Editorial The world witnesses each year the organization of various forums aimed at finding a suitable environment and a genuine intellectual climate that fosters the exchange of pioneering experiences and brilliant ideas. These events generate interactions, deepen and strengthen linkages among political leaders, intellectuals, businessmen, and civil society activists from all over the world. It contributes to the crystallization of common visions when reviewing political, strategic, economic, social and media issues that concern the international community. Furthermore, forums lay the foundation for paths towards democracy, development, free trade, as well as examining encountered challenges, and exploring appropriate solutions. In this context, the 12th Doha Forum convened last May, and was inaugurated by His Highness Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the Emir of Qatar. The attendants in this forum were more than 700 prominent political and academic figures, representatives of international organizations, media, and corporate leaders. They came from all over the world to exchange views, and undertake earnest dialogue based on an open, frank and transparent discussion on issues of concern in the political and economic sphere at the global and regional levels. Participants also debated the democratization processes in view of the Arab Spring revolutions, and development issues with its various dimensions. We are fully convinced that the organization of the Doha Forum and other forums will not be the end-result, but rather a key tool in attaining common visions and crystalizing ideas that assist in the process of proper decision-making. Being acquainted with experiences of others, exchange of views among intellectuals, and presenting the complications facing the political and economic domain at global and regional levels, contribute to creating a sophisticated intellectual environment. This should be of benefit to the pragmatic aspect in setting public policy, as well as economic and development strategies for different countries around the world. We feel overwhelmingly satisfied for the huge success accomplished by our country through the hosting of such forums in dealing with various international, political and, economic issues. We are looking forward to proceeding in collaboration with the global society to transform the challenges that encounter the international community and the global economy to opportunities that contribute in engendering tangible results in support of security, peace, and development across the globe. Khalid bin Mohammed Al-Attiyah
Minister of State for Foreign Affairs
1 Issue 2 - June 2012
Contents Conferences
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Editorial
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His Highness the Emir inaugurated the Doha Forum by delivering a comprehensive political, economic, social and developmental speech
The Emir: Transition to democracy cannot be separated from development policies Follow-ups
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he First Student Organization of the Islamic Cooperation T (OIC) Model Conference Organized by Qatar University and the Diplomatic Institute
Follow-ups
12
The First Batch of Foreign Ministry Employees at the Diplomatic Institute Complete a Training Program on Turkish Diplomacy in Istanbul
Symposium of the Institute
14
Erekat Lectures on the Changes in the Arab World
Public Figures
18
King Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud
Spotlight
20
Spotlight on the United Nations Development Programme
Reports
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Spotlight on the Human Development Report for 2011
For more information please contact us:
Articles
State of Qatar - Doha P.O.Box : 250 Tel. : (+974( 40112500 Fax : (+974( 40112511
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The Phenomenon of Qatari Diplomacy
Articles
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Changes in the Arab World: What Role Can The European Union Play?
Email: Diplomacy@mofa.gov.qa Website: http://di.mofa.gov.qa
Articles
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The Utilization of State Formative Elements in Foreign Policy Formulation
- All correspondence on behalf of the Editor in Chief
Book Review
36
THE AGE OF DECEPTION: Nuclear Diplomacy in Treacherous Times
- Published articles reflect the views of writers and do not necessarily reflect the considerations of the magazine
Publications
39
Issued by the Institute: Changes in the Arab World...
40
From the Political Dictionary
Quarterly magazine published by the Diplomatic Institute - Ministry of Foreign Affairs Issue 2 - June 2012
General Supervisor: Dr. Khalid bin Mohammed Al-Attiyah Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Editor in Chief: Dr. Hassan bin Ibrahim Al-Mohannadi Director of the Diplomatic Institute Publisher: The Diplomatic Institute
4
Conferences
His Highness the Emir inaugurated the Doha Forum by delivering a comprehensive political, economic, social and developmental speech
The Emir: Transition to democracy cannot be separated from development policies
2 Issue 2 - June 2012
Follow-ups
The First Student Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Model Conference Organized by Qatar University and the Diplomatic Institute
8
12
Follow-ups
Erekat Lectures on the
The First Batch of Foreign Ministry Employees at the Diplomatic Institute Complete a Training Program on Turkish Diplomacy in Istanbul
Public Figures
King Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud
18 Articles
The Phenomenon of Qatari Diplomacy
26 Book Review
THE AGE OF DECEPTION:
Nuclear Diplomacy in Treacherous Times
36
Symposium of the Institute
Changes in the Arab World
14
Spotlight
Spotlight on the
Spotlight on the
United Nations Development Programme
)UNDP(
Reports
Human Development Report for 2011
20 23 Articles
Changes in the Arab World:
What Role Can The European Union Play?
28
Publications
39
Issued by the Institute
Changes in the Arab World...
Articles
T he Utilization of State Formative Elements in Foreign Policy Formulation
33 From the Political Dictionary
40 3 Issue 2 - June 2012
Conferences
His Highness the Emir inaugurated the Doha Forum by delivering a comprehensive political, economic, social and developmental speech
The Emir: Transition to democracy cannot be separated from development policies It is time for Palestine to gain its freedom Arab Spring must be accompanied by a Spring of just peace in the Middle East This generation does not have an inferiority complex And will not give in to Israel's monopoly of force and nuclear weapons
H.H. Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani inaugurated the "Doha Forum XII", that was held in Doha from May 20-22, 2012. H.H. delivered a speech in which he stressed that holding the Forum this year, "comes at a crucial and critical time in our Arab nation's history. Many events are taking place in our region, and in different parts of the world". He also added: "the Arab Freedom uprisings were preceded by manifestations of complete rigidity, paralyzed policies and wide public anger. Some ignored these indicators and were taken aback by the outbursts of revolutions that heralded a historic and unprecedented transformation, showing that the Arab peoples are shaking off the long period of intolerance, and claiming back a role in the furtherance of human civilization".
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Conferences
H.H. also asserted that: "the Arab people will never forget Palestine, just as we do not forget the thousands of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails, nor Gaza, the besieged by Israel and others." He also called on Israel to take a positive step towards achieving peace and coexistence. In the speech, H.H. mentioned the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs): "The expected delay in achieving the Millennium Development Goals beyond 2015 should not deter us from achieving it later, and we should at once set additional development goals that take into account the recent events and changes as well as the wide disparities between individuals within the same country". Finally, H.H. the Emir, emphasized that the Doha Forum, which has been convening on a regular basis for a second decade, will remain a platform where opinions about events in the region and the world are exchanged, where ideas about the future are presented, and where proposals that help promote democracy, development and free trade are made. In his welcoming remarks at the opening session, His Excellency Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabor Al-Thani, Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, stressed the importance of the issues on the Forum agenda. He pointed out that those issues focus on matters of critical concern to human relations at the national, regional and international levels, and are open for free, responsible and constructive dialogue so business rules could be developed to achieve the benefits sought by everyone. The Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs stated, "There is no doubt that the most significant characteristics of the current political period of our region are the strength and effectiveness of the broad popular demands for reform, that have been the driving force behind the Arab Revolutions. That is the reason why that strong popular movement has been yearning for the rule of law, the respect for freedoms, the elimination of corruption and the consolidation of socioeconomic development". H.E. also underlined that today, the Middle East is confronting serious challenges: from identifying the means to introduce reforms, to creating conducive
conditions to peace and stability and to building a new community life at the national level. Speaking at the opening session of the Forum, His Excellency Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa, President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, noted that the Forum is of great importance because it takes place during the global financial crisis, and that there is a need to hammer out global solutions to these problems through positive and constructive debate. H.E. also referred to his country's expectations from the participation in this Forum, and stressed the importance of discussing the issue of global investment and international aid. Speaking at the same session, His Excellency Mr. Abdou Diouf, former President of Senegal, and Chairman of the International Organization of the Francophone, said: the continuation of holding Doha Forum by the State of Qatar embodies its vision and proves its firm desire and commitment in serving the issues of security, stability and peace in the region. H.E. also emphasized the will of Qatar, and its sincere desire allowed it in a few years, to lay the foundations for a distinguished development becoming a center for modernity and development. He also referred to Qatar as a center that appreciates its legacy, history and culture, and is open to the world with a mentality based on tolerance and dialogue that respects the other. The Forum's agenda included several sessions and workshops, with the first session entitled "Insight on the Political Scene and the Global Economy" that dealt with a number of topics. H.E. the Algerian Foreign Minister, Mourad Medelsi said: “globalization has caused damage on all countries, including developed countries, and was the cause of an unprecedented financial crisis, stressing on the need for the international community to examine it, and move quickly to find new solutions that will be able to manage the current crisis. He urged the world to rebuild a new globalization based on the objectives of solidarity that prioritize common interests over individual ones. The Vice President of Exxon Mobil, Mr. Andrew Swaijer, also spoke at this session, and praised the wise policy pursued by the State of Qatar aimed at promoting education, besides its tangible efforts in protecting the environment as well as raising
5 Issue 2 - June 2012
Conferences
"The world now faces immense challenges, whether economic or political, that put us against options that need accurate and effective decisions and mechanisms"
the level of national income per capita, and creating new job opportunities for youths. As for the former Special Envoy for Peace in the Middle East, George Mitchell, he referred to the leading role of Qatar in the Arab region under the leadership of His Highness the Emir, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani. Speaking at the same session, the former Spanish Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, expected the eurozone to overcome the current crisis besetting it, on condition it provide support for Greece to surmount its crisis and help in economic growth. He added that the G20 has positively dealt with some aspects of the recent financial crisis during its recent meetings. H.E. called on both the U.S. and European leaders to show further solidarity to overcome the severest economic crisis that is now storming the world. In the second session “The Development Session”, participants discussed the MDGs, the effects of the economic crisis; the relationship between development and social justice with education that is dedicated to the achievement of development goals and the knowledge of Arab revolutions. Also, the role of foreign investment and international aid in achieving national development; opportunities and possible areas of work in the aftermath of the Arabic revolutions, and the challenges facing development in the Middle East. The speakers in this session referred to the failure to achieve MDGs on schedule, and stressed the need to reconsider development approaches and their programs. In the third session entitled “The Future of Peace in the Middle East”, the participants stressed that the Arab Spring Revolutions have produced a new reality that imposes the use of a new language, and adapts to changes so as to propose real solutions to various issues. In this context; the speakers' opinions in the session coincided on several issues, mainly that Israel does not really want peace; the position of the Palestinian leadership is weak in this conflict; the United States is not eligible, or unprepared at present to resolve the issue since it is being preoccupied with the elections. Moreover, the West, often plays on the Israeli chord, and ignores the demands of the Palestinian people. The Forum’s fourth session addressed the political changes and civil rights in the Middle East, with inputs that focused on several points; the importance of dialogue, the approach of integration to tackle minorities' problems, education strategy, respect for law, and enacting laws enabling women's rights for their required role in the society. The session also highlighted the importance of self-reliance in achieving the aspirations of
6 Issue 2 - June 2012
Conferences authoritarian dictators on whom they had bet, but, on whom they had to turn against later, and were forced to establish bridges to groups they were afraid of, especially the Muslim Brotherhood. The seventh session of the Forum was devoted to media and discussed the role of media in bringing about political and social changes in the Arab region. It also discussed the moral responsibility in protecting journalists in armed conflicts, and the role of electronic media during political changes taking place in the region, as well as the negative aspects of media at the time of social changes.
people to freedom and democracy without looking for external support, with emphasis on the importance of the civil society. The debate during this session was characterized by diverse and daring views in many cases, especially when it referred to the changes taking place in the Arab world, and in Syria, in particular. The fifth session of the Forum dealt with the economy and free trade. The discussions centered on the implications of the euro crises on the global economy, free trade and development of national industry controversy, the balance of global economic powers due to the fact of the emerging countries, in addition to issues related to intra-trade, economic integration, and economic challenges facing the Middle East. Participants in the session stressed that the European crisis erupted as a result of accumulations over many decades, and that anyone who believes that it is a crisis momentarily born, is someone who has not read enough of the twentieth century history. The sixth session was devoted to "Democracy and the Challenges of the Arab Spring," where participants discussed the major challenges facing the Arab Spring, and pointed out that democracy has to be sustainable, since people look forward to freedom and democracy, and exert efforts in order to achieve their aspirations. In addition, they talked about the importance of establishing citizenship in the context of religious pluralism, stressing the importance of the role of conferences and forums on the Alliance of Civilizations that seek to bring relevant views closer to each other. Speakers in the session stressed that the Arab Spring Revolutions became an obsession and a major challenge to the western countries, practically uninformed of the region and clueless of how things were going on. These countries relied on
In the concluding session of the Forum, H.E. Sheikh Ahmed bin Mohammed bin Jabor Al-Thani, Assistant Foreign Minister for International Cooperation, underlined the dire need of the world for new solutions to address the present problems. He added that the Doha Forum next year will take into consideration, a new approach to become a platform where proposals and solutions will be produced for the benefit of humanity. H.E. added that the future goals and aspirations of the Forum focus not only in being a forum for dialogue and debate, but also a platform for enlightened thinkers to develop applicable proposals and solutions that could be interpreted into plans, policies and programs that benefit humanity. The Director of the Middle East Development Center at the University of California-Los Angeles, Mr. Steven L. Spiegel, also spoke in the session noting that the challenges confronting the Middle East and the entire world require collective thinking through such forums; mainly issues related to the future economic challenges in the region as well as the aspirations of people for democracy. On his part, the founder of "World Future", and Advisor to the President of the Davos Forum, Mr. Sean Cleary acknowledged the failing of the world in understanding the Middle East, which led to mistakes in interaction with it. He stressed that the failure in providing practical and peaceful resolutions to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict will keep the region in the state of instability, hence, it is in the interest of both Israel and the countries of the region, as well, to reach a just and composite solution that would achieve peace. A number of workshops were held during the forum sessions that addressed the rights of minorities in the region and their future, as well as the recommendations of the International Conference in protecting journalists in dangerous areas.
