprivileged in this country that has led us to create a social safety net, the object of which has been to shield the most vulnerable elements in Barbados from falling through the cracks, as we like to say. That social safety net works and has been a defence on the part of many of our most vulnerable people against the slings and arrows of outrageous economic and financial fortunes.

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Our education sector sparkles and has always sparkled with opportunities at the nursery level, at the primary level, at the secondary level, and at the tertiary level, for our young people to realise their cherished aspirations and to make the fullest possible use of their Godgiven talents. In the area of healthcare, we have created a healthcare system that is not only acceptable but it is also accessible, and very important as well, affordable to the average citizen of Barbados. When Barbados speaks abroad, it raises a voice that is not only distinct but a voice that is highly respected,

and that highly respected voice can be traced to the fact that we settled here at home what we believe as a nation, the values to which we will subscribe and we settled also, that we will be friends of all and satellites of none; and therefore Barbados is highly respected across the world, in all the fora in which we have to raise our voices from time to time. Our institutions continue to work, our courts dispense and administer justice, our churches enjoy freedom of religion, all of our institutions remain free and all of that has to do with the fact that we proclaimed an affirmation in the preamble to our Constitution that we believe that men and institutions will remain free only if that freedom is founded on respect for moral and spiritual values and respect for the rule of law, and therefore when we go into our courts, justice is not dispensed according to a rule of fancy, or a rule of whim, or a rule of personal caprice, justice is dispensed according to law.

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Freedom of religion in Barbados predates the Constitution of 1966 because in 1652, in that great Settlement made at Oistins, called the Charter of Barbados, we exacted from our then colonial masters a concession that freedom of religion, liberty of conscience, should be a feature of life in Barbados. So too, did we exact a concession that there should be the rule of law institutionalized in this country. So tonight fellow countrymen, ladies and gentlemen, you are citizens of a great country. As I have said elsewhere, we do not claim to be better than anybody else, but we claim to be as good as the best in the world. The Barbados of 2016 is fundamentally different from the Barbados of 1966, you only have to look at the quality of our housing, the quality of our architecture, the great advances which we have made as a nation; contrast that with the spectacle in the 1960s of men and women being able to work only by chance; contrast that with the spectacle of men and women walking to plantations on mornings with a The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

crocus bag tied around the waist and a hoe or fork across the shoulder, barefooted, leaving homes that had no waterborne facilities; leaving home that had no electrification and functioning in a society where opportunities were still severely limited. Tonight the Barbados in which we live is a fundamentally different place and that would not have been possible had it not been for the goodwill and the levelheadedness of all Barbadians resident here and those resident abroad. Cynics, there have always been; cynics, there always will be. There will always be those who demand perfection from us, while themselves being incapable in their own lives and in their own spaces to be examples of perfection of any kind. But let me remind you, fellow Barbadians, perfection is the exclusive preserve of the Almighty; none of us here this evening, none within the hearing of my voice is expected to be perfect, but we are expected to be faithful, faithful to the causes we consider to be important to the development of this country, and that I am able to claim Barbados has always been. We have already lived 50 years of Independence, for all practical purposes, that’s a lived experience and you can’t unmake history, we can’t live our lives in the past. As I said, not everything about Barbados has been as we would have wanted it to be, but we cannot unmake

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history. But we can shape the future and our concern tonight has to be not only to celebrate what we have achieved, but also to determine what kind of Barbados it is we want to create for the next 50 years. I have put three questions on the table for the reflection of my fellow countrymen here and abroad. What are those features of Barbadian life that we have lost and that we need to reclaim? What are those features of Barbadian life, [second] that we have not lost and we need to retain, and what are those features of Barbadian life that we have not lost but we have to try and discard as quickly as possible?

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It is my settled conviction, my considered view, that these three questions provide an appropriate guide for this nation as we reflect and as we celebrate over the next few months, climaxing in November this year. So as we embark on this period of celebration and reflection, let us be proud of what we have achieved. We see the stories on the various news items from across the world and as we examine these stories and as we listen to these stories, we ought to be reminded of how fortunate we are here in Barbados. We should not take how fortunate we are for granted. As I have had to say elsewhere, we must always demonstrate that we want Barbados and we must always understand that if we do not want Barbados, there are people waiting to take it from us. And The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

therefore, as we look to the next 50 years, let us recommit ourselves to the development of this nation which has done so much for us. We are going to make mistakes along the way, we are not perfect; we are going to falter from time to time, but let us in the immortal words of St. Paul, lay aside every wait and the distractions that so easily beset us and let us continue to run with patience the race that is set before us. We want to make Barbados the best country on earth and it is within our capacity to do so. History is replete with examples of countries, some smaller than ours, some the same size as ours, some barely larger than ours, that have given history a nudge. It is within the capacity of Barbados to continue to nudge history in the direction in which we want it to go. Our size is no determinant of the kind of impact we can make on the global environment.

I want to thank you therefore and to take this opportunity to wish all of you at home and abroad a Happy New Year. May good health, may good fortune and the blessings of Him whose glory the Heavens continue to declare be yours in abundant measure for 2016 and beyond. Thank you very much. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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So let us look backward, let us look inward, let us look forward, and let us look upward. Forgetting to look upward is to forget who it was who has been the peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s guide for the last 300 years and with Him still on our side we can have no doubts or fears. I want to thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for seeing the importance of this occasion and for bestirring yourselves to be here this evening to share this occasion with us. We look forward to your full involvement as we celebrate 50 years of Independence; all of our schools, all of our communities, all of our institutions we want fully involved in this national effort. So understand this, and if you take nothing else away from this occasion, take this away. Independence may have been fought for by just a few persons but independence was won for all of us.

EDUCATION AS A POLICY CHOICE General Secretary, George A. Pilgrim, B.A. M.Sc

Political Parties are often defined by their various political successes at the polls and much less by their policies. It is very often a difficult thing to remember who runs second even with two persons in the race. Within most Caribbean countries , two dominant political parties often control the attention of the voting public and therefore one feels the dominance of the winner. The notion of the “winner takes all” within the practice of the Westminster model is real. In the region where we witness many two party races, the utility of data trends and not policy often becomes the talking point on who stands the better chance of making it over the tape and claiming the prize.

In Barbados, the opposition party has equaled the Democratic Labour Party‘s three terms in office but it is yet to leave any major policy footprint in the Education sector. Education is the main vehicle on which the people of Barbados have relied to improve their economic and social development. Education policy as authored by the Democratic Labour Party played a big role in modernizing Barbados. In scripting the Journey to 50, through the eyes of the Democratic Labour Party, Education offers one of the policy options, which reflect the philosophy of the party.

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The Education ecology which has evolved over the decades reflects the critical linkages created to anchor our development agenda. The creation of Schools Meals to nourish our nation’s children so that all would be fed while attending school. The establishment of a policy for all school aged children to have free health care at our health care institutions. The provision of training for teachers through Erdiston Teachers Training College to aid in quality delivery of the

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Education product. In recent times [post 2008] the provision of free bus transportation by our Transport Board added another dimension to the education ecology. This system underpinned the rich human resource capital which our small country is known for. Diagram A [Democratic Labour Party’s Education ecology]

The Democratic Labour Party has often been seen as a party which heavily shaped and built out Barbados’ major Education project and set the country on a path of sustained national development. A scan of developmental literature converge on a common theme of “change in a variety of aspects in human society” emerging within most concepts of development. This theme of change can be justly attributed to the education revolution ignited by the Democratic Labour Party in Barbados which impacted every aspect of society in the post-colonial era. According to Henry and Miller [2009] when offering a comparison between Jamaica and Barbados, argued the path of development can be best explained by differences in macroeconomic policy choices , “not differences in institutions , which account for the heterogeneous growth experience of these two Caribbean countries.” The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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The Democratic Labour Party recognized the important role of human resources throughout our history, particularly in the post-independence period when efforts have been made to promote human resource development, through “the rapid expansion of comprehensive institutional arrangements” and the provision of access for all through free education ‘from cradle to the grave’

Barbados and Jamaica offer ideal case studies to examine how policies matter. Both countries were British colonies, small island economies, predominately inhabited by descendants of Africans, almost identical political, economic and legal institutions. Figure No 1 illustrates the diverged experience of the two countries in the 40 year period following their independence period. [ Adapted from Henry and Miller 2009]

Figure 1. Standards of Living in Barbados and Jamaica Diverge After Independence. 1.2

Natural Log of Index of Real GDP per Capita

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14 The essence of the sustained growth in Barbados and the comparative slowing down of growth in Jamaica can be linked to the evolution of policy choices according to [Henry and Miller 2009]. For the Democratic Labour Party, Education can be viewed as a success in policy choice.

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The Democratic Labour Party’s publication 30 YEARS AND ONWARDS, in a review of the 1961 to 1976 period identifies the emphasis placed on Education as one which best “ highlights the efforts of the Democratic Labour Party’s at creating a more just society.» This jewel in the crown was in place by 1962, when the Democratic Labour Party saw to it that the payment of school fees for Secondary Education became a thing of the past. The late Rt Excellent Errow Barrow, Former Premier, Prime Minister and National Hero of Barbados in a statement in the Foreword to the same publication, indicated “ that every child born in Barbados has the opportunity to develop the talents with which the Lord has blessed it regardless of the family into which it happened to be born. That is why one of the first things we did when we won the Government was to decree that secondary education would be free of charge.” This act saw the leveling of the playing field and the creation of a development agenda which helped to shape modern Barbados. The late founder member The Rt. Excellent Errol Barrow is credited with making the determination of decreeing that fees would be a feature of the past. This single The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

act resulted in the “democratisation of the educational process” which extended free education to all levels. Some authors refer to it as “a victory against segregation in education…”

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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The policy agenda authored by Rt. Excellent Errol Barrow during the 1961 – 1976 periods saw a rapid physical works programme executed resulting in capacity boom. During the period, the construction of Springer Memorial, Ellerslie Secondary School, St George Secondary, the Garrison Secondary (now Graydon Sealy) and St Lucy Secondary (now Daryll Jordan) represented a further transformation as access to many other students became available. The government of the day also saw it necessary to provide financial aid to the private secondary school sector by providing substantial support to what became Government Aided Schools. [GAS] These schools had hitherto provided Secondary Education to many students who were unable to access the limited spaces for secondary education.. These education institutions which operated included the Metropolitan High School, Cooperative High, the Modern High, the Washington High, St. Anthony’s, Lynch’s Secondary, Community High School, Industry High, Unique High, Christ Church High, Wakefield High, Federal High, Barbados Academy, Presentation College, Mapps College, St. Ursulas, among several others. Progress was delivered in ensuring that “ new schools, replacements , or extensions” were carried out on Good Shepherd, St Lawrence Boys’, Christ Church Girls, Grazettes Primary, Wilkie Cumberbatch and St Bernard’s. We ensured the establishment of a school for the hearing impaired [ Irving Wilson School] This emphasis on educating a nation was given a further boost when the party continued the improvement in the Education Sector upon returning to office in 1986. The government engaged “a massive programme” of school building and refurbishment including new primary schools at Cuthbert Moore Primary, St. Mary’s Primary, Bayleys Primary, St Stephen’s Primary, Queen’s College, Deighton Griffith and the St. Thomas Secondary (now called Lester Vaughn). The Democratic Labour Party also refurbished St Stephen’s Primary, St Martin’s Mangrove and Ebenezer Primary. This trend continued into the present period [post 2008] where the Democratic Labour Party saw the construction of Blackman and Gollop Primary, St Ambrose Primary, the Ann Hill School, a new auditorium at St Lucy Secondary, 14 class room Annex at Samuel Jackman Prescod Polytechnic, a 24 classroom block at Parkinson Secondary School, among other schools and refurbishments.

This policy agenda focus on Education represents another interest area of comparison between Jamaica and Barbados. There is sufficient evidence to offer a credible argument with respect to the role Education played in the history of the Democratic Labour Party and national development. Our choice of emphasis on the Education and training sectors has paid dividends. In 2016, the Jamaica Labour Party government announced the introduction of legislation to give Jamaicans students the right to free education up to secondary level. They intend to make the “right to free education explicit in law” and examine current legislation which prohibits a child from accessing the right to a secondary education. These are policy options long embraced by our founder leader, The Right Excellent Errol Barrow, who in fact along with the late Sir James Cameron Tudor designed the structures of our education systems some 54 years ago. In fact there is no divide on the benefits to economic growth through investments in Education. This principle is what defines the Democratic Labour Party. Embedded in the Education Act is a particular law which makes education compulsory for all children up to age sixteen. Any child absent from school between the ages of 5 and 16 is guilty of breaking the law in Barbados and therefore his parent can be prosecuted before the law courts. Nevertheless, this has been rarely used as Barbados has a participation rate of 99% at the Secondary level and 100 + % at Primary level.

In a 2004, The Development of Jamaica National Report of Jamaica by the Ministry of Education is quoted as revealing “ One of the major problems facing the education system is that of access to secondary education …especially within the present financial constraint.” Our country has witnessed stagnation and overcapacity of school plants due to the lackluster policy direction by the opposition. The Education Sector Enhancement Programme or EDUTECH 2000 flattered to deceive. The opposition’s Education policy record illustrates a diverse experience in the area of conceptualisation when The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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The Party has the enviable record of claiming the Education project as a precious gem. We have ensured that Secondary Schools were constructed once the Democratic Labour Party occupied office. This emphasis on housing students is important in the delivery of Education goals as the first step in ensuring Education for all.

compared to the road travelled by the Democratic Labour Party. The Democratic Labour Party has never allowed the level of financial inflows to define the thrust in the Education sector. The paradox recorded in history reveals that while the country experienced periods of growth during the 1994 – 2008 period, the physical build out of the Education project remained stagnant. There can be no replacement by a government or excuse offered by an administration for not paying special attention to the Educational sector. The inability of the returns from the land due to lack of space or inability to mine raw materials locates Barbados in a very special way on the spectrum of policy choices. We have therefore invested in our human resource capital through the Education project. One such area of choice where human capital was undervalued in Barbados was in the teaching service. The opposition was very comfortable with discriminating against females. The historical malpractice of paying female teachers less than males was a major discriminatory act . The Democratic Labour Party found such a structure in place and dismantled it. There was no justification for paying different levels of remuneration for the same work. “ The Democratic Labour Party put an end to that” and instituted a regime of equal pay for females to what their male counterparts were receiving.

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The recent financial crises brought into sharp focus another dimension of the policy agenda as spoken to by the Democratic Labour Party. One would have expected a shut down in building out the education project and the slowing down on the need to add value to the sector. In the face of external shock, the philosophy towards education has not changed. The clear emphasis on the state to ensure that Nursery Education is a completed policy agenda of the Democratic Labour Party, goes back to 1961. We continue to acknowledge the lack of space for the younger ones attaining the age of 3 years . The capacity to ensure these students are ALL housed has taken flight.

In partnership with the Maria Holder Trust, the people of Barbados have benefitted from the philanthropic outreach of the Trust. These persons saw it fit to assist in the building out of six new Nursery Schools. This process when completed will secure places for all Nursery students. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood 24

Equally supportive of such philanthropic deeds are The Sandy Lane Trust and the Tanglewood Trust who have worked in conjunction with the Democratic Labour Party government to have the Derrick Smith School and Vocational Centre functional. The protracted financial constraints have not dislodged the importance of seeing the Barbados Community College rolling out seven [7] new full Degree programmes in the areas Clinical Laboratory Technology, Culinary Arts, Nursing, Pharmacy, Media Studies, Performing Arts, Event Management, etc. This dynamic development puts choice on the table for our bright young students who have a keen interest in nontraditional areas.

