Kawsay Ukhunchay

KAWSAY UKHUNCHAY

ANDEAN AND AMAZONIAN INDIGENOUS ART AND

CULTURAL ARTIFACTS RESEARCH COLLECTION

Courtesy of The Ohio State University

Kawsay Ukhunchay Andean and Amazonian Indigenous Art and Cultural Artifacts Research Collection On View: January 15th - May 10th, 2024 The Kawsay Ukhunchay Andean and Amazonian Indigenous Art and Cultural Artifacts Research Collection is a unique research, teaching, and community engagement resource at The Ohio State University. The collection focuses on art and artifacts from the Andes and Amazonia, featuring weaving, Canelos Quichua (Kichwa) ceramics, Masks, paintings, story gourds, and many other objects. It is part of an integrated learning environment centered on engaging forms of Indigenous expression, meaning-making practices, knowledge, and representation. The collection explores experiential learning and alternative pedagogies compatible with non-Western traditions by engaging Indigenous artists and prevailing forms of Indigenous knowledge, power, resistance, and self-determination.

Courtesy of The Ohio State University Read more about the collection here OSU Research Collection blog Appreciation Guide

1

Jalinga (Shoulder Adornment) and Achuar Comb Acquired from the Maker in Charapa Cocha Donated by Norman Whitten 2015

Jalingas or shoulder slings are standard “dress up” wear for Canelos Quicha, Shuar, and Achuar peoples of Amazonian Ecuador. Once used primarily in festivities, they are now worn at all political meetings and even daily in urban areas such as Puyo.

2

Retablo of Festival Masks Workshop Purchased in Pisac, Peru Originally used by Europeans to house religious saints, in the hands of Andean Indigenous artists retablos became vehicles for documenting local experiences and community or family histories. Significantly, retablos capture scenes from daily life, stories often omitted from official histories.

3

Chakchas or Chajchas (goat hooves rattles) Chakchas or chajchas goat hooves rattles are Andean musical hand-held percussion instruments intended to be held in one hand and played against the palm of the other hand. The sound is said to "open" the Andean/Amazonian time spaces and allow communication between these time spaces (4 time spaces: Kay pacha—world of nature, Hawa pacha—world above (not to be confused with heaven), Uku pacha—world within or below (not to be confused with hell), Chayshuk pacha or Chusku pacha—the world of the ancestors). The Andean and Amazonian vertically differentiated cosmos is created through sound -- "a powerful sound that opened the world" ("kémakáni hliméetaka hekwápi) in the Northern Arawakan language of the Wakuenai who live in the upper Rio Negro region of southern Venezuela. (for more on this see J. Hill Keepers of the Sacred Chants 1993) The chajchas which are often overlooked as simple instruments, are, in fact, the most important/dangerous/powerful instrument in a musical ensemble because of the connotations above.

Chajchas (youtube.com)

4

Sungui Warmi - Yacu Mama Female Master of Water Spirits Ceramic Figurine Made by Rosa Dagua, Canelos Quichua Ceramist.

Purchased from Sacha Runa Foundation, Puyo, Amazonian Ecuador.

The pottery was made by using a coiling technique rather than wheel thrown. All the colors, dyes, and decorations are made from natural rock and clay found in the Amazonian region of Ecuador. Then, the firing process is amazingly done without using a kiln or pit. Temperatures at an average of 1,400 degrees Fahrenheit are reached to harden the clay. Finally, processed tree resin is used for the lacquering process. Female master potters are known as sinchi muskuyuq warmikuna (strong visionary women), who play with symmetry and asymmetry in their designs and render the visions of shamans in material form.

The figure above depicts Sungui, the androgynous Amazonian spirit of the hydrosphere, in her fishwoman form. Yacu Mama (black anaconda), the corporeal representation of Sungui, also appears draped around the fish-woman's neck. The zigzag pattern on her face traces the path of the amaru, the mythic anaconda achieving an effect of emphatic symbolic reiteration and layering. In Amazonian mythology, Sungui holds immense powers, such as producing torrential rains, floods, erosion, and landslides, all of which can end everything. In male form, Sungui is credited as the source of shamanic power.

Pieces of this collection are from all regions of the Pastaza Province of Ecuador. Cities such as Curaray, Puyo, Canelos, Pacayacu, Nuevo Mundo, Montalvo, and Sarayacu are represented. The collection includes everyday serving and eating bowls alongside ceremonial mucawas or drinking bowls decorated with zigzag designs that display and represent turtle patterns and anaconda motifs. Also in the collection are figurines depicting whimsical forest creatures and dangerous spirits. The figurine depicting the coati mundi or cucuchu was made in the late 1970s by Apacha Vargas, who never made one again after completing a limited series of these amusing figurines. Other ceramics in the collection depict two very dangerous spirits. The Wayalumba Supai is a black spirit that lures young women or girls from the indigenous settlements into the forest by playing the drum to a different rhythm from that of the

indigenous people. The victims of his trap are told never to return, but if they do, they are somewhat “crazy.” Another dangerous spirit is the Shiwai Supai Warmi, especially when depicted in the feminine form. Very few potters depict these figures from the dangerous spirit world.

