Race ethnicity gender and class the sociology of group conflict change ebook pdf version

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Brief Contents 1. Preface 2. Acknowledgments 3. About the Authors 4. Part I: An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States 1. 1. Diversity in the United States: Questions and Concepts 2. 2. Assimilation and Pluralism: From Immigrants to White Ethnics 3. 3. Prejudice and Discrimination 5. Part II: The Evolution of Dominant–Minority Relations in the United States 1. 4. The Development of Dominant–Minority Group Relations in Preindustrial America: The Origins of Slavery 2. 5. Industrialization and Dominant–Minority Relations: From Slavery to Segregation and the Coming of Postindustrial Society 6. Part III: Understanding Dominant–Minority Relations in the United States Today 1. 6. African Americans: From Segregation to Modern Racism and Institutional Discrimination 2. 7. Native Americans: From Conquest to Tribal Survival in a Postindustrial Society 3. 8. Hispanic Americans: Colonization, Immigration, and Ethnic Enclaves 4. 9. Asian Americans: Model Minorities?

5. 10. New Americans, Assimilation, and Old Challenges 7. Part IV: Other Groups, Other Patterns 1. 11. Gender 2. 12. Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Americans 3. 13. Dominant–Minority Relations in a Cross-National Perspective 8. Part V: Challenges For the Present and the Future 1. 14. Minority Groups and U.S. Society: Themes, Patterns, and the Future 9. Glossary 10. References 11. Index

Detailed Contents Preface Acknowledgments About the Authors Part I: An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States 1. Diversity in the United States: Questions and Concepts Some American Stories Minority Groups: Trends and Questions Increasing Diversity What’s in a Name?

Questions about the Future, Sociology, and the Plan of This Book NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: On Being American What Is a Minority Group?

Patterns of Inequality Theoretical Perspectives Minority-Group Status and Stratification Visible Distinguishing Traits: Race and Gender Race Gender Key Concepts in Dominant–Minority Relations Prejudice Discrimination APPLYING CONCEPTS Ideological Racism Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS Institutional Discrimination NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: A White Man Reflects on Privilege A Global Perspective Immigration and Globalization Conclusion Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site 2. Assimilation and Pluralism: From Immigrants to White Ethnics Assimilation Types of Assimilation The “Traditional” Perspective on Assimilation: Theories and Concepts Pluralism Types of Pluralism Other Group Relationships From Immigrants to White Ethnics Industrialization and Immigration European Origins and Conditions of Entry Chains of Immigration

The Campaign Against Immigration: Prejudice, Racism, and Discrimination NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: The Lost Boys of Sudan Patterns of Assimilation The Importance of Generations Ethnic Succession NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Ethnicity, Prejudice, and the Irish Political Machine Continuing Industrialization and Structural Mobility Variations in Assimilation Degree of Similarity Religion Social Class Gender Sojourners The Descendants of the Immigrants Today Geographical Distribution Integration and Equality APPLYING CONCEPTS The Evolution of White Ethnicity Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS The Twilight of White Ethnicity?

NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Lucky to Be Here Contemporary Immigrants: Does the Traditional Perspective Apply?

COMPARATIVE FOCUS: Immigration and Ireland Implications for Examining Dominant–Minority Relations Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site 3. Prejudice and Discrimination Prejudice and Discrimination Prejudice The Affective Dimension The Cognitive Dimension: Stereotypes Cognitive and Affective Dimensions of Stereotypes Intersections of Race, Gender, and Class Sociological Causes of Prejudice Group Competition Theoretical Perspectives on Group Competition and Prejudice: Power/Conflict Models Summary and Limitations The Persistence of Prejudice The Vicious Cycle The Development of Prejudice in Children Social Distance Scales: The Cultural Dimensions of Prejudice Situational Influences APPLYING CONCEPTS Summary and Limitations

NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: The Cultural Sources of Prejudice Recent Trends: Traditional Prejudice and Modern Racism Traditional Prejudice: Changing Attitudes?

Explaining the Decline of Traditional Prejudice 1: The Role of Education Explaining the Decline of Traditional Prejudice 2: The Contact Hypothesis Modern Racism: The New Face of Prejudice?

COMPARATIVE FOCUS: The Contact Hypothesis and European Prejudice Limitations Hate Crimes The Sociology of Prejudice NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: The Dynamics of Racial Hatred Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site Part II: The Evolution of Dominant–Minority Relations in the United States 4. The Development of Dominant–Minority Group Relations in Preindustrial America: The Origins of Slavery The Origins of Slavery in America The Labor Supply Problem The Contact Situation The Creation of Slavery in the United States Paternalistic Relations The Dimensions of Minority-Group Status NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: The Lives of Enslaved People NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Ain’t I a Woman?

NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Life as a Slave Girl The Creation of Minority Status for Native Americans and Mexican Americans Native Americans APPLYING CONCEPTS Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS Mexican Americans Comparing Minority Groups COMPARATIVE FOCUS: Mexico, Canada, and the United States Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site 5. Industrialization and Dominant–Minority Relations: From Slavery to Segregation and the Coming of Postindustrial Society Industrialization and the Shift From Paternalistic to Rigid Competitive Group Relations The Impact of Industrialization on the Racial Stratification of African Americans: From Slavery to Segregation Reconstruction (1865 to the 1880s) De Jure Segregation The Origins of De Jure Segregation COMPARATIVE FOCUS: Jim Crow Segregation and the South African

Apartheid The Great Migration (1916–1970) Life in the North Competition With White Ethnic Groups NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: The Kitchenette The Origins of Black Protest The Dimensions of Minority-Group Status Acculturation and Integration Gender and Race Industrialization, the Shift to Postindustrial Society, and Dominant–Minority Group Relations: General Trends Urbanization Occupational Specialization Bureaucracy and Rationality Growth of White-Collar Jobs and the Service Sector The Growing Importance of Education A Dual Labor Market Globalization Postindustrial Society and the Shift From Rigid to Fluid Competitive Relationships Modern Institutional Discrimination The Continuing Power of the Past APPLYING CONCEPTS Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS Affirmative Action Social Change and Minority-Group Activism Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site Part III: Understanding Dominant–Minority Relations in the United States Today 6. African Americans: From Segregation to Modern Racism and Institutional Discrimination The End of De Jure Segregation Wartime Developments The Civil Rights Movement Reflections from Rosa Parks Developments Outside the South De Facto Segregation Urban Unrest The Black Power Movement NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Growing Up as a Black Girl in the Jim Crow South Protest, Power, and Pluralism The Black Power Movement in Perspective Gender and Black Protest Black–White Relations Since the 1960s: Issues and Trends Continuing Separation COMPARATIVE FOCUS: Race in Another America

The Criminal Justice System and African Americans Increasing Class Inequality Modern Institutional Discrimination The Family Institution and the Culture of Poverty Mixed Race and New Racial Identities Prejudice and Discrimination Assimilation and Pluralism Acculturation Secondary Structural Assimilation APPLYING CONCEPTS Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS Primary Structural Assimilation Is the Glass Half Empty or Half Full?

Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site 7. Native Americans: From Conquest to Tribal Survival in a Postindustrial Society Size of the Group Native American Cultures Agriculture, Views on Nature, and Land Ownership Gender and Social Structure Belief Systems and Gender Relations With the Federal Government After the 1890s Reservation Life NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Civilize Them With a Stick Protest and Resistance Early Efforts Red Power The Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) Protest and Preservation of Native American Cultures Contemporary Native American–White Relations Natural Resources Attracting Industry to the Reservation COMPARATIVE FOCUS: Australian Aborigines and Native Americans Broken Treaties Gaming and Other Development Possibilities Prejudice and Discrimination APPLYING CONCEPTS Assimilation and Pluralism Acculturation Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: An Indian View of White Civilization Secondary Structural Assimilation Primary Structural Assimilation Comparing Minority Groups Progress and Challenges Summary

Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site 8. Hispanic Americans: Colonization, Immigration, and Ethnic Enclaves Mexican Americans Cultural Patterns Immigration NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: The Meaning of Macho?

Developments in the United States NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: In the Country We Love: My Family Divided Mexican Americans and Other Minority Groups Puerto Ricans Migration (Push and Pull) and Employment Transitions Puerto Ricans and Other Minority Groups Cuban Americans Immigration (Push and Pull) NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Gender Images of Latinas Regional Concentrations Socioeconomic Characteristics The Ethnic Enclave Cuban Americans and Other Minority Groups Prejudice and Discrimination APPLYING CONCEPTS Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS Assimilation and Pluralism Acculturation Secondary Structural Assimilation COMPARATIVE FOCUS: Immigration to Europe Versus Immigration to the United States Primary Structural Assimilation Assimilation and Hispanic Americans Hispanic Americans and the Evolution of the American Racial Other Whitening Browning Something Else?

How Will the Racial Order Evolve?

Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site 9. Asian Americans: Model Minorities?

Origins and Cultures APPLYING CONCEPTS Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS Contact Situations and the Development of the Chinese American and Japanese American Communities Chinese Americans

Japanese Americans NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Big Little Man: In Search of My Asian Self NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: The Relocation COMPARATIVE FOCUS: Japan’s “Invisible” Minority Comparing Minority Groups Contemporary Immigration From Asia Prejudice and Discrimination Assimilation and Pluralism Acculturation Secondary Structural Assimilation Primary Structural Assimilation Comparing Minority Groups: Explaining Asian American Success Asian Americans and White Ethnics Asian Americans and Colonized Racial Minority Groups Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site 10. New Americans, Assimilation, and Old Challenges Current Immigration New Hispanic Groups: Immigrants From the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, and Colombia Three Case Studies Non-Hispanic Immigrants From the Caribbean Two Case Studies Contemporary Immigration From Asia Four Case Studies Middle Eastern and Arab Americans NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Refugees Detroit’s Arab American Community 9/11 and Arab Americans Immigrants From Africa NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: 9/11 and Middle Eastern Americans Modes of Incorporation Immigrants and the Primary Labor Market Immigrants and the Secondary Labor Market Immigrants and Ethnic Enclaves Summary Immigration: Issues and Controversies The Attitudes of Americans The Immigrants Costs and Benefits Undocumented Immigrants DREAMers Is Contemporary Assimilation Segmented?

