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THE Red County


Michael C. Burgess What’s Up, Doc?




EDITOR’S NOTE Today, I returned from a trip to Europe with a few of the brightest minds in political communications including, Dave Bossie, founder of Citizens United and former Speaker, Newt Gingrich. The trip allowed them to shoot the final footage for Rendezvous with Destiny, a documentary about the legacy of Ronald Reagan through interviews with world leaders, historians, and former associates. In France, we walked the shores of Normandy where the graves of 9,387 soldiers offer a moving reminder of the sacrifices made by America on behalf of freedom and where our 40th president marked the 40th anniversary of DDay with a speech at Pointe du Hoc in the summer of 1984. In Poland, we visited with Lech Walesa, co-founder of Solidarity and in the Czech Republic we met with Vaclav Havel, the former president who embraced democracy in defiance of Communism. Both men recognized the failings of the extreme political left and were influenced during their careers by a philosophy best communicated by Ronald Reagan. So I return from this trip optimistic. Not because the opportunities afforded us by Reagan’s vision have been truly embraced by Republican leaders. And certainly not because I believe the values of the right are best represented in the Republican’s choice of John McCain. The economy is in trouble, the dollar is weak, energy prices are soaring, housing is in a slump, and food prices are on the rise. But I am optimistic nonetheless, perhaps because this trip has highlighted stories of individuals who overcame much tougher challenges and much longer odds than those we face on the political right. And speaking of the political right, we are at a crossroads. Not since the days leading up to the Contract with America, has the need for a change in Republican leadership been so obvious. Republican leaders have failed us. For more than a decade, the vision and opportunities outlined by Reagan and further articulated by Gingrich have been squandered by ineffective Republican leaders who fail to connect with the values of the American people. By definition, leaders lead. It is not enough to promote positions that are not-as-left as the Left and only challenge the periphery of the Democrat agenda. From spending and earmark reform to energy and health care, Republican leadership has marginalized its core values and appears content with permanent minority status; even as the prospect of an Obama presidency and expanded Democrat majorities in Congress looms large. Indeed, change is in the air and through our own efforts and those of other like-minded organizations in the political arena, I am hopeful this election season will yield a new crop of capable leaders within the ranks of the political right. Scott W. Graves Editor-in-Chief

Scott W. Graves Editor-in-Chief

John Murphy Publisher

Hugh Hewitt Contributing Editor

Michael Medved Contributing Editor


David L. Bahnsen Rep. John Campbell Keith Carlson Rudy Cajka Monu Joseph James Lileks Alison Lynn Christian Milord Tom Washington PRODUCTION

Frank Chlarson Creative Director


Argie Frudakis Vice President of Adver tising Sales

RED COUNTY 17541 17th Street, Tustin, CA 92780 714.368.0406 Red County Magazine is a publication of

Partisan Media Group, LLC Tustin, California

Printed in the U.S.A. Copyright Partisan Media Group, LLC. All rights reserved. Red County Magazine is printed 6 times per year by Partisan Media Group, LLC. Address all subscription correspondence to Red County Magazine, P.O. Box 1318, Tustin, CA 92781. Please allow at least six weeks for change of address. Include your old address as well as new, and if possible, enclose an address label from your recent issue.


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(Volume 1 Issue 1)

Departments 4







Denton County GOP By Dianne Edmondson



PELOSI PREMIUM, NOT WORTH IT By Congressman John Campbell




Portrait of a Condervative By Monu Joseph




Michael C. Burgess Congressman from the 26th District


















A Photo Essay

Denton County Victory 2008 Plan By Tom Washington

Britain, America and the Making of the Modern World. Written by Walter Russel Mead Reviewed by David L. Bahnsen, CFP By Christian Milord By Keith Carlson








Republican Family Roundup Photo Essay




We Refuse to Support a Permanent Minority

Key to Victory








Congressman Michael C. Burgess (R-Lewisville)



Notice Anything Dierent?

DENTON COUNTY REPUBLICAN PARTY 1400 N. Corinth St – Ste. 106 Corinth, TX 76210 940/321-2671 Chairman – DIANNE EDMONDSON

Welcome to the new and improved Denton County – THE Red County -- Republican newsletter!

1st Vice Chair (Political A airs) – TOM WASHINGTON

We were honored recently to be contacted by Partisan Media Group, a Republican publishing house in California, who are offering to partner with a few strong Republican county organizations throughout the country in order to upgrade our newsletter with articles of national interest, plus make our newsletter available to a larger circulation base.

3rd Vice Chair (Prct. Chair Development) – RICHARD BOYER

By publishing our newsletter virtually through Partisan Media Group, we are able to bring Denton County Republicans in-depth, thoughtful articles by nationally known conservatives such as Newt Gingrich, Michael Medved and others. The cover story will feature a Denton County Republican, plus you will get all the “inside scoop� on what’s happening in the Denton County political scene!

Parliamentarian – MARGARET BARNES

Naturally, we will continue to showcase the excellent Republican activities/honors/events that are the hallmark of the DCRP, including a new feature we think you will really enjoy – a photo gallery each issue showing Denton County Republicans enjoying recent activities and events. We’d love to consider your GOP photos for future issues. Send them to Another advantage is that the link to the new Denton County/RED COUNTY newsletter can be forwarded to our readers’ friends and fellow conservatives, both within and outside Denton County. Thus, we can share our story with many more people than ever before! In addition to the photo gallery, in this issue you will find articles on our cover Republican, 26th District Congressman Michael Burgess, the recent State Convention and our county’s delegates to the National Convention, exciting upcoming events, Denton County’s award-winning Victory plan, and other pertinent articles.

2nd Vice Chair (Finance) – NANCY DILLARD 4th Vice Chair (Outreach) – CARLOS GALLARDO Treasurer – BOB McCOMBS Recording Secretary – CHRISTEN GRUNDEN Corresponding Secretary – CONNIE HUDSON Sgt. At Arms – JEFF ANDONIAN Technology Chair –ELLIOTT WOOD Long Range Planning Chair – BILL LAWRENCE Program Chair – AVIE RABURN Prct. Chair Selection Chair – SUSAN ROMERO Development Director – ROY MAGNO Headquarters Administrator – MARCENE SEEBER


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So, please read and enjoy our reformatted newsletter, and let us know how you like it! Please email us at chairman@ We welcome your input and ideas.



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Upcoming FUNdraising Events! Whether you’d rather be riding a horse or sinking a birdie putt, have we got a fun deal for you! You won’t want to miss seeing TX Lt. Governor David Dewhurst doing his “other job” — riding a champion cutting horse, as shown in the adjoining photo. In a change-up from directing the 31- member State Senate, the Lt. Governor will be choosing some specific cattle for some specific tasks — and making sure they do as directed! Even for those who don’t know a bridle from a saddle, cutting horse shows are truly fascinating as the rider and horse work seamlessly together to separate one certain bovine from the herd of cattle and get that cow to go exactly where they want her to go. Mark your calendar now for Saturday, September 20. It will be a great family evening, with a barbeque dinner and exciting cutting horse exhibitions both by the Lt. Governor and several local champions. As an added attraction, a gorgeous longhorn steer will be auctioned as well as many other western (or not!) auction items. Full details are on our website. Just follow this link: Admission tickets are $50 for adults, $25 for students, children and seniors, and sponsorships are also available from $500 to $5000. Hosts receive multiple tickets PLUS a private reception with the Lt. Governor. Yee haw! Y’all come! TX Lt. Governor David Dewhurst

Fore! Get ready to tee off at the Denton County Republican Party Fourth Annual Golf Tournament on Monday, October 6, 2008. The format is a ‘Texas Scramble’ – similar to a Florida Scramble, but we won’t have to count the strokes 4 times on each hole to get it right! Play is limited to the first 144 entrants (36, 4-member teams), and both Individual and team entries are welcome. Individual entries are $125 until August 31, and $175 after that. Team entries are $500 for “early birds” and $700 after August 31. Hole and other sponsorships are available. The “sporty” silent auction will include both Texas Rangers baseball and Dallas Cowboy football tickets, as well as other irresistible items for you sports enthusiasts. A hole in one will get you a new car, if you hit it on the right hole! And all par three holes have special contests as well. Golfers, please notice that there is a “Dinner Only” option, so please feel free to invite your non-golfing significant other for this fun event. The awards ceremony is always a great time for everyone who attends. Please contact Kathy Carrington at or 817.994.5301 or visit our website for complete details. Proceeds from both these events will be used to support the Denton County Republican Party and mount an aggressive Victory 2008 campaign here in Denton County — THE Red County! With your support, we can continue to grow the DCRP and promote its beliefs and ideals through a full-time Headquarters, leading edge technology and assure victory for our eight challenged Republican candidates right here on our home turf. n


Congressman Michael Burgess

What’s Up, Doc? For Congressman Michael Burgess (R-Lewisville) “What’s up, Doc,” is more than Hollywood movie or cartoon catch phrase. It’s how many of his Congressional colleagues greet him. Walk the halls and streets around Capitol Hill with the North Texas Congressman and you’ll hear this greeting around every corner. A third-term member of Congress, Dr. Burgess has earned himself a solid reputation as one of the go-to leaders on health care policy – and for good reason. Since going to Washington in 2003, he has immersed himself in health care issues ranging from medical privacy laws, to prescription drugs, to long-term care, to Medicare. People, pundits, policymakers, and even Presidential candidates are watching. The Wall Street Journal, Fox News, Health and Human Services Secretary Leavitt, as well as former

Congressman Burgess makes a point at the podium as Newt Gingrich looks on.


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Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich call on him for his insight and experience. In fact, he is the only physician and Member of Congress helping to craft the McCain presidential campaign’s much-lauded health care plan. The Congressman’s interest in all things health care is nothing new. A third-generation physician, Dr. Burgess practiced medicine in Denton County for 21 years before deciding to run for the seat being vacated by Majority Leader Dick Armey in 2002. Trained as an OB-GYN, he

opened a private practice in Lewisville. He served as Chief of Staff for Lewisville Medical Center, and more recently as Chief of Obstetrics there as well. In a career spanning more than two decades, he delivered more than 3,000 babies. A lifelong resident of Denton County, Dr. Burgess has been married to his wife, Laura, an accomplished architect, for 34 years. They are proud parents of three grown children who all graduated from Denton County Public Schools. He remains close to his sister, brother, and their families who all live in the area. He counts them among his most trusted advisers and, naturally, among his strongest supporters. Just ask his niece, Jocelyn Widmer, who not only refers to her uncle in professional terms as a “principled man who always takes that path toward truth,” but lauds his personal character as well saying, “His caring and compassionate nature extends whole-heartedly to those who depend upon him—as a congressman, physician, husband and father.” While many are familiar with the Burgess family, they might be surprised to learn that in addition to medicine and public service, the Congressman is an airplane pilot. He also has a motorcycle license. Riding responsibly is an issue he takes very seriously, so much so that he recently hosted a public event in Washington, D.C., with U.S. Secretary of Transportation Mary E. Peters to draw attention to the need for motorcycle riders and other drivers alike to be safe on the road. That kind of drive, focus, and get-it-done attitude is what has earned Congressman Burgess a great report with fellow Members of Congress and House leadership. It is also what helped get him elected Vice Chair of the Republican Policy Committee in the House of Representatives. There he designs and develops legislative proposals for consideration by the entire Congress. More recently, his policy and communication skills led House Minority Leader John Boehner to approach him to become part of a select group of Members charged with crafting the Republican Conference’s health care plan and agenda for 2008. The North Texas Congressman isn’t resting on his laurels. His long-term goal is to make a mark on health care. He is in a very good position to do so as a member of the powerful House Energy and Commerce Committee, which oversees health care, energy and trade legislation, as well the safety of food, drugs and consumer products. Influential policymakers are taking notice. Former Chairman and now the Ranking Member of the Energy and Commerce Committee Joe Barton (R-Arlington) acknowledges and appreciates Dr. Burgess’ hard work and accomplishments, especially on health care issues. “Michael Burgess is a committee workhorse. He does his home work, comes prepared, and asks the right questions. He is the type of lawmaker people hope they send to Washington to represent them.”