Artists represented within this collection include Rosario Mucashigua, Marta Vargas, Imitilia Gualinga, Marlene Ushigua Santi, Esthela (Estela) Dagua, Apacha Vargas, Virginia Santi, Faviola Vargas Aranda, and Eucebia Aranda.

5, 22 Andean Etched Story Gourds Ecuador (2000 - 2004) Calabazas talladas or etched story gourds appear throughout the Andes. (The gourds on view were purchased in the Otavalo open market of Galerías Latinas. Story gourds depict daily life and specific events, often embedded in a dense context of simultaneous, overlapping activities.

22: large gourd

5 (far right): spinning gourd

Fine etchings on the tiniest gourds compel attention to detail. In addition to the circular narrative structure of the calabacitas talladas, this aesthetic introduces the phenomenon of miniaturized representations found throughout the Andean region.

As Catherine Allen, a sociocultural anthropologist specializing in Andean ethnography and ethnohistory, observes, there is a penchant for envelopment or synecdoche in Andean cultures, where every microcosm implies a macrocosm. In the act of “writing the world,” powerful miniatures, in effect, inform the cosmos with their form (Allen 1997)/ As “texts” in their own right, the etch gourds present us with distinct literary and historical narrative forms, different types of textuality, and an alternative literacy that provides a glimpse into the multidimensional sites of indigenous knowledge.

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5 (center): back of gourd

5 (center): front of gourd

Etched story gourds depict clear delimitations of space and activity generally divided into three distinct spatial-temporal zones. The top part, separated by a clear boundary, depicts celestial bodies and often mystic beings. The middle layer generally depicts dwellings. The bottom layer is populated with animal and human activity.

Calabazas/mates tallados or etched story gourds appear throughout the Andes. Story gourds depict specific events, often embedded in a dense context of simultaneous, overlapping activities. The gourd's tactile, sonorous, organic nature prompts us to “read” the piece using multiple senses. Moreover, the spherical shape of the gourds invites us to turn the piece in our hands and presents us with a non-linear narrative structure that, in contrast to Western narratives, has no clear beginning, middle, or end. Etched story gourds depict clear delimitations of space and activity generally divided into three distinct spatial-temporal zones. The top part, separated by a clear boundary, depicts celestial bodies and often mythic beings. In other gourds, such as the one above, musical instruments and work implements are included in the upper level. The middle layer generally depicts dwellings. The bottom layer is populated with human and animal activity. Fine etchings on the tiniest gourds compel attention to detail as part of the Andean aesthetic and introduce the phenomenon of miniaturized representations found throughout the Andean region. In Andean cultures, there is a penchant for envelopment or synecdoche, where every microcosm implies a macrocosm. In “Writing the World,” powerful miniatures, in effect, inform the cosmos with their form. Moreover, as anthropologist Levi-Strauss has pointed out, miniaturization facilitates an “instant apprehension of the whole,” reversing normal processes of understanding and Western analytical approaches that typically develop from understanding the parts to eventual assertions about the whole. Appreciation of the story gourds invites us to consider theory-generative dimensions of Indigenous art.

https://go.osu.edu/largestorygourd Interactive story gourd

For additional information, see: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5223g28c

6

(left) Kallwa (Wooden Beater) Purchased from maker Cuzco, Peru The kallwa or beater is a weaving tool designed to push and compact the weft yarn into place. Size and weight vary depending on the tapestry's dimensions and the yarn's thickness.

(right) Varieties of Andean Corn, Beans, and Other Grains In indigenous households, someone sweeping might pass up a coin on the floor, but never a poroto (bean or grain). Children are taught to gather up abandoned or "orphaned" porotos and care for them, for they embody life itself. Seeds and grains are sometimes taken to church to hear mass. They are considered to have personhood, agency, and a soul. Plants, crops. domestic animals and natural resources are nurtured with respect and affection (cariño). They are "brought up" much like children, with dialogue and understanding in a relationship of reciprocity and kinship. Varieties of Andean seeds, grains, and potatoes are now part of the Svalbard Arctic Seed Vault to preserve global crop diversity. Many Andean varieties are considered to be "superfoods."

Scan the QR codes or visit go.osu.edu/hlt10 for information on Andean and Amazonian foods and worldwide food sustainability.

(center) Dyed Yarn and Pusla (Wooden Spindle) Cuzco, Peru 2015 Woven textiles were an important measure of social and economic status, and played a central role in civil and religious ceremonies.

Everything from the spin of the yarn and the symbols woven into the textiles, to the colors used and techniques employed, conveys meaning about the weaver and the community.

Both men and women in Andean communities spin yarn, and children start to learn to spin around six years of age. Use of contrasting colors allows weavers to create patterns of repetition, contrast, juxtapositions, reversals, symmetries and asymmetries, as well as use of negative space to encode meaning and communicate a worldview.

7

Nested baskets These hand-woven baskets can be read as nested homologies and refer to concepts of ukhu (interior/hidden, capable of manifesting outward). This pattern of repetition and nestedness replicates at all scales and across different forms of expression.