The Case for Segmented Assimilation The Case for “Traditional” Assimilation Theory Summary

Recent Immigration in Historical and Global Context New Immigrants and Old Issues Summary Review Questions Student Study Site Part IV: Other Groups, Other PatTerns 11. Gender The Sociology of Gender: The Basics History and Background of Gender Relations Hunting and Gathering Agrarian Industrial Gender Inequality in a Globalizing, Postindustrial World Movements for Gender Equality First Wave: Suffragists APPLYING CONCEPTS Second Wave: Women’s Liberation Movement Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS Third Wave: Postmodern and Postindustrial Movements for Gender Equality Institutional Gender Discrimination NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Growing Up Transgender Sexual Harassment and Assault in the Military Reproductive Rights and Freedoms Sexism and Discrimination Assimilation and Pluralism Acculturation NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Men’s Invisible Privilege COMPARATIVE FOCUS: Women’s Status in a Global Perspective Secondary Structural Assimilation Primary Structural Assimilation Conclusions and Implications for Dominant–Minority Relations Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site 12. Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Americans Sexual Orientation, Sexual Identity, and Sexual Behavior Sexual Orientation Inequalities, Minority-Group Status, and Identity Visibility and Identity: Gender Traits and Sexual Orientation NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Black or Gay? History and Background of Same-Sex Relationships Ancient Greece Separate Spheres: Agrarian to Industrial Society From World War II and the McCarthy Era to Civil Rights The 1960s and Beyond: Growing Visibility, Backlash, and HIV/AIDS Coming Out Recent Developments

Gay Liberation Movements Pre-Stonewall: Homophile Organizations Post-Stonewall: Gay Liberation Movement New Millennium: LGBT and Queer Politics The Role of Youth and Queer Liberation Recent Trends and Issues Same-Sex Marriage Sexual Orientation in the U.S. Military Race, Racism, and Sexual Orientation Homophobia and Heterosexism APPLYING CONCEPTS Assimilation and Pluralism Acculturation Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS Secondary Structural Assimilation COMPARATIVE FOCUS: Attitudes Toward LGBT people in Global Perspective Primary Structural Assimilation NARRATIVE PORTRAIT: Negotiating the Job Market Conclusions and Implications for Dominant–Minority Relations Summary Key Terms Review Questions Student Study Site 13. Dominant–Minority Relations in Cross-National Perspective A Brief Review of Major Analytical Themes A Snapshot of Global Diversity A Global Tour Canada Northern Ireland COMPARATIVE FOCUS: The Roma: Europe’s “True Minority” Germany Switzerland Former Yugoslavia Rwanda South Africa The Middle East Hawaii Brazil APPLYING CONCEPTS Answers to APPLYING CONCEPTS Analyzing Group Relations Summary Review Questions Student Study Site Part V: Challenges for the Present and the Future 14. Minority Groups and U.S. Society: Themes, Patterns, and the Future Revisiting Some Americans

The Importance of Subsistence Technology The Importance of the Contact Situation, Group Competition, and Power The Importance of Intersectionality Assimilation and Pluralism Minority-Group Progress and the Ideology of American Individualism A Final Word Summary Student Study Site Glossary References Index

Preface Of the challenges confronting the United States today, those relating to dominant–minority group relations continue to be among the most urgent and the most daunting. The history of our country is, in part, a story of discrimination and the rejection of “others.” Along with equality, freedom, and justice, prejudice, racism, and sexism seem to be some of our oldest values.

Every part of our society, and virtually every item on the national agenda—“welfare” and health care reform, policing, crime and punishment, family, education, defense, foreign policy, and terrorism—have some connection with dominant–minority relations.

This textbook contributes to our ongoing national discussion by presenting information, raising questions, and deeply examining relevant issues. Our intent is to help you increase your knowledge, improve your understanding of the issues, and clarify your thinking about social inequalities related to race, ethnicity, gender, class, and sexual orientation. We have written for undergraduate students—sociology majors and nonmajors alike. We assume little about your knowledge of history or sociological concepts, and we present the material in an accessible way. For example, we use a unified set of themes and concepts throughout the text, even as we examine multiple sociological perspectives and different points of view. We introduce most of the conceptual framework in the first four chapters. Then, in Chapters 5 through 13, we apply these concepts and analytical themes to a series of minority groups that we refer to as case studies. In the last chapter, we review our main points, consider present challenges, and speculate about the future.

Our analysis is, generally, macro and comparative. That is, we focus on large groups and social structures—such as social institutions and stratification system. We systematically compare and contrast the experiences of America’s many minority groups over time. The book follows in the tradition of conflict theory, but it is not a comprehensive statement of that tradition. We introduce and apply other perspectives, but we do not attempt to explain everything, give equal attention to all current sociological paradigms, or include all possible viewpoints. Rather, our goals are (1) to present the sociology of minority-group relations in a way that you will find intellectually challenging but also understandable and (2) to address the issues (and tell the stories behind the issues) in a way that demonstrates the power and importance of sociological thinking.

To help tell these stories, Narrative Portraits in Chapters 1 through 12 explore the thoughts and experiences of a wide variety of people: minority group members including immigrants, journalists, sociologists, racists, and slaves, among others. These excerpts reinforce our sociological analysis personally, dramatically, and memorably. Comparative Focus features will help you think about these issues in relation to other societies. Additionally, photos throughout the text help document the experiences of minority groups and the realities of prejudice, racism, sexism, and discrimination. Timelines at the start of each chapter provide a brief overview of key events related to the chapter topic.