7 Issue 2 - June 2012
Follow-ups
T he First Student Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Model Conference Organized by Qatar University and the Diplomatic Institute ithin the framework of cooperation between the Diplomatic Institute and Qatar University, the W first student conference was organized between the 27th and 28th of April 2012 entitled “Simulating Organization of Islamic Cooperation”. The opening ceremony was attended by Her Excellency Sheikha Hind bint Hamad Al-Thani, Director of the Office of His Highness the Emir, Dr. Shaikha bint Abdulla Al-Misnad, a number of accredited ambassadors from Islamic countries to the State, and an elite group of professors and experts, with participation of Qatar University students who simulated delegations from 29 Islamic countries that are members of the OIC.
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Follow-ups The conference model aimed at the following: - Emphasis on the culture of constructive dialogue with regard to Islamic unity and mutual understanding; - Promote the spirit of leadership among students, providing them the opportunity to develop their skills in oratory, communications and dialogue; - Connect students with reality and current affairs, thus contributing in expanding their horizons and deepening their understanding of topics of mutual interest such as religion, culture and nationalism. The conference began with a reading of Verses from the Holy Qura'an by a student from the University of Qatar, followed by a speech by Dr. Aisha Al-Mannai, Dean of Sharia and Islamic Studies College. Dr. Al-Mannai indicated that the college wished to join the knowledgeable and enlightened movement concerned with the issues of its community, that is able to absorb and debate these issues from a genuine Islamic perspective. All this occurs in the State of Qatar, which adopted many of these issues in their various forms; and proved its competence through the vision of its leader, H.H. Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, who bore a huge responsibility that many were unable to undertake in the defense of the community and assisting them to land on safe shores. Dr. Al-Mannai asserted that Qatar University students wanted, with strong determination, to model the OIC vision, message and objectives, with the support from the Sharia' professors and the Diplomatic Institute in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. She stated that the Islamic world is going through a dangerous period embodied in the revolutions against injustice and tyranny in addition to the huge challenges that are facing the Arab, Islamic, and Western countries as well as the United States of America. These challenges are led by the economic crisis along with the credibility of Islamists acceding to power and the implementation of Sharia principles that advance the individual in his interactions with other fellow humans in all their myriad colours.
Dr. Al-Mannai also commended the great support provided by H.E. Dr. Khalid bin Mohamed Al-Attiyah, Minister of State at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who offered his utmost assistance through the participation of the Diplomatic Institute in the Ministry and its effective contribution in organizing the Conference, particularly that of Ambassador Dr. Hassan bin Ibrahim AlMohannadi, Director of the Institute. Dr. Al-Mohannadi spared no effort, and did his very best to make the meeting successful with sincerity and dedication. Dr. Al-Mannai also thanked Dr. Shaikha bint Abdulla Al-Misnad, Qatar University’s President for her encouragement and support for the conference. Then, Dr. Al-Mohannadi spoke, pointing out that this conference is important because its topic is a model of the OIC work. The OIC activities form a meeting point with diplomacy, and its roles represent the various convictions that view the joint Islamic action, which begins with collaboration and should be governed by the principles and ethical and humanitarian standards. He also added that the model conference is considered the initial cooperation with Qatar University; and that the Institute is looking forward to the continuation and development of this endeavor in the future for the realization of the mutual objectives. Dr. AlMohannadi pointed out that the OIC was chosen as the topic for this year's conference model since this Organization, which was established in 1969 after the burning of the Al Aqsa Mosque’s painful event, is considered the second largest governmental organization after the United Nations with a membership made up of 75 states that represent 15% of the world's population. Dr. Al-Mohannadi explained that the organization of this model conference has come at a time when the OIC member states face several challenges, especially in the light of the present financial crisis. This crisis is casting its shadows over the developed and developing countries alike. Most of the Organization's member nations are suffering from poverty and unemployment exacerbated by the international financial crisis as a result of the huge loss of job opportunities in many Islamic nations. Due to this, the Organization is facing a serious
9 Issue 2 - June 2012
Follow-ups
challenge in assisting these states in reducing the proportion of their population that are living on less than USD 1.00 per day by half before 2015. Dr. Al-Mohannadi stated that the Muslim youth had an effective role in the changes witnessed in the region during the past year and at present. They have proved that they are a force to be reckoned with in bringing about change, and are able to make their voice heard by the international community. The world stood amazed at the transformations that would have a huge impact not only on the future of political and economic security in the Middle East, but also on the whole world. He also stressed that in order for the youth's sacrifice not to be in vain, it is necessary for them to have an active role in completing the transformation process by identifying what should be done to avoid negative effects on their countries, especially politically and economically. A speech that was read by Sayed Yehya Al-Nuaimi on behalf of Dr. Ghaith bin Mubarak Al-Kuwari, the Minister of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs, said that he valued the initiative that introduces students to identify what enables them to achieve awareness of their noble Islamic identity. He asserts that the Islamic world is in dire need of youth that are aware of each other, that have a command of languages, and that are able to debate and dialogue. Without these capacities, the Islamic world will not be able to make use of its allies in the West that are being convinced day after day that the Islamic civilization is neither violent, nor despotic, nor confrontational as painted by some extremist orientalists. He pointed out that wasting the usefulness of those allies would cause the world to miss the chance of understanding and cooperating in order to build a safe future for humanity. Dr. Al-Kuwari considered this model conference as an opportunity for students to acquire training, exchange views, and look forward to contributing to the construction of an overall cultural security. This would offer the Islamic community the chance to overcome the many challenges that it faces. He also praised the conference organizers, reminding students that the nation awaits their actions and their distinction to continue carrying Islam's banner, as did past generations. At the opening session of the model conference, Sayed Nassir Bin Fihaid Al-Hajri, Board Chairman of the Hassad Food Company, also spoke about the company's objectives, and its noble message to achieve food security in Qatar and abroad. He praised the
10 Issue 2 - June 2012
Follow-ups
company's role and its achievements for the people of Qatar and the region for the past 4 years, since food is an essential prerequisite for all just like security and energy. He explained that the company has achieved many successes and has managed to introduce some agricultural products to the Qatari market. Al-Hajri ended his speech by inviting all students to participate in the company's projects in order to achieve food security for all the residents in Qatar. The opening session concluded with a speech from the students that was given on their behalf by Abdulla Izzet, a student at the College of Engineering, where he pointed out that such activities and events, which simulate international organizations, help to build up the scientific, cultural and behavioral characters of students. It also bestows them with different experiences in practical life at present and in the future, while making them productive in their society, which would benefit his nation and lead it to the right path. Ezat added that this student model conference is a means to enhance the capacity of the youth, activate their roles, and to urge them to lead in the community and at national levels in regard to issues confronting the Islamic community. He pointed out that this model conference seeks to achieve five dimensions. First; is a religious dimension seeking to strengthen brotherhood, and the persistent work to preserve sanctities, revive the spirit of cooperation among Muslims, and support for various issues of member states. The second; is a moral dimension that instills values, strengthens relationships, and nurtures the ethics of dialogue and constructive critique. The third; is a cultural dimension that enlightens the mind to benefit from the experiments of others, and being aware of the conditions of Muslims in various parts of the world. The fourth; is an educational dimension offering students practical training in leadership and accountability, which deliver competent cadres to lead the nation, and is able to influence and form positive interaction in Muslim societies in a balanced intellect and sound opinion. The fifth dimension is the dialogue dimension that enlivens the competition spirit, and enriches debate with sensible thinking and noble Islamic ethics. In the two days following the inauguration, a number of papers were submitted by students focusing on the OIC role, and debates were conducted on various topics including food security, climate change, and political changes in the Arab and Muslim worlds.
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Follow-ups
The First Batch of Foreign Ministry Employees at the Diplomatic Institute Complete a Training Program on Turkish Diplomacy in Istanbul Between May 23rd to 28th, 2012, 27 trainees from the Diplomatic Institute at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs took part in a training program organized by both the School of Government and Leadership and the Center of Civilizations´ Study at Bahçeşehir University in Istanbul-Turkey. This activity was conducted within the framework of implementing the Memorandum of Understanding signed between Qatar Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Diplomatic Academy of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This framework aims to strengthen cooperation on training in areas related to diplomacy; exchange information relevant to international law, diplomatic affairs and academic disciplines on the exercise of diplomacy and international relations.
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Follow-ups
The program was inaugurated by a reception organized by the University, and a presentation was made on the programs and scientific disciplines being taught at the institution. The Head of the Governance and Leadership School also made a presentation on the higher studies program, followed by the Head of the Center for the Study of Civilizations, who welcomed the trainees and spoke about the training program. Over four days, the trainees received specialized lectures delivered by a number of specialized academics working in Turkish universities in various disciplines of political sciences. These lectures dealt with the political system in Turkey, international cooperation and security, the impact of Turkish-US relationships on the Middle East, Turkey›s relations with the EU, integration processes of the Turkish economy with the Middle East, the Arab world’s relations with Turkey, and the effects of the Arab Spring on Turkish foreign policy. Following the end of the training program, visits were organized for the participants to cultural institutions and historic monuments of Istanbul. These visits included the Organization of Islamic Cooperation Research Centre for History, Art and Islamic Culture. The Head of the Center made a presentation on the most important activities and programs of the Center, and its library, which includes the Ottoman Archive. The participants also visited well-known museums, old Ottoman mosques and palaces. At the end of the training program, the General Consul of the State of Qatar in Istanbul hosted a dinner. This event was attended by a representative of the Council of Ministers and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Bahçeşehir University, in addition to many Turkish lecturers, and academics. Certificates were distributed to the participants in the program as well as exchange of presents with the Turkish side. The participants in the program visited the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Ankara, and received specialized lectures on foreign policy, government systems, international law, diplomatic norms and protocol. They also visited the Diplomatic Academy, the Turkish Parliament, and some famous historical monuments in Ankara. His Excellency Abdul Razaq Abdul Al-Abdul Ghani, Qatar›s Ambassador to Turkey hosted a reception for the participants in the program.
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Symposium of the Institute
Erekat Lectures on the
Changes in the Arab World Dr. Saeb Erekat, member of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and head of the Palestinian Delegation to the final status negotiations, requested the United States to find the necessary mechanism of action to implement the covenants made ​​by President Barack Obama with regard to the peace process in the Middle East, stressing the need for clarity in U.S. policy towards Israel.