8, 11, 19, 23

(Images corresponding to numbers: left-right) Andean and Amazonian Shigras (Crosslinked Bags) Donated by Norman Whitten 2015 Shigras are crosslinked net bags made of chambira palm fiber in the Amazonian lowlands and of cabuya and other natural fibers from succulent plants in the Andean highlands. Shigras are generally woven in simple zigzag, abstract and geometric patterns. Their uses range from sacks for carrying seeds and

seedlings during the planting season to fashion accessories for the tourist market. If woven tightly enough, a shigra can even hold water without dripping.

Among the Andean and Amazonian shigras collection is a tiny Waorani cell phone shigra made by Mateo Kome Manya Guiguita from Toñapari, grandson of the famous late Dayuma. Mateo found it amusing to make a shigra for a cellphone since stereotypically, Waorani live deep in the forest.

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(left and right) Tigua “Slice of Life” Paintings Made by Juan Luis Cuyo Cuyo and Nelson Toaquiza Purchased from the Sacha Runa Research Foundation in 2015; Gifted by the Ecuadorian Consulate in Chicago, 2015; Cotopaxi Province, Ecuador

Originally painted on goatskin drumheads, Tigua paintings present a rich layering of pastoral, agricultural and festival activities, all taking place simultaneously and depicted in a single, multifaceted scene. Because of this they are known as “slice of life” paintings that capture vibrant daily practices and processes of community life, and document all at once mythic, historical, contemporary local and global occurrences, breaking with Western concepts of linear time and space. The level of detail in these paintings leads Dorothea Scott Whitten to refer to Tigua artists as indigenous ethnographers. Like the etched story gourds, Tigua paintings follow a prescribed pattern presenting the sky with birds flying about and the mountains in the upper tier of the canvas; a house or dwelling often in the middle; and people, plants, and animals throughout but highlighted in the foreground of bustling activity at the bottom level.

For additional information see: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5223g28c

10, 36 Waorani Serbatana (darts) Donated by Norman Whitten 2015

Serbatanas or blowguns are made of chonta (ironwood) and can reach a length of 12-14 feet. Blowguns are sometimes acquired from specialists in other communities, but dart quivers or matiris are made exclusively by the user and are hardly ever traded or sold.

Curare, a paralytic made from a tree vine, is used to poison the tips of the darts.

11, 19, 23, 8

Andean and Amazonian Shigras (Crosslinked Bags) Donated by Norman Whitten 2015 Shigras are crosslinked net bags made of chambira palm fiber in the Amazonian lowlands and of cabuya and other natural fibers from succulent plants in the Andean highlands. Shigras are generally woven in simple zigzag, abstract, and geometric patterns. Their uses range from sacks for carrying seeds and seedlings during the planting season to fashion accessories for the tourist market. If woven tightly enough, a shigra can even hold water without dripping.

Among the Andean and Amazonian shigras collection is a tiny Waorani cell phone shigra made by Mateo Kome Manya Guiguita from Toñapari, grandson of the famous late Dayuma. Mateo found making a shigra for a cellphone amusing since Waorani lived deep in the forest stereotypically.

12

Kutan (Regular Shaman’s Stool) with Charapa (Turtle) Motif (Distinct from Chimbui, which is the stool of a very powerful shaman).

Carved in wood by an Achuar Indigenous man Purchased from Sacha Runa Foundation Charapa Cocha, Amazonian Ecuador The shaman’s bancu (stool or bench) in our research collection is a kutan or regular shaman’s bench carved in wood with charapa (Amazonian river turtle) motif, as opposed to a chimbui which is the seat of a very powerful shaman. Norman Whitten acquired this one from an Achuar man.

Sungui, spirit master of the hydrosphere, sits on the Amazonian river turtle (charapa) chimbui seat of power and, in their most powerful expression as first shaman, becomes the Amaru, the colossal rainbow-colored mythic anaconda.

13

Cabuya mesh basket

14

(left) Mucawa (Drinking Bowl) with Black Anaconda Backbone Rib Motif (large red shallow bowl) Made by Marlene Ushigua Santi, Canelos Quichua Ceramist Purchased from Sacha Runa Foundation Pacayacu, Amazonian Ecuador Pieces in this collection are from all regions of the Pastaza Province of Ecuador, Cities such as Curaray, Puyo, Canelos, Pacayacu, Nuevo Mundo, Montalvo, and Sarayacu are represented.

Artists include Rosaria Mucashigua, Marta Vargas, Imitilla Gualinga, Marlene Ushighua Santi, Esthela (Estela) Dagua, Apache Vargas, Virginia Santi, Faviola Vargas Aranda and Eucebia Arande.