In addition to examining diversity across minority groups (e.g., Native Americans and Hispanic Americans), we stress the diversity of experiences within each minority group (e.g., Puerto Ricans and Cubans). Additionally, we use an intersectional perspective to explore the ways

race, ethnicity, social class, gender, and sexual orientation influence one another, creating evershifting constellations of dominance and subordination. We give unique attention to gender as it relates to social beliefs, values, norms, and social structures. For example, we pay attention to how enslaved women in the antebellum South were oppressed in unique ways as a result of their gender and race.

Finally, we stress the ways American minority groups are inseparable from the American experience—from the early days of colonial settlements to the present day. The relative success of our society is due to the contributions of minority groups as well as those of the dominant group. The nature of the minority-group experience has changed as U.S. society has changed.

To understand America’s minority groups is to understand some elemental truths about America. To raise the issues of difference and diversity is to ask what it means, and what it has meant, to be an American.

The issues we face will not disappear; nor will they be resolved easily or quickly. People’s feelings about these issues can be intense, and controversy, indifference, and bitterness can overshadow objective analysis and calm reason. We have little hope of resolving our nation’s dilemmas until we address them openly and honestly. This book explores topics that involve conflict between groups. That history is tinged with pain. We discuss topics that can be challenging to learn. And, at times, we quote directly from sources that use language that may be offensive or painful to hear. We have included it because we cannot seek to understand (or change) things we do not face.

Changes in This Edition This edition of Race, Ethnicity, Gender, and Class retains and updates popular features from our earlier editions, including the following: Opening Vignettes foreshadow the chapter content and stimulate student interest.

Learning Objectives focus student attention on what they will know and be able to do after learning the chapter material.

Questions for Reflection guide an analysis of the material.

Questions to Consider help apply chapter concepts to each Narrative Portrait and Comparative Focus feature.

Applying Concepts activities use key ideas in easy, creative ways.

Chapter Summaries help students identify major points.

Key Terms are defined and offset within the text for ease of reference.

In addition, the authors have thoroughly revised the text to make it fresher, more relevant, and more accessible to undergraduates. This edition incorporates the latest and best research and more than 100 new and updated tables, maps, and figures and more than 90 new photos that clearly illustrate sociological concepts. In addition to new content on gender and sexual orientation, the authors emphasize an intersectional approach to provide a more complex understanding of social inequalities related to race, ethnicity, gender, and class. To broaden students’ awareness of dominant–minority group relations in the United States and around the world, each chapter incorporates relevant current events and offers examples of social change.

A sample of new or expanded topics in this edition are:

Racial discrimination in the criminal justice system (e.g., policing and violence) Social policy changes including the proposed border wall, DACA/DREAMers, and the proposed ban on transpersons in the U.S. military The rise of the “alt-right” and trends in hate crimes, including those against Muslim, immigrant, and LGBT + Americans Activism including Black Lives Matter, bended-knee protest at NFL and other sporting events, the 2016 Dakota Access Pipeline protest, and hashtag activism (e.g., #metoo/sexual assault) Women’s participation in social movement activism (e.g., Delores Huerta, Rosa Parks) The social construction of race over time and place (e.g., U.S. Brazil, Puerto Rico, Australia, South Africa)

Changes in Continuing Features Internet Activities (by Andi Stepnick) and Public Sociology Assignments (by Linda Waldron).

Many sociologists have called for a more “public sociology,” a sociology that is engaged in the community, the society, and the world. Although not all sociologists would endorse a call for activism and involvement, the study of American race relations will, for many people, stimulate an impulse to address social problems directly and personally. To facilitate that involvement, we have developed a number of projects for students that will lead them into their communities and the larger society and provide them with opportunities to make a positive difference in the lives of others.

The projects are presented at our website (edge.sagpub.com/healey8e), and each assignment is keyed to a specific chapter.

These assignments should be regarded as outlines and suggestions, and participants will likely have to improvise and respond to unanticipated challenges as they arise. Nonetheless, these assignments will allow students to bridge the (sometimes large) gap between the classroom and the community and to develop and practice their own public sociology. Each assignment could be the basis for a semester-long project for individual or teams of students.

Other Changes Research findings and data have been updated. This edition relies on the latest information from the U.S. Census Bureau, among other sources.

There is an increased intersectional emphasis, particularly in Chapters 1, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, and 12. For example, Chapter 4 addresses the experiences of enslaved women that result from interlocking systems of racial and gender oppression. The Chapter 8 Narrative Focus features gay Latino men.

There is an increased emphasis on immigration, particularly in Chapter 1 and Chapters 8 through 10.

Several new Narrative Portraits have been added to Chapters 1, 2, 4, 8, and 9 to make this feature more current. Others have been updated.

The Comparative Focus and Applying Concepts features have been updated.

The Internet Research Projects have been updated in Chapters 2, 4, and 6 through 10.

More than 40 new Internet activities encourage students to apply chapter concepts to the “real world” by exploring oral history archives, viewing online art exhibits, applying concepts to YouTube videos, TED Talks, and more.

Ancillaries

http://edge.sagepub.com/healey8e SAGE edge offers a robust online environment featuring an impressive array of tools and resources for review, study, and further exploration, keeping both students and instructors on the cutting edge of teaching and learning. SAGE edge content is open access and available on demand. Learning and teaching has never been easier!