14 Issue 2 - June 2012
Symposium of the Institute
At a symposium organized by the Diplomatic Institute on 20 March, entitled "Changes in the Arab World and its Implications for the United States and the West, Palestine and Israel", Erekat said: "Washington is required to oblige the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to withdraw to the 1967 borders, as well as the necessity for correlating peace and democracy, in the region, as it is impossible to separate them." Erekat added: "If each party were to do what it must of its share, then it could be a modest beginning for Western- Arab relationships, provided that Washington doesn't deal with Israel as a state above the law." He considers the events taking place in the Arab world as the most prominent in a thousand years; however, it is not the first experience of democracy in the Middle East recalling the experience of the former Iranian Prime Minister Mohammed Mossaddak in 1951, in this regard; when his government won a vote of confidence from parliament, the first action he took was the abolition of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company's monopoly, that was supposed to continue until 1993; accordingly, the government seized all the company's properties, which later prompted the American and British governments to topple him in 1953; General Zahedi overthrew Mossaddak's government, and the Shah of Iran issued a decree dismissing him, consequently he was arrested and tried for great treason. Thus, a military court sentenced him to death that was later commuted to three years imprisonment; Mossaddak was finally placed under house arrest until his death in 1968. Erekat quoted Mossaddak's comment on his toppling, "the greatest crime I perpetrated is the nationalization of the Iran Oil Company, attempting to put an end to economic and political exploitation enshrined by the great oppressive empire based on plots and colonization. I wish to inform you that my fate will be taught as a lesson in the future for the Middle East and an example for anyone trying to break slavery and the service of the colonial interests." Erekat also cited the way the West dealt with Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, when it considered him a good dictator when he fought Iran, but turned him into an enemy after the invasion of Kuwait; and the same in Colonel Muammar Gaddafi's case; when the West begged him for economic investments, and after realizing their purpose, they
attacked him and murdered him. The Palestinian President Yasser Arafat was another example; he was received in the White House 21 times, and then killed after being besieged. Erekat added that the change movement in the Arab world is not merely a movement of individuals that is motivated by a change of their conditions and livelihood, but rather a movement to change the ruler who has lost legitimacy, and thus must be toppled. He demonstrated that the West, from the beginning, dealt with the Middle East on three axioms: encountering communism, ensuring the flow of oil, and maintaining Israel's security; pointing out that he has been following most of what has been written after the Arab Spring by research and strategic studies' institutions in the West, and concluded that the West is only interested in the agreements signed with Israel, and indifferent about the sufficient means for supporting democracy and freedoms in the region. Erekat added that the West believes that the factors that led to the fall of deposed Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak exist everywhere in the region; hence, the U.S. has to back its only ally in the region, Israel. He also called on governments formed in several Arab countries after the Arab Spring, to assure their citizens that they are committed to international human rights laws, and that they have no need for lessons from anyone; he also warned that some events taking place in the Arab world should not be a prelude to chaos, and that new regimes should not be allowed to emerge in its chaos. Erekat explained that the events taking place in the Arab region, regimes falling and attempts to establish new regimes are not unprecedented in this world, since the West experienced more than this, as what happened in 1848 when Austrian Chancellor Klemens Wenzel von Metternich was forced to escape from Vienna after being besieged by protestors; after which regimes collapsed in France, Italy, and Germany, the phenomenon of angry demonstrators was repeated, and the joy of seeing princes and kings fleeing from their palaces in an economically crippled, politically fragmented, and socially divided Europe. This happened to Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Hosni Mubarak, and Muammar Gaddafi, the fate of the latter being similar to that of Louis XVI in 1793, when he ended on the guillotine.
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Symposium of the Institute Impossibility of Advocating Democracy in Isolation from Solving the Palestinian Cause Erekat stressed that the Arabs should learn lessons from the experiments of others, for at the end of the day, sewing the seeds of democracy is but the first step towards economic growth, educational and social development, as well as creating the appropriate environment for investment. He called on Arab political parties that won the elections and the Arab parliamentary governments to sew the seeds of democracy, to start setting up economic structures capable of meeting the needs of people, improve their living conditions, and to initiate drafting constitutions that define rights and duties, to ensure citizen participation in governance, freedoms, accountability, disclosure, answerability, human rights and women's rights, as well as democratic peaceful succession of power. He said: the previous limited Arab democratic experiences in Palestine and Lebanon proved it is impossible to stabilize and root democracy as a basis for political life in isolation from solving the Palestinian Portfolio comprehensively.
Oil and Democracy Erekat wondered: Is it possible for Western countries to preserve their interests in the Middle East, and promote democracy at the same time? And he based his answer on the statements of U.S. President Obama during his election campaign, who said, "Human rights and national security are not contradictive, but complement each other". He quoted a series of diverse views on this issue; there are those who believe that it is important to maintain interest without interfering with the Arabs' choices, while others called for the adoption of democracy in the Arab world, and learning from past lessons. Regarding the interests of the United States and the West in the region, Erekat presented statistical figures showing that the Arab countries and Iran owned 35% of the world's oil production, let alone natural gas and he stated that: the real danger that threatens oil supplies is not an outbreak of domestic crises in oil-producing countries, but in the outbreak of a regional war that more than one party slip into. He reiterated that the achievement of peace in the Middle East, ending the Israeli occupation, establishing an independent Palestinian State, the
16 Issue 2 - June 2012
implementation of the Road Map, and the Arab Peace Initiative is considered the main pillar in the strategy of the region's stability. The other pillar that is of no less importance and integral with peace is represented in reform and democracy in all Arab countries as well as Iran without any exceptions.
The Beginning of Dialogue Erekat also believes that the United States of America and other Western countries, should initiate a serious dialogue with all the Arab states in order to achieve reform and democracy, and should establish infrastructure for economies able to meet communities' needs, specifically in the area of absorbing young generations in labor markets, combating corruption through accountability and answerability, and developing public interests over private interests of both individuals and the ruling elites. He calls on the need to invest in building a strong economic structure in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, Syria, Jordan, and Morocco, noting that Egypt, Libya, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen, lost about USD 56 billion during the first nine months of 2011. He concluded by saying that the real threat in the Middle East to American and Western interests is in the absence of both democracy and peace, and that it is the West's allies, in
Symposium of the Institute
the Middle East among Arabs, that should start, without any hesitation or delay, the process of reform and democracy, as well as, it is for Israel's ally that should also make a strategic decision to accomplish peace and end the occupation. As for the implications of the changes in the Arab world viz a viz Palestine, Erekat spoke about Palestinian reconciliation, and the fact that the events of the Arab world resulted in the conclusion of a reconciliation agreement in Cairo in May, last year. In addition to the Doha Agreement between Fatah and Hamas, a few months ago, acknowledging the mistake and severity of Palestinian division, and the lack of justification for its continuity. He stated that Fatah and Hamas were found for the Liberation of Palestine, and that the Palestinian people should work for the restoration of Palestine to the world map. As for the impact of changes in the Arab world on "Israel", Erekat said Israel is pursuing a policy of waiting, and using the Arab Spring so as not to be involved in the peace process, hence, taking advantage of this situation and intensifying settlement, thus imposing a fait accompli, particularly where related to occupied Al-Quds and its surroundings. Dr. Erekat said: If we were to speak about Israeli strategy in this situation, it must be said that Israel's goal is to separate the West Bank, and attach responsibility of the Gaza Strip's administration onto the Egyptian government, in order to thwart the Palestinian project.
Palestine, wondered whether the changes that took place in the Arab world would lead to concessions with regard to issues that were raised by the Palestinian leadership, and also wondered if there were any pressures being exercised on the Palestinian President, Mahmoud Abbas. While Ambassador of the Sultanate of Oman, Mr. Mohammed bin Nasser Al-Wahaibi pointed out that it is early to judge the variables in the Arab world, and it is early to envisage a certain character, as well, as these Revolutions are in their infancy.
The Importance of Arab Interests Commenting on these views, Dr. Erekat said: through these changes we must consider our interests, and added: "We are still under occupation and haven't reached particular concepts for the state, yet, and that should any person give status to Al-Quds in the shadow of this occupation is considered un objective, thus, our fate is to remain patient and establish our institutions as the course of history will not be stopped, and changes will not halt". Erekat stressed " that we can not stand against the changes that have taken place with folded arms, and we can not say that it is early to talk about these changes, pointing out that these changes are beneficial to the Palestinian Cause".
Erekat pointed out that after the change in the rules of the game, the United States is required to find an effective mechanism to implement the promises made ​​by Obama... or stressed on the need for clarity of U.S. policy towards Israel, and of a need to delineate what the Israeli Prime Minister should do adding? At the end of the lecture, discussion was opened with Iraqi ambassador, Dr. Jawad Al-Hindawi voicing concerns over the probability of confiscation of positive changes that have occurred in the Arab world, and said: that these changes should lead to changes in Arab political mentality, Arab behaviorism, and enshrining the culture of the state. He also expressed the hope that these changes will cause a shift in U.S. strategy towards the Arab states, particularly the Palestinian Cause. Dr. Yahya Al-Agha, Cultural Counselor at the Embassy of
17 Issue 2 - June 2012
Public Figures
King Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud
Born in 1906, King Faisal bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud was the third male son of King Abdulaziz. He was brought up in his mother's grandparent's house, Sheikh Abdullah bin Abdul Latif Al-Sheikh Al-Tamimi and Haya bint Abdul Rahman Al-Mukbil Al-Tamimi. His mother died when he was six months old and he was tutored at his grandparent's hands. His father, King Abdulaziz, introduced him to politics at an early age, sending him on visits to the United Kingdom and France at the end of World War I, when he was only 13 years old; he also led the Saudi delegation to the London Conference on Palestine in 1939, also known as the Round Table Conference. At the domestic level, he led Saudi forces to calm the tense situation in Aseer in 1922; and in 1925, he led an army to the Hijaz area and managed to achieve victory and control it. In 1926, his father appointed him as his deputy, and then Chairman of the Shura Council in 1927, and in 1932 he was designated Minister of Foreign Affairs, besides being the head of the Shura Council; he also participated in the Saudi-Yemeni War in 1934.
18 Issue 2 - June 2012
Public Figures During his tenure in the Foreign Ministry, he asked King Abdulaziz to sever diplomatic relations with the United States when the United Nations adopted the Partition Plan for Palestine; dividing Palestine into two states, but the King did not respond to his request. On October 9th 1953, King Abdul aziz issued a decree that appointed him First Deputy Prime Minister, while retaining the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, following the appointment of Prince Saud as Prime Minister. After his father's death, and his brother, Saud, was crowned King, he was appointed Crown Prince, First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, while two of his positions were abolished, that of Viceroy of Hijaz and Chairman of the Shura Council. In 1954, King Saud sent him to make state visits to various countries on his behalf. In 1957, when the Saudi financial crisis occurred, King Saud had already assigned him with some of his tasks, making him responsible for finance, treasury and the external affairs of the country. In 1958, he could not solve this crisis because of oil and the King's orders; hence, the State resorted to borrowing money from Western countries and Aramco. Besides being Deputy Prime Minister, King Saud appointed him Minister of Finance and Minister of Interior. In 1960, severe tensions occurred between him and King Saud that continued until the end of the King's reign, so the latter decided to cancel his two ministerial portfolios, and kept him on only as Deputy Prime Minister. Despite the persistence of differences between them, the King appointed him in 1962 as Prime Minister and Foreign Minister.