Interactive ceramic project Designed by Brandon D’Souza: https://go.osu.edu/ceramicsinteractive For additional information, see: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5223g28c

(center) Uchumanga blackware Canelos Quichua ceramic

(right) callana (eating bowl)

15

Bronze Cencerro Bells of Aruchico Festival Dancer Corpus Christi and Inti Raymi Festivals Cayambe, Pichincha Province, Ecuador Andean, and Amazonian indigenous festivals are symbolic spaces where, on an annual basis, people collectively enact their histories and community experiences. Through these festival performances, people represent the world around them to themselves, re-inscribing events and social relations from their critical perspective and symbolically inverting historical outcomes in an ongoing narrative of ethnic resistance.

16

(left and right) REPRESENTATIONS OF TYPICAL APPAREL OF HIGHLAND ECUADOR Donated by Norman Whitter 2015 Meaningful information is communicated through cloth and typical garments in the Andes. For those who know how to read these signs, local designs, preferred colors and sewing or weaving techniques readily identify ethnic groups. They distinguish members of one local community from another, function as Indicators of age and marital status, and can pinpoint specific family affiliations and even individuals in some cases.

The quality of cloth and workmanship, along with the finery of jewelry worn, often conveys information about economic class, political office and social status. As such, the complex aesthetics of the day apparel constitute a readable medium.

(center to far right)

ETHNIC DOLLS Donated by Norman Whitten 2015 Outward-facing ethnic representations embodied in dolls made primarily for sale exhibit exceptional attention to detail. Tiny embroidery and stitching attempt to accurately reflect local aesthetics, challenging generalized representations of indigenous people and insisting instead upon Andean communities' immense cultural richness and diversity. These miniature representations also noticeably involve some activity, drawing our attention to the general emphasis on action and verbs in Quechua and Quichua narrative forms.

17

Atarrayas and Licas – Amazonian Fishing Nets Donated by Norman Whitten This fishing net ws acquired from the maker in Pacayacu. Round casting nets are called atarrayas and rectangular nets drawn across streams are known as lucas. Although people in other areas of the Canelos Quicha territory radiating out northward from the Bobonaza River make nets from time to time, the Pacayacu nets with stones coated in black beeswax (pungara) are among the finest.

18 Coatmundi or Cucuchu (animal jar with sharp teeth) Made by Apacha Vargas, 1970s, Canelos Quichua Master Potter Purchased from Sacha Runa Foundation Puyo, Amazonian Ecuador Among the pieces in Ohio State’s collection are figurines depicting dangerous forest creatures and spirits. Apacha Vargas made a set of these forest creatures, including the whimsical coatmundi or cucuchu depicted here, during a creative spurt of activity lasting over a month. After that, she never made one again.

Through their creations, the potters render in material form the “integration of knowledge, reflection, and self-regulation” that are central, interrelated beliefs and practices within Amazonian cosmology (Whitten 2015).

Interactive Coati Mundi ceramic figure Photogrammetry: https://go.osu.edu/coatimundiceramic For additional information see: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5223g28c

19, 23, 8, 11 Andean and Amazonian Shigras (Crosslinked Bags) Donated by Norman Whitten 2015 Shigras are crosslinked net bags made of chambira palm fiber in the Amazonian lowlands and of cabuya and other natural fibers from succulent plants in the Andean highlands. Shigras are generally woven in simple zigzag, abstract, and geometric patterns. Their uses range from sacks for carrying seeds and seedlings during the planting season to fashion accessories for the tourist market. If woven tightly enough, a shigra can even hold water without dripping.

Among the Andean and Amazonian shigras collection is a tiny Waorani cell phone shigra made by Mateo Kome Manya Guiguita from Toñapari, grandson of the famous late Dayuma. Mateo found making a shigra for a cellphone amusing since, stereotypically, Waorani lived deep in the forest.

20

Small Retablo- Music Workshop For more information see object 2

https://go.osu.edu/retablo Interactive Retablo

21 (left) Lumucha (Paca) Figurine Made by Apacha Vargas, 1970s Purchased from the Sacha Runa Foundation Nuevo Mundo of the Comuna San Jacinto del Pindo, Amazonian Ecuador

(right) Moon Man/Jilucu Eucevia Aranda Canelos Quichua ceram Made by Eucebia Aranda Purchased from the Sacha Runa Foundation Saraquillu of Sarayacu, Amazonian Ecuador

22, 5 Andean Etched Story Gourds Ecuador (2000 - 2004) Calabazas talladas or etched story gourds appear throughout the Andes. (The gourds on view were purchased in the Otavalo open market of Galerías Latinas. Story gourds depict daily life and specific events, often embedded in a dense context of simultaneous, overlapping activities.

22: large gourd

5 (far right): spinning gourd

Fine etchings on the tiniest gourds compel attention to detail. In addition to the circular narrative structure of the calabacitas talladas, this aesthetic introduces the phenomenon of miniaturized representations found throughout the Andean region.

As Catherine Allen, a sociocultural anthropologist specializing in Andean ethnography and ethnohistory, observes, there is a penchant for envelopment or synecdoche in Andean cultures, where every microcosm implies a macrocosm. In the act of “writing the world,” powerful miniatures, in effect, inform the cosmos with their form (Allen 1997)/ As “texts” in their own right, the etch gourds present us with distinct literary and historical narrative forms, different types of textuality, and an alternative literacy that provides a glimpse into the multidimensional sites of indigenous knowledge.