SAGE edge for Students SAGE edge for Students provides a personalized approach to help students accomplish their coursework goals in an easy-to-use learning environment.

Mobile-friendly eFlashcards strengthen understanding of key terms and concepts.

Mobile-friendly practice quizzes allow for independent assessment by students of their mastery of course material.

Learning Objectives reinforce the most important material.

Carefully selected chapter-by-chapter video links and multimedia content enhance classroom-based explorations of key topics.

Current Debates present two or more opposing statements from scholars and analysts on controversial questions raised in the chapters (Are Indian Sports Team Mascots Offensive? Should Children Be Raised Genderless? etc.).

Public Sociology Assignments encourage students to go beyond the classroom and engage with people, organizations, and resources in their local communities to learn more about minority groups and issues.

Internet Research Projects refer students to selected public websites, or direct them on guided Internet research, in order to gather data and apply concepts from the chapter.

EXCLUSIVE access to full-text SAGE journal articles that have been carefully selected to support and expand on the concepts presented in each chapter.

SAGE edge for Instructors SAGE edge for Instructors supports teaching by making it easy to integrate quality content and create a rich learning environment for students.

Test banks provide a diverse range of prewritten options as well as the opportunity to edit

any question and/or insert your own personalized questions to effectively assess students’ progress and understanding.

Sample course syllabi for semester and quarter courses provide suggested models for structuring your courses.

Editable, chapter-specific PowerPoint¯ slides offer complete flexibility for creating a multimedia presentation for your courses.

Carefully selected chapter-by-chapter video links and multimedia content enhance classroom-based explorations of key topics.

Current Debates resource presents two or more opposing statements from scholars and analysts on controversial questions raised in the chapters (Are Indian Sports Team Mascots Offensive? Should Children Be Raised Genderless? etc.).

Public Sociology Assignments encourage students to go beyond the classroom and engage with people, organizations, and resources in their local communities to learn more about minority groups and issues.

Internet Research Projects refer students to selected public websites, or direct them on guided Internet research, in order to gather data and apply concepts from the chapter.

A common course cartridge includes all of the instructor resources and assessment material from the student study site, making it easy for instructors to upload and use these materials in learning management systems such as Blackboard™, Angel¯, Moodle™, Canvas, and Desire2Learn™.

EXCLUSIVE access to full-text SAGE journal articles that have been carefully selected to support and expand on the concepts presented in each chapter.

Acknowledgments It has been a great privilege to work on this edition with Andi Stepnick. She has strengthened this text in countless ways and it has been an enormous pleasure to work with a coauthor who brings such unflagging professionalism, scholarship, and attention to detail. I also thank professors Edwin H. Rhyne and Charles S. Green, the teacher–scholars who inspired me as a student, and Eileen O’Brien, who has contributed enormously to the development of this project. Finally, I thank my colleagues, past and present, in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Christopher Newport University: Stephanie Byrd, Cheri Chambers, Robert Durel, Marcus Griffin, Mai Lan Gustafsson, Jamie Harris, Kai Heidemann, Michael Lewis, Marion Manton, Lea Pellett, Eduardo Perez, Iris Price, Virginia Purtle, Tracey Rausch, Andria Timmer, Linda Waldron, and Ellen Whiting. They have been unflagging in their support of this project, and I thank them for their academic, logistical, and intellectual assistance.

—Joseph F. Healey I am grateful to Joe Healey for inviting me to participate in this project, for being such a thoughtful partner, and for inspiring me with his passion for sociology and social justice. I am grateful to the sociologists and activists who paved the way for this work and who, through various means, fought for the democratic ideals of equality and justice for all. I am indebted to many people for their support throughout the years and, especially, while I was working on this book. I owe special thanks to Drs. Patricia Y. Martin and Irene Padavic for helping me become a better sociological thinker, researcher, writer, and teacher. I thank my colleagues at Belmont University as well as Jerry Adams, Catherine Bush, Kris De Welde, Jennifer Hackett, Jennifer James, Wendy Marsh, Anna Randolph, Shari Stepnick, Jennifer Thomas, Ashley Virgin, the “Book Women,” and the “Wild Women.” I appreciate the many kinds of support that my parents have given me over the years. My father, Robert J. Stepnick, deserves special attention for listening to countless project updates and for offering encouragement when the going got tough. Lastly, I am grateful for my students, who remind me why I do this work.

—Andi Stepnick I thank my department chair, Janis Prince; associate dean, Heather Parker; and dean Mary Spoto: Their confidence in my abilities has allowed me to spread my wings toward this project.

Feeling supported by my superiors is something I shall never take for granted. I am also thankful for the camaraderie of my wonderful Saint Leo sociology faculty colleagues—Chris Snead and Patricia Campion. I also thank Mike Armato for his enduring friendship, and assistance with suggested readings, as well as Charles Benbow at the Coffeehouse who always inquired how the writing was going! I am so grateful for my amazing beautiful children—Kaya Faith and Kaden Robert—who remind me every day what is important, and give me hope for the future of this fragile world. I give special thanks to their father Kendall whose fully involved coparenting makes much of this possible. But above all, I am grateful to my coauthor Joe Healey, for this wonderful opportunity, for doing more than his share, and for giving me something to look forward to by watching his example.