Opportunities continue to be created at the tertiary level as we noticed the establishment of four [4] Medical Schools and the creation of a health care learning sector in Barbados. Our attractiveness has allowed us to be viewed as viable domicile for the location of such universities. Barbadians can be assured that even at the level of tertiary education government will continue its general participation in providing major support for college and university education, particularly of the poor, vulnerable and marginalized. The Democratic Labour Party understands “the real prerequisite for this country’s further development and economic growth lies in the skills, enterprise and industriousness of Barbadians.” Security and development within a small state will not be possible therefore unless particular attention is paid to human development. In the words of a Commonwealth Secretariat report, “The experience of countries’ human resource development The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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The relationships with the People’s Republic of China has demonstrated another route the government has traveled in the face of shrinking resources and pushing the critical agenda to see the linkages in Agriculture and Education. The intended Tertiary level, Hope Agriculture Training Institute will act as a platform for the growth of residential Agriculture Schools . This model aspect of residential Education is a new concept which will gain root and bare the fruits of the partnerships. The securing of 45 acres of land in St Lucy provides for the school’s success and the creation of learning space for our young adults.

does not conflict with the pursuit of economic development: rather it is the key. It provides a sound foundation for an uncertain future” (Commonwealth Secretariat: 1997) The efforts to create an informed society will also, in large part, determine our capacity to be a player on the global stage. It is within this context that one of the central aims of the Democratic Labour Party Government will be to make Barbados’ education system more relevant to the country›s future development needs.

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Therefore, the Journey to 50 within the notion of transforming a Colony into Nationhood must have as one of its pillars the Democratic Labour Party’s emphasis on Education as an agent of change.

Souvenirs - Available at DLP Headquaters The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood Soveneirs

Remarks by Mr. Vere Parris, President of BAPPSS at The Launch of The Schools’ Engagement Essay and Drama Competition Almond Bay, Hastings, Christ Church, 15th February 2016, 7:00 P.M. Sponsored by The Democratic Labour Party I count myself fortunate to be among the throngs of Barbadians who gathered at the Garrison Savannah one indelible night in November 1966, to see the Broken Trident, against the backdrop of gold, flanked by ultramarine, rise in the midnight sky. To be here in 2016 to participate in the celebration of 50 years of that monumental achievement of National Independence is by the grace of God. In that yesteryear, I was a school boy being educated; today, I am a school Principal, still being educated while educating others.

As we celebrate 50, one cannot help but wonder what significance does this youngest generation attribute to November 30th. We all hope that it is much more than a date…another public holiday. We must give them reasons to love their country. Who will give them those reasons? It cannot be the school alone. The parents and grandparents, who might not have experienced 1966, still have an important role to play in inculcating love for country, significance of nationhood and the role of the young in building our nation. I trust therefore that our generation of educators and parents has done our duty well. Our Golden Jubilee provides one glorious opportunity for us to restate the significance of our National Symbols – the Flag, the Coat of Arms, The National Anthem, The National Pledge. Such a restatement should go beyond the simple meaning of the gold, the ultramarine and the Broken Trident in the Flag, for example. It should connect in no uncertain terms to the times in which we live. I was privileged to hear such a powerful statement from the lips of Fr. John Rogers The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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School students have long been involved in events of national significance and importance, even when we were a colony. To involve them in expressing their thoughts on 50 years of independence, through writing and the expressive arts, is laudable, not for the mere exercise but for learning how the youngest generation of Barbadians is thinking. That the medium goes beyond the traditional writing only (which happens to be easiest to assess) is most commendable, since our understanding of the emotional intelligence of children suggests strongly that there is much more to a child’s ability to express self than that which he/she may commit to paper. Perhaps the secondary students could have had that option as well.

on the modern significance of the Broken Trident two Sundays ago, when the Trident found repose in the St George Parish Church. His contextual anchoring of the Trident should be heard by all Barbadians, not just this year, but the next and the next…and for years to come. In spite of the fact that there was no cataclysmic activity like a war that marked the unclenching of the Barbadian fist from the hemline of Britain, (that many countries point to and create monuments about) nor a kicking from the colonial nest at great height, like the eagle does its young to force it to fly, our official achievement of independence means and must continue to mean as much to us as theirs to other nations referred to earlier. Barbados has always done things differently…diplomatically, through discussion, but with resolve. That has been our reputation. Hear the words of Mr. Fred Lee, Secretary of State for the Colonies back in 1966 when he greeted the then Premier Mr. Errol Walton Barrow, for the opening session of the Barbados Constitutional Conference. He stated “Your country has one of the longest traditions of parliamentary government of any country outside the United Kingdom. Yours is a democratic society and you are used to doing business by the process of discussion. The aim of all of us will be to devise arrangements under which the people of Barbados can move forward to play an even greater role in Caribbean, Commonwealth and world affairs than they have done in the past.” (The Central Office of Information photograph collection)

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How good would it be for our participating students to evaluate that Fred Lee statement in their essays! Have we succeeded in playing that greater role over these past 50 years in Caribbean, Commonwealth and world affairs? If so, like the good teacher, we must give our nation high marks. As we celebrate 50, do we, as parents or elders in society, as schools or agents of government do enough to communicate the need to value our own space and our public spaces, buildings and monuments? Do we do enough to maintain them in the best possible condition, given our slender resources? What importance, as an independent people, do we attach to our environment – the natural and the built? How does this fit into our 50th Anniversary Celebrations? It is timely that the World Flower Show is being staged in Barbados in our 51st year. It gives us an opportunity to connect this event to our celebrations…to sensitize our people during the hype of this year, to transforming our abandoned fields into a well maintained productive The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

landscape…an opportunity to ask every Barbadian to create a floral and foliage garden in both their private and public spaces, which may be judged leading up to the World Flower Show, as an off-shoot that brings pride and prizes to our people. Every parish can have its own prize winners and the best in each parish be judged for national prizes. Sponsored monetarily significant prizes would be an incentive for Barbadians to invest in our country’s beautification. Colour-features in our local magazines and airline magazines, as well as web-features could lift our image significantly. Imagine what it would do to our tourism product! Just a thought! As I conclude these remarks, and without being political, I dare to say that perhaps every Barbadian should engage in a day of dreaming…others may say thinking. But let us dream! What if I were the Prime Minister? What would I do? What if I were the Minister responsible for Industry…Tourism…Education…Agriculture…Home Affairs/Security…Transport and Works? What would I do? [No criticism must be involved]. When we awake from our dream, having answered the question, let us take a tip from Mahatma Gandhi and… get up! Go and be the change that we want to see! Master of Ceremonies, ladies and gentlemen, I highly commend this Schools’ Engagement Essay and Drama Competition and look forward to it being a resounding success. I thank you. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republicanism_in_Barbados. Retrieved 8/3/2016 http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/PM-says-Barbados-moving-towards-Republic. Retrieved 7/26/2016 http://www.telegraph.co.uk./news/worldnews/centralamericaandthecaribbean/barbados/114...Retrieved 7/26/2016 http://www.coha.org/replacing-the-queen-should-jamaica-become-a-republic/ Retrieved 7/26/2016

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lewisconcretesenior@gmail.com

From Colony to Nation Hood

2016 ANNUAL CONFERENCE

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

THE DEMISE OF THE LITTLE EIGHT AND THE ORIGIN OF INDEPENDENCE IN BARBADOS By Dr. David V C Browne 27th July,2016 Fifty years in the life of the nation- state of Barbados is but a short time. In 1776 the thirteen North American colonies produced a remarkable document in the form of the Declaration of Independence and in 1787, at the Philadelphia Convention, 55 founding fathers conceptualized a written constitution which Americans boast as their 200year enduring constitution. Ever since the start of the French Revolution in 1789, and the subsequent overthrow of the monarchy and the Old Order, France has existed as an independent republic. Haitiâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s constitution of 1804 made a decisive break with the former colonial power, France, and declared Haiti an independent republic, so 2004 would have been an important 200 year landmark for Haiti. I have highlighted these three nation states only to accentuate the fact that fifty years in the life of our nation is indeed a short time. We have made tremendous progress in this short time but we must look to the future with confidence. We must plan fort the future nation-building project marked by solid strategic and futuristic thinking, planning and execution of ideas.

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I would begin the narrative of Barbadosâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; independence with the dissolution of the West Indies Federation, referred to as the Federal venture of 1958 to 1962. Ten islands- Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, St. Lucia, Dominica, Montserrat, St Kitts/ Nevis/ Anguilla, Grenada, St Vincent and Antigua made up that federation. In fact, Guyana, then British Guiana, and Belize, then British Honduras never joined the federation but remained as associate members. British Guiana then spoke glowingly of pursuing its continental destiny. It is well known fact that after years of wrangling Jamaica held a referendum in September 1961 and the people of Jamaica voted to pull out of the federation. It was clear the anti- federationists in Jamaica, led by Alexander Bustamante, had convinced the Jamaican population that the islands of the Eastern Caribbean would become a burden on their economy. Throughout the referendum debate Bustamante referred to the small islands The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

of the Eastern Caribbean as the “pauperized islands” Trinidad and Tobago, echoing similar sentiments and fears, especially in relation to the movement of people, also withdrew from the federation, with Dr. Eric Williams justifying his action with the famous retort one from ten leaves zero. In other words, as Williams viewed the situation then, if there was no Jamaica, there could be no federation. Both Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago gained their independence in 1962 the same year as the collapse of the federation. Permit me to visit the debate in 1962 and focus on a resolution moved by the PNM in Trinidad and Tobago signaling the end of the federation to make my point. “AND WHEREAS this ill-conceived Federation was a waste of time and money, costing Trinidad and Tobago over $20 million in four years, frustrated the basic interests of the people of the West Indies, and afforded an opportunity for foreign intrigues in West Indian affairs, on such issues as Chaguaramas and Venezuela, thereby aggravating the basic conflict between the Government of Trinidad and Tobago and the Federal Government.

Trinidad and Tobago saw the West Indian Federation as a burden and expressed no interest in the Little Eight. In fact, Dr Eric Williams said “it was not so much a matter of Trinidad leaving, but of the Territory refusing to enter the grave into which the Federation found itself ” He endorsed Errol Barrow as a key man in the new federation being contemplated at the time. Whereas Eric Williams refused to even entertain Reginald Maulding, the Secretary of State, in The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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Be it resolved that Trinidad and Tobago reject unequivocally any participation in a Federation of the Eastern Caribbean, and proceed forthwith to National Independence, without prejudice to the future incorporation in the unitary state of Trinidad and Tobago of any Territory of the Eastern Caribbean whose people may so desire, and on terms to be mutually agreed or to the future establishment of a Common Economic Community of the entire Caribbean Area.”

1962, on his visit to Trinidad , Barrow held talks with him and he even met members of the two opposition parties. Barrow promised a White Paper on the new Federation and everything seems set for the take off of the Little Eight. As usual the announcement of the intention to form the Little Eight federation was beset by considerable debate, cross talk, small talk, and statements. On 3 May, 1962, Milton Cato, opposition leader in St Vincent made it clear his resistance to the formation of the Little Eight. In 1963 Herbert Blaize of Grenada, along with two senators led a 10,000 strong crowd through the streets of St Georges’ chanting no Little Eight Federation for Grenada. E B Henry, opposition leader of Dominica, cabled the Secretary of State arguing that the leaders of the Caribbean had no mandate from the people to establish any Little Eight federation. Hunter J Francois and George Mallet of the St Lucia’s People’s Progressive Party predicted the imminent collapse of any attempt at a Little Eight Federation. The Little Eight Federation was supposed to be made up of Barbados and the Windward and Leeward Islands with the capital located in Barbados and a secretariat at Sherbourne, Two Mile Hill, St. Michael. A memorandum set out the provisions for among other things a Governor General, a legislature, a federal executive, a federal supreme court, a federal public service and mechanisms for raising federal revenue. Reginald Maulding informed West Indian leaders that the proposals were to be ratified first by the British parliament before there can be any commencement of the federation.

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The memorandum provided the basis for an independent state within the British Commonwealth. It provided for a Governor General and Lieutenant Governors in each constituent unit. The capital of the federation was to be located in Barbados. The Federation was to have a Senate and House of Representative, an Executive with ministers limited to six. The federation would have its own Supreme Court and a federal Public Service. Freedom of movement and a Customs union were to be entrenched in the constitution. Revenue was to be derived from income tax, import duties, postal services, court fees and currency profits. A conference was to be convened to determine the amount of grant- in-aid to be given to the unit territories over the period 1962-1967. A grant of 4 million was recommended as the initial start up capital for the federation. This memorandum of which Sir Arthur Lewis had considerable input, with some modification, formed the basis eventually of the White Paper setting out the main features of the federation. The Report of the Eastern Caribbean Conference Command 1746 was prepared in England to be debated in the various legislatures and when approved by all, the final draft would be put together at a conference in London. It was debated by the various legislatures by the end of 1963. The The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

way was clear for a final agreement, yet conference after conference, the Regional Council of Ministers failed to reach a final agreement. As already stated, they carried on the discussions for three and a half years, from 1962 to the middle of 1965 and after ten meetings: 1 in Antigua;2 in London and 7 in Barbados, they could not reach a final agreement. Who constituted the members of the Regional Council of Ministers who attempted to form the Eastern Caribbean Federation between 1962 and 1965.

There were:Errol Walton Barrow, Premier, Barbados Vere Cornwall Bird Sr. Chief Minister, Antigua Edward Le Blanc, Chief Minister, Dominica William Bramble, Chief Minister, Monserrat C A Paul Southwell, Chief Minister, St. Kitts/ Nevis/ Anguilla Ebenezer Joshua, Chief Minister, St. Vincent George Charles, Chief Minister, St. Lucia

This Regional Council of Ministers, acted like a regional cabinet, they met under the chairmanship of Sir John Stow, Governor of Barbados and were responsible for overseeing and making decisions pertaining to certain common institutions inherited from the federal era.

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The main common institutions and agreements were: A Commission in Canada (Montreal) A Commission in the U K (London) Finance the remnants of the Caribbean Court of Appeal Finance the West Indies Shipping Board (Federal Maple and the Federal Palm) Finance the University of the West Indies Finance the Caribbean Meteorological Service, later to become the Caribbean Meteorological Institute Finance Seismographic Research The establishment and implementation of the Eastern Caribbean Currency Authority Finance the Secretariat here in Barbados (2PC) Rice Agreement between the Unit territories of the Little Eight and British Guiana Oils and Fats Agreement inherited from the old federation Negotiated Sugar Price Agreement with the U K Government UNESCO associated membership was sought and granted

In terms of funding these institutions and honoring these agreements, all territories of the Eastern Caribbean paid a proportion of the cost with Barbados at all times paying between 42.6% such as in the financing of the Secretariat to 46.8% as in the financing seismographic research. In most cases, Antigua contributed 7.3%, Dominica 8.8%, Grenada 8.8%, Montserrat 1.4%, St. Kitts 9.4%, St. Lucia 9.5%, St. Vincent 7.1%. In other words, during this short period Barbados was carrying the Eastern Caribbean on its back as the leaders awaited the report of a Fiscal Commission. I want to focus my attention on some of the areas of contention and disagreement among the Regional Council of Ministers during the three and half year period. Firstly, they could not agree on fundamental constitutional matters, especially in relation to the composition of the federal parliament Secondly, the regional council of ministers disagreed over the nature and amount of grant-in- aid which should be dole out to the unit governments Thirdly,Grenada sought permission and was granted the go ahead to enter into discussions about unitary statehood with Trinidad and Tobago. The Grenadians argued that they were better prospects for economic development and fiscal and monetary space with Trinidad and Tobago than with an Eastern Caribbean Federation.