King Saud suffered from many diseases in the closing years of his reign; pain in the joints and high blood pressure, which forced him to seek treatment abroad. The progression of these diseases made him unable to cope with the duties of governance. Furthermore, differences between him and Prince Faisal deepened over that period. Consequently, religious scholars and princes met on March 29th 1964, endorsing a Fatwa that stated that King Saud continues as King, while Prince Faisal conducts the entire Kingdom's business, both internally and externally, as Viceroy, while the King is in the country and while he is abroad. After the issuing of this Fatwa, the rift deepened between him and his brother, "the King", whose disease progressed further. Given all these reasons, the elite in the Royal Family who were considered wise and influential, agreed that the only solution to these problems was to depose King Saud, and inaugurate Prince Faisal as King. Hence, they notified the religious scholars with their decision in order to get their point of view in terms of legitimacy; in turn, the religious scholars gathered to discuss this matter. The religious scholars decided to form a delegation to
meet King Saud in order to persuade him to abdicate, informing him that their decision has been made and that they would sign a decree deposing him from power, and that it would be better for him to abdicate, however, he refused. On November 1st 1964, a group of religious scholars and judges met, and the Mufti of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Ibrahim Al-Sheikh announced that King Saud bin Abdulaziz AlSaud has been deposed, and that the swearing of allegiance to Prince Faisal as King will take place. On November 2nd 1964, Prince Faisal became the King. During the reign of King Faisal, the Kingdom flourished internally; in the economic, agricultural, health and transportation fields. He also established the five-year plan in 1970. In foreign affairs, he paid attention to the Palestinian problem, and contributed to the defense of Palestine’s rights in the international forum. This was clear when he spoke on the rostrum of the United Nations in 1963, reminding the world that the only thing that has shattered peace in the Arab region, since the UN resolution that divided Palestine, is the Palestinian problem. As such, part of his policy on this issue was focused on the non-recognition of Israel, the unification of the Arab efforts, and leaving differences aside instead of being consumed by side issues that squander money and blood, establishing an organization that represents Palestinians and involves Muslims in order to defend the cause. In spite of the differences between Egyptian President, Gamal Abdel Nasser and himself, he promised to provide annual financial aid in the aftermath of the 1967 War until the War's after-effects on Egypt disappeared at the Arab Summit in Khartoum. In addition, he agreed with several Arab countries to stop oil supplies during the October 1973 War, and intervened to resolve the dispute between Saudi Arabia and Egypt over Yemen. On the foreign policy sphere, he worked on developing Saudi Arabia's relations with France, particularly after the French government stood by the Arabs against Israel. His reign also saw the return of Saudi relations with the United Kingdom severed after the Tripartite Aggression on Egypt in 1956, following his visit in June 1967. However, relations with the UK gradually began to return in 1963. He also paid a state visit to the United States of America in May 1966, in an invitation by U.S. President Richard Nixon; a visit that was marred by Jewish protests. He had also refused to establish any relations or political representation with communist countries, so as not to have any trend evolve in Saudi Arabia which would antagonize Islamic law (Sharia). On March 25th 1975, the reign of King Faisal ended when he was shot and killed by his nephew Prince Faisal bin Msaed bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud while receiving the Kuwaiti Oil Minister Abdul Muttalib Al-Kazimi at his office in the Royal Court. A bullet penetrated one of his veins, and was the main cause of his death. The real motive behind his assassination has never been discovered until now, but there are those who claim that it happened at the instigation of the United States and Britain over oil policy pursued by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia during his reign and during the 1973 October War and afterwards.
19 Issue 2 - June 2012
Spotlight
Spotlight on the Organization...
United Nations Development Programme
)UNDP(
The UNDP was founded in 1965 as part of the UN organization and is considered the largest joint global source of grants directed for the development of human resources. This Programme has a network of 132 offices throughout the world, deals with 174 countries, and has 85% of the network’s staff stationed in developing countries. It works on coordinating global and national efforts to achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015, and works on developing local capacities as they draw on the UNDP people and the wide range of partners.
20 Issue 2 - June 2012
Spotlight The Executive Board of the UNDP is made up of representatives from 36 countries around the world, who undertake policy-making, approve programs, and determine the distribution of resources. The UNDP has 128 resident representatives in the developing countries that look after the coordination of all United Nations operations. The UNDP seeks to achieve the following objectives: 1\ Help to make the United Nations an effective and solid actor to achieve sustainable human development. 2\ Mobilize available resources of the program to attain a number of objectives related to the promotion of human development, poverty eradication, environmental preservation, job creation, and pursuing the empowerment of women. 3\ Enhance international cooperation to achieve sustainable human development. The UNDP delineated its objectives in expediting the overall progress in human development, within the "strategic plan from 2008 to 2011", endorsed by Member States on the UNDP Executive Board in 2007, where it focused on the following four developmental areas:
1\ Democratic governance: - Support comprehensive participation. - Strengthen responsive governing institutions. - Support governance practices that arise from international principles.
2\ Poverty reduction and supporting Millennium Development Goals: - Support inclusive growth. - Gender equality. - Achieve the MDGs. - Promote inclusive globalization. - Mitigate the impact of acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) on human development.
3\ Environment and sustainable development: - Manage environment and energy. - Manage funding related to environment. - Support climate change adaptation. - Develop local capacity in managing environment, and expanding access to services in distributing energy.
4\ Crisis prevention and recovery: - Support capacities to manage conflict and disaster risks. - Strengthen governance in post-conflicts. - Restore the development institutions at the local level. The annual Human Development Report commissioned by the UNDP, focuses on global development issues, provides innovative measurement and analytical tools, and proposes public policies that are often controversial. Furthermore, the United Nations Development Programme supports all Human Development Reports at all levels; including regional, national, as well as local levels based on an analytical framework.
21 Issue 2 - June 2012
Spotlight It is widely known that since 1990, the UNDP has continuously issued an annual report on human development situations at the global level. It is an independent report based on empirical analyses, of issues, trends, developments, and policies relevant to development. This report is based on ranking countries according to the Human Development Index (HDI) that have a very high human development, high human development, medium human development, and countries of low human development. Over the past two decades, the report covered a variety of topics, and is as follows: Year
Subject of the Report
1990
Concept and measurement of human development
1991
Financing human development
1992
Global dimensions of human development
1993
People's participation
1994
New dimensions of human security
1995
Gender and human development
1996
Economic growth and human development
1997
Human development to eradicate poverty
1998
Consumption for human development
1999
Globalization with a human face
2000
Human rights and human development
2001
Making new technologies work for human development
2002
Deepening democracy in a fragmented world
2003
Millennium Development Goals: A compact among nations to end human poverty
2004
Cultural liberty in today's diverse world
2005
International cooperation at a crossroads: Aid, trade and security in an unequal world
2006
Beyond scarcity: Power, poverty and the global water crisis
2008/2007
Fighting climate change: Human solidarity in a divided world
2009
Overcoming barriers: Human mobility and development
2010
The real wealth of nations: Pathways to human development
2011
Sustainability and equity: A better future for all
The work of the UNDP will focus on these issues on a continuous basis in order to strengthen its operational role, and to ensure technical support and policies for countries covered by the programme. This will be realized through working on the multisectorial challenges embodied in poverty reduction, good governance, crisis prevention and recovery, as well as environment and sustainable development. In addition, it will pursue the support of gender equality, empower women, and help countries covered by the programme to strengthen their own capacity. These aspects would enable these countries to design development strategies that reflect certain national conditions and goals in order to achieve them within the internationally agreed upon MDGs framework. As for the relationship of the State of Qatar with the UNDP, the programme opened an office in Doha in 1976, and continued conducting its activities until it closed in 1998. In 2004, an agreement with the programme was concluded through its regional office in Abu Dhabi - United Arab Emirates, whereby the office is to provide technical cooperation services advisory and technical expertise to the State of Qatar. Several ministries and departments have already benefited from the program's services that provided technical assistance in setting up development policies and programs in various fields, particularly in the areas of health, agriculture and human development.
22 Issue 2 - June 2012
Reports
Spotlight on the
Human Development Report for 2011 Dr. Nowzad Abdalrahman Alhiti * The Human Development Report was initially published in 1990 by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), and was an eloquent humanitarian call for the adoption of a new approach to economy and development, and is considered as one of the most important developmental reports issued worldwide. It has become a scientific reference for decision-makers, planners and experts, and for all those interested in sustainable development around the world. The Human Development Report contains experimental data in addition to innovative methods of thought within the concept of development and its criteria, thus, successfully making a huge difference in the approach to the preparation of development policies across the globe, regardless of developmental philosophies. The Human Development Index, which has been issued for more than two decades by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), is deemed one of the most important indicators which gives an overall picture about the size of the progress achieved in human development. It is a composite criterion of health, education and income, and it evaluates the levels of progress and its levels based on a developmental concept that is wider than the concept of income alone. It is like any other total criterion that is used for international comparison; and is limited to a brief aspect of what human development means. It is a composite index that comprises of three dimensions, as follow :
Dimension related to Knowledge: This index is measured by the average years of schooling, and an index of expected average years of schooling, i.e. total expected years that children are supposed to spend in school on the basis of current rates of enrollment.
Dimension related to Living Standards: This index is measured by the gross national income per capita.
Dimension related to Health: This index is measured by life expectancy at birth.
The Human Development Report for 2011 makes an important contribution to the global dialogue of world leaders who will gather at the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio +20), that will be held in Rio de Janeiro in June 2012, in order to reach a new agreement on the necessary measures needed for the protection of the Earth’s future. Furthermore, the right of future generations everywhere, to a healthy and decent life; this in itself, constitutes a major developmental challenge for the twenty first century. The Human Development Report for 2011 indicates the correlation between sustainability and equity, and that social justice provides more opportunities for a better life for all. It also emphasizes that sustainability should neither be limited exclusively to the issue of environment nor stop at it. It is basically a result of our choice of the way we live; realizing that everything we are doing now will have an impact on seven billion people living on earth today, and billions more living in future centuries. The following table refers to the most advanced countries in the field of human development at the global level, that enjoy a high level of human development, according to the Human Development Index for 2011.
* Expert international cooperation - Ministry of Foreign Affairs\ State of Qatar
23 Issue 2 - June 2012
Reports The First Ten Countries in the Human Development Report for 2011 Country
Human Development Index
Life expectancy at birth/Years
Average years of schooling/Years
The expected average years of schooling/Years
The gross national income per capita/USD
1
Norway
0.943
81.1
12.6
17.3
47.557
2
Australia
0.929
81.9
12.0
18.0
34.431
3
Netherlands
0.910
80.7
11.6
16.8
36.402
4
United States
0.910
78.5
12.4
16.0
43.017
5
New Zealand
0.908
80.7
12.5
18.0
23.737
6
Canada
0.908
81.0
12.1
16.0
35.166
7
Ireland
0.908
80.6
11.6
18.0
29.322
8
Principality of Liechtenstein
0.905
79.6
10.3
14.7
83.717
9
Germany
0.905
80.4
12.2
15.9
34.854
0.904
81.4
11.7
15.7
35.837
10 Sweden
Source: UNDP,Human Development Report 2011, New York, 2011.P.127
It is also noted as a result of studying The Human Development Report for 2011 and analysis of data contained therein, that the State of Qatar has accomplished an international achievement for it has leaped to the “37th” rank globally, and ranks second in the Arab world after the United Arab Emirates, out a total of “182” countries listed in the report. In addition, Qatar was one of only three countries in the region, besides the United Arab Emirates and the Kingdom of Bahrain, which was included in the advanced human development category.
Arab Countries in the Human Development Index for 2011 Ranking in the Arab World
Country
Value of Human Development Index
Ranking in the World-2011
1
United Arab Emirates
0.846
30
2
Qatar
0.831
37
3
Kingdom of Bahrain
0.806
42
4
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
0.770
56
5
Kuwait
0.760
63
6
Libya
0.760
64
7
Lebanon
0.739
71
8
Sultanate of Oman
0.705
89
9
Tunisia
0.698
94
10
Jordan
0.698
95
11
Algeria
0.698
96
12
Egypt
0.644
113
13
Syria
0.632
119
14
Morocco
0.582
130
15
Iraq
0.573
132
16
Yemen
0.462
154
17
Mauritania
0.453
159
18
Comoros
0.433
163
19
Djibouti
0.430
165
20
Sudan
0.408
169
Source: UNDP,Human Development Report 2011, New York, 2011.P.127-130
24 Issue 2 - June 2012
Reports The new ranking occupied by the State of Qatar globally, reflects the notable and steady progress and development that it has managed to accomplish in human development; the major effort exerted by the State’s wise leadership in promoting education and upgrading health services. Moreover, the promotion of the population’s standard of living, as well as the embodiment of Qatar’s National Vision 2030, which listed human development as one of its four pillars and defined it as the "development of all its people to enable them to sustain a prosperous society". In addition, human development constitutes the ultimate goal that is targeted by the National Development Strategy (2011-2016). In order to have a clear idea of the rank occupied by the State of Qatar within the indicators of the index that is related to the aspects of health, education, and income, refer to the table below.