During his tenure in the Nation’s capital, the Congressman has authored critical health care legislation aimed at reducing health care costs, improving choices, reforming liability laws to put the needs of patients first, and ensuring there are enough doctors in the public and private sector to care for America ’s patients. While health care may be this physician-turnedpolicymaker’s greatest passion, he isn’t a single issue lawmaker. He is deeply interested in a variety of topics, most notably energy issues and food, drug, and consumer product safety. In fact, he has played a critical role in bipartisan efforts to ensure the safety of food, drugs, and consumer products. In terms of energy, Dr. Burgess recently joined with several North Texas congressional Republicans to talk about the toll that high gas prices are playing on commutes, businesses, and even grocery bills. There, he outlined the GOP’s 15-point plan to lower energy costs and reduce our dependence on foreign oil. The event was covered by every major TV station and several of the largest radio stations in the Metroplex.

Congressman Burgess on his February CODEL to Iraq, Pakistan and Afghanistan to meet with our troops and get an update on defense efforts across the Middle East.

The Congressman feels strongly about many of the issues facing the country. But, he never forgets where he comes from. He works hard every day to represent his district which runs from Forest Hill and Everman up through Gainesville. He spends a lot of time home in Texas, meeting with people and talking to them about the issues that matter most to them, their families, and their businesses. He often says that when he was elected to Congress, he promised to take North Texas to Washington and not the other way around. Getting out and listening to people is one of the ways he makes good on this pledge. What’s on the horizon for this North Texas lawmaker? A lot more frequent flier miles. Congressman Burgess commutes back and forth between Washington and his home in Lewisville twice a week. And he wouldn’t have it any other way. He hopes that the people of the 26th district reach the same conclusion this upcoming Election Day. n RED COUNTY



2008 Texas Republican

State Convention Overview


We all know that things are bigger in Texas, and our bi-annual Republican State Convention is no exception., qualifying as the nation’s largest political convention with nearly 7000 delegates and alternates attending June 1214 in Houston. Political discussions were hot and heavy, matching the typical Houston June weather! As a result, the Texas GOP platform remains the most conservative in the country and a slate of conservatives will represent Texas both at the. National Convention and on the Republican National Committee. DE NTON


Denton County, one of the “reddest” counties in Texas, was well represented, sending more than 200 delegates and alternates to the convention. The DCRP also was wellrepresented on the important committees which begin the convention’s work prior to delegates’ arrival. Denton County Republicans played many important roles at the convention and were a key part of the proceedings, including serving on the committees which accomplish much of the convention’s work as they meet for a number of days prior to the convention’s opening session and chairing the caucuses where much of the voting takes place.


• Nancy Dillard – State Nominations Committee from Senate District 12 • DCRP Chair Dianne Edmondson – Caucus Chair for Congressional District 26 • Tom Ferguson – Caucus Chair for Senate District 9 and Presidential Elector for CD 24 • Richard Hayes – Rules Committee from Senate District 30 • Tim Hoy – National Nominations Committee from Congressional District 24



• Bill Lawrence – Permanent Organizations Committee from Senate District 12 • Lewis Lowe – Credentials Committee from Senate District 9 • Deon Starnes – Platform Committee from Senate District 30 • Tom Washington – Rules Committee from Senate District 9

Denton County SD 12 delegates at the 2008 State GOP Convention.

Denton County’s delegates and alternates actively participated in all of the convention activities including attending and voting in Senate Districts 9, 12 and 30 caucuses, Congressional District 24 and 26 caucuses as well the General Sessions of the convention. Party rules and state law mandate certain functions for state conventions. Key activities this year were: • Election of the State Republican Chairman and Vice-Chairman. • Preparation, development and approval of the Texas State Republican Party Platform. • Update and approval of the Party’s Rules for Conventions and Meetings. • Election of State Republican Executive Committee (SREC) members from each of Texas’ 31 State Senate districts. • Election of delegates and alternates to the Republican National Convention to be held Sept. 1 – Sept. 4, 2008 in Minneapolis- St. Paul where Sen. John McCain is expected to win the GOP presidential nomination. • Election of Presidential Electors from each of the state’s 32 Congressional districts. • Election of a Republican National Committeeman and National Committeewoman. Keeping us on the edges of our seats, many votes were very close – only one or two votes determined the outcome in several instances. Convention delegates show how ”red“ Denton County is at a congressional caucas.

DENTON COUNTY REPRESENTATIVES ON STATE AND NATIONAL COMMITTEES State Chairman Tina Benkiser State Vice Chairman Dr. Robin Armstrong State Republican Executive Committee Jane Burch and Tim Hoy (SD 9) Jean McIver and Tom Quinones (SD 12) Ashlea Quinonez and Clyde Siebman (SD 30) Republican National Committee (RNC) Cathie Adams and Bill Crocker (all of Texas) (Links to each of these people appear on the DCRP website:

Michael Burgess and Kenny Marchant; State Senators Chris Harris, Jane Nelson and Craig Estes; and State Representatives Myra Crownover and Tan Parker, all from Denton County. Other Denton County elected officials in attendance included Tax Assessor/Collector Steve Mossman and Judges Joe Bridges and Darlene Whitten. In an exciting finale, nine Denton County Republicans were honored by being elected as delegates or alternates to the Republican National Convention. (See related article on page 10.) Attending a State Convention is a privilege for Republicans who are active in the Party and interested in important current political issues. In addition to all of the convention business, attending a Texas Republican convention gives the attendees the opportunity to meet other Republicans from all over the state, exchange ideas, increase their enthusiasm for the Republican Party and its principles and, of course, a state convention provides a lot of fun for the attendees. In the future, we hope that even more Denton County Republicans can attend the next Texas state GOP convention which will be held in Dallas, TX in 2010. Contact our DCRP Headquarters to learn how YOU may be one of them! n A close vote makes for a “confab” in a caucas at State Convention

We also enjoyed meeting Republican office holders and candidates from both the state and federal levels at the many receptions and dinners held during the convention. Among the weekend’s highlights were the speeches given by Newt Gingrich, Senators John Cornyn and Kay Bailey Hutchison, and Governor Rick Perry in the General Assembly; Mitt Romney at the Republican Party of Texas Banquet; and Phyllis Schlafly at the Texas Eagle Forum Banquet. Our participants met and discussed current issues with Denton County legislators including Congressmen RED COUNTY


Ma g n o

in Houston Eagle Forum National President Phyllis Schlay with Denton County fan Jack Faegre. Red-shirted Denton County Delegates help tally a close SD 12 Caucus vote. L-R Jack Faegre, Read King and Bill Lawrence.

State Victory Chair Roger Williams and County Chair Dianne Edmondson approve of the Victory 2008 plans.

Rudy Cajka with Senator John Cornyn.

National Alternate Delegate James Dickey and his family enjoy the State Convention.

National Delegate Bill Lawrence with State Senator Jane Nelson.




Denton County Victory 2008 Plan

Tops in State


The 2008 Presidential election is looming quickly and will be much more challenging than the last one if we are to keep a Republican in the White House. Exactly how challenging? At least 30 % more challenging! In 2004, more than 140,000 Republicans in Denton County voted overwhelmingly to return President Bush to the White House and elect an all-Republican Party slate of officials both in Denton County and the State of Texas. In 2008, in order to keep Denton County “red”, we are looking for an estimated 180,000 Republican votes, nearly a 30% increase over the 2004 turnout. That number also will significantly offset Democrat votes from other parts of Texas, greatly helping statewide Republican candidates, such as Sen. John Cornyn and Railroad Commissioner Michael Williams and our top state judges, who all face Democrat challenges. Of the more than 140,000 GOP votes in 2004, more than 60% (88,000+) were generated from a straight Republican party vote. This action helped provide the overwhelmingly Republican victory in 2004. The Democrats now have an energized base who will be using the same straight-party strategy not only to try and elect Sen. Barrack Obama, but also to take out Republicans all the way down the ballot. And as Dallas County learned in 2006, IT CAN HAPPEN HERE!

Texas Railroad Commissioner Michael Williams is ready to walk with a group of young volunteers for the Walk to Win event on May17th. 14

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The mission of the Denton County Victory 2008 team is to increase Denton County Republican voter turnout and to encourage straight party ticket voting. We will do this through voter identification and education, outreach events, voter registration and get out the vote (GOTV) activities. Our Victory plan is centered around a functional and geographic-based organization of committed volunteers to accomplish this daunting task. Our organizational efforts for this task began over 15 months ago and we are actively working right up to Election Day on Tuesday, November 4th. This plan has been recognized by the Texas Victory leadership as one of the best in Texas, and has already produced the top Walk to Win event in the state on May 17 when our DCRP Victory Volunteers knocked on more than 5000 doors of “swing” voters. (These are people who vote in the November elections but not in either Primary, so we need to identify them as to which party they favor.) Many of our volunteers contacted over 60 homes on that day.

This plan has been recognized by the Texas Victory leadership as one of the best in Texas, and has already produced the top Walk to Win event in the state on May 17 when our DCRP Victory Volunteers knocked on more than 5000 doors of “swing” voters.

Flower Mound Area Leader Richard Steenson (left) is shown with the Myron Goins family, along with some Generation Joshua members, as they head out on the Walk to Win event on May 17th.

The functional organization is created at the Vice Chair level of Victory 2008 and is organized by key functions: 1) Technology and Infrastructure, 2) Outreach/Voter Registration, 3) GOTV-72 Hour, 4) Volunteers, 5) Fundraising and 6) Signs. Geographically, we have divided Denton County up into 11 community-based areas which have Area Leaders guiding the activities of our grassroots volunteers. Our Area Leaders are an important key to the success of this sustainable management model, as they coordinate the functional activities within their area. Each area also has an appointed volunteer working on each of the countywide functional committees under the direction of its Vice Chair. Our Technology guru, Roy Magno, works tirelessly to help provide the technology resources to track, contact and manage volunteer resources countywide. To date, we have nearly 200 volunteers working actively on Victory 2008 through the Area Leaders. We project needing about 500 volunteers engaged within the next two to three months. If you can volunteer to help with Victory 2008, please email your contact information to: partyadmin@dentongop. com. We can use everyone who can give even a few hours to the cause, whether it’s working at our Headquarters, building and distributing signs, knocking on doors, phoning voters, or helping to finance these efforts. Our plan will work IF we have enough volunteers to identify and get enough GOP voters to the polls in this election which is arguably the most critical of our lifetime. And surely there are enough dedicated Republicans in Denton County to put this plan into action. They just haven’t all volunteered yet! So, what are YOU waiting for?! n

DCRP VICTORY 2008 VICE CHAIRS Technology and Infrastructure – Roy Magno Outreach – Becky Romanucci 72 Hour GOTV – Richard Boyer and Ian Grazulis Volunteers – Lynn Yeargain Fundraising – Nancy Dillard Signs – Tiffany Haertling and Jack Faegre


Argyle Area – Jana Inge Aubrey & Pilot Point Area – Corey Haughton Carrollton, Plano & Dallas Area – Jeff Andonian Denton Area – Deon Starnes Flower Mound Area – Bill McFarling and Richard Steenson Frisco, Little Elm & The Colony Area – Jack Anderson and Will Crocker Highland Village & Double Oak Area – Bill Lawrence Lake Cities Area – David Wright Lewisville Area – Avie Raburn Roanoke, Fort Worth, Justin, Lantana & Trophy Club Area – Ken Vanderford Sanger & Krum Area – Scott Nichol

TX Railroad Commissioner Michael Williams (left) motivates the Highland Village/Lewisville Walk to Win Victory Team prior to the May 17th event. District Judge Carmen Rivera-Worley (front row white shirt), and County Commissioner Bobbie Mitchell (front row blue shirt) worked with the Team.