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Fourthly, there was the duplicity of William Bramble of Montserrat who sat at the negotiation table for three and half years but very early in the negotiations applied for permission to negotiate for unitary statehood with Trinidad and Tobago. I would let Bramble speak for himself: fifthly, the letter is dated 14 September, 1962 and addressed to the Secretary of State Dear Sir, Since the dissolution of the West Indies Federation there has been much discussion with a view to the formation of a federation of the remaining eight islands. Recent events appear to indicate, however that the proposed federation of the remaining territories is not as feasible as heretofore envisaged. In the existing circumstances any person who is interested in the welfare of Montserrat is bound to give deep consideration as to its future. I should therefore be grateful to have your views as to whether unitary statehood with Trinidad would best serve the interest of the people of our island An early written reply will be much appreciated. Yours sincerely, W H Bramble, Chief Minister The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Sixthly, Unit leaders wanted their cake and eat it. They wanted the benefits of federation but were unwilling to give up power to a central government, to give a central government the power of taxation, to agree to the arrangement of a customs union. Seventhly, there was considerable concern expressed by unit leaders pertaining to future British financial assistance to the Little Eight Federation. The British Government was never forthright on this issue but appeared always to be evasive and elusive to the end. . From 1962 until 1966 there were 10 meetings and conferences and discussions on the Little Eight but little progress was made. As already stated, in February 1962, discussions ensued between Eric Williams and Herbert Blaize on Grenada joining Trinidad in a unitary state. In March1962 the Colonial Office asked Carleen Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Loughlin, of the UWCI, to conduct an economic survey of the Eastern Caribbean. In May 1963, a preparatory conference on East Caribbean Federation at Barbados saw Antigua requesting a looser federation than that envisaged at 1962. In April 1964 the Antiguan government decided to take no further part in any federal discussions and submitted an urgent request to the Colonial Secretary for full internal self government by the end of the year.

The Barbados White Paper was called Federal Negotiations: 1962-1965 and Constitutional Proposals for Barbados. It was a document of fifty-six pages, the first forty-two paragraphs quoted extensively a statement by Sir Ellis Clarke at the United Nations before a Sub- Committee of the Committee of 24 in May1964, and a reply of the U K Representative. The thrust of the argument was that far from crystallization of the proposals for positive assistance to the Eastern Caribbean, the attitude of the UK Government was vague and nebulous as time went on. Paragraphs 43-59 contained accounts of various The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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The Barbados government following the withdrawal of Antigua from the federal discussions presented a White Paper to the local Assembly seeking independence first and then a resumption of federal discussions after it had been granted. By 1965, St Kitts, Dominica and St Lucia had joined Antigua in seeking internal self government. Only St Vincent remained. The Little Eight was now dead.

changes of attitude amongst the territories in attempting to reach some consensus on the shape and form of the federal structure. The paper was critical of the new Government in St. Lucia, especially pertaining to its insistence that revenue derived from custom union should be returned on an equalization basis rather than a derivation basis. Paragraphs 60-68 were devoted to a discussion of unitary statehood and the fact that the Barbados Government did not consider it to be in its interests to be in unitary statehood with any country at this time or within the foreseeable future. Paragraphs 69-97 dealt with the Federal Principle and criticized any attempt to introduce a strong Federal Government. Paragraphs 98-124 stated the case for Barbados’s independence and addressed the main misgivings about separate independence. The misgivings addressed were that by going alone for independent Barbados made the establishment of Federation more difficult; That an independent Barbados would be more costly; That Barbados cannot defend itself; That an independent Barbados could not be economically viable; All these issues were addressed in para. 98-124

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The White Paper was supposed to be laid in the House of Assembly on 17th August 1965, but was presented on the 12th October, 1965 to be debated at a later date. That date was the 4th January, 1966. Immediately the White Paper generated considerable controversy and discussion in Barbados and the Caribbean. Sir Grantley Adams, Chairman of the Barbados Labour Party, on the 12 August 1965, speaking to a reporter of the Daily News, condemned the DLP’s move to go alone for independence. ‘independence for Barbados alone is absolute foolishness…Independent West Indies-yes, but not for Windwards or Leewards or Barbados. This is my strong conviction.’ He went on to stress’ Independence will not materialize in one or five years, not for Barbados alone…it could not pay Barbados and the hope of a federation to have independence alone…we are too small, we have not got the resources, we are just little rocks in the Caribbean, and both the United Kingdom and the United States would respect us more if we combine than we remain in our present state… the disadvantages that we should seriously consider them before we agree, and above all, if we start to press for independence for Barbados alone, we are going to kill any spirit on the part of the Leewards and Windwards to have an Eastern Caribbean Federation…They will feel that we do not want to have them in a Federation and it will be a fatal mistake’ He stated. He continued ‘I think we can get an Eastern Caribbean Federation working if we have The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Barbados, Leewards and Windwards coming together…the economic situation in the Eastern Caribbean, Trinidad included, is such that even Trinidad would see that they should come back into a West Indian Federation. Paul Southwell, Chief Minister of St Kitts, described the Barbados Government’s intention to seek independence alone as a severe blow to the hopes and aspirations of loyal and truehearted West Indians. Such action, he suggested, torpedoed all ideas of an Eastern Caribbean federation. He was not surprise for Barbados’s walk out of the Ten Regional Council of Ministers meeting was a clear indication that Barrow was no longer interested in federation. When he heard of the Free Trade Agreement between Barbados, British Guiana and Antigua, he was livid. He said Barbados was only interested in sending its excess population to British Guiana and B G dumping its products in Antigua and Barbados Ebenezer Joshua, Chief Minister of St Vincent, on the 8th September,1965, in transit at the airport here in Barbados from Puerto Rico blamed the metropolitan powers for the failure of the federation and their refusal to make the islands viable units. He went on to ask how is it in 1962 we talked about Federation with independence and now seem to be afraid of it.

John Compton, recently elected Chief Minister of St. Lucia, on the 20th August, 1965, said he would be continuing negotiations for the formation of a federation in London, Barbados, or anywhere else, since he saw the West Indies as One People, One Destiny. Mr. Compton went on to refute the allegation that his Government was responsible for the failure of the Tenth Regional Council of Ministers which led to the eventual demise of the Little Eight Federation. Mr. Compton did not mention on that occasion that it was his position on the disposal of surplus revenue of the Federal Government that upset three and half years of negotiations by the The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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Vere Bird Sr., Chief Minister of Antigua, supported Barbados’ move to independence alone. Speaking on the 18th October 1965, Mr. Bird said he fully appreciated the circumstances which led Mr. Barrow to go for independence alone in 1966. He strongly criticized Britain for failing to indicate what financial assistance would be given to the much- discussed federation. He reasoned that there was absolutely no sense in Britain encouraging federation of the Eastern Caribbean and yet failing to provide financial assistance. Bird revealed that Antigua received its first mandate to go after its own independence from the twenty sixth annual conference of the Antigua Trade and Labour Union. Vere Bird told the delegates then that he thought the Cook Islands type of independence more suitable for his country. And under such a constitution Antigua would have full internal self government but the territory’s external affairs would be handled by Britain. So Vere Bird had no problem with Barbados seeking independence alone because he was seeking it for Antigua and he told Mr. Barrow that much in a face to face meeting in Antigua.

Regional Council of Ministers and irritated Mr. Barrow in particular. From 1962 the RCMs had agreed, and Mr. Barrow had taken the position, that the surplus should be returned on a derivation basis; Mr. Compton demanded it on an equalization basis. At the 1962 East Caribbean Conference in London it was agreed that the Federal Government would have available to it revenues from import duties, postal services, court fees and currency profits. Any surplus of import duties deemed to exist by the Federal Government would be returned to the units on a derivation basis. The St. Lucia delegation at that conference was headed by George Charles who was replaced by John Compton following a General Election in St Lucia and Mr. Compton wanted to change the rules. As far as Barbados was concerned the estimated revenue to be generated by Barbados for the financial year 1963-64 was $35,571,988. The revenue from the other sources in the Eastern Caribbean was considerably less. You do the arithmetic. When Barbados decided to go alone for independence critics emerged from all quarters. Some argued that Barbados with no abundant mineral or agricultural resources could not survive on its own, that the economy would falter; the island would struggle to pay its Bills. They suggested Barbados should return to the bargaining table and try to revive the talks of the Little Eight Federation one more time.

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Some pundits argue that Barrow got no mandate from the people to take Barbados into independence alone and so he should call a general election to obtain such a mandate. Some argue that Barbados’s withdrawal from the federal negotiations was a betrayal of West Indian unity. Then Deighton Mottley of the Barbados National Party espoused the fear that if Barrow should lead Barbados into immediate independence, he will also make Barbados a republic, with himself as life-president, that there will be no more elections, and that parliamentary democracy will cease to exist. On the 13 August 1965 Barrow called a press conference to reply to his critics. He said that he believed in the federal principle and declared that a kind of West Indian federation was inevitable at some time in the future. But he pointed out the Barbados Government was not prepared to waste anymore time in a federal exercise ‘with people who do not have the right thinking and carry on discussions along certain lines’ • Premier Barrow said that his Government had had three years of discussions with the other islands and there was still The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

no basic idea as to the formation of a federation. Within three years one can be granted a divorce on grounds of separation. • Barrow asserted that the White Paper and the decision therein did not close the door to an Eastern Caribbean Federation. • Barrow argued further that the 1961 DLP Manifesto stated clearly that if the Party was elected to Government it would press for independence for Barbados with or without a federation. He claimed his party was the first in the West Indies to state that it would press for independence when in power. Check DLP Manifesto. • Referring to those who opposed independence for Barbados, Barrow went back to emancipation of slavery in the mid-19th century and suggested that those who opposed independence in 1966 would have even if they had been slaves. He said those persons would have argued then that slavery was better than freedom because free slaves would have to buy their own food, have their own house and would not be guaranteed a job. Now they argue along the same line against independence. He reiterated, ‘those who opposed independence for Barbados would have fought on the side of the South in the American Civil War- even if they had been slaves’

• Turning to the issue of financial aid after independence, Mr. Barrow said that Barbados was not looking to the United Kingdom for any assistance. If it came it would be welcomed, but Barbados could be independent without this financial assistance. • He thought an independent Barbados might have a stronger case for getting aid from Canada and the United States. At that time many organizations were willing to give assistance to Barbados but pointed out that the island was still a British concern. • Barrow asserted that he was not looking for independence to suddenly solve all of Barbados’s problems, but he felt that under independence, Barbados could better provide economically for its people. • Mr. Barrow argued that the British Colonial Office wanted to get rid of its remaining colonies and he asked who would want to be found loitering on the premises of the Colonial Office after dark. On the 12th August 1965, the Barbados Government laid before the legislature by Order of The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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He termed the White Paper “a historical document” that “contained a fateful decision” ‘This White Paper is not a document prepared by the Government Service or some Public relation officer, but by myself personally and scrutinized and approved by the Cabinet…The Cabinet takes full responsibility for this White Paper’ Barrow said the White Paper had taken a considerable amount of time to prepare: he personally had stayed up for ten nights, until one or two in the morning working on files to produce it.

the Cabinet theWhite Paper entitled “The Federal Negotiations, 1962-1965 and Constitutional Proposals for Barbados” in which it was stated that the House of Assembly would be asked to agree to a resolution requesting the Secretary of State to fix an early date for a conference on independence, and if agreed to, the Senate’s approval would be sought. The DLP at its annual meeting on the 21st September, 1965, endorsed the proposals in the White Paper for independence alone, and defeated a resolution for independence within a federation. This action led to the resignation of Wynter Crawford and Erskine Ward from the cabinet. At the 24th annual delegates conference of the Barbados Worker’s Union held on the 28th August 1965, a resolution pledged the union’s fullest support for the Government’s plan to seek independence alone. On the 8th January, 1966, the Barbados House Assembly passed a resolution, 14 votes to 9, requesting independence for Barbados.

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On the 24th January, 1966, the 21 member Senate passed a majority resolution by 17to 3 authorizing the Government to seek independence alone. The Senate also voted against an amendment which called for a general election to let the people decide whether they wanted independence alone or within a federation of the eastern Caribbean. On the 3 February, 1966, it was announced in the British House of Commons that the United Kingdom Government had agreed to the request of Barbados to arrange a conference at a mutually convenient time. 0n the 17th February, 1966, the Under Secretary of State proposed that the conference should open in London on the 13th June, 1965. The Secretary of State invited the Premier and the leaders of the two opposition parties with seats in the legislature to attend and bring representatives of their parties. The Barbados Independence Conference was opened in London on 20th June ,1966. The rest is history so the saying goes. I have heard criticisms that Barbados could have done more to save the Little Eight federation. However, the evidence is clear that much was done by insular Caribbean leaders to destroy any political union before it started. The evidence is overwhelming that there was no sense of community in the West Indies for federation. I suggest that such thinking must first develop among the masses before we make any progress in the region even with CARICOM. Establishing institutions alone, even though The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

there are important, would not ensure success. Any successful Federation necessitates the role visionary leaders must play in the initial success of establishing the federation and taking the population into their confidence in order to deal with problems which will emerge from time to time. Such is the nature of any federation. Barbadosâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; move to independence was a wise decision in the midst of intrigue, indecision and a lack of vision and unity by many Caribbean leaders in the larger territories. In any grouping of nations or territories, the large must look after the small and the strong must look after the weak. Special mechanisms must be put in place to ensure that the weak, for example, in the case of CARICOM, Haiti, is given special consideration. No unit in a federation should be left behind. Eventually the uneven growth and development would prove to be problematic for the federation. The federal experiment of 1958-1962 started before it was ready and the leaders of Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, and to a lesser extent British Honduras and British Guiana were timid, shortsighted and insular in their thinking. There was so much potential for the development of agriculture and trade in that grouping in the 1970s if only they had gotten it right in the 1960s.

For example, September, 1963, the Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Loughlin survey reported that The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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All the discussion now about food security in the 21st century could have been avoided by solid planning in that era. For various reasons the tables are turned and the larger territories seem to look to the smaller islands for a way out of their economic woes. This presents another opportunity for Caribbean people to protect their environment, to develop their mineral and agricultural resources, their human capital for the people of the region first and foremost. However, insularity, parochialism and petty jealousies must not be tolerated or encouraged. It is the political leaders who must be in the forefront of this difficult process, for little progress will be made if the mass of people in the region do not embrace the national feeling of West Indian. But our leaders must give meaning to West Indian. The role of the British in the demise of federation and the Little Eight is evident. The evidence is there in our archives and the British archives for everyone to peruse. It was the end of the road for the British in the Caribbean, they had they own economic challenges and they wanted to let go of us. Unfortunately, some of our leaders could not sense the British retreat and plan a course of action for the region.

the Eastern Caribbean will require in the region 59 million pounds ( $200,000,000.00 EC) in assistance over a ten year period in order to make the area a viable economic space. Even though the British Government had commissioned the study, they did not like the findings which would have involved the British in substantial financial input. After exploiting the Eastern Caribbean for more than 300years they washed their hands clean of us. They owe us reparations. The intrigue and deceitfulness of the British is there for all to see. In 1965, Arthur Greenwood, Secretary of State, visited the Eastern Caribbean and had this to report. You judge for yourself. Greenwood wrote on the 15th March1965: During February I visited Barbados, Montserrat, St Kitts, Antigua, Dominica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and Grenada, to hear views on proposals for a Federation which have been under consideration since January 1962. My conclusion is that important differences of view remain between those Governments who want to see a strong Federation set up and those who prefer a weak one. Further, there appears to be little popular feeling either for or against Federation. Nevertheless it is very much in our interest to bring it about if this can be done. Any other solution to the problem of the constitutional future of these territories is either unlikely to work or will leave the British Government with heavy responsibilities in the area for years to come. The demise of the Little Eight was revealed in all its nakedness in a secret dispatch of 28th September, 1965, by Sir Hylton Poynton who exposed the insularity and indifference of West Indian leaders but revealed much about the British haste to abandon the Eastern Caribbean:

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We have been trying for the past three years to combine these territories with Barbados in a federation. For the moment at any rate, these efforts have broken down. Most of them are now clamouring for a constitutional advance which would give them full internal self-government on much the same pattern as Barbados or British Guiana. This we should be prepared to contemplate if it were reasonable to assume that thereafter they would proceed to separate independence. The difficulty is that independence is not something which any of them appear to want at present. Nor is it something which, with their small populations and limited resources, any of them would be likely to sustain for long with any kind of political or economic stability. So far as purely British interests are concerned, this might not greatly matter. We have no great commercial or defence interests in these islands any longer, and the ties that we have with them are largely cultural, moral and sentimental. Our principal ally, the United States, is, however, very sensitive about anything that happens in these territories and would not welcome a situation developing in which Britain withdrew and left seven potential little Haitis or Cubas on their doorstep. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

I would end on the thought I began with, looking to the future; the need to embark on serious strategic and futuristic thinking about our society and economy. Such a conversation must be meaningful, devoid of partisan political diatribe, sterile debates and irrelevant discourses. This nation building project must engage the mental and physical energy of all of our citizens with the ultimate aim to make Barbados the most beautiful and wonderful country to live in, to work in, to be educated in and to invest in. People of vision and a keen sense of nation building are wanted. This is a time for serious reflection, The questions posed by the Rt. Hon, Freundel Stuart are most pertinent. • After 50 years of independence do we still have pride in our nation/ Are we still industrious? Should we look again at our work ethic? • What are we doing about our escalating crime and violence? Should this not be considered a non-partisan issue?  To what extent narcotics and substance abuse are creating disrespect for law and order in our communities?