— Eileen O’Brien

We all thank Jeff Lasser, Adeline Wilson, Sarah Dillard, Gretchen Treadwell, and Andrew Olson of SAGE Publishing for their invaluable assistance in the preparation of this manuscript, and Dave Repetto, Ben Penner, and Steve Rutter, formerly of SAGE Publishing, for their help in the development of this project.

This text has benefited in innumerable ways from the reactions and criticisms of a group of reviewers who proved remarkably insightful about the subject matter and about the challenges of college teaching. We thank them for the countless times when their comments led to significant improvements in the scholarship and clarity of this project. The shortcomings that remain are, of course, our responsibility, but whatever quality this text has is a direct result of the insights and expertise of these reviewers. We thank the following people:

First Edition Reviewers Audwin Anderson, University of South Alabama Donna Barnes, University of Wyoming Norma Burgess, Syracuse University Steven Cornell, University of California, San Diego Gerry R. Cox, Fort Hays State University Kevin Delaney, Temple University Raul Fernandez, University of California, Irvine Timothy Fiedler, Carroll College Ramona Ford, Southwest Texas State University Joni Fraser, University of California, Davis Nicole Grant, Ball State University Anne Hastings, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Michael Hodge, Georgia State University Ray Hutchison, University of Wisconsin, Green Bay Joseph J. Leon, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona Seymour Leventman, Boston College Wendy Ng, San Jose State University Carol Poll, Fashion Institute of Technology Dennis Rome, Indiana University Gerald Rosen, California State University, Fullerton Ellen Rosengarten, Sinclair Community College A. Seals, Kentucky State University Charles Smith, Florida A&M Susan Takata, University of Wisconsin, Parkside Joyce Tang, City University of New York, Queens College Maura I. Toro-Morn, Illinois State University Diana Torrez, University of Texas, Arlington Robert Williams, Jackson State University Min Zhou, University of California, Los Angeles

Second Edition Reviewers

JoAnn DeFiore, University of Washington Linda Green, Normandale Community College Jeremy Hein, University of Wisconsin–Eau Claire David Matsuda, Chabot College Victor M. Rodriguez, Concordia University Craig Watkins, University of Texas, Austin Norma Wilcox, Wright State University Luis Zanartu, Sacramento City College Min Zhou, University of California, Los Angeles

Third Edition Reviewers Rick Baldoz, University of Hawaii, Manoa Jan Fiola, Minnesota State University, Moorhead David Lopez, California State University, Northridge Peggy Lovell, University of Pittsburgh Gonzalo Santos, California State University, Bakersfield Carol Ward, Brigham Young University

Fourth Edition Reviewers Herman DeBose, California State University, Northridge Abby Ferber, University of Colorado, Colorado Springs Celestino Fernandez, University of Arizona Samuel Leizear, West Virginia University Gregory J. Rosenboom, University of Nebraska/Nebraska Wesleyan University Peggy A. Shifflett, Radford University Debbie Storrs, University of Idaho Carol Ward, Brigham Young University Norma Wilcox, Wright State University Earl Wright, University of Central Florida

Fifth Edition Reviewers Sharon Allen, University of South Dakota Cathy Beighey, Aims Community College Wendy H. Dishman, Santa Monica College Bruce K. Friesen, University of Tampa Susan E. Mannon, Utah State University David McBride, Pennsylvania State University Pam Brown Schachter, Marymount College, Palos Verdes John Stone, Boston University Merwyn L. Strate, Purdue University Leigh A. Willis, The University of Georgia

Sixth Edition Reviewers Tennille Allen, Lewis University Steven L. Arxer, University of Texas at Dallas Leslie Baker-Kimmons, Chicago State University Melanie Deffendall, Delgado Community College Sophia DeMasi, Montgomery County Community College Creaig A. Dunton, State University of New York, Plattsburgh Lisa A. Eargle, Francis Marion University Kimberly H. Fortin, Cayuga Community College Matasha L. Harris, John Jay College of Criminal Justice C. Douglas Johnson, Georgia Gwinnett College Chris Keegan, State University of New York at Oneonta Janice Kelly, Molloy College Patricia E. Literte, California State University, Fullerton Marci B. Littlefield, Indiana University-Purdue University Teri Moran, Jackson Community College Gerald D. Titchener, Des Moines Area Community College Deidre Ann Tyler, Salt Lake Community College/The University of Utah Elsa Valdez, California State University, San Bernardino Margaret A. M. Vaughan, Metropolitan State University Elijah G. Ward, Saint Xavier University Kathy Westman, Waubonsee Community College

Seventh Edition Reviewers Walter F. Carroll, Bridgewater State University Wendy Dishman, Santa Monica College Ramon Guerra, University of Texas–Pan American Jason Hale, Montclair State University Gina Logan, Norwich University Yvonne Merchen Moody, Chadron State College Lisa Speicher Muñoz, Hawkeye Community College Deena Shehata, Western International University Deidre Tyler, Salt Lake Community College Judith Ann Warner, Texas A&M International University Kathleen Westman, Waubonsee Community College

Eighth Edition Reviewers Joyce Altobelli, Western Technical College Maria Aysa-Lastra, Winthrop University Robert L. Dahlgren, SUNY Fredonia Jo Beth DeSoto, Wayland Baptist University Elsa Dias, Metro State University at Denver Christopher Gullen, Westfield State University

Rose Suggett, Southeast Community College–Lincoln, NE Pelgy Vaz, Fort Hays State University

About the Authors Joseph F. Healey is Professor Emeritus of Sociology at Christopher Newport University in Virginia. He received his BA and MA from the College of William and Mary and his PhD in sociology and anthropology from the University of Virginia. An innovative and experienced teacher of numerous race and ethnicity courses, he has written articles on minority groups, the sociology of sport, social movements, and violence, and he is also the author of Statistics: A Tool for Social Research (11th ed., 2016).