5 (center): back of gourd

5 (center): front of gourd

Etched story gourds depict clear delimitations of space and activity generally divided into three distinct spatial-temporal zones. The top part, separated by a clear boundary, depicts celestial bodies and often mystic beings. The middle layer generally depicts dwellings. The bottom layer is populated with animal and human activity.

Calabazas/mates tallados or etched story gourds appear throughout the Andes. Story gourds depict specific events, often embedded in a dense context of simultaneous, overlapping activities. The gourd's tactile, sonorous, organic nature prompts us to “read” the piece using multiple senses. Moreover, the spherical shape of the gourds invites us to turn the piece in our hands and presents us with a non-linear narrative structure that, in contrast to Western narratives, has no clear beginning, middle, or end. Etched

story gourds depict clear delimitations of space and activity generally divided into three distinct spatial-temporal zones. The top part, separated by a clear boundary, depicts celestial bodies and often mythic beings. In other gourds, such as the one above, musical instruments and work implements are included in the upper level. The middle layer generally depicts dwellings. The bottom layer is populated with human and animal activity. Fine etchings on the tiniest gourds compel attention to detail as part of the Andean aesthetic and introduce the phenomenon of miniaturized representations found throughout the Andean region. In Andean cultures, there is a penchant for envelopment or synecdoche, where every microcosm implies a macrocosm. In “Writing the World,” powerful miniatures, in effect, inform the cosmos with their form. Moreover, as anthropologist Levi-Strauss has pointed out, miniaturization facilitates an “instant apprehension of the whole,” reversing normal processes of understanding and Western analytical approaches that typically develop from understanding the parts to eventual assertions about the whole. Appreciation of the story gourds invites us to consider theory-generative dimensions of Indigenous art. https://go.osu.edu/largestorygourd Interactive story gourd For additional information see https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5223g28c

23, 8, 11, 19

(Images corresponding to numbers: left-right) Andean and Amazonian Shigras (Crosslinked Bags) Donated by Norman Whitten 2015 Shigras are crosslinked net bags made of chambira palm fiber in the Amazonian lowlands and of cabuya and other natural fibers from succulent plants in the Andean highlands. Shigras are generally woven in simple zigzag, abstract, and geometric patterns. Their uses range from sacks for carrying seeds and seedlings during the planting season to fashion accessories for the tourist market. If woven tightly enough, a shigra can even hold water without dripping.

Among the Andean and Amazonian shigras collection is a tiny Waorani cell phone shigra made by Mateo Kome Manya Guiguita from Toñapari, grandson of the famous late Dayuma. Mateo found it amusing to make a shigra for a cellphone since, stereotypically, Waorani lived deep in the forest.

24

(far back) Gaitas or Flautas Gemelas (Ritual Twin Flutes) Made of Carrizo Made by Taki Maestros of Kotama Purchased from Centro Cultural Hatun Kotama Kotama, Otavalo, Imbabura Province, Ecuador Gaitas gemelas or flautas gemelas are ritual flutes made of a particular type of reed or carrizo that are played in pairs. In his book, Yaku-Mama: La Crianza del Agua, native anthropologist Enrique “Katsa” Cachiguango writes that the descending birdlike melody of the flautas gemelas is the language of nature and, more specifically, of water and that playing the flutes enables a relationship of mutual nurturing between people and their environment.

Taqui (taki) maestros in Kotama master vast repertoires of tonos or melodies and guard the music of the twin flutes as ancestral knowledge. These flutes' role in facilitating interspecies communication and affecting the world underscores their agency or ability to act upon the world.

24

(right) Hacienda Overseer’s Whip with Brass Dog Head Handle (Acial) Donated by Norman Whitten 2015

During the time of the haciendas, overseers carried aciales (whips) such as this one as instruments of authority and control over indigenous peasants. The polished brass handle is a representation of a menacing dog, also a symbol of the hacienda as overseers threatened to unleash dogs on indigenous laborers. During the summer festivals of Inti Raymi, in the areas of Otavalo and Cotacachi, indigenous festival dancers known as sanjuanes test their vigor in a ritual battle for the ultimate prize of symbolically taking the town square. As they trot to the music of twin flutes, they wave these leather aciales. The symbol of hacienda power has passed into indigenous hands in ritual reversal whereby the sanjuanes reinscribe history with a twist.

For example, during the summer festivals of Inti Raymi in Otavalo and Cotacachi, Ecuador, indigenous festival dancers test their vigor in a ritual battle for the ultimate prize of symbolically taking the town square. As they trot to the music of twin flutes, they wave aciales (whips) such as the one in the image above. During the haciendas, overseers carried aciales as instruments of authority and control over indigenous peasants. The polished brass handle is a representation of a menacing dog, also a symbol of the hacienda as overseers threatened to unleash dogs on indigenous laborers. During the festival, the symbol of hacienda power passes into indigenous hands, and, in an act of ritual reversal, the dancers re-inscribe history with a twist (See Wibbelsman 2009).