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 What are we going to tackle male marginalization in our communities?  What about our moral and ethical principles? Should we teach to a moral imperative in our schools? How come we have in Barbados people who do all sorts of wrong things and seem to have no remorse, no moral compass to guide them?  After fifty years of independence, what are we going to do about restructuring our economy? The way forward in the 1960s was not as challenging as it appears now in the 21st century. We must enter on a new frontier of economic thinking in an uncertain and murky environment. What about the CSME and our role in a wider Caribbean? Are we as Barbadians ready for deeper integration with our neighbors? Are we ready for deeper constitutional status in the form of a republic? THINK ON THESE THINGS

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The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

The Debate For Barbados Independence: A Reconstruction 43 Years On (Edited Version) Woodville Marshall INTRODUCTION This discussion and debate, labeled by Premier Errol Barrow ‘democratic discussion’, was an essential element of what Sir Richard Cheltenham had described as a period of ‘intense political activity’. This period, 1961- 66, marked the first Democratic Labour Party administration, and several large issues ensured that the political temperature was kept high. These included the bold and imaginative domestic programme of the Government; the efforts of the Barbados Labour Party to revive itself after the humiliating electoral defeat in 1961; and the sugar windfall crisis. But the issue of independence was probably the defining element in the political conflict of those years. This issue may have gained intensity from the agitation of the other issues; but, even more important, its deep impact on the consciousness of many citizens propelled all political parties as well as sundry groups into what was often strident, sometimes confrontational, political activity.

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The independence issue was present when the DLP Government took office in December 1961. Three months earlier, the depressing results of the Jamaica referendum had given the quietus to The Federation of the West Indies and destroyed any hope of the implementation of the decision to create independent West Indies on 31 May 1962. Therefore, at the level of government as well as among individual citizens, discussion/debate about available options for Barbados seek union, unitary of federal, with other countries; remain as an internally selfgoverning colony; or seek independence for itself? That discussion/debate fully entered the public domain in January 1962 when the Little 8 Federation was projected. The discussion simmered, with the occasional eruption, for the next three years while the The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

unit territories tried both to settle the details of a federal scheme and to persuade the British Government to provide a satisfactory amount of financial aid to fund overdue capital development in the grant-aided territories. However, discussion about the federal option started to come to a boil around March 1965, when reports of the deteriorating relations between Premier Barrow and some of his colleague leaders caused the leader writer of the Advocate to make the ominous pronouncement (on 23 March): Our Government has a job to do. If federation is not possible at this time because of insularity, they should not try to revive a dead horse but should concentrate on our problems at home and plan for eventual independence.

These statements, I suggest, mark the start of public discussion of the two options: independence alone, or independence in a federation. In late April and early May, the reports of the ‘tragedy at Sherburne’ (Premier Barrow’s walkout from the federation negotiations) The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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Frank Walcott, General Secretary of the Barbados Workers’ Union (BWU), followed a few days later with a call to his compatriots to prepare for independence. He was satisfied, he said, that his countrymen and women had the goodwill, intelligence and courage to make the island as economically viable as any island of its size could be.

gave a clear form and direction to that discussion/debate; and the debate became particularly intense in the four months that followed the publication on 12 August of the White Paper on the Federal Negotiations and Constitutional Proposals for Barbados. Inevitably, some of the heat went out of the debate once the House of Assembly had endorsed the constitutional proposals in early January; but the political temperature remained elevated until the general elections in early November 1966, because contention persisted about the drafting of the independence constitution, about the arrangements for the Independence Conference, and about the insistence of the opposition parties that elections should precede independence. To make clear what went on the in debate and what may have been its significance, I have set myself some questions to answer: Who were the principals in the debate/discussion? What were the main issues in contention? How were those issues disposed of? Was the debate necessary? What, if anything, did it achieve? THE DISCUSSION/DEBATE

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Principals in the discussion I have been using the term ‘discussion/debate’ because I wish to make a distinction between the debate on the apparent options and the public education activity that coincided with the debate. Clearly, as the Advocate Newspaper pointed out, public education was necessary on this ‘bold step’ of independence, because independence had never been a ‘burning issue’ with people. Without going into detail, we can notice the forums on ‘Preparation for Nationhood’ that were organized by the UWI Extra-mural Department in conjunction with the Junior Chamber of Commerce and the Barbados Youth Council. However, the question, posed by Clennell Bynoe, must arise: was it possible for the education message to get through the ‘crossfire of political campaigning’? I should also notice in this connection the activity of one journalist, Mitchie Hewitt of the Advocate. He made penetrating comments on the issues and, by posing pertinent questions about the implications of independence alone, he tried to assist his readers in breaking through the ‘fog of ignorance’ surrounding the move to The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

independence. For example, like leader writers in the Advocate and the Daily News, he deplored the absence of detailed information about the state of the federal negotiations: ‘it would have been better’, he wrote, ‘if the chosen delegates to the Regional Council of Ministers had decided to take into their confidence the people for whom they were making decisions’. The point had obvious relevance. How could members of the public make informed judgment on an important issue when the bland communiqué that were issued after meetings either ignored or downplayed the state of the federal negotiations? It is no wonder then that news of the breakdown of those negotiations so surprised literate observers that they were led to question the accuracy of the White Paper which sought to set the record straight.

That team had three clear segments. One was the Barrow inner circle: the party strategists, Cameron Tudor and Edwy Talma, and possibly H.A. Vaughan. Barrow was clearly the architect The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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The debate: The independence alone team: These were the proposers, the groups that broadcast the case for independence that was detailed in the White Paper and who endeavoured to answer the critics of that position. It would be a gross over-simplification to suggest that, because independence alone was declared policy of the Government, the Government (Cabinet) and, by extension, the Democratic Labour Party, constituted the team. The Cabinet and probably the parliamentary party were split on the issue, to the extent that it is not farfetched to say that the Barrow Government faced a political crisis. Simply put, two Cabinet ministers, Wynter Crawford and Erskine Ward, immediately dissociated themselves from the decision to go for independence alone; a third Cabinet minister Edwy Talma, seemed to be supporting the dissidents until the DLP Conference in mid-September; and there is persuasive oral evidence to suggest that two backbenchers, E.L. Carmichael and Reynold Weekes, did side with the dissidents, even after the DLP Annual Conference had overwhelmingly supported the independence alone proposal. This point is that, if Crawford had managed to detach his two old Congress Party comrades, Talma and Weekes, from the Government side, the Govt would have lost its majority in the House. It is obvious, therefore, that the independence alone team had to be made up of loyalists and the party’s allies.

of the independence alone policy; he, along with Tudor and Vaughan, had written the White Paper; and he, Premier Barrow, was the main spokesman for the policy at political meetings. The second segment was potent, more than making up for the defection of Crawford and Ward. This was the support of militant Frank Walcott and the BWU, ‘the largest and best organized body’ in the island. Walcott sat as an Independent in the House but collaborated with the Barrow Government on important issues; and his declared support for independence alone, even before the federal negotiations broke down, might suggest that he was privy to the contents of Premier Barrow’s alternative agenda.

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The third segment was made up of assorted groups of foot soldiers. Sometimes facetiously labeled the ‘DLP’ second eleven’, sometimes pilloried as ‘mercenaries’, those groups either adopted or were given names, ‘Underprivileged’, ‘Underfed’, ‘Underemployed’, that simultaneously proclaimed their class origins and signaled the DLP’s identification with the mass of the people. The main group of foot soldiers was the Underprivileged. It was composed of confident and articulate young men like Henderson Adams, All Inclusive Roderick Alleyne, Bob Clarke, Fred Marville, Winston Parris, Charles Young, individuals Awareness of person with disabilities is key for with a firm grasp of practical politics. Its professional interaction. existence predated the debate. They were a Training classes and workshops are available to provide your loose group mainly from the Westbury area, workplace with the necessary tools to interact with co-workers supportive of the DLP, who met regularly as and visitors alike. a ‘Kitchen Cabinet’ in the Fairchild St. Bus This project is facilitated by The Barbados Council Stand to discuss issues of the moment. For The Disabled. It is an ongoing training program, aimed at sensitizing service Winston Parris recalls that it was Cameron providers, and their workforce to the needs of persons with Tudor who ‘mobilized’ them into pushing disabilities. the independence alone cause; and, as a “The Barbados Council for the Disabled has result, they held meetings in Lower Green provided us with excellent awareness and practical and Tudor St. as a direct counter to the training in Disability Sensitivity.” activity of the Under Forties, with whom they –Hugo Williams Caribbean Airways Group had a collegial relationship. Clearly, as Sir of Companies Henry Forde recalls, it was a master political stroke’ by Cameron Tudor to find an effective To get started contact: Tel: 246 427-8136 DISABILITY Fax: 246 427-5210 counterpoise to middle class intellectuals. E-mail: bcd@caribsurf.com

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The independence in federation team: If these were not the opposers, they were proposers of the alternative. They argued that it was to the distinct advantage of Barbados to proceed to independence inside a federation; that the federal negotiations should be resumed; and that elections should be held before independence. Four groups made up this team. These were: the two opposition parties, Barbados National Party (BNP), and the Barbados Labour Party (BLP); the dissident DLP cabinet members; and the Under Forties. The BNP, led by Ernest Mottley, was the Official Opposition, but Mottley apparently took a back seat in his party’s campaign, leaving the leadership to J.S.B. (Sir Jack) Dear. However, there can be little doubt that the party’s muscle during the campaign was supplied by some of Mottley’s supporters from the urban constituency that he completely dominated. Dear, the prominent lawyer and leader writer for the Advocate, was the party’s highly visible spokesman; but it is difficult to say that the party was important factor in the debate.

The Under Forties, because of its evident intellectual credentials, was in many respects the core of the opposition to Government’s policy and the main standard bearer of the alternative option. This group of articulate, well-educated, young professionals that convened at the residence The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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The BLP, in contrast, was very active, holding public meetings and issuing statements. Though the official leader, Freddie Miller, was hardly in evidence, old stagers like Owen Allder, L.B. Brathwaite Ronald Mapp and Lloyd Smith were active; the old warhouse, Sir Grantley Adams, was again breathing fire as he defended his investment in federation; but it was relatively recent recruits, Tom Adams and Bernard Bree St John, who were most invisible. The DLP dissidents, Crawford and Ward, made less of an impact than was expected, and far less than they had hoped. During May and June they had been somewhat restrained in their criticisms of their party’s policy, but when they went on all out attack after their resignations from the party in late September, they failed to receive a fully welcoming response from the public. Their only meeting, in Queen’s Park on 1 October, was disrupted, and this reception evidently persuaded them to cancel all proposed meetings and to shelve the idea of starting a new party with Ward as its leader. From that point on, their advocacy of independence inside federation was carried in the pages of Crawford’s Observer.

of Colin Williams, included Nigel Barrow, Lindsay Bolden, Luther Bourne, Henry (Sir Henry) Forde, Keith (Sir Keith) Hunte, Elliot Mottely, Erskine (Sir Lloyd) Sandiford, Lloyd Smith Jnr., Austin (Sir Lisle) Ward, Lester Whitehead. Party affiliation was not a criterion for membership; a capacity for conviviality, good fellowship, and informed conversation apparently bound the group together. Semi-structured discussion of topical subjects naturally led to informed comment on political developments; and deeply felt commitment to West Indian unity disposed most of the group towards enthusiastic support for the effort to create a Little 8 Federation.

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The breakdown of the federal negotiations altered the character of the group. Anxious to do whatever they told could to save this latest effort at achieving some form of West Indies unity, the enthusiasts decided to go political with a small ‘p’. Convinced that they possessed some of the tools that Eric Williams had successfully employed in the University of Woodford Square to educate his constituents, they set out to persuade the public through well prepared and well reasoned argument, based on ‘White Lie’, Nigel Barrow’s reply to the White Paper, that independence in a federation was a far superior option to federation alone. But, because that position harmonized with that of the BLP (which also used ‘White Lie), it seemed logical to open their platform to members of that party. As a result, what Nigel Barrow has described as a ‘pure political platform’ was comprised: Bernard ‘Bree’ St John and Gilmore Rocheford became fixtures; any public education role was somewhat sidelined; and the perception was fostered, particularly in and by the DLP, that the group was an arm of the BLP. The response of Barrow and Tudor to their campaign reveals the extent to which the Under Forties posed a credible challenge to the proponents of the independence alone position. Tudor mobilized various working class groups to The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

shadow and harass them; Barrow arranged for reports or copies of their speeches to be sent to him; and he reserved for them his harshest denunciation. According to him, they were young and not so young ‘humbugs’ who were ‘befouling this night air’; ambitious people of flexible views; people of no political party, men who had never spoken in parliament who had been paid ten thousand pounds ($48000.00) to campaign against independence; and, because they were participating in an exercise of ‘trying to pull down what we have built up for Barbados’, posterity should desecrate their names ‘in every sense of the term’!

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Main issues in the debate: The main points of the arguments of the two sides were these: Independence Alone: The island met the criteria for full sovereignty because • It was already virtually independent in a constitutional sense • Was paying its way • Possessed infrastructure that was superior to some independent countries • Had reasonably good economic prospects as reflected in the rate of growth • Had hoped to realized independent status in a Little 8 federation but after three and a half years the conditions that it had set on a continuation of that exercise had not been met • That, in any case, the economic benefits that would have flowed from that association could be more than realized through other arrangements (Free Trade Area, etc). Independence in a federation: The proponents of the alternative option argued that • They were not opposed to independence for the island (Mottley: ‘only a lunatic at large would opposed independence for Barbados’) • Federation/federal negotiations had not been given a fair trial by Barrow and should be resumed • Reports of the federal negotiations had been distorted to create a pretext for the move to independence and to satisfy personal ambition • Federation would supply considerable benefits to Barbados and create a basis for a West Indian nation • Federation was necessary to protect personal liberties and guard against the imposition of dictatorship • Costs of independence had been deliberately defeated The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

The clash of opinion: Fitness for independence: On the face of it, there was no disagreement about the island’s fitness for and ability to sustain independence, and this seemed to reduce the contentious issues to: attitudes towards federation and the federal negotiations, the costs of independence, and the perceived threat to dictatorship. But examination of the content of the debate reveals elements of ambivalence and inconsistency in the arguments of the independence in federation team, and this made it relatively easy for the independence alone team to portray them as champions of federation against independence. Principal spokesmen of the independence in federation team delivered themselves of statements that seemed to question the island’s fitness for independence. For example, we hear from Sir Grantley Adams: ‘I am absolutely and fundamentally opposed to anything that would destroy [West Indian] unity’; ‘Independence for Barbados alone is absolute foolishness… We are in favour of federation. We are in favour of independence, not for individual territories, but for [the] federation’. Ronald Mapp said: ‘In the context of world affairs, in the context of economic trends, an independent Barbados by itself has no meaning’. And Wynter Crawford put the point very bluntly: ‘Only an idiot would think about going

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The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

it alone’; ‘Will Barbados politicians fall into the same error [as Eric Williams did in 1962] through the false glamour of independence?’ Such statements clearly weakened, if not contradicted, any official party line that supported the island’s fitness for independence.