Human Development Index and its components of the State of Qatar according to the Human Development Report for the years 2010 and 2011 Indicators
2011
2010
The value of the Human Development Index
0.831
0.803
Indicator of life expectancy at birth by years
78.4
76
Average years of schooling by years
7.3
7.3
Expected average years of schooling by years
12.0
12.7
107.721
79.426
36 -
36 -
0.757
0.737
The gross national income per capita (purchasing power parity in U.S. dollars for 2005 and 2008) Order as per the gross national income per capita less the rank according to the Human Development Index The Human Development Index not associated with income Source: UNDP,Human Development Report 2011, New York, 2011.P.127
It is noticed from the above table, the rise of: The value of the Human Development Index from (0.803) in 2010 to (0.831) in 2011, which in turn led to the improvement of Qatar’s world ranking, rising by order of one degree, from 38 to 37 respectively. Furthermore, life expectancy at birth increased by (2.4) years, and this led to change in the order in this index from (41) in 2010 to (32) in global ranking in 2011. This is due to the improvement witnessed by the health sector, and the upgrading in quality of health services, as well as the improvement in data related to life expectancies. With regard to education indicators, although the index of average years of schooling remains unchanged in 2011 and 2010, an estimated (7.3) years, however, the status of Qatar has declined a lot; from number (98) in 2010 to number (113) in 2011. With regard to the indicator of the expected average years of schooling, it has fallen from (12.3) years in 2010 to (12) years in 2011, which affected Qatar’s level globally; declining (31) levels, after being placed at number (77), it was ranked (108) globally in 2011. As for the index of gross national income per capita, it has risen from about (79.4) thousand dollars in 2010 to about (107.7) thousand dollars in 2011; achieving a higher rate of
(36%), ranking first in the world in 2011, and ranking second in 2010 after the Principality of Liechtenstein. The big rise of the per capita gross national income per capita reflects a significant increase in the standard of living of the population. In fact, this indicator has contributed to the upgrading of the State of Qatar to the ranks of countries with a high level of human development, according to the Human Development Index for 2011. As such, maintaining a very high rating of human development in Qatar requires major efforts, particularly with regard to educational indicators involved in the Human Development Index, and this itself requires competent education authorities making greater efforts to improve the quality of the performance of the education sector and the related services provided, in addition to fostering the statistical data related to education in various stages. Based on the position Qatar occupied in the index of the gross national income per capita, under the ongoing reforms and positive developments taking place in the areas of education and health care, and considering that the State has allocated large sums of money for investment in health and education within the investment program of the National Development Strategy 2011-2016, Qatar’s rank in the Human Development Index is very likely to improve over the next few years.
25 Issue 2 - June 2012
Articles
THE PHENOMENON of QATARI DIPLOMACY Dr. Mustafa Al-Ani
*
Mediation diplomacy or mediation in resolving disputes and conflicts is not far from ArabIslamic traditions. Even before the emergence of conventional states and political constructs, mediation diplomacy was regarded as one of the most vital mechanisms of conflict resolution and tribal disputes in the Arabian Peninsula. Throughout the course of Arab civilization, there have always existed a number of personalities in Arab societies who were depicted as “the people’s wise and sagacious men” who have enjoyed special status and commanded great respect. These men were an effective method in settling tribal disputes, ending conflicts and bloody wars among large tribes. Besides wisdom, this group of notable figures exemplifies the ethics of neutrality and altruism. Through the past two centuries of international relations history, diplomacy has played an effective role in finding settlements for disputes, internal and international conflicts, and putting an end to or avoiding war. The post-World War I era, in particular, had seen the evolution of the art of diplomacy, whereas various schools and different philosophies emerged, that serve its development as a medium to resolve conflicts, avoiding the use of force and violence.
* First Counselor, Head of Security and Defense Studies Department, Gulf Research Center
26 Issue 2 - June 2012
Articles Fifteen years ago, Qatar’s diplomacy did not have a platform; no distinguishable feature for an observer to recognize, nor a role for a researcher to identify. Absence, or being absent, was not confined to Qatar’s diplomacy, for the State itself did not have a known position on the map of world diplomacy; furthermore, the majority of people around the world were not aware of a state called Qatar. However, today, and during the past few years, Qatar has emerged as a diplomatic force, not only in the regional level, but its role extended to the international arena. The basis for Qatar's prominence lies on the state adoption of a dynamic role in both the conciliation and mediation diplomacy, which are parts of diplomatic activities. Mediation diplomacy is founded on “the role of a third party” that seeks to converge point of views among conflicting parties, and strives to pave the way for the appropriate environment to reach an acceptable and pertinent settlement. Qatari diplomacy has played all the roles within the mediation diplomacy models, particularly the three main roles, which are required of the mediator state on diplomatic mediation undertakings, which include: The role of facilitative or assistant mediation, in which the mediator party offers all administrative and logistical requirements in order to provide the necessary conditions for conflict parties to reach a settlement. Sometimes, Qatari diplomacy has played the role of evaluative or arbitrary mediation that requires the mediating party to evaluate and study the elements of dispute and form an opinion that defines the responsibility of each party to the conflict. Finally, Qatari mediation diplomacy has not lagged behind in assuming the most effective mediation role embodied in interventionist mediation. This model requires the third or mediator party to provide draft proposals of a solution, settlement initiatives, and identify elements of the proposed agreement. This process is based in most cases on the principle of “compromise”, and demand from parties to the conflict to offer reciprocal concessions. Over the past years, mass media and the academic circles, has witnessed extensive discussions and debates on the nature and role of Qatar's diplomacy in the regional and international levels, especially its prominent role in “mediation diplomacy”. The academic and media communities were divided between supporters and opponents over the role of Qatar. Despite the ongoing controversy, nonetheless, reality signifies the difficulty to ignore the phenomenon of Qatari diplomacy. It is impossible to deny or neglect the regional and international outstanding achievements accomplished by Qatari mediation diplomacy over the past decade. In general, the debate revolves around the mystery behind the eminent role achieved by “the Phenomenon of Qatari Diplomacy”. The bases of this phenomenon arises from the fact that a newly independent and relatively small country in terms of population and geographical area managed, during a short period, to play an active role in regional and international diplomacy. This is in a region engulfed by historically rooted problems and crisis, as well as new conflicts. Some views tried to reduce the effectiveness of Qatari diplomacy role to the fact that Qatar is a financially “rich
country”. However, the logical answer to this assumption is that there are many other countries in the Gulf region, the Middle East, and the world who enjoy more wealth and resources than the State of Qatar, but were unable to play a similar role. Despite the importance of the financial factor, the success of Qatar's diplomacy cannot be attributed to this factor alone. Therefore, this success is because of multiple factors that were available in Qatar's role that bestow it a distinguished position in regional diplomacy. Apparently, awareness of the need for a diplomatic initiative was the main incentive behind the decision of Qatari diplomacy to offer its mediation efforts. In fact, in most conflicts and crises where Qatar intervened diplomatically and acted as a mediator to resolve it, they did not concern the State of Qatar and in no way affected its security and vital interests. Moreover, decision-making was exemplified with boldness and speed in declaration, and not clinging to the possibility of failure as a pretext for not taking responsibility. In any diplomatic activity, there may appear evident (may be equal) possibilities for failure and success, loss and profit, and of condemnation or praise. Qatar's diplomacy has adopted the principle of transparency in conducting diplomacy, and it doesn't feel ashamed of failure, nor does it hesitate to call things by their real names. In fact, the efforts of Qatar's diplomacy have been based on the principle that failure does not mean the end of the road. As such, in most cases, Qatar's diplomacy repeated its endeavors to mediate in issues that seemed insurmountable after failure in several rounds of negotiation or mediation; regardless of the fact of whether Qatar was the original mediator or not. Hence, Qatar's diplomacy does not display signs of frustration, in addition to its preparedness and determination to return to play the required diplomatic role despite the previous failed rounds. Qatari diplomacy anticipates the resumption of its role whenever there is a new development in circumstances, or even a glimmer of hope for success. In fact, the decision makers of Qatar's diplomacy are fully aware that “Mediation Diplomacy” does not only create friends, but it also generates enemies. Multiple parties that benefited from these conflicts, and whose interests correlated with maintaining the ongoing conflict and its continuity fuel international conflicts. Therefore, the leadership of Qatar's diplomacy has accepted, and coexisted with the negative impact for its successes in resolving conflicts. Accordingly, the mystery of Qatar’s success in mediation diplomacy lies in aspects that other countries lack, which are: the quality of Qatari leadership, its way of thinking, the mechanism, decision-making and the conviction of its leadership in the soundness and rationality of the Qatari role. In many cases, external efforts of states is conducted at the expense of neglecting internal affairs states that focus their concern on foreign policy tend to pay less attention to domestic policy related issues. This did not happened in Qatar, as any observer of its internal affairs would find that domestic achievements are equal to, or exceed external accomplishments. Moreover, per capita income in Qatar is the highest in the world, besides the accomplishment of internal development and the execution of massive infrastructure projects.
27 Issue 2 - June 2012
Articles
Changes in the Arab World:
What Role Can The European Union Play? By Dr. Husni Ubadi *
End of Security Approach The successive developments in the Arab world have given rise to wide reactions, and have led to the interaction of the international community, particularly the Western powers viz a viz these developments and their implications on the future of the region and its relations with the Western powers. In addition, the attitudes of Western countries that have been amazed by the revolutions that took place in Tunisia, Egypt and elsewhere, also raised questions and debates within academic circles, and decision-making circles about the feasibility of these values of “modernism,” such as democracy, justice and equality in Arab countries. However, the search for the reality behind the imbalance in visions seems, in fact, premature, as recognized by the European Union itself, which is still keeping abreast with the changes in the South in order to formulate a new policy towards the Arab world. Nevertheless, the first reading of the European discourse will tell us why Europeans were faltering on the eve of the Arab uprisings; it can be summarized as follows:
* Director, Center for Studies and Research on the Arab World and the Mediterranean in Geneva
28 Issue 2 - June 2012
Articles
1- Under the label of protecting its strategic interests and its obsession with political Islam, some European countries ignored the importance of social and civil dynamics and their impact on political life.
- Establishing the principles of political pluralism and media, and adopting a free market economy.
2- Some key protesting figures found themselves in an enclosed vicinity of violence with their governments in the South; the fact that led to the undermining of both communication and trust with the other, and so increased doubts about the rebels’ intentions and goals against authoritarian states.
According to political science, the Arab world is divided into two camps over democracy, as follows :
3- By offering political and material support to authoritarian regimes, the West supported political regimes whose repressive and violent tactics were well-known. 4- The element of surprise and radicalism in some of the demands that marked revolutions in the Arab world, made the Europeans hesitant in taking necessary decisions. 5- New actors and leaders of the process of change were not necessarily familiar to the European Union as those who the latter used to negotiate with and managed to co-opt, a fact that will require the European Union some time to identify the newcomer's mentality. 6- Since the mechanisms of the European Union are governed by national policies and the logic of consensus in decision-making, let alone the European institutional complexities, the European Union’s attitudes were dominated by delay, and inconsistencies in attitudes. Therefore, its reactions were delayed and out of rhythm with events.
The Concept of Political Transition For the past several decades, the current thought in political science, “the Science of Transition”, has been bent on studying the democratization process in the world, and the phenomenon of comparative transition. It is quite important to evaluate the content of these studies, according to the process of empirical observations, and how far it is potentially suitable for the Arab environment, for democratization is the crucial moment in which treaties and contracts are negotiated. Political Transition scientists unanimously agree on the terms that ensure the transition into a pluralist system, and these are: - Political liberalization.
- Promoting democracy, and ensuring the conditions for its continuity.
- Regimes still insisting on despotism, resisting all forms of change and reform. - Regimes that recognize the risks of imposed change; however, these regimes deliberately set up transitional mechanisms without civil participation, so that, they themselves design landmarks of their own choosing for this transition. American political scientist Robert Dall developed a model of transition which is considered most efficient, as it only requires, according to Dall, restructuring of existing institutions at three levels by states: Transforming from one-party government into a democratic pluralistic system, abandoning central planning and turning to market economy, and shifting from an approach of self-sufficiency to integrate with the global economy. As such, this model is applicable to all types of reform. Thus, this theory specifies the general framework for transformation as well as the overcoming of obstacles. However, this transformation is subject to the idea of survival more than consolidating convictions that set up the democratic process in accordance with foundations on a sound bases, as it is an obligatory transitional phase, and not agreed upon or optional. Certainly, the political system has handed down to society its old legacy, but at the same time will not give up its influence and dominance. This is a “strategy to stay alive”, and proves that “economic liberalization, without integration of the redistribution of power,” revolves on democratic transition as French political scientist, Guy Hermite explains, pointing out in the same context that this would lead to three different tracks: - Establishment of democratic institutions. - Setting up a democratic process based on respect for law, permanent party system, and mediation. - Finally, tackling economic obstacles, of both structural and periodical nature, that would lead to the failure of the democratization process.