State Representative Myra Crownover and her granddaughter prepare to hit the pavement for the Walk to Win event wich was headquartered at the home of Melinda and Tim Mangrum.

Rep. Myra Crownover (white shirt) and other Denton Area Walk to Win Victory team listen intently to directions before they embark on their day’s assignment: knocking on the doors of swing voters. RED COUNTY



Victory Team Republican Family DCRP Development Director Roy Magno (left) and National Convention Delegate Dale Kimble enjoy the classic cars at the Republican Family Roundup at Pilot Point. The event also included Children’s activities, voter registration and a barbeque dinner.

Lots of yummy barbeque and live country western music was enjoyed by those attending the Republican Family Roundup on the historic sqaure in Pilot Point.

Argyle Area Leader Jana Inge (left) and Pam Kimble at the Republican Family Roundup in Pilot Point.

Voter registration booth at the Republican Family Roundup on the historic Pilot Point Square.

Face – and head – painting was a popular part of the Republican Family Roundup on the historic Pilot Point town square. 16

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County Chairman Dianne Edmondson and her two grandchildren, Cade and Kendall, got real patriotic at the Republican Family Roundup on the historic square in Pilot Point.


Roundup Corey Houghton, Pilot Point/Aubrey Victory Leader, welcomes Jean Mciver, the SREC member from Senate District 12 to a shady spot at the Republican Family Roundup in Pilot Point.

Young future Republicans play sidewalk games with a friendly policeman at the Republican Family Roundup in Pilot Point.

A bounce house was the favorite spot for kids at the Republican Family Roundup held in Pilot Point, While they bounced, parents could register to vote or visit with area elected officials and candidates.

A cool Chevy on a hot day – the Republican Family Roundup at the historic square in Pilot Point which had several classic cars shown by their proud owners.

• The Denton County Republican Party receives ALL of its financial support from local supporters like YOU – not from the state or national GOP. • Keeping our year-round Headquarters open, maintaining necessary technology and effective communication with area Republicans takes about $200,000 annually. • Every partisan elected office in Denton County is currently held by the GOP. • BUT many of our local candidates have Democrat opponents in November and will need the DCRP’s assistance to keep all those seats in Republican hands. • AND the Democrats out-voted Republicans in the March Primary nearly 3 to 1, which, if translated into November General Election votes, will result in the probable loss of our U.S. Senator, a Congressman, at least one State Representative, a District Judge, a County Commissioner and a Constable, based on the Denton County vote. • Denton County is the second fastest growing county in the entire country so we have a continuing source of new voters — not all of them Republicans. • To keep Denton County among the “reddest of the red” counties in the USA, we need a well-planned and well-orchestrated Victory Plan. • Funding for that Victory Plan will come primarily from our local supporters. Surprised? Most people are, and most are eager to help us as we continue to increase the Republican voter base here in Denton County to offset liberal Democrat votes in other parts of Texas. These Republican votes are what elect Presidents, U.S. Senators, Governors and others who run statewide. And it’s what keeps our Congressional and Legislative delegations among the most conservative in Texas. The DCRP would like to request that you consider investing in your local Republican Party by becoming a Sustaining Supporter of your DCRP at any level that you can. Every investment helps, from $5 a month to a one time $5000 donation. Please use this link ( to a form on our website where you can set up a recurring (or one-time) donation which can come from a credit card or bank account. Your participation will enable us to beef up our Victory 2008 efforts, reach out to even more Republicans and ensure that Denton County remains solidly Republican! Thank you! n



Voter Registration

Key to Victory As one of the fastest growing counties in the entire country, Denton County has lots of new folks moving in. Many of them, based on our demographics, will be Republicans. It is vital that we contact these newcomers and welcome them not only to our area but also to our Party if they share our conservative views. And if they do, we need to be sure they are registered and know where to vote!


Paid for by Michael Burgess for Congress. Not printed at the taxpayers' expense.

To that end, we have a goal of registering nearly 5000 new voters who lean Republican* by October 6, the last date to register and be able to vote in the November Presidential Election. We will be concentrating on churches which are growing in size, new housing developments in highly Republican areas and various festivals which take place throughout our county during the summer and early fall. To further facilitate registering these new voters, we have more than 60 Republicans who have been deputized to register new voters. If you would like to help in this vital part of Victory, please contact us at 940/321-2671 or partyadmin@ and we can give you full details on how you, your church or your area can participate. n * Please note that in Texas, one doesn’t register by Party and a deputy registrar must register anyone who requests it, regardless of political leaning.

These are “Senatorial Work Boots.” Good for squashin’ bad bills and kickin’ ‘em back down the hall!

Pol Ad by State Senator Chris Harris Campaign


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The Denton County

National Delegate Team

When you are watching television coverage of the Republican National Convention, be on the lookout for these ten Denton County Republicans who will be representing us in Minneapolis on September 1 - 4. While it might be a bit tough spotting any of them among the approximately 4600 national delegates and alternates, take a good look at their photos below --- that might make it a little easier! Each of these GOP stalwarts is an avowed conservative who was selected at our recent State Convention and each is committed to preserving the conservative national Republican platform. All of them are sure to have some fascinating tales to share when they arrive back in Texas.

DELEGATES ADRYANA BOYNE (At Large Delegate - Highland Village) Born in Puebla, Mexico, Adryana became a naturalized American in 1994 and promptly became a Republican supporter. She and husband, Dr. Daryl Boyne, spent 10 years working with churches in Mexico and Costa Rica, and upon returning to Texas, she became active in the GOP. Currently an Assistant DCRP Precinct Chair, she also is Involved with the Republican National Hispanic Assembly and Concerned Women for America. As a Latino who supports conservative GOP issues, she often is a spokesperson in local media.. Adryana supports prolife issues, traditional marriage, protection of US borders, second amendment rights and limited government growth and spending and hopes to help bridge the gap between Latino voters. The Boynes have two sons. MARY DENNY (At Large Delegate - Aubrey) A lifelong Republican who moved to the Aubrey area during college in 1971, Mary’s long history with the DCRP includes serving as Precinct Chair from 1972-1983 and as County Chair from 1983-1992. Active in Denton Republican Women and Texas Federation of Republican Women, she served on their boards in various capacities for more than 20 years. After the 1992 redistricting, Mary ran for a newly created Texas House of Representatives seat and unseated a long-time incumbent Democrat who had served part of the district. Serving District 63 for 14 years, she was appointed as Chairman 20

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of the House Committee on Elections in 2002 by Speaker Tom Craddick and served in that position until retiring in January 2007. Married to Norm Tolpo, Mary has one son. DALE KIMBLE (CD 26 Delegate – Denton) A lifelong Republican who has serves on DCRP Victory and Resource Development committees, Dale has been CEO of DATCU Credit Union since 2001. A graduate of the Credit Union Nation Association Management School, he also holds an accounting degree from the University of Kentucky. Under his direction, DATCU recently was voted the 4th Best Company to work for in Texas. Gov. Rick Perry has appointed Dale to the Texas Credit Union Commission and he also sits on the boards of numerous community organizations ranging from United Way to Children’s Advocacy Center to the Sheriff ’s Advisory Committee, to name just a few. The tremendous community involvement of both Dale and his wife, Pam, recently resulted in the Kimbles being honored by the Boy Scouts of America with the “Denton’s Distinguished Citizen” award. They have three children and two grandchildren. PAUL KRAMER (CD 24 Delegate – Carrollton) Serving as a DCRP Precinct Chair and Vice President of the Denton County Republican Assembly; Paul is lifelong Republican who first volunteered in the Goldwater presidential campaign and is currently a part of the DCRP Victory team in Carrollton. He has attended numerous Senatorial and State conventions. A licensed Engineer in healthcare construction; he has been employed by Medical City Dallas for 25 years. A native Texas and descendant of Stephen F. Austin, Paul is a member of the Peters Colony Historical Society and the Dallas County Pioneers Association. He has published 2 books on Texas and Carrollton history. He and his wife Debby have two children.

BILL LAWRENCE (CD 26 Delegate -Highland Village) Bill is both a Precinct Chair and area leader for Victory 2008 and also heads the Long-Range Planning committee for the DCRP. The three-term former Mayor of Highland Village was recently appointed by Gov. Perry to the State Commission on Judicial Conduct. He also serves on the State Industrial and Economic Development Corporation Board. A graduate of Tuskegee University, Bill subsequnetly earned Master’s degrees from both St. Mary’s and the University of Dallas, plus a J.D. from Indiana University. A retired colonel in the United States Air Force, Bill now heads a successful management consulting firm. He is a member of the Texas Bar Association, Global Mediation Association and Rotary International and serves on the boards of the Medial Center of Lewisville and Denton County 911. Married to Grace for 24 years, they have three children and four grandchildren.

ALTERNATES JESSE COFFEY (CD 26 Alternate - Denton) One of the pioneers in the DCRP, Jesse’s support of GOP candidates dates back to the first Republicans elected in Denton County and continues still today. He has attended numerous Senatorial and State conventions. Retired from a successful banking career spanning nearly 20 years, Jesse also has a long resume of community service including lifetime director of the United Way, and board memberships on the Upper Trinity Regional Water District, the Texas State Affordable Housing Corporation, American Red Cross of Denton County, Denton Chamber of Commerce and the YMCA, just to name a few. A Navy veteran, 17-year-old Jesse was stationed at Manilla in he Philippine Islands during WWII. He has 5 children and 14 grandchildren. JAMES DICKEY (CD 26 Alternate – Lewisville) Though a newcomer to the DCRP political scene, James is an no stranger to conservative politics in general. In fact, James has been working for Republican campaigns in California, Connecticut and Texas since 1984; but he stepped back from active political participation during the last several years to focus on his family and career. A marketing executive with Unitrin Specialty insurance in Dallas, Jim and his wife, Lynda, have three children. The two older ones joined him at the state convention and, as Jim reports, “…to hear and see first-hand some of our greatest political minds,” A son is pursuing his Eagle Scout ranking in Boy Scout Troop 265 with which James volunteers.