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Independence versus Federation: These assertions leave the impression that the independence in federation team found themselves in a logical and tactical bind. On the one hand, they recognized that it was tactical folly to mount a full-scale attack on the issue of the island’s fitness for independence; but, on the other, they seemed to have genuinely believed that they were expressing the sentiments of the uncanvassed majority (which might instead have been a silent minority) that serious reservations about the move to independence did exist. But, by saying that they supported independence in federation, they came close to denying the case for the island’s fitness for independence by linking independence with federation by harping on the economic advantages that federation would bring, and by warning about he high costs of independence. In effect, despite what they claimed, the independence in federation team set up federation as an alternative to independence. The independence alone team was quick to exploit the apparent ambivalence, insincerity and/or inconsistency in their opponents’ position. Barrow and Walcott could boldly declaim that independence was ‘something to be negotiated’ while independence, being about ‘the fundamentals’, was not something ‘to disagree The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

about’. Therefore, for Barrow and Co., those were loudly proclaiming the advantages of federation were merely using federation as a smokescreen to hide their opposition to independence. This, according to Walcott, made the Under Forties and their allies ‘colonial stooges’, people who, Barrow asserted, ‘would have fought on the side of the South in the American Civil War even if they had been slaves’! From there, it was but a short jump to the emotional high ground, to wrap the independence cause in the flag of patriotism, and to proclaim: ‘the road to destiny…’; we shall overcome’; we have a country!’ Federal Negotiations: Compared to the independence/federation issue, the other issues in contention were small bear. There is no doubt that the abrupt end of negotiations surprised and shocked many. But the point turns on access to information. Once delegates corroborated the content of the report in the White Paper, the issue ran out of steam. No doubt regrets lingered about the failure of the negotiations; but no one could plausibly deny that unit support for federation had dwindled; that fundamental disagreement existed about the form of the proposed union; and that no substantial financial assistance from UK was guaranteed. Therefore, there was substance in Barrow’s claim that three and a half years of virtual separation were grounds for divorced!

There is the related suggestion (from Crawford) that thwarted ambition was the explanation for Barrow’s walkout of the negotiations. While it is entirely possible that statements were made at the 9th and 10th Meetings of the Regional Council of Ministers which indicated that Premier Barrow no longer enjoyed majority support among his fellow regional leaders, one must wonder whether Premier Barrow, in light of his various regional initiatives would have concerned himself unduly about whether his regional colleagues could have delivered him the office of Prime Minister of the federation. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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Similarly, it was difficult to sustain a case that the authors of the White Paper had distorted the facts, perpetrated ‘a slander on the Government of St Lucia’, or castigated other leaders in order to contrive an irretrievable breakdown of the negotiations. While some of the language employed in the White Paper was, as Crawford said, ‘completely inappropriate’ for such a document, both rumour and informants suggest that the language and tone of the White Paper mirrored the exchanges between leaders in their meetings. More to the point, all that the other leaders could reasonably say is that Barrow had got in his blows first!

More substantial was the point, made persuasively by Nigel Barrow and by Crawford, about the economics benefits that were being spurned by rejection of the federation. For both of them, the other seven units in the Little 8 were the natural market for Barbados, ‘a bread and butter consideration’, where a positive balance of trade could be enhanced by secondary industries that were being attracted to Barbados; and, on the other hand, independence alone might precipitate trade reprisals and a consequential slowdown of the growth in the Barbados economy. Premier Barrow was dismissive of this argument on the grounds that it came from the ‘lard-oil lobby’, people who ‘wanted to make independence for Barbados a by-product of edible oil’, those who were anxious to preserve the Oils and Fats Agreement that promoted K.R. Hunte’s manufacturing industries. But, the important point was, however, that neither Crawford nor Nigel Barrow seemed to accept that Premier Barrow’s ongoing initiatives aimed at creating a Free Trade Area that comprised some, if not all, of the seven units, could secure the economic advantages of federation without the hassle and inconvenience of creating a federal superstructure.

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The final point pertained to whether independence alone would set back the possibility of the creation of both a federation and a future West Indian state. Obviously, as Barrow pointed out, an independent Barbados could federate with whatever country it choose; but the point remained that independence was almost certain to strengthen particularistic tendencies. The essential point, however, was that Barrow did not share the West Indian concept to which members of the Under Forties seemed committed. The White Paper asserted that federation for Barbados had never been desirable for its own sake and that support for the federal principle derived from no emotional basis. Instead, federation for Premier Barrow was an arrangement through which a central authority could perform certain designated functions for the convenience and advantage of its members, a practical as opposed to a sentimental regionalism. So, even if a federation had come; under Barrow’s watch, it would not have been the sort of federation for which West Indian nationalists had been hoping. Federation as bulwark against dictatorship: This issue made its appearance late in the campaign, in September, and was articulated by The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Crawford and Ward, but particularly by Jack Dear of the BNP. In late September, Jack Dear, obviously relying on a portion of Arthur Lewis’s rationale for a Little 8 Federation, alleged that attempts were being made to muzzle the opponents of Governments by denying them access to television and radio.

Costs of Independence: The issues here were somewhat technical and need not detain us long. Would the cost of overseas representation amount to less or more that the net cost to Barbados of the proposed federation? Various sums were bandied about, but the accuracy of the calculation does not really matter because, as Barrow pointed out, the extent and cost of overseas representation would be directly related to the interests he wanted to promote and to our ability to pay. It is going to cost what I want it to cost and what I consider necessary for the people of Barbados to properly represent. The point is worth noticing, however, because citizens were naturally concerned about any possible increase in the tax burden, and therefore any intimation that independence would produce higher taxation was likely to reinforce any reservations that existed about proceeding to independence alone.

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He therefore called for support for all those who were fighting this ‘baleful influence’ in order to ensure that independent Barbados was not based on totalitarianism. Whether there was any sound basis for either this allegation or for Crawford’s claim that the office of Director of Public Prosecutions had been denuded of its statutory authority is unclear. However, the silence of the BLP and the Under Forties on the point suggests two things: that they full well knew, as Lewis had indicated, that his arguments did not apply to Barbados; and that there was no widespread concern that Premier Barrow would not call elections or that, after independence, constitutional provisions for protection of life, liberty and property would be altered or ignored. Therefore, there was probably no need for Premier Barrow to insist, as he did, that his notion and practice democracy featured party manifestoes and the ballot box.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DEBATE The debate was clearly intense, involving sharp clashes of opinion. It was often ugly, particularly in the House debate, and throughout there were allegations of lying, insincerity and hypocrisy, assertions about bribery, occasional threats of physical violence the presence of rival gangs of mercenaries whose role, according to Ernest Mottley, was to ‘meet steel with steel’. But, at the same time, the debate was perhaps revealing in a few positive ways, and we shall look at those in this final section. Was the debate necessary? Premier Barrow seemed somewhat disappointed with it. He complained that it was expensive of the time and energy of himself and his colleagues. Much of the tone and content displeased him, and him ‘angry’, probably because he had expected far more plaudits and much less criticism, particularly from people like the Under Forties. But it was he who had deliberately made space for the debate/ discussion, and he clearly had at least two good reasons for so doing.

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The first reason was mainly theatre, a demonstration that his practice of democracy differed from that of Eric Williams. Premier Barrow was at pains to point out that the political leader of Trinidad and Tobago had announced independence for the country ‘without any public debate whatever’. Presumably, this difference in approach to a fundamental issue gave Errol Barrow bragging rights with Eric Williams. The second reason was, I contend, more substantial, and it was party political. Given Premier Barrow’s preferred style of conducting business, only a few of his close colleagues, mainly the political strategists, were ever fully in the loop. Moreover, he may have suspected that some of his Cabinet colleagues might have been maneuvering, either to replace him as the putative Prime Minister of the projected federation, or to succeed him as the chief minister in Barbados when the federation did materialize. Most important, he knew that the collapse of the federal negotiations might have taken some colleagues by surprise, and that among them and others there might have been reservations, if not opposition, to the decision to proceed to independence The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

alone. He therefore needed time to consult, to mend fences, to isolate where necessary, to shore up his House majority if that seemed threatened. The political crisis, which I have already mentioned, is proof of the accuracy of this conclusion; and it was not until the party conference was safely navigated in September that the severity of the crisis eased.

Congratulations to The President and Members of

The Democratic Labour Party on the occasion of their

60th Anniversary Celebrations from

It is true; too, that Premier Barrow had regularly quoted this extract in order to demonstrate both the consistency of his government’s policy on the independence question and his possession of a mandate from the electorate. But questions arise: how much emphasis did the candidates place

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Cartlon Complex, Black Rock, St. Michael Tel: (246) 425-3203 Email:colbys@caribsurf.com

The third reason, I suggest, was also political, in the wider community sense. Because he had no intention of calling an early election or arranging for a referendum, Premier Barrow had to give the entire community ample time to assimilate the new development. It is true that the DLP’s 1961 Manifesto carried this statement on the last page: “The road to destiny is the road to Independence. Towards this goal the country must press on. As the island has never been a grantaided territory there is no reason why within or without a Federation Barbados should not attain the full stature of Independence now, within the British Commonwealth.”

on this declaration during the 1961 election campaign? Was there any evidence to indicate that the electorate absorbed that portion of the party’s message? Because impressionistic evidence suggests a negative, then Premier Barrow, particularly with tenuous majority, needed to give an electorate, believed to be conservative in attitude, ample time to understand the implications of the step into the unknown. The related question is whether public education was effectively done during the three-month interval. As I have already noticed, a few organizations did go into the field, but it is likely that their message was muted, if not made inaudible, by the political cross-talk. The fact is that the issue was politicized. The BLP saw an excellent opportunity, following their success in the sugar windfall crisis of early 1964, to continue their recovery, and Lloyd Smith was calling on the workers to make it ‘as hot as cayenne pepper so that the government would have to back down’. The Under Forties, much less militant, laboured to the same end, appealing to reason and common sense in the hope that a strong enough current of opinion would be generated to drive the DLP to the polls. Naturally, the DLP responded, mobilizing their unofficial youth arm to strengthen their hold on the younger voters and to demonstrate that their cause was at least as popular as that of their opponents.

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The result was a high degree of political engagement. Political meetings were an almost nightly occurrence in Bridgetown and its suburbs; and, according to the newspapers, the audiences were large and attentive. Two examples of this keen political interest can be offered. Both Winston Parris of the Underprivileged and Sir Henry Forde of the Under Forties recall with pleasure and nostalgia the long and intense debates between their groups that took place in the Fairchild St. Bus Stand before and during the period. The other example is the crowds that thronged the yard of the Public Buildings during the debate on the White Paper on 4-7 January 1966. The Visitors’ ‘hundreds’ remained in the yard all night on the third day of the debate; and they cheered and shouted when they heard the resolution had passed. It was clearly a DLP crowd. My final observation is that the debate and the decision for independence alone constituted a defining moment. Premier Barrow, in his eloquent fashion, did observe that impending independence was the time for ‘the soul of the country to be laid bare’, so that ‘we know what we are and where we are going.’ But he was not entirely happy with the results of that introspection.’ ‘We The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

to SBA ONE NIGHT of awesome talent! That’s the treat patrons got with the compliments of the Small Business Association, which began its week of activities with a concert at the Jackie Opel Amphitheatre last Sunday. One of the outstanding performances was by Praise Academy Of Dance, who moved across the stage to the music in a well-choreographed piece. Kenneth Armstrong did not disappoint as he sang You Raise Me Up and How Great Thou Art. No stranger to the stage, this young man thrilled the audience with his performance. Kirk Layne, musical instructor of Notes Of Praise, did a piece entitled Great Is Thy Faithfulness on the

A WELL-CHOREOGRAPHED PERFORMANCE from Praise Academy Of Dance.

keyboard. The church-like

have learnt one lesson’, he created said,through ‘howthis not to atmosphere presentation filled the people with a sense of worship andpessimism they were dwell in unity’. I suggest that this moved to offer praise to God. Acappella group G-Syndicate was induced by thebrought rigors of a bitter and their experience to the stage as they got the crowd moving to a melody gospel was favourites that brutal campaign, and thatof old there some included Walk Holy and Walking Up The King’s Highway. cause for at least cautions What A optimism. Wonderful WorldWe was do the first song by songbird Kellie Cadogan, who not only used the stage know that some Barbadians, faced with the well, but also captivated everyone with her style and dynamic voice. prospect of con-existence with fellow citizens She followed up with Feeling Good. Other artistes included TLC, Alexandra Trio, Adrian Green in an independent country, chose to migrate; and the Israel Lovell Dancers. (RL) but we also know that some others positively defined themselves during that testing time. Sir Kenneth Hunte, whose so-called ‘lard oil lobby’ Premier Barrow had ridiculed in the House, was one of those.

I make bold to say that his decision to stay reflected faith in Barbadians’ good sense and, though he was unlikely to admit it, it might also have reflected confidence in Errol Walton Barrow’s leadership. So, it is entirely fitting that the last words should come from the man who for nearly forty years, demanded that we should confront the reality of ourselves: Independence does not mean that you become disrespectful to anyone provided he respects you; and I know that Barbadians have enough good sense; they have a reputation for being polite and courteous to people, and the fact that we have independence would not mean that we are animals cut loose and running around in circles, because we have been operating an independent constitution all these years. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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Hear him from the Senate on 24 January 1966: Because I was of that opinion [that another effort at federation should be made] I was vilified by one side and KIRK LAYNE PLAYING Great by Is Thy Faithfulness the keyboard. flattered the other. on I was not sure what would happen. If I had taken what was said seriously, I might have gone out of the country. I am still here, and I will remain here.

“No loitering on Colonial Premises” Address to the Barbados Constitutional conference in London, July 1966 Speeches by Errol Barrow edited by late Journalist Yussuff Haniff

Mr. Secretary of State, We thank you for the courtesies which you have so far shown us and particularly for the kind words of welcome you have just spoken. The small territory whose fortune and future we have met here to decide is unique in many respects. It came into association with the Crown of England neither by conquest nor by purchase but by settlement. It is interesting to note that Barbados began its association with England at the time when English political institutions experienced their severest strain.

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When in 1639 your own country had governed without a Parliament for 11 years, the English inhabitants of Barbados settled a Parliament for themselves and thereby created the Legislative institutions which we have since, without any disturbance enjoyed. In this respect, Barbados shared only with Virginia, Massachusetts and Bermuda, the solid comforts of representative government. In 1651, when Englishmen were cowering in their homes under the whip of Cromwell’s major generals, and when they who had lopped off the head of a king sought to enmesh the people of Barbados in their ‘saintly” tyranny, Barbadians stubbornly defended their respective institutions from Cromwell and in famous Charter of Barbados which they signed, they have managed to preserve for three centuries the supremacy of parliaments and the liberty of the subject. A century and a half later, the genius of Thomas Jefferson distilled from this Charter that heady wine of sovereignty which we now know as the Declaration of American Independence. Again when in 1668 the crown and the liberties of England were once more in jeopardy, and the democratic freedoms had to be enshrined in a Bill of Rights, the Parliament of Barbados celebrated its Golden Jubilee and judges administered the same common and statue law which was under a temporary cloud in England.