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Articles Political Transformation in Eastern Europe: A Case Study A great many questions have been raised recently, attempting to discover how much the “Arab Spring” has in common with the fall of communist regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989. There is a large difference in the performance of the West that we can specify: Western countries supported the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt at the expense of people's aspirations. This is contrary to what had happened at that time with the Eastern bloc countries; the West supported people at the expense of regimes under the pretext of the conflict between the two blocs during the Cold War. While in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, the people liberated themselves from these dictators and this is deemed to be an honor for them. The Arab world was the only region in the world that had remained far from the wave of democratic reform, as witnessed by Asia and Latin America in the eighties. The West, for decades, believed that Arabs constituted an exception, politically and culturally, in terms of democracy, in the sense that they are not eligible for the democratic
Arab world will not take a step back; Arab regimes that failed to engage, are invited to review the way they lead and deal with their people. Despite the fact that some existing regimes were not ready for that, they were nonetheless engulfed by fear and recklessness, and responded solely through repression and intimidation by security and army, causing people to begin opposing tyrannical and repressive regimes.
Political Transition: An Unsure Track Undoubtedly, the Arab countries are on the verge of a long period of instability; the transition period will see a lot of instability and uncertainty, as the return of authoritarian rule is not unlikely in such transition processes, and failure is a reasonable assumption if the transition is not accompanied by the establishment of legitimate institutions. How should the response be to aspirations of people who are impatient as a result of persecution, and who are wishing to control their own destiny? Accumulation of problems contributes directly to weakening the process of transformation. On the one hand, people have to be convinced that the necessary reforms should take enough time, so for this reason they are slow. On the other hand, transitional governments are obliged to renew themselves, in response to urgent and immediate popular pressures and demands.
system. Moreover, the West, for many years, considered Arabs as a risk of terrorism and extremism that had to be prevented. However, the transformations that became a reality in the Arab world since the end of 2010, have revealed that these peoples are thirsty for democracy, justice and freedom. The events that occurred in the Arab world, attaches part of the Arab world to the great democratic revolution that occurred and led to the collapse of the socialist camp, and also led, in different degrees, to a democratic revolution described by Samuel Huntington as “The Third Wave”. Today, we may be on the brink of “The Fourth Wave” of democratization. Yes, we are living a historic moment; after the revolution in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, the Arab world will not be as it used to. Hence, decision-makers have realized that people are able to express their demands, and defend them relentlessly. Whatever the results of these revolutions, it seems abundantly clear that the
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However, transition may require the presence of active politicians and economists who have ample experience, despite the fact that old faces are unacceptable to people, or faces of those linked to previous regimes, or the people’s wish for a complete and immediate break with a former regime. The pressing question here is how to achieve a break with the old regime in parallel with the establishment of a new political project that is universally acceptable, which is what distinguishes both Tunisia and Egypt. For in both countries - Egypt and Tunisia - that are undergoing transitions, the army appointed figures from the former regimes in key positions. Certainly, the army is looking for security and stability, so it wants the transition to be accompanied with security and order, to ensure the continuity of the State. At the same time, the military institution in Egypt was committed to a form of neutrality, contrary to Tunisia, in order to preserve its position, and achieve two objectives; first: confirming the role of the military and its officers in any political transformation, which explains why the ousted Egyptian president handed over power to the military. And the second is to achieve a smooth, gradual, and peaceful political transition under the current constitutional requirements, or any amended
Articles Mediterranean Partnership. So, Europe didn't manage to take advantage of the new changes in the Arab world and remained entrenched behind a security and strategic approach; unable to take clever advantage of the horizon of these changes.
requirements under the existing regime. In addition to internal considerations, the regional situation of Egypt is under the microscope of many influential international powers. Therefore, the West is seeking two objectives from this transformation: 1- Cutting off the possibility of a government or presidency dominated by political Islam, though this does not preclude it from participation in the transitional phase, this means that the West does not want the transformation that may enhance the radical camp, because that would upset the balance of power in the region that the West sought to be entrenched. 2- Preserve the peace agreement with Israel, since the latter is worried about the arrival of an Islamic or adverse government to power. That is the reason for the European Union being cautious in its interaction with the latest developments in Egypt, it is seeking transformation on one hand, but wishing for stability to dominate the region on the other hand, in the sense that it deems appropriate for its own interests i.e. does not affect relations with Israel, and cannot allow any party to come to power that would be adverse to western interests in the region.
Reconsidering The Helsinki Approach The winds of political change that are shaking the Arab world today have cost European taxpayers zero Eurocent, to date. However, since the famous Arab-European Dialogue, which began in the seventies right up to the Euro-Mediterranean track, passing through the “Neighborhood Policy”, and the tragic attempt of the Union for the Mediterranean, Brussels has spent vast sums of money pursuing “any possible reform”, but the result has always been the same: the establishment of despotism and modernizing it to comply with European requirements. The “Arab Spring” has disturbed the adopted approach in the European capitals, as leaders and elites have relied for a long time on the existing regimes to achieve reforms, but without seriously taking account of internal opposition movements. It is clear that the European “reform” could not bear fruit; it has collided with political problems which reduced the Euro-
However, it is not too late for the European Union, which had carried out a historic mission in the former Eastern bloc countries where the EU launched the Helsinki track together with the famous “three baskets”. This was a political plan which managed to help the countries of Eastern Europe get liberated from Soviet domination, via supporting the civil society, cultural and social movements, in addition to implementing economic and cultural aspects. However, the Barcelona process (EuroMed), inspired by the three elements of Helsinki - political, economic and cultural - did not have the impact envisaged because it encountered the intractable IsraeliPalestinian conflict, and the faltering steps towards a slowing down of the peace process between the Arabs and Israel to slow down this path and not be bound by it. Furthermore, they see the EuroMediterranean as a political platform, and evidence of incomplete legitimacy, rather than a serious process of political transition from power of exclusivity to genuine pluralism. With regard to Europe, it didn't adequately insist on its desire to see the other side of the Mediterranean having a minimum of democracy, but was partially satisfied with what its neighbors in the South were merely doing in their war against terrorism, combating illegal immigration, and praised their efforts at economic liberalization. Subsequently, human rights could wait in the fifth column; and by enjoying being counterparts participating in dialogue with European democracies, authoritarian regimes were able to obtain a new legitimacy in the eyes of their own people.
How can Europe Become a Sponsor for the Transitional Period? In fact, the European Union which was in the vanguard of democratization in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, has a role to play in the development of Arab countries. Since it is a partner with Arab countries within the framework of the Union for the Mediterranean, it could think about instituting certain systems and institutions to serve as watch dogs that would link democratic reforms to specific incentive targets that should be satisfactorily enough for the countries concerned. In order to create a real political conditionality in respect of national sovereignty, it would be in Europe's interest to pay its attention to civil societies in the Arab countries, so as to create a rich network of exchange and support and to be proactive and rational in establishing unity among the peoples of the Mediterranean Sea. The new diplomatic initiative has come after a long period of hibernation, and this is due to three factors, including:
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Articles 1- Europe’s inability to provide economic or political incentives, nor credible deterrent measures against parties to the conflict. 2- Member countries of the European Union possess contradictory preferences, in addition to some countries possessing contradictory priorities with the immediate goals of political change. 3- The Americans worked hard to keep the Europeans at a distance from the issues that they consider a monopoly. Brussels will not engage in a conflict with Washington over a role which success seems uncertain. As far as Europe is concerned, it is time to review its strategic approach, to re-focus its activities, and also to pursue more effective coordination (a more clear distribution of work) with the United States, in order to contribute to peace and stability in the Middle East.
Consequences for the European Union 1- It is difficult for the EU to absorb the new realities and repetitive changes taking place in the Arab countries after years of stability and stagnation. The changing Arab world imposes a challenge for the European Union. 2- The threat of rising uncontrolled migration flows, and its negative implications on public opinion in member countries of the European Union. 3- The European Union is required to alter its political orientations, and reconsider the applicability of its external policy, that had been developed by a political elite, that has now lost all credibility and ability to deal with an outdated situation.
Advantages of a New Approach in EU Policy Why is it now time to assign the European Union with a new task in the transitional period? 1- The contradiction among the European countries in managing relations with countries that undergo transition could provide the EU with an opportunity to be a preferred partner
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for these countries. The failure of previous regional policies of the European Union can be an argument for granting the European Union further power and capacity. 2- Weakness of some regimes in the South that are known for ongoing resistance for political and economic change are considered to be a positive element to confirm the guidance from Brussels. 3- The new transitional authorities share the same democratic values with the EU, so that makes it easier to get a European consensus, and to obtain political and financial support from the European Parliament without any obstacles. 4- The absence of a neutral actor in managing the transitional phase, and the organization of conflict would lend itself to Brussels to take the position of the facilitator among all parties. In addition, the presence of thousands of from their meanings for all the elements of the Arab system, while at the same time, they are not without social, economic and cultural challenges that seriously examine the ability of these uprisings to create the desired change, which should lead to the reconstruction of communities based on the basis of freedom, democracy, modernity, and social justice. An argument put up by supporters of the European construction to justify the absence of a common foreign policy, is: the lack of resources and sufficient military capabilities, as the European Union consists of 27 countries, and still relies on the U.S. umbrella for its defense. National militancy and arrogance prevent the emergence of a consensus that would allow the application of genuine European diplomacy. The Barcelona Process in 1996 was a creative response to the requirements of that particular phase. However, when it was announced, the “Arab Spring” states considered this path, as a customary* marriage, or an EU bid aiming at new legitimacy; they accepted it after they emptied it of content, which led to the failure of the Barcelona Process programme.
Articles
T he Utilization of State Formative Elements in Foreign Policy Formulation By: Jawad Al-Hindawi *
There are three constituents in the formation of nation state: the government, the territory and people, while their interaction, connectedness, and international recognition of their inference makes up sovereignty of the state.