PERRY ELLIS (CD 24 Alternate –Carrollton) A DCRP Precinct Chair and Resource Development Team member, Perry is a graduate of Baylor University and Southeastern Seminary with graduate research at Oxford University. For 15 years, he was Director of Urban Evangelism for the Brazilian Baptist Convention. Additionally, he has been pastor of churches in Virginia, Maryland, Texas and the 5,000 member Riverside Church in Ft. Myers, Florida. Perry has amazed those attending several recent DCRP events with his booming baritone voice. A recording artist, he has recorded with the Westminster Symphony and the London Immanuel Choir and has sung in concert in the Royal Albert hall, London. Currently, Perry is President of Reach Communications International and is a partner in Seagull Petroleum Trading Corp. in the Bahamas. He has three children and nine grandchildren. MYRON GOINS (CD 26 Alternate - Lewisville) Proud to be a 5th generation Texan; Myron is a DCRP Precinct Chair, a member of the Resource Development Team and has worked for numerous GOP candidates. He is a Certified Public Accountant and holds a B.B.A. from the University of Memphis and an M.B.A. from Vanderbilt University. Myron currently acts as an advisor to various international energy projects and investment companies in such far-flung locales as China, North Africa, Turkey, Peru and Southeast Asia. He also serves as Treasurer for the Bradley-O’Martin Melanoma Foundation in Coppell. He is married to Joyce, and the Goins have three homeschooled daughters who often accompany their parents to Republican functions, including precinct walks and GOP conventions. KAREN PAUSMAN (At Large Alternate – Dallas/Denton County) Some 10 years ago, Karen, a long time supporter of conservative causes, discovered that there was no longer a Precinct Chair in the Dallas portion of Denton county where she lived. So she decided to run for the position and has been a faithful member of the Denton County Republican Party’s Executive Committee ever since, working on numerous committees and campaigns, as well as being an election judge She has enjoyed being a part of the movement “…which has turned Texas from entrenched Democrat to reliably Republican.” A graduate of the University of Texas with a Master’s degree from Texas Woman’s University, Karen is a Senior Territory Manager for a major carpet manufacturer. Married to Jack, who has two children, they have three grandchildren. n RED COUNTY



A Divided Court,

The California Supreme Court Lays Down the New Law on Marriage, at Least Until November

A United Party: BY HUGH HEWITT

Conservatives often divide over what are called “social

issues.” This is because there is a strain of libertarian philosophy that believes the government should stay far away from any unnecessary intrusions into personal autonomy. Many libertarians thus support abortion rights and same sex marriage. These are distinctly minority positions within the Republican Party, but not insignificant numbers of Republicans hold to them. Many activists who want low taxes could care less about abortion, while many deeply religious conservatives who support protecting life in the womb and traditional marriage don’t mind the idea of higher taxes if they are used to support anti-poverty programs in Africa or earth stewardship initiatives. Anyone who has been around the GOP longer than a year knows that he or she cannot hope to speak for the “party” as a whole, and that coalitions always have been and always will be messy things, difficult to nurse along and requiring compromise. Well, most of the time. This fall, four of seven justices of the California Supreme Court have launched a plan to bring the GOP together again. This was not the intention of the four justices who imposed same-sex marriage on the Golden State on May 15. The bare majority intended to publish its diktat and be done with it. After all, they are the ones with the robes and the gavel. They decide, we abide. Right? The reaction to the judicial coup has been fast and furious. Because Proposition 22 had been passed only in 2000 and by the enormous margin of 61 to 39%, few observers thought the Court would follow the lead of the ultra-liberal Massachusetts Supreme Court and jam same-sex marriage down our collective throat. But they did, and suddenly, conservatives and most Republicans have an issue on which 95% of the party can agree: The California Supreme Court is out of control and needs a rebuke. Because of the foresight of some activists, a constitutional amendment returning the definition of marriage to what it has been since the founding of the United States and of California will be on the November ballot, and 22

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a vigorous campaign to pass it will dominate the summer and fall. Information on the amendment can be found at Many conservatives and Republicans support domestic partnership rights for same sex couples. Some even support same sex marriage, though that is a distinctly minority view within the GOP and the U.S. generally. But almost no self-respecting conservative or Republican can support judicial usurpations as gross as this one. Most conservatives understand that limiting government’s power requires that government be built on the bedrock of separation of powers into three branches. They also understand that anything so radical as this decision, done by the slimmest of majorities and substituting the will of four judges for that of millions of voters doesn’t deserve the dignity of being called constitutional law. This has brought the party together and will keep it together. A few high profile Republicans will urge the party to get over it and get on with it, but they will be missing the deep apprehension over this decision, and not just among religious conservatives though their dismay is intense and enduring. Courts are not to be trusted with this order of power. If they can make up rights, they can destroy them as well. A constitution so flexible as it can be manipulated to produce a brand-new right superior to the massive vote of the people affirming the old understanding is no constitution at all. But don’t believe me. Believe Justice Marvin Baxter, a 20-year veteran of the Court who wrote this about his four colleagues’ putsch: Only one other American state recognizes the right the majority announces today. So far, Congress and virtually every court to consider the issue, has rejected it. Nothing in our Constitution, express or implicit, compels the majority’s startling conclusion that the age-old understanding of marriage —an understanding recently confirmed by an initiative law — is no longer valid. California statutes already recognize same-sex unions and grant them all the substantive legal rights this state can bestow. If there is to be a further sea change

in the social and legal understanding of marriage itself, that evolution should occur by similar democratic means. The majority forecloses this ordinary democratic process, and, in doing so, oversteps its authority. But a bare majority of this court, not satisfied with the pace of democratic change, now abruptly forestalls that process and substitutes, by judicial fiat, its own social policy views for those expressed by the People themselves. Undeterred by the strong weight of state and federal law and authority, the majority invents a new constitutional right, immune from the ordinary process of legislative consideration. The majority finds that our Constitution suddenly demands no less than a permanent redefinition of marriage, regardless of the popular will. I cannot join this exercise in legal jujitsu, by which the Legislature’s own weight is used against it to create a constitutional right from whole cloth, defeat the People’s will, and invalidate a statute otherwise immune from legislative interference. Though the majority insists otherwise, its pronouncement seriously oversteps the judicial power. The majority purports to apply certain fundamental provisions of the state Constitution, but it runs afoul of another just as fundamental— article III, section 3, the separation of powers clause. This clause declares that “[t]he powers of state government are legislative, executive, and judicial,” and that “[p]ersons charged with the exercise of one power may not exercise either of the others” except as the Constitution itself specifically provides. (Italics added.)

History confirms the importance of the judiciary’s constitutional role as a check against majoritarian abuse. Still, courts must use caution when exercising the potentially transformative authority to articulate constitutional rights. Otherwise, judges with limited accountability risk infringing upon our society’s most basic shared premise — the People’s general right, directly or through their chosen legislators, to decide fundamental issues of public policy for themselves. Judicial restraint is particularly appropriate where, as here, the claimed constitutional entitlement is of recent conception and challenges the most fundamental assumption about a basic social institution. The majority has violated these principles. It simply does not have the right to erase, then recast, the age-old definition of marriage, as virtually all societies have understood it, in order to satisfy its own contemporary notions of equality and justice. Californians of all political stripes should join to rebuke the majority of the court this November. We are a self-governing people. The majority of the California Supreme Court needs a remedial education in government. n Hugh Hewitt is the host of a nationally syndicated radio show that is heard locally on 870 KRLA-AM. He is a professor of law at Chapman University Law School and a partner at the law firm of Hewitt & O’Neil. Mr. Hewitt is also one of the Internet’s most prolific political bloggers via his website,






BY JAMES LILEKS You can understand why The Young love Obama. It’s the life story that speaks to so many. Unlike boring normal people raised in the green gulags of suburbia whose experience is completely typical of American life, and therefore irrelevant, Obama was brought up in cool farflung places. He may not connect with the eleven billion bitter gun-clinging God-bothering hill folk who clot the nation between the holy poles of New York and LA, but he appeals to every kid in college with a Che poster and a vague sense of anger that he’s not a biracial hipster going to college in Hawaii. Boring old people have their doubts, of course; that comes with the wrinkles and the saw-palmetto supplements. They wonder about his preacher, whose thunderous and corrosive sermons, to paraphrase Obama, might be summed up as “Yes We Farrakhan.” But then they think back to the Sundays on which their much-beloved pastor took the pulpit and blamed the government for fluoridated water on Communists and Masons, and admit it: opened your eyes. So who’s to point fingers? But then there’s the association with that Bill Ayers character. One of the Weathermen. Told kids to kill their parents. Well, that was a metaphor, a figure of speech; he really meant that kids should kill someone else’s parents, preferably if they wore a uniform. But that was so long ago, and he’s all respectable now. As we’ve been told, it’s almost impossible to travel in the right – sorry, the better circles in Chicago without bumping into Professor Ayers at the market in the arugula aisle, the Blockbuster video store (haranguing the clerk for not having 24

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“Hair” on VHS, probably) the foundation board room, where people of all political stripes meet. Why, some of them want a 70 percent capital gains tax, and others want an 80% rate. Hurrah for the big tent! And it stands to reason that you can’t do the cocktail party circuit without running into at least one academic who was devoted to the destruction of America in his youth, but has mellowed to the point where he now just wants to give it a really bad rug burn. Really, friends: who among us hasn’t had to deal with former terrorists in your social circle? At first it’s a bit awkward, of course; you’re introduced to someone at the fundraiser for the National Association for Local Associations, and he looks familiar – heck, his face and his profile look familiar, and for a moment you recall the PineSol aroma of your childhood Post Office. Odd. Why? You think he was one of the Michigan Six, those free-spirited anarchists who planted pipe bombs in Salvation Army Christmas kettles, but the more you talk you realize he was one of the North Dakota Two, who put explosive devices in military day-care centers. Well, imagine your embarrassment. At least you were warm and interested and solicitous; these are survivors of a fascinating, difficult time in American history. Let those among us who haven’t spent an evening chatting merrily with an unrepentant Marxist cast the first I. F. Stone. *** No doubt there are many who balk at Obama’s old associations, but are disinclined to point them out. There are no enemies on the left, even the enemies of the reputation of the left. What’s worse than actually being Please turn to page 35


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Not Worth It


Almost two years ago to the day, Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), announced that she had a “commonsense plan to help bring down skyrocketing gas prices.” With national gas prices hovering precariously close to $4 a gallon, I can’t help but wonder whether this “commonsense plan” is ever going to show up. Despite the elaborate rhetoric Speaker Pelosi has fed to the American people, she doesn’t really have a “commonsense plan” to bring gas prices down. In fact since January of 2007, when Democrats took control of Congress, the average price of gas was $2.33; as I write this article, the average price of gas nationwide is $3.77. That is a 62% increase since the beginning of the 110th Congress. I am often times asked why gas prices continue to increase, and my answer is somewhat complex, but it boils down to one simple fact. Democrat policies under Pelosi’s leadership have resulted in the handcuffing of domestic energy exploration. I support domestic exploration of energy resources. Whether it is from the land or sea, as long as environmental, economic and aesthetic effects are minimized and it is locally supported, it should be investigated. Many Californians, myself included, have made it very clear that we do not want energy exploration off our coast, 26

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while people in Alaska and other states along the Gulf of Mexico have made it very clear that they do support it. Each coastal state ought to have the power to decide what is best for their constituencies. We should no longer prohibit the extraction of oil from major known U.S. reserves such as Alaska, the Gulf of Mexico, and oil shale in the Dakotas. It is important that we lift these restrictions to boost our oil and gas production rather than count on a foreign country to do it for us. But that is not all; we also should be developing all available alternative sources of energy such as nuclear and clean coal and biodiesels. We should eliminate the tariffs on imported ethanol and sugar cane so we can lower the price of ethanol and other alcohol-based alternatives. The current energy situation is just one of many pressing issues facing this Congress. Unfortunately, last week, Speaker Pelosi and her leadership team made sure the House considered important legislation which included promoting the safe operation of 15-passenger vans, expressing support for designation of March 11, 2008 as “National Funeral Director and Mortician Recognition Day,” and expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that there should be established a National Watermelon Month. When Americans across California and the country are struggling to keep their gas tanks full, the question I ask is the premium of Pelosi’s leadership really worth it? n