Andi Stepnick is Professor of Sociology at Belmont University in Tennessee. She earned her PhD from Florida State University. In addition to other publications, she coedited Disrupting the Culture of Silence: Confronting Gender Inequality and Making Change in Higher Education (with Kris De Welde, 2014), which CHOICE named an Outstanding Academic Title in 2015. She earned Belmont University’s Presidential Faculty Achievement Award for significant contributions to students’ intellectual, personal, and professional needs and was named its 2015 Simmons Distinguished Lecturer for excellence in teaching and scholarship.

Eileen O’Brien is Associate Professor of Sociology at Saint Leo University’s Virginia campus. Her BA, MA, and PhD degrees, all in sociology, are from the College of William and Mary, Ohio State University, and University of Florida, respectively. Her books include Whites Confront Racism: Antiracists and their Paths to Action (2001); White Men on Race: Power, Privilege and the Shaping of Cultural Consciousness (with Joe Feagin, 2003); and The Racial Middle: Latinos and Asian Americans Living Beyond the Racial Divide (2008).

She has published several pieces on race and hip hop with Dr. Ninochka McTaggart (including a Sociological Inquiry article), and they have a forthcoming title on white privilege together with Cognella Press.

Part I An Introduction to the Study of Minority Groups in the United States Chapter 1 Diversity in the United States: Questions and Concepts Chapter 2 Assimilation and Pluralism: From Immigrants to White Ethnics Chapter 3 Prejudice and Discrimination

©iStockphoto.com/BestForLater91 The United States is a nation of groups as well as individuals. These groups vary in many ways, including their size, wealth, education, race, culture, religion, and language. Some groups have been part of U.S. society since colonial days while others have formed fairly recently.

Questions of unity and diversity are among the most pressing issues facing the United States.

How should groups relate to one another? Should we preserve the many cultural heritages and languages that currently exist and embrace our diversity? Should we encourage everyone to adopt Anglo-American culture and strive to become more similar? Who should be considered

American?

We begin to address these issues in Chapters 1 and 2. Our goal throughout the text is to help you develop a broader, more informed understanding of the past and present forces that have created and sustained the groups that make up U.S. society.

Chapter 3 addresses prejudice and discrimination—feelings, attitudes, and actions that help maintain and reinforce the dividing lines that separate us into groups. How and why do these negative feelings, attitudes, and actions develop? How are prejudice and discrimination related to inequality and competition between groups? How can we reduce or eliminate them?

1 Diversity in the United States Questions and Concepts

Timeline

Learning Objectives By the end of this chapter, you will be able to: 1.1 Explain the increasing racial and ethnic diversity of the United States.

1.2 Understand the concept of a minority group.

1.3 Explain the sociological perspectives that will guide this text, especially as they relate to the relationships between inequality and minority-group status.

1.4 Explain how race and gender contribute to minority-group status.

1.5 Comprehend four of the key concepts in dominant–minority relations: prejudice, discrimination, ideological racism, and institutional discrimination.

1.6 Apply a global perspective to the relationship between globalization and immigration to the United States.

Who am I? . . . Where do I fit into American society? . . . For most of my 47 years, I have struggled to find answers to these questions. I am an American of multiracial descent and culture [Native American, African American, Italian American, and Puerto Rican]. In this aspect, I am not very different from many Americans [but] I have always felt an urge to feel and live the intermingling of blood that runs through my veins. American society has a way of forcing multiracial and biracial people to choose one race over the other. I personally feel this pressure every time I have to complete an application form with instructions to check just one box for race category.

—Butch, a 47-year-old man1 1 Schwartzbaum, Sara E., and Anita J. Thomas. 2008. Dimensions of Multicultural Counseling:

A Life Story Approach. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, p. 92.

Actually, I don’t feel comfortable being around Asians except for my family . . . I couldn’t relate to . . . other Asians [because] they grew up in [wealthier neighborhoods]. I couldn’t relate to the whole “I live in a mansion” [attitude]. This summer, I worked in a media company and it was kind of hard to relate to them [other Asians] because we all grew up in a different place . . . the look I would get when I say “Yeah, I’m from [a less affluent neighborhood”] they’re like, “Oh, Oh” like, “That’s unfortunate for your parents, I’m sorry they didn’t make it.”

—Rebecca, a 19-year-old Macanese-Chinese-Portuguese woman2 2 O’Brien, Eileen. 2008. The Racial Middle: Latinos and Asian Americans Living Beyond the Racial Divide. New York: New York University Press, p. 45.

Yeah, my people came from all over—Italy, Ireland, Poland, and others too. I don’t really know when they got here or why they came and, really, it doesn’t matter much to me. I mean, I’m just an American . . . I’m from everywhere . . . I’m from here!

—Jennifer, a 25-year-old white American woman3 3 Personal communication, June 2009.

What do the people in the chapter opening have in common? How do they differ?