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The strength and durability of our institutions are best demonstrated by the fact that representative government and the rule of Law are now administered by people who are different in racial origins from those who established them. Ninety per cent of our people of African origin, whose ancestors have experienced the harshness of unfree and unrequited labour. Their descendants have lived through the period since emancipation hemmed in by all the frustrations which a plantation economy imposes upon its labour force. As opportunities came, thy fought and finally broke the political power of the local oligarchy, and now enjoy full internal self-government, based on adult suffrage at the age of 18, a Cabinet system, an independent judiciary, a competent public service, a population which is 98 per cent literate â&#x20AC;&#x201C; most significant of all a Treasury which has never needed a grant in aid of administration. The people who now enjoy these blessings feel a natural affinity with, and are grateful to, those Englishmen who in 1639 built better that they knew. They laid the foundation for that free society, a small part of which we already experience and the greater portion of which we shall establish after independence. Our relations with the Crown have always been warm and it is the unanimous desire of our citizens that Her Majesty shall be Queen and Head of state of an Independent Barbados.

In 1876, the Legislature of Barbados successfully defeated an attempt by the Colonial Office to force our country into a federation which, if it had come about, would have given the Colonial office greater control over Barbadian affairs. In defending that manoeuvre, we embarked on the path along which our constitution has been carried to the threshold of Independence. When, therefore the Legislature of Barbados in January, in affirmative and convincing manner, requested your predecessor to arrange this conference, the Legislature itself was playing its traditional role of speaking for the people in their great moments. In our country as in England, the supremacy of Parliament is zealously upheld and a Government The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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Occasionally in our history, we had to resist the encroachments of British government in our internal affairs, encroachments designs to lower the status from that of a settled territory to that of a colony.

of Barbados, like its counterpart in Britain, would never resort to any subterfuge designed to frustrate the clearly expressed desired of a duly elected parliament. In order that you, Mr. Secretary of state, should not be incommoded by our problems, we have assumed and discharged the responsibility for producing the constitution under which the people of Barbados will continue to govern themselves after independence. As you expect in a country with our parliamentary traditions, this constitutional was presented in draft first to our legislature and then to our citizens. Only as recently as Friday last, it was given final approval in its amended form. And the draft is now submitted for your consideration. In our view, there can be no question whether Barbadian is ripe and ready for Independence. Three centuries of history answer that question in the affirmative. You have never had to shore up our finances, you have never had to maintain or preserve public order among us. Even now, without the help of thousands of our best citizens, your own hospital ad transport system would be in jeopardy.

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In two wars, hundreds of our people have readily responded to your summons and some have never returned. The people of Barbados have never given you any cause for worry, and no British government has ever been forced, on our account to vindicate its policy and the bar on international opinion. In assuming the burdens of Independence, the people of Barbados have no illusions about their task. They are well aware that in this country, it is commonly believed, although it is nota fact, that people of African origin cannot for long maintain democratic forms of government after independence.

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

These people conveniently forget that the colonial system was designed not to promote free institutions, but to safeguard imperial interests. They also forget that if in the act of surrendering power, the imperial authority promotes and leaves behind it, a divided community, then some time must necessarily elapse before democratic institutions can take root in countries emerging from colonialism. Political democracy is a precious concept, but it is not an Anglo-Saxon discovery and it is capable of growth among all sorts and conditions of people. Even in Anglo-Saxon countries, the principles of democracy are not always adhered to when justice is required for persons of different racial origins. In the face of this, it is not surprising that new countries must take time to develop free institutions. To expect an emergent country to provide a fully democratic system on the morning after a colonial nightmare is rather like asking a man to explore England with a map of Old Sarum and an 18th Century map at that. By some fortunate turn of history, the people of Barbados have managed to establish before their independence the solid framework of a free society. Their training and apprenticeship are now complete. They have three centuries of steady maturity to draw on their physical resources deters them in the path to nationhood. They have a modest part to play in the affairs of their region, the Commonwealth and the world, and all they require from you, is that you should speed them to their rendezvous with destiny sometime in 1966.

There can be no time in the circumstances for the lowing herd to wind slowly oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;er the Lee. This Sir, is in accord with your wishes and our intention to safeguard your person even if your office is soon to be dissolved. My Government, I assure you, Sir, will not be found loitering on colonel premises after closing time.

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Mr. Secretary, we have a self- imposed curfew on the duration of these discussions in that the government has arranged to leave the United Kingdom on the 5th of July for an equally important meeting with our partners in Canada.

The Long Rough Road To Independence Article From 30 Years- And Onward – DLP Thirtieth Anniversary

The 1961 Election Manifesto of the DLP looked forward to Independence for Barbados “within or without a Federation”. The phrase must be interpreted in the context of 1961. When the manifesto was being hammered out in September of that year the decision of the people of Jamaica to secede from the Federation, made through a referendum, was already known. When the General Election was held in December 1961 it was already known in the region and elsewhere that the Government of Trinidad and Tobago, led then as now by the People’s National Movement, not in any way promote or join a new Federation. The task immediately challenging the new DLP administration as it began to govern in the early December 1961 was twofold, although on aspect of it required more concentrated attention than the other.

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The obligation was upon the recently mandated Government to embark forthwith upon the programme which the people had approved with their votes. At the same time it was necessary to deal with the consequences for Barbados of the break-up of the Federation. There was no doubt that the domestic commitments to the people had priority but, at the same time, a response to the interest of the Eastern Caribbean concerning the establishment of a new and smaller Federation of eight territories could not deferred. Leadership in this venture fell naturally on Barbados because constitutional development had led to full (or nearly full) internal self-Government. The local social infrastructure, the position as a communications centre and the strength of our developing tourism emphasized the Leadership status of Barbados. Early in 1962 a decision was taken to endeavor to establish a new Federation of the so-called ‘Little Eight’. A regional Council of Ministers comprising the Premier of Barbados, Mr. E.W. Barrow, and the Chief Ministers of seven other territories and presided over by the then Government of Barbados, was setup.

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Much has already been written of the tortuous negotiations which were undertaken to form the new Federation. It is only necessary here to describe the main events of the effort ad these illustrate how the Democratic Labour Party was able to work for a new Federation if that were possible, and alternatively—if it were not –to bring about the Independence of Barbados outside of a Federation. Firstly it was necessary, on the constitutional level, to remove the last impediments to full internal self-Government. By 1964 this was accomplished in Barbados with the complete Cabinet system, including a political Attorney General as the Crown’s principal Legal Adviser. A Senate in its present form replaced the old Legislative Council and Service Commissions, to deal with the appointment, promotion, transfer and discipline of Public Officers and Civil Servants were established by law. This process towards fill internal self-Government began in the other territories but, unfortunately, was not completed until the late sixties or early seventies, and, in the case of Montserrat, is not yet embarked upon.

The Regional Development Committee, consisting of Ministers other than Heads of Governments, was organized with a secretariat of its own to deal with all other matters of common interest. Between 1965 and 1967 an Agreement was reached between Barbados, Antigua and Guyana to establish the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA). Ten other territories subsequently acceded to this Agreement. Later a Common External Tariff was adopted and by 1975 a fully fledged Economic Community came into being known as CARICOM Lastly, the Barbados Cabinet, as then constituted, had given Mr. Barrow a clear understanding that any difficulties experienced in setting up the Federation were not to impede the economic development of Barbados in any way. Put more simply, the D.L.P Government was not prepared to subsidize the Federal venture out of the Barbados Treasury as the absence of the two economically independent developed nations would inevitably have required. Since by 1964 it was by no means certain that Barbados would escape this fate it was necessary to make the position clear at once. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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Secondly, simultaneously with our development achievements at home, we fully assisted the regional move towards a Common Server Strategy. The Governments concerned, together with the now Independent nations of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, declared the University of the West Indies to be a Regional Institution and made the appropriate financial provision for it within the Strategy.

Two conditions emerged as the absolute minimum upon which the Government would have agreed to enter a Federation contribution to it what the state of the economy could comfortably bear, but nothing more. The other was that the Federation itself should be no less constitutionally advanced than the sovereign states which had emerged from the wreckage of the first one. Each of these conditions required a ready and tangible response from the British Government if it were to be met. London would have to continue budgetary aid, even increasing the level of it, which the seven other territories were receiving, otherwise their needs would ruin the Barbados economy. A Federation which did not start off as a sovereign state would soon collapse, as the other had, under its own economic and fiscal impotence. It was clear that in the absence of these two vital safeguards the people of Barbados could not be asked to mortgage their future. Such was the position at the end of 1964. By the beginning of 1965 the Barbados Labour Party had sufficiently recovered from its 1961 defeat to apply its frustrations to this issue. The beckoning General Elections of 1966 indicated that they might reap some electoral advantage not on the domestic scene, where the achievements of the DLP were self-evident, but from the little understood argument about the viability of the proposed Federation.

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They had succeeded in the early 1964 in confusing the country’s politics by an unscrupulous and cynical intervention in the sugar industry in connection with what has since been known as the ‘windfall crisis.’ This experience sharpened their capacity for malice as it diminished their interest in common sense. Since the DLP was committed to the Independence of Barbados ‘Within or without’ (i.e. in the absence of) a Federation, the B.L.P. sought to confuse the issue by arguing that Barbados could become Independent within a Federation which was itself to be only a Crown Colony. Unfortunately, two members of the Cabinet, while recognizing the absurdity for what it was, still believed that Barbados should not abandon the effort to federate. A majority of the Cabinet The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

thought otherwise and the two dissenting members resigned after a ‘White Paper’, drafted in part by one of them, approving proposals for the independence of Barbados was agreed to by Cabinet. This document was laid in both Houses of Parliament in July and August 1965. It set out in some detail the lengthy negotiations between the Government of Barbados and those of the other territories of the Eastern Caribbean on the one hand, and between all of them and the British Government on the other. It chronicled the issues which could not be resolved and explained the proposals of the Barbados Government in connection with Independence. This Document created the widest possible public WE’LL CLEAR discussion which both THE SKIES & political parties stimulated, HELP YOU each in its own fashion.

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The DLP was returned to power in the General Elections held on November 3rd 1966 and Barbados became a Sovereign State in the early seconds of November 30th 1966.

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Early in 1966 the Independence Resolution, laid in the House of Assembly and the Senate in December 1965, was passed by a majority of both Houses. Since the essential feature of the Resolution was a request to Britain to convene a Constitutional Conference in London to settle the Constitution and to fix a date for the Independence of Barbados the way the future was now clear.

Let’s Talk “REPUBLIC” Sandra O’ Forde - Treasurer The government of Rome was called a republican government. The Founders stated that a republican government was one in which: - The power of government is held by the people. - The people give power to leaders they elect to represent them and serve their interests. - The representatives are responsible for helping all the people in the country, not just a few. - The Founders also believed that the advantages of a republican government were: - Fairness: the laws made by the representatives they elected would be fair. If their representatives did not make fair laws, they could elect others who would. - Common welfare: the laws would help everyone instead of one person or a few favored people. - Freedom and prosperity: people would have greater freedom and be able to live well. - In the Caribbean and closer to home there are approximately three (3) countries which operate a republican system of government and these are as follows: 1) Dominica 2) Guyana 3) Trinidad and Tobago

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Dominica, officially the Commonwealth of Dominica gained republic independence on November 3, 1978. This unitary parliamentary republic has a President and a Prime Minister, whereby the president is the head of the state, while executive power rests with the cabinet headed by the prime minister. The unicameral parliament consists of the 30-member House of Assembly, which consists of 21 directly elected members and nine senators, who may be appointed by the president or elected by the other members of the House of Assembly. Guyana, officially the Co-operative Republic of Guyana became a republic on February 23, 1970. This unitary Semi-presidential republic government has a President and a Prime Minister whereby the President is the head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. There is a unicameral system of parliament whereby legislative power is vested in both the government and the National Assembly of Guyana.

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

It is reported that unlike Trinidad where a republican style of government may have been the appropriate choice, it was hardly initially successful for Guyana given that they repeatedly has had to struggle greatly in comparison to the booms which were routinely present in the Trinidadian economy. This has raised questions regarding the effectiveness of the republic system of governance in Guyana. Trinidad and Tobago, officially the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago changed to a republic system of government on August 1, 1976. This unitary parliamentary constitutional republic form of government has a president as head of state chosen by an electoral college composed of the members of the bicameral parliament, consisting of the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Prime Minister is appointed by the President from among the members of Parliament; following legislative elections, the person with the most support among the elected members of the House of Representatives is appointed Prime Minister, usually the leader of the winning party. The general direction and control of the government rests with the Cabinet, led by the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister and the Cabinet are answerable to the House of Representatives. The 41 members of the House are elected to terms of at least five years. The Senate’s 31 members are appointed by the President.

Which other Caribbean countries are contemplating establishing a republic? Jamaica – In January 2012 upon reassuming office as Jamaica’s prime minister, Portia Simpson-Miller promised her administration would begin the steps to undertake a transition to a republic. Simpson-Miller argued that a Jamaican republic would fulfill nationalistic pride, and that ‘completion of the circle of independence’ would be achieved by ‘establishing an indigenous President as head of state’. At that time it was believed by many that a republic installed in Jamaica may not prove a particularly effective governing vehicle because of the severe economic strictures on the country. In July 2012, the then Opposition Leader, Andrew Holness stated that he would only pledge his support to the constitutional changes if it could be explained to him how the CCJ and a [Jamaican] Queen would help end poverty in Jamaica. More than twenty (20) years ago the Jamaican Parliament appeared to have accepted that the country should become a republic. The Joint Select Committee of Houses of Parliament on Constitutional and Electoral Reform in its Final Report stated then: The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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It is said that the Republic of Trinidad & Tobago experienced an effective constitutional transition in 1976 mainly due to its lucrative petroleum-based economy.

“This Committee recommends that the new Jamaican Constitution should create a Jamaican Republic with the Head of State being the President who would be above purely partisan politics and be given additional powers of appointment.” In 2016 Mr. Andrew Holness, who succeeded Ms. Portia Simpson-Miller as Prime Minister, has announced that his government will amend the Constitution to make Jamaica a republic. Specifically, the government has pledged to introduce a constitutional amendment to “replace Her Majesty, The Queen, with a non-executive president as head of state”. Barbados – The 1994 manifesto of the Barbados Labour Party, dealt both with the republic issue, proposing a referendum. In line with this promise, on 29 October 1996 a Constitution Review Commission, chaired by Sir Henry de Boulay Forde was appointed to review the Constitution of Barbados. The Commission held public hearings in Barbados and overseas. The Commission reported back on 15 December 1998 and recommended that Barbados adopt a Parliamentary republic system. Subsequently, in 1999 the Barbados Labour Party’s Manifesto proposed that the findings of the Commission and its recommendation that Barbados become a republic would receive the early attention of the Government. In 2005, the then Prime Minister Owen Arthur outlined his proposals for dropping the Queen in favour of a locally elected president.