Governor Bobby Jindal:

BY MONU JOSEPH The first thing that struck me about Governor Bobby Jindal was his age. At 37, he is among the youngest governors to ever govern a state in our great country. The second thing that struck me about the governor was the reason why he has been voted to the governorship by the citizens of the great State of Louisiana. Governor Jindal is an extremely bright, straightforward, no-nonsense conservative with a very impressive track record of success and achievement that belies his youth. It is not just that Governor Jindal has tackled some very big problems that

Governor Bobby Jindal and his wife, Supriya at his gubernatorial inauguration. 28

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I find very impressive (Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ll share a litany with you shortly), but also his fearless nature in tackling these problems that have frustrated so many. Straight at it and with the zeal of a true believer, Mr. Jindal has battled government waste, corruption, inefficiency, bureaucracy, and largesse throughout his public career. When I was first afforded the opportunity to meet Mr. Jindal, then Governor-elect, I leaped at the chance. As a fellow Indian American of approximately the same age, I had been following Mr Jindalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s career with keen interest

for some time. Our first meeting was brief, but memorable. After swapping a few pleasantries about our mutual English alma mater, he spoke gravely of Katrina and the plight of those hurt by the disaster, as well as the significant job that lay ahead as Governor of Louisiana. Since that day I’ve had two other opportunities to speak with Governor Jindal, and suffice it to say: I’m a very big fan. Many are already aware of Mr. Jindal’s impressive background, but rigorous scrutiny beyond the sterling academic credentials, blue chip employers, and political victories reveals a man whose entire life story is a testament to the American promise and the consistent deployment of bedrock conservative principles.

A Track Record of Results

From Oxford he went to work for McKinsey & Company, the much vaunted management consulting firm known as a Tier 1 advisor to the largest corporations in the world. Anyone who spends any time with Mr. Jindal will immediately realize that he is not only very bright, but is willing to dive deep into any subject matter and develop thoughtful positions that are supported with detailed facts and thorough analysis. This is not a man who would prefer to employ soaring rhetoric to spew platitudes and revel in superficiality.

He won the congressional seat from the 1st district with 78 percent of the vote, including strong support from small business owners. In keeping with his history of over achievement, he was elected freshman class president and was appointed to the House Committee on Homeland Security, the House Committee on Resources, and the House Committee on Education and the Workforce. He was made vice-chairman of the House Subcommittee on the Prevention of Nuclear and Biological Attacks. As a Congressman, he was a member of the conservative

In 1996, Mr. Jindal became Secretary of the Louisiana Department of Health and Hospitals. Upon his arrival the Department with its 12,000 employees represented nearly 40 percent of the state budget and was bordering on bankruptcy with a $400 million deficit. At the end of his tenure as Secretary, the Department had enjoyed three years of surpluses totaling $220 million. By 1998, Mr. Jindal was appointed executive director of the National Bipartisan Commission on the Future of Medicare, a 17-member panel charged with devising plans to reform Medicare. The next year, at the request of the Governor’s Office and the State Legislature, he volunteered his time to study how Louisiana might use its $4.4 billion An American Story tobacco settlement. Later that year, he became the youngest Born in Baton Rouge, Louisiana to recently arrived Indian ever president of the University of Louisiana System, the immigrant parents, Mr. Jindal started life the way many 16th largest higher education of America’s citizens have, system in the country which into a family that dreamed oversees the education of of a better life in a far away approximately 80,000 students place and had the courage a year. During his tenure he to pursue it. His father was was instrumental in raising one of nine children and the graduation rates, retention only one to be educated past rates, increasing private the fifth grade. This is the donations and the number of kind of background that can endowed chair positions. He serve to remind a person that also implemented the state’s anything is possible in life first teacher guarantees and and especially in America. A faculty rotation programs. In Catholic since high school, March 2001, he was nominated Mr. Jindal’s life seems to have Jindal and family at church services. by President George W. Bush been guided by two consistent to be Assistant Secretary of themes: very hard work; and Health and Human Services for Planning and Evaluation. a steadfast adherence to a conservative orthodoxy. He was unanimously confirmed by a bipartisan vote of the Graduating Baton Rouge Magnet High School at age United States Senate and began serving on July 9, 2001. In sixteen, Bobby Jindal left the South for the Ivy League. that position, he served as the principal policy advisor to the Opting to attend Brown University, he focused on Biology Secretary of Health and Human Services. On February 21, and Public Policy. Continued academic excellence was 2003, he resigned to return to Louisiana and make his first rewarded with a Rhodes Scholarship to Oxford University, run for governor. After a narrow loss, Mr. Jindal turned his where he wrote for the New Oxford Review, and received a attention to Congress. Masters in political science.



Republican Study Committee, consistently voted with the Republican Caucus and had an A rating from Gun Owners of America. This track record of accomplishment and discernable results combined with consistently conservative politics propelled him in his second effort for the governorship of Louisiana. The citizenry of his state, fresh from the terrible wounds of Katrina, saw in Mr. Jindal an opportunity to try something bold and grand. They opted to pursue government accountability and competence. For Mr. Jindal it was yet another opportunity to serve the people of his home state through hard work and the application of conservative policy.

Moving the Needle I quickly learned that Mr. Jindal is very articulate, highly intelligent and willing to bring both of those strengths to bear in any discussion. He addresses you as though you were the CEO of a very large client that deserves and demands real answers. Lately, I’ve heard many people refer to Gov. Jindal as a Republican version of Sen. Obama; however, my immediate reaction upon hearing him speak both publicly and privately was that he seemed more like Bill Clinton: A willingness to address any topic, engage an audience or listener, and with precision and accuracy deploy compelling statistics to argue his point. Unlike the former president however, Jindal’s world view is consistently conservative with a steady and reliable preference for less regulation, less taxation, a motivated private sector that empowers individuals and leads to a smaller role for government in our lives. Also unlike Mr. Clinton, Gov. Jindal brings a track record of success from the private sector to his government job and therefore rarely confuses government for a cureall entity. He understands exactly how the tyranny of bureaucracy works to blunt initiative and burden the spirit of anyone who dares to try and build something. His Louisiana governorship is already off and running with a strong reform agenda. With a tough stand on earmarks combined with big successes in the areas of ethics, taxes and regulations, Gov. Jindal is creating an impact. His new ethics law, which takes effect in January 2009, will provide more information to the public about the personal financial interests of state legislators and public officials. The law earned 99 out of a possible 100 points by the Center for Public Integrity, placing the law on par with the nation’s best financial disclosure laws. Just two years ago, in the same survey, Louisiana’s financial disclosure law ranked in the bottom 20%. He has had similar success eliminating burdensome anti-business taxes and promoting his state as a good place to do business. He has invested in infrastructure and is taking bold action on education and workforce transformation. When asked what he hopes to accomplish as Governor, he sees opportunities for improvement in many areas and is 30

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steadfastly tackling problems and working to engineer real world solutions to many of his state’s most pressing issues. He consistently reminds staff that there is more work than days. Primary focuses include rebuilding New Orleans to be a strong and vibrant place and turning his state into a better place for its citizenry, with greater economic opportunity, less government interference and more efficiency.

A Conservative Core Ideology When asked virtually any question, one is given an insight into the core ideology that seems to have directed Mr. Jindal since his earliest days in public office. An optimist instead of an alarmist, he has focused on bringing the best out of his state through consistent deployment of conservative political policy and common sense government, with an eye towards empowering the private sector and a healthy respect for what government does not do well. He looks to technology to reduce costs and inefficiency. He seeks to empower free markets and encourage prudent risk taking. Whether it’s his distaste for entitlement programs that were often designed decades ago, his ideas for structural changes that would limit the growth of government (a 2/3rds majority to raise any tax, a line item veto, etc.), or his desire to meaningfully change the premises of the political dialog, his conservative ideology shines through. A classic example of this arises when I asked him about his Indian American heritage and GOP efforts to speak to a broader demographic. Eschewing identity politics, Gov. Jindal simply responds that authenticity to core conservative principles is all that is necessary. When prompted, he argues that conservatives need to continue to work hard to reframe the debate in this country. His argument is that if conservatives have the conviction to adhere to their principles and do not suffer a paucity of imagination, their ideas will be ascendant. He argues that incremental change is not enough and instead seeks to alter the debate such that we can fundamentally address what government’s role ought to be in our lives and how we can structurally move to meaningfully stop its growth. Conservatives have had many champions, and over the decades the likes of Sen. Robert A. Taft, Sen. Barry Goldwater, William F. Buckley and Ronald Reagan served as beacon bearers for an ideology. Jindal has spent a lifetime in this fold and looks to continue this legacy into the next generation. George Will once described Sen. Barry Goldwater, as “a man who lost forty-four states but won the future.” In Gov. Jindal, conservatives have won at least one state back. n Monu Joseph is a partner with Catalina Securities, a Newport Beach based investment firm focusing on small to mid market growth companies. His transactional experience includes years as a lawyer with Morrison & Foerster, work with Hudson Venture Partners, and 5 years as an investment banker. He lives in Newport Beach with his wife Jeannie and son Grayson.


Liberalism’s Core Appeal:

Embracing Li f e’s Lo s e r s BY MICHAEL MEDVED

What constitutes the indestructible appeal of modern liberalism? It’s a crucial question at a moment when voters seem more inclined to embrace a so-called “progressive” agenda than in any other election in a generation. With his maverick appeal, John McCain may still be able to compete successfully for the White House, but polling on issues and “generic” preferences shows heavy majorities preferring Democrats to Republicans. Conservatives will return to decisive victories only if we come to terms with liberalism’s durable and visceral appeal. The best way to overcome our ideological adversaries is to understand the emotional attraction in their approach to the major challenges of our time. While conservatives obsess over distinctions of right and wrong and insist that inevitable consequences must flow from good and bad behavior, liberals focus on differences of another sort entirely. The rhetoric of today’s left shows that they see society divided between the privileged and the powerless, the favored and the unfortunate, victors and victims. And liberals feel an irresistible instinct to take sides with the less fortunate. While the right wants to reward beneficial choices and discourage destructive directions, the left seeks to eliminate or reduce the impact of the disadvantages that result from bad decisions. In place of the conservative emphasis on accountability, the left proffers a gospel of indiscriminate compassion. This leads directly, and inevitably, to the liberal passion to sanctify victimhood. 32