the the the the
To begin with, the government is the tangible and formal expression of the will of the people embodied in the legislative, executive and judicial institutions. Although the people are the foundation of the government, the government itself is the leading and guiding force to the people, which is evident of the state power and indicative of its welfare. The government in the state formation resembles the white blood cells in the human body, which protects it when any foreign objects try to penetrate and paralyze its functions. When the government is weak; ceases to exist, or is exercised in a tyrannical manner, the state will no longer have any status or eminence. Therefore, the exercise of government must be conducted in accordance with certain ideological and social choices. Regardless of these choices, the exercise of government requires the existence of institutions and procedural rules that guarantee that it will not turn into a government which serves only those who are in power. It also requires the scientific and objective contemplation in the terms of its practice. Government, as an indispensable constituent of the state, should not be perceived through the perspective of its existence, or non-existence as a force whose task is to maintain public order, but more importantly, through the manner in which it is being exercised . Does the state practice its power through constitutional institutions, and seek the respect of human rights, dissemination and promoting of democratic practices, or do they exercise their powers with a despotic manner? When states exercise power according to the principle of
peaceful transition, thus creating sound political awareness, they gain legitimacy, derive sovereignty from the will of the people, and base their international relations – to some extent – on trust and cooperation. However, when states exercise power according to the principle of monopoly, and create a unilateral political approach, they gain legitimacy, and derive sovereignty- not from the will of people, but from the application of law it developed. This law is often intended to maintain public order, and the preservation of the government rather than a means to achieve justice. As such, international relations of this state are based on mistrust, suspicion and conflict. The model presented by the government in its dealings with the society, with all its socio-economic and political structures, would accustom people to this direction or another. There is a model that establishes values of tolerance, honesty and respect for the law and human rights, while there is another model which interacts with the society, with the language of confiscation, oppression and tyranny. Each model has its own implications in the domestic and external levels. The government should not be an instrument for tyranny and exploitation, but rather an exercise to build the individual, society and state, on the basis of brotherhood, justice and equality. It is practiced by any member of society who is lawfully assigned a number of mandatory powers irrespective of his position, whether at the pinnacle of power, or on a farm or in a school. This exercise is a test of the government official’s abilities, ethics, and civilities. It could either be an exercise of power as defined by law, regulations and guidelines, which in this case, would be a positive, responsible, and meaningful exercise, because it interprets the official's respect for the will of the people, and his endeavor to build individuals, society and the state, provided that the will of the people is the source of the law. On the other hand, exercise of power may be contrary to the definition of law, regulations and guidelines. Hence, it is a negative exercise that reflects the disregard of
* Ambassador of the Republic of Iraq to Doha
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Articles the official to the will of the people, providing a bad model that tends to abuse power for personal reasons which leads to corruption of both the society and the state. The way government is exercised in any country contributes to a great extent in the building of a civilization, and determining its cultural identity as well as its political orientation, either towards freedom and democracy, or towards dictatorship and tyranny. This could be explained from factual examples: some states belong to the same cultural and civilization background, nevertheless, each have taken a different path. Some enjoy a democratic system, high economic growth, political stability, and international relations based on trust and cooperation, while others experience political instability, fragile democracy, recurrent military coups, and its international relations characterized by anticipation and suspicion. There are several reasons for the difference in the approach and doctrine chosen by each state; however, the most critical is the rational use of one of the state's elements that is government. Whenever government is in conformity with the constitutional and legal terms, it leads to a stable democratic system as well as a political system based on consolidating the state, and its national identity at the expense of other affiliations and loyalties. Territory, as a second constituent in the formation of the state, should not be seen as a mere geographic area where people, and their powers are exercised, but rather with what this territory possesses of natural resources, or energy reserves, as well as its geopolitics. Every state derives its political importance from its geographical location, natural resources, or its area size. In 1784, the French philosopher, Montesquieu, stated in his book, “The Spirit of the Laws”, that there is a correlation between political attitudes of society and climate. Napoleon Bonaparte also said, “It is enough for me to know the geography of a country to know its foreign policy”. No state is able to crystallize its foreign policy effectively and efficiently unless it takes into account its geographical location, as well as other countries and especially bordering and regional states. American thinker, Brzezinski, classifies states based on their geographical positions and political roles, into three categories: geographical and strategic actors, geo-political supporters, and powerful states. Geographic – strategic actor states are those that play a strategic role in the geographical sphere beyond their borders - strategic players. However, there are states unable to play this role, but who represent an important geographical location that could be utilized to achieve certain objectives and policies - geo-political supporters. Finally, the third category is the very powerful and important state, but it cannot play a strategic role in the international arena. The position and policy of the great powers is obvious towards states that constitute geographical and political pillars. People are the third element of the state, whose strength and impact depend not on their numbers, but on their vitality and impact, and their ability for giving, as well as determining their national and cultural identity. Its vital criterion is not only political parties and leadership, civil society organizations,
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trade unions and other movements, but also the collective conscious embodied in the attachment to the nation or country, and not to ethnic, sectarian or factional loyalties. Collective conscious of the people is realizable by being subject to a constitution, constitutional authorities, and the endeavor of every citizen to apply the basic constitutional principles that attain justice, freedom and democracy. These basic principles are related to freedom, human rights, equal opportunities (that should guarantee equality in employment, education, and the exercise of their rights and freedoms), as well as the principle of peaceful succession of power by holding elections. The cultural and national affiliation of a people or a nation are derived and determined by the will of people towards the various constituents of state. The emphasis on belonging to the state should be expressed through citizenship and defending it, through belonging to the territory with its economic structure, exploitation of its wealth for prosperity, as well as its political and strategic use of its geography, and through embracing constitutional power with its ability to interpret and respect its will and represent it internally and externally. Additionally, people's or a nation's culture is the interpretation of a people's capacity to utilize the state's constituents rationally in a world engulfed by new and changing technologies and concepts. Hence, the power of the state, people, or society does not lie only in wealth and capabilities, but also on culture, ideas, and legal and economic systems ability to protect, develop and preserve. Alain Parfit, the French politician and philosopher wonders, “Why Southern India is able to feed 385 persons per square kilometer? While in Tropical Africa with the large quantities of rain and similar to Southern India in terms of climate and terrain can hardly ensure feeding four per square kilometer? Certainly, the search for the reasons that lie behind this gap
Articles should be focused on human beings rather the land”(1) The problem of backwardness or progress of any people is attributed to its culture and civilization, and not to its natural resources, economy, or politics. In fact, all these phenomena are considered as an embodiment and reflection of people's culture and collective mentality; should the mentality of the people be driven by determination and challenge, then it would enable the creation of civilization, accomplish achievements and miracles, as well as influence the course of history. Historian, Arnold Toynbee, considered the concept of challenge, a corner stone of his philosophy of history, and the interpretation of the rise and fall of civilizations - so, the bigger the challenge, the bigger the achievement.
«What matters to people are not ideological or economic interests, but faith and family, blood and doctrine» Huntington
The civilization of peoples and nations has been and remains the only criterion for categorization and distinction, and has now become an actor in shaping international relations, by its promotion and its role. To prove this, thinkers, writers, and specialists published numerous studies and papers; for example, American philosopher, Huntington, included in his book “The Clash of Civilizations” (second edition 1999), (Arabic translation- Talat Al-Shayeb) a sequence of conflict stages in history. In early history, conflict was among kings and emperors, and later on, among nationalities and ideologies, but in the post-Cold War era, conflict will break out among cultures, says Huntington. “What matters to people are not ideological or economic interests, but faith and family, blood and doctrine”. He also says that “religion has a central role in the modern world, perhaps the pivotal force that motivates human beings and attracts them”. Civilization for the writer is the broader cultural entity; “civilizations are the grand humanity and clash of civilizations is a tribal-global conflict and the cultural differences are the foundation stone and the major criteria in regard to classification and distinction among human beings today”. The reason for briefly mentioning Huntington's ideas, in his “The Clash of Civilizations”, is to demonstrate the importance of society's culture and civilization in formulating international relations and foreign policy. However, this doesn't mean that we agree with his analysis. In a similar and broader perspective, the American philosopher and author of “The End of History”, Francis Fukuyama, sees, in his intervention at a symposium held in Russia, partially published in the Middle East Daily in (07/08/2007, issue number 10479, p 10), that cultural factors have become the lens through which a lot of people see international issues. This hinders the factors of integration that drive development on a global level, i.e. globalization. However, he thinks, and we agree with him, that the economic globalization forces initiative, which impair the ability of local communities to determine the way they formulate their political life, will be a non-democratic act.
Brzezinski stated that the geopolitical challengers for America are Europe and Asia, not Africa or Latin America. This is due to the dominance of Europe and Asia over the world for the past five centuries and until today - since the beginnings of international relations. In fact, the power that dominates the world today is the USA, however, this is for a limited period; just as all the other empires that preceded it. Nevertheless, the important thing is to prolong the period of this domination for as long as possible. This would be possible, according to the philosopher, if America were to manage to play on the ham-chord of rivalries among the major powers: China, Russia, India and Europe (containing one via another, in order to remain the dominant power as long as possible)(2) It is imperative to look at the culture and civilization of a people or a society as a component of the state formation, not an alternative replacing it in the international interactions and relations. The state must be the fundamental unit in international level, which is governed by the legitimacy and principles of international relations, while in the internal level, the citizenship laws govern it. In other words, the state must not retreat in favor of cultural and civilization structures, or organizational groups in its dialogue with other states, particularly those with ambitions, that might aim at forming an alternate leadership for the state. No state can be productive and achieving unless it involves its citizens in the pattern of the civilization of their time, capable of both producing the values of its civilization and absorbing it, as well. The philosopher, Hegel said, “the individual, the nation, or the political system, that cease to innovate and create, would turn into a kind of animal or tree. It is better for nations that stop creating to learn how to die rather than continue to form a burden on life and the progress of human conscious “(3). Sources : - Alain Parfit, Miracle in the economy: from the Phoenician cities to Japan. Beirut, Dar al-Nahar, 1997, p. 31. - Hashem Saleh, Middle East Daily in 16/8/2007, Issue no. 10488. - Hegel. Lecans on the philosophy of history. In 1954. p.226, etc.
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Book Review
The Age of Deception:
Nuclear Diplomacy in Treacherous Times
uthor: Dr. Mohamed El-Baradei, Nobel Peace Prize laureate, former Director A General of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna, from 1997 to 2009
Book Name: THE AGE OF DECEPTION Nuclear Diplomacy in Treacherous Times
Date of Publication: 2011 lace of Publication: Middle East: Bloomsbury Qatar Foundation Publishing – P Doha, Qatar. New York: Metropolitan Books, Henry Holt and Company, LLC. 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, New York, 10010 Copyright: The Author
Dr. Ahmed Mahmoud Gomaa *
he book contains an introduction, twelve chapters, and a conclusion in medium sized 340 T pages. The book is Dr. Mohamed El-Baradei's memoirs as Director General of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) during one of the most critical periods of the development of what he calls “nuclear diplomacy” that failed to prevent the occurrence of the war in Iraq, which he describes as both “unnecessary and unjustifiable”.