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Mia Mottley, the then Deputy Prime Minister of Barbados, said: “we feel that it is the right thing to do to have a Barbadian head of state. We accept that there was a concern that the Government alone should not make that decision in this day and age and we are therefore committed to expressing our views to the public and having them pass judgement on it.” But the process was not completed. In May 2011, the late jurist Sir Frederick Smith who has had a long career of service to Her Majesty the Queen, stated in an interview with Editor-in-Chief Kaymar Jordan, that it is time for Barbados to do away with the British monarchy and move to republican status. Quite recently, Dr. David Browne, an academia, and principal of Queen’s College, in a lecture celebrating the country’s fifty years of independence, stated that Barbados should have moved to become a republic long ago. At a branch meeting on March 22, 2015, our Party Leader and Prime Minister Freundel Stuart announced that Barbados will be moving towards a republican form of government “in the near future” ending its centuries old relationship with Britain’s Queen Elizabeth as its head of state. Prime Minister Stuart said that he wants Barbados to become a republic, with a ceremonial president. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

The Prime Minister further stated: “…the Right Errol Barrow decolonized the politics; Owen Arthur decolonized the jurisprudence and Freundel Stuart is going to complete the process”. The Prime Minister went on to state that: “A republican form of government stipulates that those who run the people’s affairs should be chosen directly or indirectly by the people themselves. We already do that…” Additionally he indicated: “Under republicanism, the persons who administer your affairs can serve during your pleasure…that’s what the people of St. Phillip South said to me in 1999. So Barbados satisfies that requirement as well.” In summation, based on our Party leader’s comments and the stipulations of a republican form of government, it seems as though we are almost there. I fully support our party President’s call for Barbados to move towards a republican form of government. Let’s talk “REPUBLIC”!!!!!

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COUNCIL STATEMENTS

2016 ANNUAL CONFERENCE

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Statement issued by the Executive and General Councils of The Democratic Labour Party arising out of meetings held on Wednesday 13th of April 2016 at DLP Headquarters, George Street The Democratic Labour Party’s Executive and General Council have noted the conflicting comments on the Barbados Economy coming from Moody’s on one hand and a response from FCIB which took issue with the rating and outlook published by the rating agency. First it must be stated the Government of Barbados no longer employs Moody’s and has not for the last two years. Despite the comments of Moody’s and other detractors, our collective leadership has stayed the course and we have always managed to pay our way as a country on the international financial landscape. Since 1966 Barbados has never defaulted on any of its external debt payments or monetary commitments to public servants. Every debt payment has been paid in full and on time, and that is the commitment of this government.

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The Democratic Labour Party›s Executive and General Council are pleased that even Moody’s acknowledges that economic conditions are stabilizing in Barbados, that our growth prospects are three times what they were a year ago, and that the fiscal deficit is coming down. We would like to thank the people of Barbados for the sacrifices they have made which are now beginning to bear fruit. The government has indicated that it is committed to further deficit reduction, but will do so at a pace that does not compromise the social fabric of Barbados. It is noteworthy that our President and Prime Minister has gone on record in defence of his fundamental views of what guides his management of this economy. The party leader indicated he is not in politics to destroy The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Barbadian households. Moody’s statement comes on the heels of an Estimates Debate 2016 which laid bare the facts on the economy and outlined our caution to protect the well-being of ordinary Barbadians as we go about our policy agenda. We therefore want to express full confidence in our Party Leader, The Rt. Hon Freundel Stuart and his cabinet, who currently bear the responsibility for charting the economic and social road map for the country at this time. The nature of this road map has always been the bone of contention for our opponents.

We believe in Barbados and Barbadians. The Party’s Executive Council and General Council wishes to express full support in the leadership of the government and The Rt. Hon Freundel Stuart as Prime Minister of Barbados. Barbados is better off with the Dems and the records demonstrate that as a party in government we are not reckless with taxpayers’ money and continue to place people at the centre of all our policies. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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Barrow our founder leader reminded us of the ...difficulties which we encountered from among our own people on the issue of Independence. This reality is still one of a hostile political landscape, led by an ideologically conservative opposition party, which did not support independence for this country. Fifty years on, despite the successes of our country, they still lack faith in ordinary Barbadians and would prefer us to hand over to the International Monetary Fund and other interests.

Press Statement from The General Council following a meeting held on Wednesday, 4th May 2016. The General Council of the Democratic Labour Party at its monthly meeting of May 4th 2016, has taken note of the recent media reports of the violence taking place in schools and strongly condemns any type of violence within our school system. Whether that violence is student on teacher, teacher on student or student on student; violence in any form is not to be accepted in our civil society We accept that in all matters of conflict that a just process underpinned by the rule of law; is the order of the day. As a Political party we firmly support the idea of due process. In the recent matter relating to the Teachers’ Union and the Minister of Education, we accept the union’s right to represent its constituency and therefore find no fault in the union’s mandate to act on behalf of its members.

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What the Democratic Labour Party’s General Council differs on, is the attempt by the Union to give the public and its constituency the impression that the Ministry of Education has somehow turned its back on teachers and their concerns. We further frown upon the public shouting of request for meetings and ultimatums to our Minister and our Prime Minister. We trust that all courtesies be extended were it is most relevant.

The issue of maintaining proper order and discipline within the school system is important to the General Council of the Democratic Labour Party. This is a matter for constructive dialogue involving all stakeholders.

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

We are fully aware of the efforts of the Ministry of Education in the last eight years under the leadership of The Hon. Ronald Jones and further commends the Minister and the officers of the Ministry of Education in their efforts to supervise the fabric of our educational infrastructure. By extension we are extending congratulations to the entire cabinet in whose responsibility the matter of policy rest.

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The Minister and his team have done much work at improving the tenure of teachers, creation of post, upgrading the teaching environment, physical plant and developing constant and open dialogue with all partners. We have on good record, in the past three months the Union met with the Minister twice and three times with Ministry officials on a suite of issues. We further commend all teachers in their efforts before school, during and after hours. There is no contention over the importance and role ALL teachers play in shaping the nation’s children. The Council reiterates its full support for our Minister of Education and his cabinet colleagues as they continue to put people first and wish for a win - win relationship to prevail in this matter. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Statement issued from the office of the General Secretary of the Democratic Labour Party The General Secretary commends the Party President and Prime Minister of Barbados the Rt. Hon. Freundel Stuart and the Parliamentary team of the Democratic Labour Party for their performance in the no confidence motion debate brought by the Opposition. It gave the parliamentary team the opportunity to remind Barbadians of the volume of work done in trying times and the road map which the country is following. However, it is regrettable that arising out of last week’s debate further premeditated attempts at ensuring this country is ungovernable has taken root and is attempting to germinate. Our small open economy has taken a beating from the vagaries of the worst financial crisis known to man and yet, as an island state, we have navigated those waters by attempting to stabilize and grow our economy while seeking to maintain a strong social safety net. The General Secretary further condemns the premeditated march under the guise of justice and which should therefore be viewed with suspicion as this country is emerging from a period of ill health to one of recovery. Attempts to disrupt the period of convalesce of a patient by anybody cannot be described as caring. All attempts at this course of action can severely undermine ongoing recovery efforts. We felt the impact of the crisis as our main trading partners USA, Canada and the UK; endured their part of the economic stomach pains that resulted in dislocation.

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The idea of a march within this context can only be interpreted as a political, power wielding strategy aimed - not at creating awareness of any particular flaw in the economic recovery agenda of Barbados - but the engagement of part of a lengthy political agenda over the next 19 months. We genuinely hope that Barbadians will also view, with suspicion, the intentions of the premeditated march which forms part of a wider political operation fuelled by a power thirsty group within the Barbados Labour Party. Barbadians should be wary of an organizations which has only now discovered their origins after producing three Prime Ministers and holding office for close to a quarter of a century. No Covenant of Hope can restore integrity in leadership that cannot be trusted by its own. I am predicting that over the next 19 months this country will witness a convergence of activities under the banner of justice which carries a potent, political message which produces nothing but fear and noise among a people destined for great things. In the face of this premeditated march I ask all Barbadians to reflect, reclaim and retain what has made us and continue to define us over the last 50 years…our Pride and Industry. The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Statement issued by General Council of the Democratic Labour Party after monthly meeting - June 8th 2016

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At the monthly meeting of the General Council of the Democratic Labour Party held on of June 8th the Council members congratulated Minister of Agriculture the Hon David Estwick and his team at Barbados Water Authority on their efforts to improve the delivery of water to residents in rural Barbados. The water mains replacement programme which is a programme abandoned by the last administration now has a completion date. After three successive terms... key opposition members of Parliament were unable to convince their colleagues of the importance of this very crucial infrastructural improvement. The Council also rejected the accusations of political victimization as touted by opposition members of parliament. The idea that a government in a modern Barbados would deny or purposely set about to punish people in a particular geographical area due to political preference is totally absurd. The Council is yet to determine how political victimization can come about when quality of life and delivery of services are ultimately the objective. As long as the Stuart- led administration occupies office, the Council

assures the public... politics of spite as demonstrated through the neglect of the people of St John, and specifically the abandoned Polyclinic are in the past.

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The Council accepts there will be levels of discomfort but cannot recall in the opposition’s past where this was occurring and attempts were made by them to install community tanks and schedule water tankers into impacted areas. The need for road widening has also presented itself in Coffee Gully as a derivative of the water mains replacement programme. It is within this context that the Democratic Labour Party remains resolute in its efforts not to discriminate against or punish any geographical area and to treat all Barbadians as deserving of equal treatment. We have not forgotten the scars of the abandoned Polyclinic in St John which can be described as pure politics of spite. The Council again congratulates Minister David Estwick and his team at the BWA for staying the course and pushing ahead with the much needed water mains replacement programme.

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Statement from the General Secretary, George A. Pilgrim in response to social media campaign condemning our Water Supply and linking it to deaths in our country issued on July 1st 2016 The Democratic Labour Party has taken note of the message circulated on social media which sought to give the impression that something was wrong with our water and its possible links to recent deaths through lead poisoning. The Democratic Labour Partyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s views with great suspicion any attempt to treat to an issue such as our water supply in such a manner. We consider water to be in the realm of National Security and any threat to water is a threat to National Security.

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The authorities responsible for locating the origin of this campaign should move with haste to ensure that the appropriate message is sent to the public regarding the abuse of social media and the undue harm it does to our fragile open economy. The Democratic Labour Party is picking up a trend associated with â&#x20AC;Ś.a new form of campaigning by mis-truths and creating FEAR among hardworking Barbadians. We want to advise and The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

suggest that if this action is part of a strategy to cause confusion and create talking points among Barbadians about governance ..it is WRONG!!! The issue of our water supply should not be used as a political tool to gain favor or to do downplay the efforts of those behind the wheel. Barbados deserves better!!! They must be a limit to what is right and decent in our country and any attempt to give the world the impression that people in our country are dying because of our water is WRONG!!!. As a country, we must resist this new form of messaging which has taken root and seeks to gain traction. All that is missing from this equation is an Advisory issued by a country against travel to Barbados because of a water issue and threatening to undermine our economic gains. We took note of recent incidences - one with respect to Fore-day morning activities and the second in the twin island Republic of Trinidad and Tobago associated with ISIS and the damaging role social media can play. These acts have consequences which are extremely harmeful and can dislodge an entire society. We appeal to those enticed to follow this road in the future â&#x20AC;Ś Please. It isâ&#x20AC;ŚWRONG!!! The Democratic Labour Party is calling on all Barbadians to condemn this latest attempt to sully the good name of Barbados and put country first. The Party thanks the Barbados Water Authority for its efforts over the years by successive governments to bring quality delivery and a reliable service of drinking water to our homes.

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Response from General Secretary George A. Pilgrim to the Barbados Statistical Service’s release of unemployment figures for first quarter of 2016 - 19th July 2016. The recent attempts to cast doubt on the reporting of state agencies has once again thrown up what some newspaper columnist now refer to as Politics of Desperation. The repeated attempts to neutralize and debunk reports coming out of the Barbados Statistical Service is certainly Politics of Desperation. The said agency recently reported Barbados’ unemployment rate for the first quarter at 9.3 percent. This recent announcement of 9.3 percent was viewed with suspicion and bastardised.

When the figure was in double digits there were activities, meetings in schools, press conferences, marches and even the Council met in Roebuck Street accepting the figures as fact. In the face of scientific findings… in the face of the state agency’s unbiased, tried, tested and accepted methodologies; the opposition and its network of operatives are now opposing..true Politics of Desperation. There has to be a limit to the mistruths! What is baffling, the same institution, with the same staff pre 2008 and post 2008 are now the subject of public scrutiny. There has to be a limit to decency in this country. As a matter of fact a check with the BSS website reveals, the only thing that has The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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In response …all have commented and some have even taken to the pen to spin this latest report out of the Barbados Statistical Service.

changed at the BSS since we came to government is the phone numbers and they can now be reached at PBX 5352600. The reality of the current unemployment data released points to a positive responses to policies initiated by the Freundel Stuart led Administration. There can be no doubt that efforts and policies though not finding favour with the entire opposition and its network of operatives have slowly begun to pay dividends as predicted.

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It cannot be wrong to admit that policies are working and thus the team should be congratulated for putting in the work. BARBADIANS SHOULD BE THANKED! We are not out of the woods but progress is progress. Barbados and its people have made progress. A visit to the website of the Barbados Statistical Service would reveal unemployment for third quarter of 2015 was 11.3 percent. Unemployment for fourth quarter of 2015 was 10.2 percent, while unemployment for the first quarter of 2016 was reported at 9.3 percent. The data indicates a consistent trending down in the rate of unemployment which reflects sustained efforts at restructuring and increasing the efficiencies in our economy. In this regard Barbadians should be praised and thanked for having faith in this government. Barbados despite what some may attempt to say is working and open for business.

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

Statement by George A Pilgrim, General Secretary on the passing of Sir Frederick Smith - 11 July 2016 On behalf of the President, Officers, Councils and members I express sympathy to the family of Sir Frederick Smith on his passing yesterday afternoon. Sir Frederick, who remained an asset to our party, was a tower of political knowledge. Last year in our 60th anniversary we had the honour of Sir Frederick addressing a joint meeting of the executive and general councils. During last year’s anniversary celebrations in April, the Party honored Sir Frederick by mounting a photo of him in a ceremony at headquarters and presented him with a historic photo of himself and our current President and Prime Minister, the Hon Freundel Stuart. Sir Frederick never missed an opportunity to share his knowledge or lend advice. He was extremely sharp in his recollection of our party’s history and always had a view on what else could be done to make things better for the Democratic Labour Party. He never shied away from calling a spade a spade even if the view did not square with his party. Yet he was the type you had to like. His tone was one that made you listen and he always came across as respectful. He was our first chairman and served as Attorney General and held various ministerial post.

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Sir Fredrick represents an era in the Democratic Labour Party where politics and representation was integral in shaping the movement of transforming Barbados from a colony to nationhood. We wish to express our appreciation for his effort in this regard and we believe that Barbados is better off for having Sir Frederick for 92 years. May he rest in peace.

REPORTS

DLP BARBADOS (UK) ANNUAL REPORT – 2015 – 2016 Comrades, I am pleased to present my fifth annual report as Chairperson of the DLP Barbados UK Branch. We have yet to finish the celebrations of our Party’s sixtieth anniversary of formation, but following hot on the heels of these celebrations, are the celebrations of our Country’s fiftieth anniversary of Independence. It is indeed right and proper that we focus attention on celebrating these two milestone anniversaries together, as it was our great Party, through the visionary leadership of the late Errol Walton Barrow and against the many doubters that started our Party and led our country to Independence, a mere ten years after our Party’s formation. As highlighted by many, Errol Walton Barrow’s vision was about moving our Country from ‘Colony to Nationhood’, embarking on a much needed social transformation journey. Today, many Barbadians at home and abroad are the evidence and beneficiaries of that successful social transformation, they have benefited from improved quality of life, high quality of education, health and a first rate developing nation that is second to none and envied by many other developing nations around the globe. As an overseas Branch of the DLP, it is this vision and contributed legacy in the successful development of Barbados we are proud to be associated with and celebrating but also looking to build on and pass on to future generations.