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“Enlightened” lefties long to embrace and exalt all those who claim to have suffered from hard luck or oppression: the homeless, single mothers, “people of color,” homosexuals, AIDS patients, feminists, convicted criminals, Native Americans, atheists, immigrants and many more. Recent Democratic Conventions have resembled festivals of fine whines, with countless testimonials from one victim group or another expressing hopelessness and helplessness unless the Donkey Party returns to power. The leftist impulse to side with the underdog has become so powerful that liberals never bother to inquire whether a given “oppressed” group counts as deserving or not. For example, the widespread activism on behalf of the fanatical internees at Guantanamo remains one of the most spectacular displays of lefty lunacy in recent years. Aside from a common distaste for freemarket economics and the shared desire for a reduced American role in the world, liberal ideologues share with exotic and angry thirdworlders a sense of themselves as persecuted victims who blame all their problems on the United States. The generalized anti-Americanism that afflicts so much of the contemporary left owes everything to this imperative to identify with the downtrodden. The United States is simply too prosperous and too powerful to win liberal sympathy while suffering nations (no matter how dictatorial their governments, or how dysfunctional their cultures) seem far more worthy of support. Every important element of the liberal program stems from the one central goal of assisting the unfortunate. Pushing for higher taxes, expensive social programs, universal health coverage, lunches and breakfasts in

the schools, income redistribution, affirmative action, reparations, a higher minimum wage, more generous foreign aid, multiculturalism, gay marriage, prison rights, generous benefits for illegal immigrants—all these leftist imperatives arise from a common commitment to protect the powerless and uplift the unfortunate. In fact, recent press focus on psychiatric or economic problems with returning Iraq veterans connects this approach to liberal opposition to the war (where they naturally feel sympathetic to the less powerful or prosperous insurgents). Portraying our military as unfortunates with dim horizons and no viable alternatives to service, showing them as victims of a cruel system and a flawed policy, allows progressives to claim they actually support the troops as oppressed and hapless losers, rather than formidable and willing warriors. The persistent preference for the purportedly oppressed applies only imperfectly to explaining leftist support for legalized abortion. The unborn, after all, plausibly qualify as the ultimate underdogs: innocent, fragile, utterly helpless. Nevertheless, they’ve never lived outside the womb and so failed to achieve the status of aggrieved victims suffering from racism, sexism, homophobia, economic oppression. Moreover, the mother seeking the abortion represents a far more visible victim—which helps explain the desperate determination by pro-abortion forces to stop legislation in requiring abortion providers to offer ultra-sound images of the baby in-utero before the woman makes the final decision to terminate her pregnancy. In other words, they don’t want anyone or anything to compete with the stressed, unhappily pregnant mother for pity and sympathy. The hatred of guns also reflects the progressive preference for the powerless—nothing empowers an ordinary citizen as dramatically and directly as the ownership of a firearm and the knowledge of how to use it. To the liberal mind, Americans with guns look like potential bullies, while the unarmed remain appropriately defenseless. It’s utterly predictable which group the left will prefer. In fact, favored victim groups can lose their sacred claims on the liberal imagination if they become too successful or powerful—as evidenced by shifting perspectives on the State of Israel. In the wake of the devastation of the Holocaust, and with Jews fighting for their lives against massive Arab armies in 1949 and 1967, liberals naturally gave strong, nearly unanimous support to the Israeli underdogs. After

the decisive victory in the Six-Day War, however, Israel assumed the role of regional power and began losing leftist support just as more and more conservatives came to appreciate America’s reliable ally. Today, after celebrating sixty years of vibrant independence, the Jewish state counts as far too triumphant, economically productive and militarily formidable to win much liberal sympathy, while the Palestinians remain so pathetically divided, dysfunctional, impoverished and inept that lefties (even Jewish lefties) react to their radical rhetoric with either applause or apologetics. That’s the problem with liberal sympathy for the downtrodden and underprivileged: if you make too much progress, you’ll compromise your claims to advocacy and assistance. The best victim groups are those that reliably maintain their victim status. In this sense, the leftist world view effectively discourages empowerment or the pursuit of prosperity and pushes suffering subgroups to more or less permanent self pity. Moreover, raising taxes on high earners in order to provide more give-aways to the unproductive clearly punishes success while rewarding failure. All but the most willfully blinded liberal activists understand that penalizing success helps to discourage it while giving benefits for failure and dysfunction encourages much more of the same. The massive failures of the US welfare system, and our ill-starred “War on Poverty,” indicate that if you give people money in exchange for idleness you’ll get more indolence, and if you take away more money from the most industrious you’ll get less productive activity. On occasion, conservatives criticize liberals for a failure to support standards or to make distinctions, but that’s not entirely fair, since leftists do love to emphasize the difference between rich and poor, lucky and unlucky, winners and losers. Conservatives need to affirm the notion that in the United States, such divisions cannot be considered permanent. In a nation of fresh starts and personal choices, misfortune should be viewed as a temporary status, and real compassion honors the determination to move forward, rather than rewarding expressions of self-pity. Leftists may feel virtuous, unselfish and morally superior for invariably embracing losers, but with this persistent (and ultimately punishing) preference; it’s society itself that loses most. n






God Gold

Britain, America, and the Making of the Modern World Written by Walter Russell Mead


The 21st century has begun, and few could argue that it has launched with a bang, not a whimper. Less than one decade into the third millennium and nearly all of the events, values, and patterns that dictated the direction of history over the last three centuries are being called into question. Francis Fukuyama has posited that we are living in the “end of history.” Historians wonder if the age of AngloSaxon preeminence has come to an end. Economists and clergy alike interact with the relationship between faith and prosperity. Sociologists examine the impact globalization is having on social ills like poverty and disease. Western Europe is frequently described as a “post-Christian” culture, with America said to be not far behind. The role of faith in the institutions of society (the academy, the workplace, 34

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politics, the arts) is scrutinized routinely, and aggressively. The impact the American experiment has had on the human condition is debated passionately, with varying conclusions offered from all sides of the economic, religious, and political spectrums. The era of the “American empire” is called into question repeatedly, and some would say, so is the very future of western civilization. These contemporary discussions do not lend themselves to linear thought processes. Simple premises, followed by simple conclusions, are hardly helpful. These are gigantic themes, requiring complex and nuanced perspectives. Bland understandings of history, culture, and philosophy are nuisances. Fortunately, in the midst of a need for serious and great discussion and understanding of these issues comes God and Gold, by the incomparable Walter Russell

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Mead, one of the best books I have ever read, and perhaps collapsing grand narratives; we are in an age of competing the most insightful and intellectual commentary on the grand narratives”, and it is this competition that creates present historical paradigm to have ever been penned. the stage for the modern dialogue. Mead’s admiration for the role of capitalism in setting the world stage is clear Norman Podhoretz once said of William Buckley that to see, and he views Adam Smith’s “invisible hand” as a he ought to have two types of fans: those who admire him defining mark of the Anglo paradigm (the whig narrative). for his ideological contributions and impeccable writing “The cult of the invisible hand, uniquely intense, uniquely abilities, and then those who admire him for his impeccable widespread and all-pervading, may be the chief difference writing abilities. Buckley’s most ardent foes could not deny between the English-speaking world and the rest of the that he was a gifted writer, perhaps as remarkable in his world.” Mead credits America’s birth to the bridging of poetry, creativity, and vocabulary as he was in his brilliant Smith’s invisible hand with Jefferson’s idea of democracy contributions to social and political thought. Mead is such (“an adaptation of the dynamics of the invisible hand to a writer as well. It would take a rare kind of illiterate to not the political sphere: the action of individual human beings, appreciate the remarkable writing abilities of Walter Russell controlled only by their sense of their own interests, Mead, regardless of one’s feelings on his historical and producing an orderly and harmonious society.”) Other socio-political commentary. This alone is reason enough to societies had possessed capitalist underpinnings, and commend this fine work, but much more needs to be said. other societies had embraced democratic ideals. But it is I have long been an outspoken advocate of “American the mix of a “capitalist system… with a political system exceptionalism” - the seemingly irrefutable contention that and political values that can accommodate the clashes of America possesses a special place in God’s plan and God’s opposed interest without blowing up” that made our great providence. Her heritage screams of her exceptionalism, experiment unique and profound. and the future carries with it the magnificent responsibility Mead pulls no punches in demonstrating that America’s lot has created. What Mead liberal democratic capitalism to be rooted does in this book is expand on “American in the heritage of Christianity. The noted exceptionalism”, and essentially show how trend towards secularization (post-Darwin) the greatness and responsibility ushered in American thought and life do not in over the last three centuries is really negate the rich and abundant heritage an extension of the exceptionalism of the this country has in a Protestant faith. To entire Anglo-Saxon civilization. Mead Mead, this is not merely anecdotal. Our defines this in the context of the synthesis societal temptations and distractions do between the Anglo-Saxon “religious belief not redefine who we are as a people. And system and its historical experience.” The who we are has always been a people rooted Anglo-Saxon attitude was one where “a Author, Walter Russell Mead in faith, law, order, and values; and yet, we new kind of religious equilibrium in which are a people with an insatiable appetite for advancement and capitalism and social change came to be accepted as good progress. To analyze our place in the world without such a things.” He refers to this as the “Whig narrative.” The backdrop is futile. book devotes massive space to analyzing the historical roots of Anglo-Saxon civilization, and drawing the parallels While in a moment I will highlight what I feel is the between Cromwell’s England, and what would become true optimo maximus of this project, Mead leaves his the great American experiment. The history lesson alone is readers with a deeply convicting challenge that I suspect worth this 400-page read. will take a generation to accomplish. He posits, much to the chagrin of evangelicals, of neoconservatives, of those But alas, this is not merely an historical text. It is deeply on the right, of those on the left, of internationalists, of ideological and extraordinarily provocative. As one who utopians, of progressives, of protectionists, and of marketconsiders the integration of the Judeo-Christian faith driven globalists, that much is to be done toward the goal of with the forces of modernity, progress, and economic “surfing the waves of global change.” He vindicates no one advancement to be the great and crucial issue of our time, in his work here, and challenges all. On one hand, he points no issue could be of greater interest to this reviewer. Rooted out that “the Whigs will not build a global Tower of Babel, in the Anglican triad of reason, revelation, and tradition, a single set of laws and values that overshadow the whole Mead analyzes with much depth the religious foundation world”. Yet, he also affirms that “those who resist and oppose of Western civilization and the cultural forces that created the Whig civilization will be unable to free themselves from the paradigm we now face. The extraordinary challenge of its presence.” Understanding our place in the world requires establishing global democratic peace is critiqued, along with a vigilant aggression against the forces of violence and the delusional utopianism that such is often (though not tyranny that threaten us (the Cold War Soviets in the last always) accompanied by. To Mead, “we are not in an age of RED COUNTY


generation; the Islamic Jihadists in the current one). But to Mead, we must “maintain a critical stance towards our own moral and political claims.” We must pursue incremental and partial victories while simultaneously resisting the utopian fantasies that we can usher in the Kingdom of God. A “capacity for action and assertion with a capacity for reflection and self-criticism” is an obtainable and noble goal. Mead largely appeals to the teachings of Reinhold Niebuhr as it pertains to foreign policy, a Protestant theologian known for his conversion to hawkish and aggressive foreign policy, all the while maintaining liberal social and economic views. But beyond the specifics of various policy matters, Mead’s appeal to Niebuhr is fundamentally an appeal for members of this Whig narrative, and members of faith communities more particularly, to “engage more intelligently, compassionately, and effectively with the world.” Mead touts the incrementalism of Niebuhr, what he refers to as the idea of “just enough.” His pleading is compelling: “American society is gradually gaining the capacity to play the global role to which its economic and geopolitical success has called it. And while I do not know to what degree Americans can gain the ability to conduct a more fruitful diplomacy of civilizations, I am certain it is our duty as well as in our interest to try (emphasis mine).” I have mentioned the massive historical task of Mead’s work, and I have summarized his underlying thesis: that faith and pursuit of prosperity have intertwined in this historical experiment to create a truly exceptional society, and one with tremendous global responsibility in the present age. But it is Mead’s last chapter, titled “The Meaning of it All”, that ought to be required reading for every student from junior high school through advanced graduate school in the western hemisphere. This is, indeed, the optimo maximus (the best and greatest) of his project. He examines the claims and concerns that Anglo-Saxon culture will end up in the ash heap of history, alongside the Greeks and Romans before them. He wonders if the goal to “establish just, orderly, prosperous, stable and free world societies on the basis of liberal and democratic capitalism” is one of lasting significance. And, needless to say, he demolishes the pretensions that the answer to the former is yes, and to the latter no. For Mead, the contributions of the Anglo-Saxon world to the formation of a truly global society is a substantial achievement, and allegations that at the roots of this historical movement lie mere superficiality, materialism, and rank hedonism, are patently false. The aspirations of the American experiment to create a materially prosperous society do not pit material wealth against intellectual and moral strength. Mead asks, 36