*
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Former ambassador and adviser at the Diplomatic Institute- Saudi Arabia
Book Review The author allocates half of these memoirs to the Iraqi experience in the introduction and chapters I and III. In Chapter II, the author presents his experience in dealing with the North Korean nuclear activity that ended in utter failure. North Korea quit the six-party talks, and announced its withdrawal from the Non-proliferation Treaty of Nuclear Weapons , as well as conducting the first nuclear weapon test early 2006 and another in May 2009. In Chapter VI, he presents his experience with Libya, when British intelligence revealed to him in March 2003 the existence of secret nuclear facilities in Tajoura, a small town east of Tripoli. Events and information on the subject developed very quickly, when he received a call from Mr. Matouk Mohammed Matouk, the then Libyan Deputy Prime Minister for Science and Technology, on December 18, 2003, who informed him that the Libyan Foreign Minister would be announcing within hours, Libya's decision to dismantle its nuclear program. Matouk announced that he would be coming to Vienna immediately, with his aides, to meet with IAEA Director General, to discuss the necessary arrangements. El-Baradei recalls that it came as a complete surprise to him, as he hadn't received any prior information about the existence of a secret program in Libya. When El-Baradei met with the Libyan official, the latter handed him documents that spoke of their procurement of maps and plans for the establishment of an enrichment center provided by the Pakistani nuclear scientist, Abdul Qadeer Khan, in addition to the procurement of equipment and help from various international bodies in this field. El-Baradei recounts that this was the first time he knew about the existence of a global black market of such a large size that deals with nuclear materials. The Agency did not find any problem in dismantling the program within months. l-Baradei moves next to the Iranian nuclear portfolio, which E is still open to all possibilities for which he devoted the ninth, eleventh and twelfth chapters. The introduction to these memoirs starts with a dramatic and touching scene on 9th February, 2003 that can be described as the “Last Supper” between El-Baradei, in his capacity as in charge of the nuclear aspect of the inspection teams' work, and the Swede, Hans Blix, in charge of searching for chemical and biological weapons, and a senior official Iraqi delegation in Baghdad, headed by Foreign Minister Naji Sabri, General Amer Hammoudi Al-Saadi Hassan, First Scientific Advisor to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein and Hossam Amin, Head of the Iraqi Liaison Office with the inspection teams. ElBaradei and Blix started by impressing on their two hosts during the meeting the need to answer the usual question: “You confirm that you have no weapons of mass destruction, but we need more evidence to close this file once and for all, help us to help you”. El-Baradei recounts that at that point Hossam Amin, Head of Iraqi Liaison Office, bent forward and said, “Let's be frank, in the first place, we cannot offer you more because we have nothing more, and in the second place, you cannot help us because the war is inevitable, there is nothing else that anyone of us can do to stop it, and both you and we are aware of that, so, whatever we may do, it is all over. Al-Saadi nodded his head, confirming what Amin said with a sad smile. El-Baradei recalls that, until that time, he didn't believe what Amin has said, since the IAEA inspection teams had undertaken checking a tremendous amount of information furnished by various Western intelligence sources without finding any evidence of nuclear activity violation by Iraq, a fact that he confirmed in a statement at the Security Council Meeting on January 27, 2003, which outraged Western Officials and Media Services. However, the Agency, as El-
Baradei states, was not yet in a position to give a final clearance from any and all nuclear activities to Iraq. It was for this purpose that the Agency requested a period of a few months to complete the task of inspection, stressing that this would be “a great investment in peace”. El-Baradei states that, unfortunately, some parties were not ready to wait, and the escalation had reached a crescendo, and its intensity had feverishly increased in London and Washington. U.S. Secretary of State, Colin Powell, had presented to the U.N. Security Council, only four days prior to the “Baghdad dinner”, what he called documents and recordings that couldn't have been considered in any way as overwhelming evidence of Iraqi involvement in prohibited activities. All the inspection teams couldn't furnish any evidence over the next six weeks following Powell's speech, and investigations proved that allegations over the procurement by Iraq of Uranium from Niger were false and fabricated. El-Baradei then recounts that he had received a request from the U.S. Mission in Vienna, on the morning of March 17, 2003, asking him to withdraw the Agency's inspection teams from Baghdad, as the invasion was imminent. In his opinion this war was absolutely unjustifiable, and it ignored what he called “the role of the Agency's nuclear diplomacy and turned it into a fig leaf to cover up fraud and trickery, instead of what should have been happening according to the right track”; adding, “Gen. Amer Al-Saadi surrendered to Coalition Forces on April 12, 2003, and insisted on the presence of German television station ZDF to cover his surrender,” directing his speech at the Camera, he said,: “We have no weapons of mass destruction, and time will prove my words to be true”. In the following chapters the author reviews the Agency's experiences in monitoring and detection programs for the manufacturing of weapons of mass destruction, and starts with
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Book Review Iraq, in 1991, directly in the aftermath of the Kuwait liberation war. The Agency was then applying guarantees on research reactors, one was Soviet-made, and the other was French, in addition to a small factory for manufacturing fuel and fuel storage. IAEA inspectors discovered, in post-Gulf War II, the presence of undeclared covert activities in the same location, and other scattered locations in Iraq. It was considered a dereliction for which the Agency and Inspection Control Departments were blamed. The Agency, he states, was then conducting its activities on the basis of information and facilities that the state concerned was providing. The Security Council resolution issued after the liberation of Kuwait, obliged the Government of Iraq to declare all its nuclear facilities. As such, the IAEA and the Monitoring Committee for Chemical and Biological Weapons “UNSCOM” Iraq, was entrusted with the task of destroying these weapons. Iraq, on the other hand, as a defeated state, had no choice but to submit. El-Baradei refers to previous attempts by Iraqi officials to hide important parts of undeclared activities from the eyes of the inspection teams as well as the insistence of the inspectors to pursue these activities with tactics that sometimes seemed degrading to the Iraqi side. He considered that this experience had resulted in broad international support for his proposal to formulate a model of an Additional Protocol on Safeguards that was adopted by the IAEA Board of Governors on May 13, 1997. This move, in his view, represented a breakthrough towards strengthening the Safeguards System of IAEA by closing and bridging all the gaps and ways of circumvention on the model that happened in Iraq. El-Baradei mentioned that the IAEA team accomplished its duties in Iraq, while the chemical and biological weapons monitoring team faltered amid charges from within, of planting CIA operatives under the guise of inspectors. He brings to memory the experience of the overwhelming air attack on Iraq in 1999 known as “Desert Fox” which, in his view, convinced the Iraqis that whatever complete cooperation on weapons of mass destruction they were to offer, it would not be worthwhile. It became clear to them that overthrowing and changing the regime was the goal. At that time, the Iraqi government then requested the inspection teams to leave, and their activities were suspended for four years. Dr. El-Baradei sees that the situation in the United States changed after the events of September 11th, 2001, when the U.S. administration under President George W. Bush adopted a tougher line on matters of disarmament in general, whilst the Agency gained more expertise after its experiences in Iraq and Korea, and it has become more efficient in managing control and inspection operations. However, the surge of mistrust with the Iraqi side has aggravated in the next weeks and months. It became obvious that the official attitude in Washington had become conservative towards the Agency; for example, U.S. Vice President, Dick Cheney's statement on “Meet the Press”, a few days before the invasion, when he was faced with the
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Agency's assessment that Saddam Hussein did not resume his nuclear program, emphasized that the United States believes the opposite, and that El-Baradei is “mistaken”. Nonetheless, Cheney, speaking on the same program a few months later, in September 2003, said the he had miss-expressed in his previous statement during the first meeting, and that the U.S. had never obtained evidence that Saddam Hussein possesses nuclear weapons. El-Baradei concludes by reviewing the scale of destruction and loss of life in Iraq, and wonders: Isn't it just that those responsible for these atrocities, who launched a war based on fraudulent evidence in flagrant violation of international law, be held accountable before the International Criminal Court? The author then turns to the Iranian nuclear issue, explaining that he believes that the pursuit of, and the acquisition of nuclear technology has become a national goal and strategy for Iran, since it believes that achieving this goal will reinforce its regional status, and deter its enemies, as well. However, Iran, in his personal opinion, based on his long experience in dealing with that issue, may not seek possession of nuclear weapons, but would be satisfied with the possession of the mastery of nuclear technology within the framework of what is known as the “nuclear fuel cycle.” He also believes that North Korea is not the choice model for Iran as it has become a pariah internationally when it withdrew from the Non-Proliferation Treaty and when it conducted nuclear tests. The choice model for Iran, in his view, is that of Brazil and Japan as both are in possession of advanced nuclear technology that enables them, if urgent need arises, to manufacture weapons over a short period of time. The author criticized the group negotiating with Iran (5+1), particularly its western members, for their double standards and unjustified strictness with Iran, as opposed to their laxness with North Korea. The author overlooked the role of Israel and that of Zionist pressure lobbies in magnifying the so-called danger of alleged Iranian nuclear activities, and in instigating enmity towards Iran. At the end of his review of the security challenges facing the world today, the author asserts the necessity for responding to these challenges both forcefully and comprehensively. In his view, the world is in need of a new system for collective security so that the prevailing perception is not the zero-sum-game for the benefit of an individual, a group, or a nation, but a collective and fair system for the benefit of all humanity. He stressed the constructive and crucial role of international organizations in this regard. This book presents general readers and specialists in international affairs with the inside story of major developments that shocked our region and the world, and that will have repercussions going far beyond our generation. For diplomats, present and aspiring, these memoirs of a Diplomat, turned lawyer, turned Nuclear Disarmament Specialist, proves that for them, the sky is the limit. They can achieve whatever they put their mind to with dedication and perseverance. By reading this book we are able to observe the manner of thinking and working methods of intellectuals and politicians who have left their imprint on developments and events in history in our region and the world over the past decades.
Publications
Publication from the Institute
Changes in the Arab World... The Diplomatic Institute issued its first study entitled “Changes in the Arab World and its implications for the United States and the West, Palestine and Israel (The Peace Process)�, written by Dr. Saeb Erekat, a member of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization, and head of the Palestinian delegation to the final status negotiations.
The study formed an initial attempt to examine the implications of the changes in the Arab world on the United States and the West, where it emphasized that the ArabWestern relations have not been defined since 1683, when the Ottoman Empire besieged Vienna. In this study, the writer avoided tackling what the West had been going through during the past five hundred years. This includes Martin Luther King's reforms; the emergence of the Protestant denomination; the separation of state and religion, and peace of Westphalia, which ended the Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) and determined the sovereignty of States' principle stressing non-interference in the internal affairs of States. Following this, is the arrival of the Enlightenment Age, moral philosophy, human rights; then the French Revolution in 1789, and finally the European revolutions in 1848. During five hundred years, the West witnessed a transitional period towards Secularism, however Arab–Western relations did not change with the progressions that took place in the structure of governance in the West, and is still vague until today. This study does not address the clash of civilizations or history, but moved to the first democratic experience in the Middle East in 1951, i.e, in Iran, when Dr. Mohammad Mossaddak received 79 votes against 12 votes in the Iranian parliament, and consequently formed his government, which was toppled by the U.S. Administration and British Government in 1953. This signifies that the democratic choice of the Iranians was not respected. It also proves that the United
States of America and the West preferred what they called the preservation of interests at the expense of democratic values. Furthermore, the West dealt with regimes of one man, family or military rule at the expense of democracy, human rights and women's rights, accountability, transparency and openness. The study demonstrates that the United States and the West did not hesitate to make deals and overlook the suppression of any democratic movement in favor of theocracy or autocracy. In the last century, no one heard a reference to democracy and human rights in the Arab world with the exception certainly to Israel, who was the West's strategic ally and considered the only democracy in the region. The study tackles the way the West dealt with Arab rulers, such as former Iraqi President Saddam Hussein during his war with Iran, and how he was dealt with following the Iraqi invasion to Kuwait. It also elaborates on its dealings with former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi before the abandonment of his unconventional weapons program and afterwards. The study made a comparison of what happened in Europe in 1848, and the events in the Arab world today, and attempts to provide a balanced approach to the West in delineating its relationship with the Arabs between interests and democracy, asserting the presence of no contradictions between them. The study examines the implications of the changes taking place in the Arab world, on the Palestinians and the Israelis (The Peace Process), trying to link between democracy and peace, with the conclusion of a correlation. The study also discusses how decision-makers in Israel and Palestine deal with the ongoing changes. It also debates the attempts being made by several Israeli schools of thought as well as the Israeli government, or Israel's supporters in America and the West, to doctor the events to evade the obligations of the peace process and to deepen the gap between the West and the Arabs. Finally, the study raises a question for all the interlinked parties (the United States of America, the Western countries, Israel, and the Arabs), and in particular, the Arab political parties that fought the elections and won: What is required of each party to ensure the success of democracy in Arab countries?
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From the
Political Dictionary Security
Collective Security
For a long time, the concept of “security” has been defined as safeguarding borders of the homeland from external aggression, or as preserving national interests in foreign policy, or that it is international security in the event of possible nuclear war. By the end of the Cold War, this understanding became irrelevant in the mindset of people who believe insecurity is generated by problems related to daily life rather than from fear resulting from global problems, hence being secure means being safe from harm. Undoubtedly, there is no one fully safe since accidents are possible, resources may become scarce, people may lose their jobs and wars may break out. However, it is certain that the necessity for feeling secure is a basic humanitarian value and a prerequisite for a dignified life.
A number of mechanisms with a legal basis designed to prevent aggression by any country against another, or to put an end to it should it happen. This would be achieved through directing credible warnings to real or potential aggressors, by presenting credible pledges to victims or potential victims to initiate collective measures to maintain peace and would be implemented when necessary. These measures include diplomatic boycott, imposing sanctions and even the launch of military action. The fundamental idea is based on collective punishment against perpetrators using large force. Member states should decline from resorting to resolve inter-conflicts by themselves, but at the same time, should be prepared to use collective force against any aggressor. However, in other issues, the state continues to enjoy its sovereignty.
Human Security This concept was initiated by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in the 1990s of the last century, and is an issue of a global nature that matters to people everywhere, both rich and poor. The idea of human security leads to focus on a human being's need to be protected against hunger, disease and repression, as his need to be protected against events that would likely jeopardize his daily life. This in turn reflects the need for re-distributing wealth fairly and visibly in favor of the poor at the global level, rather than being enjoyed by the rich only. There are two crucial foundations for human security, which are freedom from fear and freedom from need.
Common Security This concept expresses the idea that security should not be considered as a value to which states are competing over it. Traditionally, scientists tended to talk about security in the context of a conflict - that primarily focuses on military plans. Contrary to the concept of security predicament, the idea of common security stresses the non-competitive approaches by which rivals manage to achieve security, rather than targeting each other. This concept only came into common practice in the 1980s of the last century, as a partial reaction to the deterioration of relations between East and West. Despite the fact that common security is still vague and an undefined term in many aspects, it still attracts supporters of radical change and peaceful coexistence, who are the most pragmatic among the rival blocs. It is Gorbachev, the former Soviet leader who introduced this term and hoped that by taking up the idea of Common Security, he would attract the United States of America and Western Europe in supporting drastic mutual arms reduction.
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