Festival masks similarly capture indigenous memories of the past and transform power relations through mockery, ambiguity, and disorder. Devin Grammon acquired the masks in the collection in 2015 and provided the following ethnographic information. Masks with grotesque features embodied in a black mole on an outrageously long nose and a ridiculously large mustache mock the authority of white men

during the Paucartambo festival in Peru celebrating the Vírgen del Carmen. A jaundice-colored mask of a festival character known as “el chukchu” accompanies a dance by the same name and represents laborers from highland Paucartambo communities that worked on haciendas in jungle valleys where they contracted yellow fever and other tropical diseases. Grammon (personal communication) notes that many consider this dance to reflect the historical reality of the Paucartambo poor who worked in rubber extraction on the Q’usñipata haciendas during the early twenty-first century. He indicates that today, representations of “el chukchu” have expanded to include indigenous experiences of contemporary diseases such as cancer and AIDS. Music deserves a chapter of its own as it accompanies nearly all ritual, festive, and everyday events in one form or another. It is a favorite entertainment source and intimately connected to cultural and ethnic identity. Here, I signal only a few points pertinent to the immediate discussion of music as a site of indigenous knowledge and memory. Beyond connotations of music as representation, Luis Enrique “Katsa” Cachiguango and Julián Pontón (2010) offer a compelling argument regarding the music of the twin flutes in Kotama as a special language that communicates secret knowledge about the mutual and nurturing relationship between people and nature. The authors point out that for listeners who are nonindigenous or not intimately familiar with the context of indigenous experiences, this music simply sounds like repetitive sounds (Cachiguango and Pontón 2010:71). Norman Whitten (2015) offers a similar example from Amazonia where during the ayllu jista, a flute and drum combination played by a musical specialist is not only a marker of ethnicity but also a symbol of power that can be used to summon forest spirits. The performance, he writes, is guarded as secret knowledge.

Andean and Afro-Andean musical instruments in the collection at OSU are not the only artifacts that appear on display. The instruments are used in the Andean Music Ensemble class, which exposes students to musical and oral traditions of the Andes by way of experiential, performance-based pedagogies that foster applied and immediate student engagement with cultural practices and concepts, linguistic expression, and Andean aesthetics.

For additional information see https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5223g28c

25 doll arrangement with old fabric from burial sites, waka

26

(left) Storage Jar with Tapir Foot and Turtle Motif (tall jar) Made by Rosario Mucashigua, Curaray The pottery is made by using a coiling technique rather than wheel thrown. All the colors, dyes, and decorations are made from natural rock and clay found in the Amazonian region of Ecuador. Then, the firing process is amazingly done without using a kiln or pit. Temperatures at an average of 1,400 degrees

Fahrenheit are reached in order to harden the clay. Finally, processed tree resin is used for the lacquering process.

(right) small mucawa (drinking bowl) with tapir foot

27, 24 (front left) Canelos Drum and Beater Paired with Flute (smallest flute) Donated by Norman Whitten 2015 This drum, used extensively in Canelos Quicha festivals, is now considered an “ethnic marker” during public performances by emergent Zápara and Andoa Amazonian indigenous peoples. It is also a “power symbol” in that a man may, on his own, summon spirits to his house by beating the drum and circling. The flute paired with the drum is played by a taqui or musical specialist who convenes a kinship festival (ayllu jista). The taqui plays an Andean melody on the flute while beating his drum. The flute and drum combination appears exclusively during the ayllu jista. Information on this performance is guarded as secret knowledge.

28 (top middle) Traditional Chinchero Multicolored Belt: Chumpi or Faja and Ruk’i Made of Llama Bone Cuzco, Peru 2015 This belt, known in the local Quecha as chumpi or Spanish as faja, was made by local weaver Doña Julia and acquired in Cuzco, Peru.

Doña Julia is originally from the community of Chinchero and weaves daily on the steps of Qanchipata in the San Blas neighborhood of Cuzco.

The belt’s patterns consist of repeating diamonds, joined spirals, arrows, and heptagon. All of these shapes have meanings that come from pre-Columbian times and are associated with Andean cosmovision or worldview: their deities, worship of the Earth Mother or Pachamama, and conceptualization of time and space. Some patterns also record historical events that persist in the community's collective memory.

The large diamond symbols at the center represent a relationship to female fertility, while the S-shaped spirals relate to the universe. Other woven representations that endure today depict the execution of

indigenous rebel leader Tupac Amaru II and the foretelling of his millenarian return, with four horses quartering Tupac Amaru II and four condors pulling apart the horses.

All of the belt’s patterns and shapes have meanings that come from pre-Columbian times, which are associated with Andean cosmogony: their gods, worship of the earth, and other elements that were part of their development as a civilization.

Traditional weaving is an essential component of identity in the high Andes, along with conventional herding of camelids and using the Quechua language. Since Quechua was originally an oral language, weaving was how people communicated their thoughts and feelings about the natural world told, and recorded histories. Woven textiles were an important measure of wealth and played a central role in civil and religious ceremonies. Everything from the spin of the yarn and the symbols woven into the textiles to the colors used and techniques employed conveys a wealth of meaning about the weaver and where she came from.