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“if the project of material betterment is really the only thing that liberal society offers mankind, then what becomes of qualities like self-sacrifice, nobility, courage, and honor?” Indeed, if the end run of the American experiment is, as Mead jokingly mentions, Homer Simpson, isn’t this an anti-climactic disaster? Mead is blistering, emphatic, and delicious in his answer to this “make or break” question. He believes that to interpret the material aspirations of the Whig narrative in this capacity is to not only “miss the essential point of the Anglo-American project”, but “to miss the grandeur of the human race” as well. I quote Mead verbatim: “The quest for more scientific and technical knowledge, and for the application of the fruits of that knowledge to ordinary human life, is not simply a quest for faster cars and better television reception. It is a quest to fulfill the human instinct for change arising out of a deep and apparently built-in human belief that through change we encounter the transcendent and divine. The material and social progress that is such a basic feature of Anglo-American society and of the broader world community gradually taking shape within the framework the Anglo-Americans have constructed ultimately reflects a quest for meaning, not a quest for comfort and wealth.” Our quest produces material benefits, surely. In fact, the American experiment has also created many Homer Simpsons. But, and this can be said forcefully enough, at its root, the American experiment has not been one of mere material frivolity. It has been an “encounter with transcendence that requires us to leave the familiar and embrace the challenge of a new kind of life in an ever-developing world.” Mead goes so far as to say that “capitalism gives full expression to the side of human nature that responds to this Abrahamic call to embrace dynamic religion with all its perils and risks.” Mead captures here what I think is the essence of this highly toxic topic in the present state of affairs: It is mankind’s innate pursuit of adventure and innovation and change and expansion that capitalism most fully cultivates - not mankind’s depraved tendencies toward sloth and depravity. “Human nature demands conflict and competition, not tranquility and sloth.” The lesson of the American experiment is the testimony to this principle: that men, in pursuit of the peace they crave with their Creator, are most capable to excel, climb higher, and pursue destiny, when the context they function within promotes their instinctive drive for development and growth. The Anglo-Saxon world has captured this, and civilization will never be the same.

Questions abound as to what the future holds for the west. Great political and social questions and controversy abound. These are dynamic issues, and dynamic questions, and no black and white answers exist. How will the great project of the last few hundred years end up? Mead does not issue any guarantees. But I close with his prediction, one worth reading the entire masterpiece of a book to get: “I cannot predict how this will end. But it seems likely that as the historical process continues to accelerate, and even as dangers surround us on every hand, much of American society is going to approach this new and so far rather unsettling century with the optimistic faith in the invisible hand that has long been our hallmark. One way or another, large numbers of Americans are likely to continue to believe that the values that have shaped the Anglo-American world and by which the Anglo-Americans have gone on to take the lead in the last three tumultuous centuries remain the values that bring success in their daily economic and political pursuits. They will also continue to believe that these values are leading us westward and upward … America will continue rushing forward, however steep the slope of forbidding the terrain, bearing its banner with the strange device: Excelsior!” Loftier, still higher, ever upward, indeed. God Bless America. n

Lileks, Loving Obama

Continued from page 22

a Communist? Pointing out someone was a Communist. As 4,296 movies and TV shows and documentaries have shown us, it is one thing to be a devotee of a collectivist ideology that strips away liberty, but quite another to suggest that soap producers are not obliged to sponsor their work. It’s certainly unacceptable to choose not to hire someone because he likes the taste of Uncle Joe’s boot polish. Nowadays it is impolite to regard the 60s radicals as anything but colorful iconoclasts; history has been smudged and fudged to the point where the counterculture is now regarded as the actual culture. If there’s something wrong with Obama’s connections with radicals old and new, then there’s something wrong with the grand narrative that puts Ho Chi Mihn up there with George Washington, and salutes the radicals for their brilliant re-imagining of the American experience. If this is a fallen nation, it doesn’t need a savior. If the radical boomers weren’t the most important members of the most important generation in human history, then their ideological inheritors aren’t fulfilling a long-promised mission to remold America. Or, as Ayer’s cohort might put it, stab the beast in the belly with a fork. It would mean we are obliged to move ahead cognizant of our glories as well as our flaws, instead of pretending we can reboot America and sunder every rope that moors us to our traditions. Really, where’s the fun in that? n

Most conservatives and even some liberals acknowledge that Senator McCain is an effective legislator and possesses the gravitas and leadership skills necessary to be president. As a bona fide American hero, he has valiantly defended American principles, and his resume contains sterling national security credentials. McCain is quite capable of leading this great republic into a challenging future, but the burning question remains. Who will he tap as a running mate at this summer’s GOP National Convention and how will his decision impact the November election? Also, how much will the Democrat’s choice of a presidential candidate impact McCain’s choice as a running mate? Moreover, what other considerations must be factored in to the final selection given the complexities of this election cycle? Playing the fictional role of McCain’s personal V.P. selection advisor, let us take a closer look at the likely choices.

Controversial V.P. Choices History has taught us that some Republican presidents have chosen running mates that were controversial. McCain should avoid choosing a fusion candidate as Abraham Lincoln did by selecting Andrew Johnson for his second term. Johnson was actually a War Democrat, who served out the balance of Lincoln’s term (1865-69), as an ineffective president following Lincoln’s assassination. Johnson opposed civil rights for freed slaves, and barely escaped an impeachment conviction by one Senate vote.

McCain’s Moment of Decision BY CHRISTIAN MILORD


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Eighty-eight years later, Dwight D. Eisenhower gave the nod to Richard Nixon, a man with whom he had a frosty relationship. Eisenhower and Nixon were said to have been on ambivalent terms throughout their eight years together (1953-1961). Nixon made the leap from vice president to president in 1968, and was generally effective until the Watergate scandal unraveled his administration and led to his resignation. George H.W. Bush tapped a young Dan Quayle to be his V.P., and Bush ended up as a one-term president. Quayle was a lightweight with limited legislative experience. If Bush had chosen a heftier candidate and kept his no new taxes pledge, he might have been able to defeat Clinton/ Gore, but we’ll never know for sure.

Stronger V.P. Choices

Some Republican presidents made strong VP selections. William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt made a good tandem. After McKinley’s untimely death in late 1901, Teddy Roosevelt served out the remainder of the term, then was elected in his own right in 1904. Roosevelt was a larger than life president who had a wealth of experience before he became vice president. Roosevelt was an effective, popular president who coined the phrase, “Speak softly, and carry a big stick; it will take you far.” He applied this bargaining practice to both domestic and foreign policies. He also beefed up the armed forces, established our national park system, and won the Nobel Peace Prize. In Campaign 2000, George W. Bush gave the nod to Dick Cheney, an older man with a substantial resume. Usually, vice-presidents aren’t highly visible, but Cheney has parlayed his experience into a formidable role as advisor to the president. Their shared values have made for a solid and steady partnership. So who should McCain choose and what should he consider?

Political Philosophy

McCain should choose an individual that shares similar conservative views on the role of government, as well as conservative cultural and social values. A V.P. should also focus on the long-term interests of strong border security, natural liberty, and legal immigration. The candidate would realize that the civilized world must utilize all tools necessary to defeat radical Islamism. The goal of the fanatic extremists is to demolish the foundations of democracy and liberty. A potential running mate must also know that peace through strength is best in confronting nations such as China, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela. Moreover, a strong candidate can be a crucial tie-breaking vote in the Senate, and could endorse balanced budgets, streamlined government, and an overhaul of several unsustainable entitlement programs. Structural reforms

would allow individuals to have greater autonomy in choosing health care and retirement programs. An excellent V.P. would favor fair taxes, tax cuts, and a greater use of the veto pen. This is the type of genuine change envisioned by Newt Gingrich. A strong candidate would remind McCain that this country must further develop its own energy resources to reduce reliance on OPEC. That would include clean drilling in Alaska’s ANWR, other U.S. land areas, offshore areas, and increasing energy trade with Canada. Most Americans favor environmental protection, but they also want to balance it with economic prosperity. McCain’s V.P. ought to share his values regarding nonactivist judges that refrain from enforcing, or writing laws. The role of judges and justices is to abide by the Constitution as they interpret laws and render opinions on legal cases. A wise running mate would advise McCain to be more assertive when exposing the socialist anti-liberty agenda of his Democratic opponent.

Demographics First, the selection process should consider the issue of age. If he is elected 44th president in November, he will be 72 years old, which would make him the oldest president entering a first term. Therefore, it will be important to select an energetic, younger V.P. that will add a sense of vitality to the ticket. By selecting a mature V.P. (not too young and not too old) and one that the electorate could foresee taking the reigns as president, it would reinforce the notion that the office will be in capable hands should McCain leave office sooner than expected. With regard to religion, McCain might want to consider selecting a Catholic to help carry important communities in swing states. However, as is the case with age, ethnicity, gender, region, and religion, no single demographic trait will offer a silver bullet solution. A strong partner will need to be well-rounded and be a viable presidential candidate in 2012.

Geography It is crucial McCain choose a running mate that represents a geographic balance to McCain’s Southwest. Physical distances can be moderate, as evidenced by the successes of the Bush/Cheney and Clinton/Gore tickets, but balance is important. By selecting a governor or a popular legislator from an important swing state, McCain could leverage that individual’s name ID and their extensive grassroots political organizations.

Bottom Line A VP selection on the Republican ticket must appeal to a broad range of voters with diverse backgrounds. A successful partnership will resonate with middle class workers, the conservative base, some libertarians, moderate democrats, independents, and swing voters. Please turn to page 32



Continued from page 31

The Short List


Mitt Romney Mitt Romney is a seasoned leader and executive from the Northeast. He was the governor of Massachusetts and a wildly successful business executive. As a former presidential campaign rival of McCain, Mitt Romney has an existing political organization and national name ID. Romney appeals to the fiscal and social conservative base, and he offers a strategic balance to the ticket. Importantly, he is energetic and understands how the real world operates. Romney lacks national security experience (which would be offset by McCain’s extensive national security resume). While Romney’s faith as a Mormon has been endlessly scrutinized during the primary, it still represents a wildcard factor in a general election.