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Amongst these celebrations, I am pleased to report on another successful year of positive development of the Branch albeit with a number of challenges, which we were able to meet head on and overcome. The successes we have made in the past year could not have been achieved without the efforts of members of our Executive Management Committee, our wider membership and supporters, many of whom have stepped up to the plate and delivered when required, thanks to all who played their part. Also amongst these celebrations and in the past year, we have had some sombre moments with the sad passing of key stalwarts of our community and Party, sincere condolences to the family and friends of the dear departed. When we have drawn the curtain close on the celebrations of our Party’s sixtieth anniversary of formation and on our Country’s fiftieth anniversary of Independence, let us ensure that we have left in place the building blocks to further strengthened the foundations for future success of our Party and our people. In addition, let us seek to deal with and resolve the three questions placed on the table by our Prime Minister. “What are those features of Barbadian life that we have lost and that we need to reclaim? What are those features of Barbadian life [second] that we have not lost and we need to retain, and what are those features of Barbadian life that we have not lost but we have to try and discard as quickly as possible?” The new year will bring with it a welcome and renewed opportunity to test our capabilities and commitment to the cause as well as again measure how far we have come as an overseas Branch of our Party, so let us all step forward and play our part in building a better tomorrow not only for our Party but for all others. I now offer my thanks to Members of our 2015/16 Executive Management Committee, Members The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

and Supporters for their contributions and support over the past year. Finally, I convey my best wishes to the incoming 2016/17 Executive Management Committee and to all for the future. I wish everyone successful 50th Independence anniversary celebrations. Anderson Connell Chairperson

Christmas Party 2015

Thanksgiving Service October 2015

Future Events / Activities The Branch is planning the following events / activities over the coming twelve months. • BBQ & Hog Roast – 04 September 2016, 2pm – 8pm, Pembroke House, 9 Roehampton Gate, London SW15 5JR. Adults £25. Children under 12 years £12 The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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2015 Christmas Party

• 5Oth Anniversary of Independence Awards & Lecture, Nationhood and National Identity: “What is a Barbadian?” – Professor Pedro Welch, 22 October 2016, 3.00 pm – 8.00 pm, All Saint’s Church, Clydesdale Road, Notting Hill, London W11 1JG • June 2016 Thanksgiving Service in recognition of and with thanks for the life and work of our Founder Member of the Democratic Labour Party and late Prime Minister the Right Excellent Errol Walton Barrow PC, Qc, MP. 21 January 1920 – 01 June 1987; 30th Anniversary. • December 2016 – Christmas Party – TBC • Fundraising Event – 2017 (date to be confirmed) • Political & Education Workshops - TBA Further details on these and other events will be made available in due course.

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Rt. Hon. Freundel J Stuart & Ken Brathwaite DLP Member

PM Stuart accepts a gift from Ms. Angela Ishmael PRO UK from Right – Ms. Alphea Wiggins JP, Deputy High Commissioner, Anderson Connell, Chairperson UK Branch

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

The Friends Of Barbados Dlp Association, Inc. ANNUAL REPORT The period under review July 1, 2015 - June 30, 2016, parallels that of the previous period, which even though challenging at times was successful in terms of membership retention, fiscal stability and programme execution. MEMBERSHIP The progress of any organization is dependent on the dedication and commitment of its membership. Thus, it is our mantra that the membership should always be afforded the opportunity to fully participate in the operation of the organization. We are indeed pleased to report that a great degree of professionalism was displayed in this regard. It should be noted that during the period under review we were able to retain all of our members, and in addition, we attracted a few new members. We are confident that these new members will follow the tradition and contribute to the overall development of the organisation. ENEVOLENT PROJECTS

SPECIAL EVENTS Our main fundraising event was our Annual Cocktail Sip which was held on February 7, 2016. We were graced with the presence of our Prime Minister, the Right Honourable Fruendel Stuart; General Secretary of the Democratic Labour Party Mr. George Pilgrim; Chairman of Urban Development Commission Mr. Derek Alleyne; The Prime Minister’s Executive Assistant Ms. Yvette King and Consul General Dr. Donna Hunte-Cox. A feature of this event was the presentation of awards to individuals who have rendered outstanding service to both the organisation and our community. Ms. Helen Walker was recognised for her years of dedicated

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It should be noted that we supported various charitable causes which is in keeping with one of objectives – that of being our brothers’ keeper. Our most significant donation was made to the Dr. Susan Smith-McKinney Home & Rehabilitation Center in Brooklyn. This donation was in the form of Christmas gifts to various residents.

service to the Barbadian community while Ms. Pauline Clarke, a long standing member of the organization received a Service Award for her contribution to the development of the organisation. Apart from the awards, the presentation of the final payment of the Barrow-Tudor Scholarship Grant was made to Mr. Devon Headley. Devon attends the State University of New York at Fredonia where he is pursuing studies in Theatre Arts. Another event of significance was the annual Errol Barrow Memorial Programme which was held on June 5, 2016 at the Barbadian ExPolice Association Headquarters in Brooklyn. It is interesting to note that the first Errol Barrow Memorial Programme was held in 1999 at this location. It is also interesting to note that the programme for the first time was in the form of a quiz. It is of particular note that the quiz focused primarily on the life and times of His Excellency Errol Walton Barrow. This was a deliberate action seeing that this is the fiftieth year of our independence and that His Excellency is the father of Independence. There was great audience participation and it is worthy to note that the efforts of the participants were not in vain as the winner was presented with a trophy. The quiz master was the first Secretary of the association, Professor Calvin Holder, who is a member of the faculty of the College of Staten Island. The much anticipated Barbados Festival Day was on July 11, 2015 at Canarsie Park in Brooklyn. This is a special day for Barbadians to showcase aspects of Barbadosâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Culture as well as for some Barbadians to relive their childhood experiences. The former includes displaying our cuisine as well as arts and craft featuring our national colours while the latter includes participating in traditional activities.

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The fun day as it is commonly described was a again an overwhelming success from the standpoint of the large attendance, renewal of friendships, vendor support and patron participation. The large gathering showed an appreciation for the event by patronising the vendors who had on sale a variety of Bajan cuisine; as well as arts and craft. Many of those in attendance notably the middle-aged also participated in various activities included but not limited to cricket, kite flying, egg and spoon races, sack races and flat races. Overall, the thousands who congregated at the venue expressed delight in being afforded the opportunity to see and exchange pleasantries with fellow Barbadians whom they had not seen in years. Besides Barbadians who reside in the tri-state area of New York, New Jersey and Connecticut, there was representation from other states mainly Massachusetts and as far as Florida. It is of particular note that the Dr. the Honourable Esther Byer and the Honourable Michael Lashley in addition the General Secretary of the party Mr. George Pilgrim were in attendance at the festival day.

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

We sponsored a Town Hall Meeting on the day following the festival day (July 12). It was held at St. Gabriel’s Golden Hall in Brooklyn. The purpose of this meeting was to provide an opportunity for Barbadians to hear directly from the Ministers and the General Secretary on economic, social and political developments in Barbados. It should be noted that there was a relatively large number of Barbadians in attendance, who welcomed the opportunity to engage the ministers and the General Secretary during the Questions and Answers session. SOCIAL ACTIVITIES It is without doubt that the success of any organisation, as was alluded to, can in large measure be attributed to the dedication and commitment of its members. Therefore, it is of paramount importance to always show appreciation in this regard. Thus, we sponsored our annual Christmas Party on December 27, 2015 as a ‘thank you’ to our members and by extension to their relatives and friends.

The election of our Board of Directors for the ensuing year was held at our annual meeting on June 26, 2016. Those elected were: Mr. Trevor Massiah, President; Ms. Pauline Clarke, Vice President; Ms. Coralyn Munroe, Secretary; Ms. Sandra Chase, Assistant Secretary; Mr. Oswald Lewis, Treasurer; Ms. Marva Lewis, Chaplain and Board Members Mr. Shirley Lashley, Ms. Judith Taylor and Ms. Melissa Awer. CONCLUSION We take this opportunity to congratulate the government Ministers and the other Democratic Labour Party parliamentarians for their sterling service to the people of Barbados. Continue the good work comrades!

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ELECTION

Report from the Canadian Branch Annual DLP Conference Barbados August 2016 It is once again my honour and privilege to be present at this 61st annual conference of the Democratic Labour Party, during this historic year to give an account of my stewardship of the DLP Canada Branch. Mr. President and Comrades, I bring you greetings and best wishes from the executive and members of the Canadian Branch of the Democratic Labour Party. We are extremely proud of your governance, as you continue to take this country forward. You have led us through this 60th anniversary of this party and into the 50th Anniversary of our independency and for all that, we join to say a sincere Congratulations. Branch Activities & Highlights

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The branch membership remains vibrant as we continue to look for innovative ways of keeping in touch with our membership. Last year, the highlights of our branch activities were the introduction of our Youth Group who hosted their first function in March. Jamila Jones, our branch secretary, and Michael Stanford, are the co-chairs of this Youth Committee. Another highlight of our activities was our participation with Q in the Community, which was held on June 4, 2016 for the first time ever in Canada. Our Outreach Committee programme remains popular and caters to those in need. Other activities included our Annual Easter Brunch and our Annual Niagara Falls and Casino Bus Trip which continues to gain popularity among our membership.

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The 9th Annual General Meeting As I gave an account of my stewardship during the past year, I was reminded by the enthusiasm shown by the membership of the enormous Contribution given by so many of our committed members. Let me take this opportunity to thank them for their steadfastness as they continue to support DLP Barbados (Canada).

The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

The Highlight of the AGM was the presentation for membership approval of the overseas vote. This was presented by the Chair and 2nd Vice President, Mr. Robin Wason. A resolution regarding the overseas vote will be presented at this Annual conference. Celebrating the 50th Anniversary The DLP Canada Branch will celebrate the 50th Anniversary celebrations during the month of September, commencing with a church service at St. Hilda’s Anglican Church in Toronto, on Sunday, September 11th, 2016. This will be followed by a lecture on Wednesday, September 14th, 2016 by Sir Trevor Carmichael KA, LVO, QC, Attorney at Law entitled “The Barbados Constitution: How it has shaped our national identity”. Our 9th Annual Errol Barrow Memorial Dinner will be held on Saturday, September 24th, 2016 at the Markham Convention Centre in Toronto. Our guest speaker for the evening will be the Right Honourable Freundel Stuart, QC MP and Prime Minister of Barbados.

We would like to thank General Secretary, Comrade George Pilgrim, and his team for their continued support. We wish you all a successful Annual Conference and a happy 50th Anniversary of Independence.

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On Sunday, September 25th, we will be hosting a Town Hall Meeting led by the Right Hon. Freundel Stuart. Appreciation

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Souvenirs - Available at DLP Headquaters

Anniversary th of Independence

From the Management & Staff of Gymnasium Ltd.

Gymnasium Ltd., Garfield Sobers Sports Complex, Wildey, St Michael, Barbados Tel: 246-437-6010 | website: www.gymnasiumltd.com.bb

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Happy

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Passing Parade 2015-2016 The President and Members of the Democratic Labour Party express sincere condolences to the families and friends of our comrades who passed away during this year

Sir Frederick Smith Founded Member, 1st DLP Chairman First Attorney General and Minister of Parliament.

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Trevor Maynard St Michael East Sylvester Trotman St Michael East Alfred Nurse Christ Church South Alvin Perry St James North James Weekes St Philip West Pauline Sealy UK Branch Robert Morris Christ Church South Eldean Blackman St Lucy Oviston Benn St Peter Edna Culpeper St Joseph St Clair Cobham St Joseph Gregory Nurse St Michael East

May They Rest In Peace The Journey to 50... From Colony to Nationhood

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NOTES

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Rt. Excellent Errol Walton Barrow 21st January 1920 - 1st June 1987

Founder of the Democratic Labour Party Errol Barrow served in the Royal Air Force during World War 2 He enlisted in the Royal Air Force on 31 December 1940 and by 1945 he had risen to the rank of Flying Officer and was appointed as personal navigator to the Commander in Chief of the British Zone. After the war he studied Law at the Inns of Court and Economics at the London School of Economics concurrently, taking degrees in 1949 and 1950 respectively. He returned to Barbados in 1950 and was elected to the Barbados Parliament in 1951 as a member of the Barbados Labour Party. (BLP). In 1955 he founded the Democratic Labour Party as a progressive alternative to the BLP. He became its leader in 1958 and the party won parliamentary elections in 1961 within his constituency of St John. Barrow served as Premier of Barbados from 1961 until 1966 when, after leading the country to Independence from Great Britain, he became its first Prime Minister. THE DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY George Street, Belleville, St. Michael Tel: 429-3104 Fax: 427-0548 email: dlp@caribsurf.com www.dlpbarbados.org facebook.com/DLPBB

Rt. Hon. Sir Lloyd Erskine Sandiford, KA, served as the forth Prime Minister of Barbados from 1987 to 1994.

He studied at the University of Manchester, receiving his Master’s degree in Economics and Social Studies.

Sir Lloyd returned to Barbados, where he joined the Democratic Labour Party. (DLP). The DLP, under Errol Barrow formed the Government in 1971 and Sir Lloyd served in many Cabinet positions including Minister of Education. The DLP lost the 1976 election and regained power in 1986, with Sir Lloyd defeating BLP MP Lionel Seymour Craig in the St Michael South Constituency. Sir Lloyd was made Deputy Prime Minister to Barrow. In 1987, Barrow died and Sir Lloyd was appointed Prime Minister. He led the DLP to victory in the 1991 elections.

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The Hon. David John Howard Thompson, QC, MP (25 December 1961-23 October 2010)

David John Howard Thompson was the sixth Prime Minister of Barbados from January 2008 until his death on 23 October 2010. He attended Combermere School before pursuing his Law Degree at the University of the West Indies Cave Hill Campus. He later pursued his Legal Education Certificate at the Hugh Wooding Law School in Trinidad. David Thompson came to politics in a by-election after the death of Prime Minister Errol Barrow, gaining his parliamentary seat for St John in 1987.

During Erskine Sandiford’s term as Prime Minister, Thompson served as Minister of Community Development and Culture from 1991 to 1993. He was subsequently appointed as Minister of Finance from 1993 to 1994. Thompson became leader of the DLP when Sandiford resigned after losing a parliamentary no confidence motion. Thompson led the Democratic Labour Party in General Elections in 1994 and 1999. The DLP won the General Elections held on 15th January 2008 with 20 seats to the Barbados Labour Party which was led by Prime Minister Owen Arthur. Thompson was sworn in as Prime Minister on 16 January 2008, becoming Barbados sixth Prime Minister and the third to serve under the DLP.

The Right Honourable Freundel Jerome Stuart,

QC, MP. is the seventh Prime Minister of Barbados. He succeeded David Thompson, who died on 23rd October 2010. On graduating from Foundation School. He obtained a B. A Honours Degree in Political Science and History from the University of the West Indies,Cave Hill Campus.

He later returned and studied for a Law Degree and a Masters of Law in Public International Law before proceeding to Hugh Wooding Law School to pursue the Legal Education Certification. Freundel Stuart served as acting Prime Minister of Barbados in May 2010 when Prime Minister David Thompson became ill.

Stuart was sworn in as the 7th Prime Minister of Barbados on October 23, 2010 by Governor General His Excellency Sir Clifford Husbands.GCMG,KM On January 24th, 2014 Stuart became a member of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom.

The Right Honourable Freundel Jerome Stuart is the incumbent President of the Democratic Labour Party and Prime Minister of Barbados.

“What are those features of Barbadian life that we have lost and we need to reclaim? What are those features of Barbadian life that we have not lost and need to retain? And what are those features of Barbadian life that we have not lost but we have to try and discard as quickly as possible?”

Prime Minister Freundel Stuart - At the launch of the 50th Independence Celebrations- January 6, 2016