28 (vertical left and right) Two fajas (chumbi belts)

28

(bottom) Chumbi belt faja 3 in progress --patterns Additional Information Chumbi (chumpi, faja) belts: The belt’s patterns consist of diamonds, joined spirals, arrows, and heptagons. These shapes have meanings from pre-Columbian times, which are associated with Andean cosmogony: their gods, worship of the earth, and other elements that were part of their development as a civilization. In the center ‘hieroglyphic,' the large diamond reads a relationship to female fertility while the S-shaped spiral relates to the universe.

Interpretation of colors: Red:

Planet Earth expresses the Andean man, intellectual development, and cosmic philosophy.

Orange:

Society and culture; it is an expression of the culture, preservation, and procreation of the human species. It is health and medicine, training and education, and the cultural practice of dynamic youth.

Yellow:

Energy and strength; it expresses moral principles, the doctrine of Pachakama and Pachamama: duality, laws and regulations, the collectivist practice of brotherhood, and human solidarity.

White:

Time and dialectics; it is the expression of the development and ongoing transformation of Qullana Marka over the Andes, the development of science and the technology, art, intellectual, and manual labor that generates reciprocity and harmony within the community structure.

Green:

Andean economy and production; it represents the natural wealth of the surface and subsurface and the gifts of flora and fauna.

Blue:

Cosmic Space; it is the expression of infinity and the expression of stellar systems and natural phenomena.

Violet:

Politics and Andean ideology; it is the expression of community and the harmonic power of the Andes, the instrument of the state as a higher court, social, economic, and cultural organizations, and the management of people and the country.

For additional information: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5223g28c

29 Large backstrap loom: "Awana," with work in progress.

These backstrap weaving looms, known in the local Quechua as “awana” or Spanish “telar,” are from the Chinchero community in the Cusco region of Peru. The smaller loom is used to make belts, while the larger loom is used to make larger weavings such as ceremonial blankets. Traditional weavers use these kinds of looms throughout the Andes, and they are one of the oldest forms of looms in the world. They are traditionally composed of nine core parts and constructed with wood, bone, and strings. When the weaver lifts on the heddle stick, the bottom yarns are pulled above the top yarns, creating a shed. With the appropriate set of warp yarns raised, the weaver picks up specific warp yarns and lets others drop, using either her fingers or a thin wooden tool. This selection of warp yarns creates one row of the woven pattern in the textile.

Traditional weaving is a crucial component of identity in the high Andes, along with conventional herding of camelids and using the Quechua language. Since Quechua was originally an oral language, weaving was how people communicated their thoughts and feelings about the natural world and recorded histories. Woven textiles were an important measure of wealth and played a central role in civil and religious ceremonies. Everything from the spin of the yarn and the symbols woven into the textiles to the colors used and techniques employed conveys a wealth of meaning about the weaver and where she came from.

Andean and Amazonian indigenous festivals are symbolic spaces where people collectively play out their histories and community experiences on an annual basis. Many festivals honor Catholic saints, indigenous deities, and sometimes both, blurring lines between traditions in an expression of cultural syncretism. By way of festival performances people represent the world around them to themselves, re-inscribing events and social relations from their own critical perspectives.

30 Ukhuña (top two textiles) Chinchero, Cuzco, Peru 2015

These small textiles, known in the local Quechua as ukhuña, originate from the town of Chinchero in the Cuzco region of Peru. They are used in traditional ceremonies such as the pago a la tierra and are often worn on the back/ While the woven patterns are typical of local textiles, the blue and red blocks are especially representative of Chinchero. Also note the intricate woven borders on each example, referred to in Quecha as awapa (the edge).

31

Three weavings, pre-columbian motifs donated by Dr. Pierce.

32 (left two figures) Aruchico Festival Dancers with Aya Uma Masks Donated by Norman Whitten 2015 These festival characters exemplify cultural and symbolic syncretism in the Andes. Their hats and zamarros (goat-skin chaps) are reflections of the hacienda. However, the Aya Uma, or spirit head masks they wear, have deep connections with Andean cosmovision. The Aya Uma mask has two faces–one that gazes forward into the past and the other backward into the future. Native Quicha anthropologist Enrique Cachuguango (2010) writes that this double-gaze, which captures an inverse relation between time and space, is a message of wisdom for runakuna (indigenous people) to walk toward the future in a self-determining way without losing sight of the past.

33

(Middle left) Aya Uma Rag Doll (cloth doll with black mask) Donated by Normal Whitten 2015 Around the world, playthings mediate children’s socialization and cultural awareness and facilitate their cultural fluency. Bits of miscellaneous fabric and thread hold together this muñeca de trapo (rag doll) made for a child to play with. This aya uma rag doll represents one of the most powerful festival characters in the Northern Anes. He is the spirit-headed trickster who provokes chaos and alternatively imposes order.