Mike Huckabee / Rick Perry Former Arkansas governor and ex-presidential candidate Mike Huckabee, and Texas governor Rick Perry could also be on the short list. Both have deep roots in the South, both are youthful, and both men have successfully coped with the burdens of bipartisan leadership. Additionally, they both endorse sound fiscal policies and socially conservative values. It is unknown how either of these two would resonate in a general election outside the South. Jon Huntsman / Dirk Kempthorne / Ed Schafer Jon Huntsman, Jr. is only 48 years old, comes from a business background, and speaks fluent Mandarin Chinese. He could assist with any future negotiations with China and Taiwan. Some of his policies have facilitated economic growth in Utah. He could be ready to serve and is wrapping up his term this year. Like Romney, the impact of his Mormon faith is an unknown in a general election. Dirk Kempthorne of Idaho is a former Senator and governor. He is currently the Interior Secretary in the Bush Cabinet. Ed Schafer is a former two-term North Dakota governor and is currently serving as the Agriculture Secretary. These leaders offer McCain a strategic balance of age, geography, and political philosophy. Both men would enhance McCain’s standing in the Northwest.

Tim Pawlenty Minnesota governor, Tim Pawlenty would be an excellent complement to McCain. Pawlenty is a self-made success story and is currently serving his second term. He has exercised fiscal and social conservative leadership wisely, and has led trade delegations to several countries. He firmly endorses free markets and free trade. At age 47 his youth could be a factor, but he appears to be mature beyond his years. Jeb Bush His last name is “Bush” and his brother is the relatively unpopular two term president. That aside, Jeb Bush is a Catholic reform minded former two-term governor of Florida. He has loads of private sector and civic experience that has appealed to a broad spectrum of voters. Unlike the federal government after Hurricane Katrina, he went on offense when Florida was hit by hurricane disasters. With the help of current Florida governor, Charlie Crist and Senator Mel Martinez, a very important swing state could end up in the McCain column come November.

Conclusion Throughout the campaign, the Bush team will likely offer support as McCain and his running mate take their case to the American electorate. Thousands of citizen leaders and GOP leaders will inspire new voter registration, and get out the vote initiatives. Rising GOP stars such as Governor Bobby Jindal (see feature article), and Governor Sarah Palin from Alaska, could pump up voters during the campaign, and inspire them with speeches at the GOP National Convention. If these leaders convey a persuasive message of individual empowerment, genuine change, and robust national security, John McCain and his running mate can emerge from this marathon election cycle as the victors in November. Likewise, McCain and his running mate could accelerate the aspirations of GOP political figures that seek office at the local, state, and national levels. In the final analysis, national elections aren’t won due to endorsements, media pundits, or highly flawed polls. Some would argue they are not even decided by the choice of a running mate. They are in fact decided by voter turnout at polling booths on the first Tuesday in November. n Christian P. Milord is an educator, a USCG veteran, and a writer.


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Voter ID:

Crawford v. Marion County Election Board BY KEITH CARLSON

In Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, the U.S. Supreme Court recently upheld an Indiana law, which requires—gasp—voters to show identification before voting. The newly ‘oppressed,’ losing team queued up their pre-written responses: “Voter suppression!” “Disenfranchisement!!” “Intimidation!” A dissenting Justice Souter even referenced a modern-day poll tax. The other side replied: “What’s the big deal?” Well, what is the big deal? Have Indiana and the Supremes actually brought about the end of the Republic? Or, is it possible that a state might have an interest in making sure elections are fair in order to preserve the Republic? To increase fairness in its elections, Indiana now makes voters prove they are who they say they are. 99% of Indiana’s voting-aged citizens already have I.Ds. For the rest, the law allows a provisional vote.

“What we are also talking about is the modern liberal’s condescending view of the poor.” The ‘concern’ and fustian for, at most, a fraction of 1% of registered voters having to vote provisionally speaks to where we are politically—and rhetorically—as a nation. For an example of the over-the-top response, the Wall Street Journal quoted the NAACP’s Hilary Shelton as saying the decision was “the Supreme Court…[deciding] to disenfranchise voters across Indiana.” In fact, the ruling was about protecting the legitimacy of elections versus undue burdens on voters. But in a country so closely divided politically, the case is viewed by some as “pro disenfranchisement.” The elevated rhetoric serves a political purpose: that fraction of 1% of voters might just turn an election. As we learned in 2000, a few hundred votes here and a few hundred there, and pretty soon we’re talking about the presidency. What we are also talking about is the modern liberal’s condescending view of “the poor.” Namely, they are incapable of taking care of themselves. It is, according to the liberal nannies, not possible for a ‘simple’ poor person to get an I.D. and take it to the poll. To demand as much unduly burdens their ability to vote.

But choosing the leader of the free world is a burden too. How ‘easy’ ought it to be, if ease invites fraud? If “the poor” cannot be “disenfranchised” by showing I.D., isn’t it possible that you might be disenfranchised by a scammer voting without an I.D.? For every fraudulent voter a real voter has been “disenfranchised.” And that is the heart of this case. Republicans in Indiana believe it is the state’s duty to protect legitimate votes. They believe election fraud exists, and requiring I.Ds. helps reduce it. Their liberal opponents see this as keeping some traditional Democratic voters from voting. The fact that some such traditional voters might not be traditionally legal voters does not diminish their fervor—the sinister-minded might wonder if it actually increases their fervor. The high stakes allowed the partisan lines to hold true in Indiana. They also hold true in California. Assemblywoman Mimi Walters has twice authored anti-voter-fraud legislation in Sacramento. Her 2005 bill would have required, like Indiana, photo I.D. Her more recent bill would’ve required proof of citizenship to register. If your immediate response to those ideas is not “racism!” then you probably think “what the…those aren’t laws already?” Sadly, they are not. In California, poll workers cannot ask you for a photo I.D.—even if they know you aren’t who you say you are. Should the most solemn act in a democratic republic—voting—be limited to those that can prove they are citizens of that republic? Well, it depends on who you ask in Sacramento. There, both bills died in committee on party-line votes. Party-line conformity broke down, however, in Washington, D.C. Generally, the court is seen as center-right by a 5 to 4 margin. Justice Stevens is one of the “liberal four.” Yet he authored the Crawford decision. His ‘unliberal’ conclusion was that the state’s interest in protecting against fraud is legitimate: “The application of the statute to the vast majority of Indiana voters is amply justified by the valid interest in protecting ‘the integrity and reliability of the electoral process.’” To translate the legalese, Justice Stevens answered our earlier question with a simple “I.Ds. are no big deal.” n




a t r o p p u S o We Refuse tinority Permanent M CH WAGNER A ND BY R ICH AR D


al ’s Congression n’t it? Today is t, en in th po ho e w st th naries A nd that’s ju to the revolutio all resemblance r. st ge lo — stand for. ld ve an ha ou e s h sh an d T ing. Republic ak could—an sh y rt ad pa e r h ou e es h incipl g. T what ed to pork and ty pified the pr s are so addict y have no idea The grumblin rl an ea lic cl ub s ep er R ad s e today’ , say to ic action. Republican le Indeed, becaus ncia l backers) mand dramat na de fi to Congressional e nd m (a ti rs s is be ding, it the House refrain ha w GOP mem big-ticket spen t and ca ll upon for years one or t pp ye , su we, their fello er ly th P ng ge O ro oratorium on former G start, we st hen we get to over how the um one year m Therefore, as a nt im te one anot her w in on m sc a di te e institu OP leaders to : our extrem P leadership to the Senate G O r G been consta nt fo d ps an . s, ng epublican an donor grou 1994 and it on spendi rmarks by R 5% between other Republic ea majorit y blew 28 ge e ur by nc e d w ue pe fl y, l m tl t symbo h their in oncurren ks, which ju follow suit. C nning throug d as the perfec gi an l be st ia Budget ea rmar , t nt % an ta rt 60 bs of po is im wards su ill. In and cost soared by to reinforce th nt to work to te es us crazy st in iv e 20 05 as their dr at at m et th ti dg y the ul the bu led profligac as well, wit h small pa rt in . of the GOP05. admittedly a 20 e in ar ending reform et sp ks ps across the dg ar an bu rm lic l Repub the federa e-minded grou of lik themselves, ea h it 2% s w y ip an hl ng lic ug ui ub e dialog lican leadersh d to Rep nting to ro Second, we ar essional Repub process, amou lessness that le gr ck on re e, C al w om sc tc ne fi e ou electing mize th ember’s countr y about Yet they epito ardless of Nov eg . R to 06 s. nd es 20 r te gr in de in on y of C inorit no won that we in both houses ark items, it’s becoming a m ent to voters ples e smaller ea rm itica l a clea r statem th e cr e ak on or m our lost princi in m to it e ng e ri in th m it is ti s, re-discove Unable to re d to fa il on al ue go in d a nt an d co . an am ip ng te form spendi leadersh establish a new entitlement re ze, scope, and the Republican e). t limited in si issues such as ar en ic g m n ed rn di M ve ople to return en on go sp ti a of lo Prescrip A meric an pe structural el e (h th k ng me as di en to ee sp ible dera l them is the sa mber of fr It is not cred reduction in fe n all we offer scontent, a nu he di w r y it ou or of er aj ce ad . m le the cted OP to the sour so recently reje Republicans to meet House G Still oblivious d policies they ntly rushed to oposal ce an pr s re s er rm an ad fo will breathe le lic re ch of k ub hi p ar grou an ea rm policies w ht ck spending Rep ba rig e to so th t t ht no bu ” ug m g, ters. ndin they fo , urging hi It’s not just “bra d re-energize vo ittee. The idea John Boehner lican Part y an Study Comm epublican ub R an ep R lic om e ld the fr ub th ep ts to R sh es in new life ark requ ber 5t h, ou from the ba n on ea rm come Novem A g: t? a new in ns th in ai e ad ag or le mightily ar. e survive to A nd one m ye us e ho on r er of fo th s n ei es to in ongr ership review its ck K ings members of C e Count y will rrent GOP lead ng cu ed by Rep. Ja ra fi O pi st ty of la b is in lu le C strugg ea rmarks ans, and we Lincoln The porkers’ Congress, the of $83MM in siona l Republic es or as gr ns on po ks C -s ar l co al rm sor or ing of would re-elect nded ea fina ncia l back Georgia— spon P caucus that azingly, defe O am G , A ho e. w is ” e. ew e— alon do lik to support. ething hom urge others to year’s budget likely continue ld bringing som t ou w ou e h ab w l e ic ia gr on ur t no t Gin rt a rene such leaders is “being entrep se to suppo er Spea ker New at remark, form put: we refu out the th ab ly l p on ia m us ur si to , ne se re ep Bec au se In respon nothing entr .” orit yy. n plied, “t here’s people’s money r he ot rmanent min pe ng scat hingly re di en sp e te it ly m ar s Com still ne Appropriation ark reform is ship on ea rm er ad highlights le r P te O ot G y A la s, bold s Thad McC n’ ga hi R ich Wagner ic ying Orange Count M hing ton. ark reform, sa ncoln Club of rm Li ea e r th fo of t ng absent in Was ti en figh are Presid cause, “…we g the futilit y of y on the issue be this by arguin ad le t n’ Orange Count ca se Chip Hanlon e Hou rs.” ncoln Club of ie Li ld e so th of ot r members of th fo be e e th Board Mem arshals, we ar . ch humility political sce ne not the field m su ffered no su h ic tions of the OC “Publius,” the gr in G t ew by ts the machina N gh ed ss hli or th hig ne au om od be Back ro typically ralist Papers Thank go The Political column will blish the Fede vary, but the fat hers to pu Source s will of our founding partisan. ly me so en op by d in 1994. ed an me us of te n pe n na were publications at a time when


W W W . R E D C O U N T Y . C O M

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Denton County GOP Newsletter (Vol. 1 / Issue 1)  

Grassroots Republican Politics from Denton County, Texas

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