They think about their place in U.S. society in very different ways. All are connected to a multitude of groups and traditions but not all find this fact interesting or important. One feels alienated from the more affluent members of her group, one seeks to embrace his multiple memberships, and one dismisses the issue of ancestry as irrelevant and is comfortable being “just an American.”

Today, the United States is becoming more diverse in culture, race, religion, language, and other ways. The number of Americans who can connect themselves to diverse cultural traditions is increasing, as is the number of Americans of mixed race.

Where will this lead us? Will increasing diversity lead to greater tolerance and respect for one another? Can we overcome the legacies of racism and inequality that stretch back to colonial days? Will we fragment along these lines of difference and dissolve into warring ethnic enclaves (the fate of more than one modern, apparently unified nation)?

This text raises a multitude of questions about the past, present, and future of group relationships in U.S. society. What historical, social, political, and economic forces shaped those relationships in the past? How do racial and ethnic groups relate to each other today? What kind of society are we becoming because of immigration? What kind of society can we become? What is an American? •

The United States is a nation of immigrants and groups. Today, about 13% of the U.S. population was born in some other nation. Some states (e.g., California) are more than 25% foreign-born, and some cities (e.g., New York) are more than 35% foreign-born. Since the infancy of our society Americans have been arguing, often passionately, about inclusion and exclusion and about unity and diversity. Every member of our society is, in some sense, an immigrant or the descendant of immigrants. Even American Indians migrated to this continent, albeit thousands of years ago. We are all from somewhere else, with roots in other parts of the world. Some Americans came here in chains; others came on ocean liners, on planes, busses, and even on foot. Some arrived last week, while others have had family here for centuries.

Each wave of newcomers has altered the social landscape of the United States. As many have observed, our society is continually being created.

Today, the United States is remaking itself yet again. Large numbers of immigrants are arriving from all over the world, and their presence has raised questions about who belongs, what it means to be an American, who should be granted U.S. citizenship, and how much diversity is best for society. How do immigrants affect the United States? Are they bringing new energy and revitalizing the economy? Are they draining resources such as school budget, health care, and jobs? How do they affect African Americans, Native Americans, and other groups? Are they changing what it means to be an American? If so, how?

In 2008, Americans elected Barack Obama to become our nation’s first African American president. To some, this victory suggested that the United States has finally become what people often claim it to be: a truly open, “color-blind” society where one succeeds based on merit. In 2016, Americans elected Donald Trump to the presidency. Some see the rise of racist and xenophobic speech and actions that emerged during our most recent election season as a kind of backlash—not just against Democrats or the political system, but against diversity initiatives that expanded under the Obama administration.

Even as we debate the implications of immigration, other long-standing issues about belonging, fairness, and justice remain unresolved. American Indians and African Americans have been a part of this society since its start, but they have existed largely as outsiders—as slaves, servants, laborers, or even enemies—to the mainstream, dominant group. In many ways, they have not been treated as “true Americans” or full citizens, either by law or custom. The legacies of racism and exclusion continue to affect these groups today and, as you’ll see in the chapters to come, they and other American minority groups continue to suffer from inequality, discrimination, and marginalization.

Even a casual glance at our schools, courts, neighborhoods, churches, corporate boardrooms— indeed, at any nook or cranny of our society—reveals pervasive patterns of inequality, injustice, and unfairness and different opportunities. So, which is the “real” America: the land of acceptance and opportunity or the one of insularity and inequity?

Some of us feel intensely connected to people with similar backgrounds and identify closely with a specific heritage. Others embrace multiracial or multiethnic identities. Some people feel no particular connection with any group or homeland. Others are unsure where they fit in the social landscape. Still, elements of our identity influence our lives and perceptions. The groups to which we belong affect our understanding of many social and political issues. Group membership including our race or ethnicity, class, and sexual orientation shape how we think

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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller, without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who, as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.

FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER” (Sarcopsylla penetrans)

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley, some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing, but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature, from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,

or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.

Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?

The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both “off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the craving for tobacco in the tropics.

Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to

an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and lemon-juice.

Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment, that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.

Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.

My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari; consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had

bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding, consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us, seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten years to come.

Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch: Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9 × 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.

How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his mutilated finger-tips.

Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.

The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface, however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day such a fire is a grand sight.

Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction, sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.

Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush, and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the

western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.

It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki suits had not escaped scatheless.

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR MAHUTA

I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process

may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe— not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more, between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them— cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes, perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.

This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the secondary bush.

After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact, receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains, where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were accustomed to rule.

But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and

lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible, impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and come back to his starting point.

The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.

According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast, to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however, correct.

The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau, instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks and springs of the low country.

“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.

He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a stillborn child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which

was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In course of time, the couple had many more children, and called themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams, for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest wateringplace; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”

The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?

Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short, woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood, ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia, Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably) would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded

by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.

The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.

Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.

This knowledge is crystallized in the ancestral warning against settling in the valleys and near the great waters, the dwelling-places of disease and death. At the same time, for security against the hostile Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted that every settlement must be not less than a certain distance from the southern edge of the plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the present day. It is not such a bad one, and certainly they are both safer and more comfortable than the Makua, the recent intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain, especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the

most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.

The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.

It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding out how the back door is fastened.

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of “Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have