With one face looking forward into the past and another looking backward into the future, he stands defiant with his hands on his hips. A child endeared to this toy might ponder the significance of the “horns” on its head, ask about the meaning of the two faces, contemplate the notion of an inverse relation between time and space, or offer their own creative interpretations of the symbols on the mask.

Every stitch invites cultural insight and an intimate attachment tied to a child’s evolving science of cariño (affection) for their culture and ability to “read” and appreciate its significance.

For additional information, see https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5223g28c

34 Blue aya uma festival mask Donated by Norm Whitten Aya Uma has a face on both the front and back sides of the body to represent the inverse relation between space and time in Andean conceptualization. Aya Uma also represents dualities such as order/chaos and balance/upheaval.

35 (middle) Large wooden canoe This toy canoe made of wood is a vehicle for imaginative play but also for skill building and emulating adult worlds

36, 10 Waorani Serbatana (blowgun) left Donated by Norman Whitten 2015 Waorani Serbatana (darts) object 10

Serbatanas or blowguns are made of chonta (ironwood) and can reach a length of 12-14 feet. Blowguns are sometimes acquired from specialists in other communities, but dart quivers or matiris are made exclusively by the user and are hardly ever traded or sold.

Curare, a paralytic made from a tree vine, is used to poison the tips of the darts.

37

(far left) Tukuna Bark Cloth Mask Purchased from Sacha Runa Foundation Southeastern Columbia Bark-cloth paintings and masks of the Tukuna people of Colombia are a rapidly disappearing art form. Created using the inner layer of bark from the giant sapucaia or Ficus tree and decorated with vegetable-based dyes, bark-cloth art, until recently, was used mainly by the Tukuna people for ritual dances and festival celebrations. Most commonly, it was used in a young woman’s “coming of age” or multi-day puberty ceremony.

The largest collection in the world, 225 pieces, was obtained in the 1970s by the Department of Anthropology at the University of Illinois and is on display today. Other notable collections exist in Berlin and New York.

Bark-cloth cannot be cleaned, so preservation of this art is quite difficult. The large bark-cloth painting we have on display was purchased from the Sacha Runa Foundation and restored by Ohio State’s Conservation, Preservation and Digitization Unit. It is encased in a UV-protected Plexiglas custommade vitrine designed by University Libraries and Department of History of Art curators. Climate control fluctuations in Hagerty Hall during the COVID-19 pandemic shutdown caused an issue with mold in the case. Student curators reinstalled the piece and display case after treatment. For more information, a rare book on these pieces is Masquerades and Demons: Tukuna Bark-Cloth Painting, published by the Krannert Art Museum at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

38

(middle right) Paucartambo Festival Mask: Qhapaq Chuncho [mesh] This mask is worn during the festival in Paucartambo, celebrating the Virgen del Carmen in a dance called Qhapaq Chuncho. In this dance, there are three different characters: the king, who is the head of the dance, the ch'unchu soldiers, who make up the rest of dancers, and the cusillo. The first two wear masks of metal mesh while the cusillo wears one of paper or plaster.

The metal mesh masks of the Qhapaq Chuncho represent 'fine features. The relief is achieved in the molding of the metal mesh, which is very soft.

These characters are light-skinned and their eyes, eyebrows, nose and eyelashes are lined with black or red paint. The eyes are always blue, and a thin red line highlights the specification of the eyelid. Some dancers decorate their masks with a black mole and with a small coin on the tip of the nose.

39

(middle right) Paucartambo Festival Mask: Qhapaq Negro [black] This mask, known as the qhapaq negro, is worn during the festival in Paucartambo celebrating the Virgen del Carmen. In the dance of the qhapaq negro, black slaves from colonial times are remembered. According to oral tradition, many of these enslaved people were brought from the coast and the Bolivia region to Paucartambo where they worked in gold and silver mines. It is said that these slaves brought their devotion to the Virgen del Carmen from Lima, where they first learned to worship her. In the songs of the qhapaq negro, which are interpreted in both Quechua and Spanish, both their suffering as slaves and devotion to the Virgen del Carmen are recounted.

40

(far right) Paucartambo Festival Mask: El Machu [peach] This mask is worn during the festival in Paucartambo, Peru, celebrating the Virgen del Carmen in a dance called contradanza which features two different characters: the foreman, el machu, and the quadrilles, los soldados. The el machu mask, displayed here, can be made of either plaster of paper and contains grotesque features. These masks are typically light in coloring with pinkish cheeks and display a large black mole on an outrageously long nose, dark-colored eyebrows and wrinkles, and red lips around a big smile. An important feature is the large mustache, made from the tail of a horse or mule. The teeth are typically white but sometimes golden.

By way of contrast, the quadrille masks are metal mesh. They represent white men with fine and delicate features. The eyebrows, whiskers, and nose are outlined in black, and they have blue eyes. El Machu is the figure of clout in the dance, but his ridiculous mask mocks this authority. Mockery, ambiguity, and disorder transform relations of power in this reversal ritual.

https://u.osu.edu/osuaaac/ Updated-Appreciation-Guide-mw.pdf https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5223g28c

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Kawsay Ukhunchay Resource Guide