MARC WORKSHOP 2014/15 DELJANA IOSSIFOVA
MARC WORKSHOP 2014/15
Rationale Dr Deljana Iossifova Lecturer in Urban Studies, University of Manchester The cooperation of practitioners and researchers with different disciplinary backgrounds is urgently necessary in the face of global urban challenges. However, the lack of a shared terminology and clear definition of ‘urban’ can make it difficult to progress a common agenda. This workshop creates a platform for the development of new, collaborative and transdisciplinary approaches to urban challenges. Students gain an overview of different definitions of ‘ urban’ and get to know theoretical frameworks and practical methods in diverse academic disciplines and professional fields outside of Architecture. In sessions, students discuss short texts around typical theoretical frameworks and practical approaches to studying, planning and managing the city in different disciplines.
Students have had the unique opportunity to work with brand-new texts. to be published in the forthcoming book ‘Defining the Urban’ (Ashgate, 2016), edited by Iossifova, Doll and Gasparatos.
They develop new approaches and innovative ways to integrate and apply these in their work as architects.
Adeniyi Adekunle Emad Alyedreessy Maria-Magdalena Atanasova Farhad Bakht Charles Butterwick Suzanne Coong Sophie Cosgrove Christina Cox Annette Davis Abigail Dixon Kristian James Daniel Kelso Daniel Kempski Lina Keturkaite Jordon Lambert Peter Lee Patrick Lyth Catherine McCann Diana Muresan Irina Nikova Michael Orengo Selasi Setufe Jenny Sewart Chyna Sudbury Ivana Tosheva Larissa Weinmann
Before the discipline regarded the city as a culmination of all these different factors
How it is seen as the interconnections between all of the disciplines and how they relate to one another
The macro scale looks context and how it in places across the wor
The micro scale looks at the Urban city at more of a local scale. How it sits within the immediate context around it.
Scale Urban anthropology has developed two main scales when investigating urban contexts
Views on Urban City
Development of the interest in Urban Ethnomethodology
Ethnomethodology is purely a descriptive practice the delves into the social orders that we put in place. We use this to understand many day to day experiences. It also looks into what happens when these orders break down or malfunction. A simple example of this is; (20 + 8)/2 = Asking this question to an adult (assuming that they are numerically literate) would be simple. “What is 20 plus 8, divided by 2) and the answer would be 14. But for a child we could say “If you had 20 toys and I have you 8 more how many do you have. Now if I asked you to split them evenly into 2 piles how many would you have in each pile? These questions in principle are exactly the same but we have put each one in a context that the person we are asking understands. What is also intriguing is when we swap these scenario’s over and ask the adult the child’s question, what would the adults reaction be? In a “city” these small structures that we have in place are widely understood by all within the city.
Ethnography & Thick Description
Methods of the ci
Ethnology is a method of studying people from a socio-cultural perspective Ethnographic studies are usually observed from the perspective of the people being studies, so the person researching would usually try to immerse himself or herself in the culture of the observed. Thick description, introduced by Clifford Geertz is highly linked to this method of observation as it was what started to angle the interest of anthropology away from only social structure, but them meaning and impact of these structures.
Agency & Individualism
Economic Views Historic Views What is agency? “Agency is the capability, the power, to be the source and originator of acts, agents are the subject of the action” (Rapport, 2000) In context to the “city” e believe that we have a level of individuality in our lives and that we are able to make our own decisions and make our own paths in life. And to an extent this is true, but only within pre-set parameters, such as religion, law, ethnicity etc.
Economics is one of the many ways the urban can be studied. It may be a case that its economic produce and consumption is what defines the area. Places like canary wharf and wall street are areas within cities that are inscribed with this very definition
Another way of understanding the urban is through historical views. Understanding the heritage of a place may help to lead to an understanding of how that place is defined in the present
The politics of a place are another very defining element of the places identity. In a place where certain behaviors are legally banned it opens up a discussion into ; 1. Why it is banned 2. What would the place be like had it not been banned. This discussion is what allows us to start understanding the effects of politics on the urban
Physical Objects/ places One of the ways of seeing the connections within the urban are seeing what links people physically. Tis could be places like markets, concerts general places of interest.
s at the city within its global nteracts with other cities and rld
Types of connections within the Urban
Term Urban in Anthropology
Cultural Connections Culturally we are a very diverse species. This diversity opens up the ability to dissect cultures and see how cultures relate to one another. What things are accepted in one culture that may create a disturbance in another. The links between people within cultures is also another interesting topic as we start to generate even more sub-networks within the complex system
Internet Phenomena In the means of connections, the Internet over the past 20 years has completely rescuplted the way that anthropologists can map the urban. Because of this international network, there are many coutures and sub-cultures that are affected by other cultures that have no spatial relationship with. Furthermore cultures are created on-line and are then extrapolated into reality. These are thing like internet trends etc.
Concept of Identity The concept of identity in the urban is the idea that something can be identified by one or many characteristics, uniquely blended to create something. These characteristics can be things like heritage, economics and cultures.
PsycholoArchitect Historian Accountant
Relationship with other disciplines
Politician Civilian Sociologist
studying ity Technology
When it comes to planning the anthropologist should have a new role. It sits in-between all the disciplines such as architecture, politics etc. and town planning. In this model it means instead of the town planner being swamped with information from all these disciplines, the anthropologist can determine what is important/useful and this can be filtered through to the planner for them to make a more informed decision
Technology nowadays is making it easier to collect anthropological data about people. There are many apps today that are used to collect real time data as a means of improving the city, and giving the people what they want without necessarily having to ask them
Mapping and spatial analysis are another key method in studying the cities. By giving properties a spacial context we are able to understand more patterns that may emerge in the area of study.
Anthropology in the city
Anthropology of the city
Theories to reconceptualise the city as a network of
Transnational and translocal
Urban communities exist across urban areas rather than within them. Made possible by technological advances eg. Internet, international phones calls, accessible travel.
Uses local methods of anthropology in the city but in the context of historical, political and economic issues.
Vienna Symposium 1983 - first steps to creating a serious scientific program for studying Urban Anthropology.
Death of urban anthropology
Observing groups of people in urban areas on a small scale as isolated or contained communities.
Incorporates political economic approaches from `
Rebirth of Urban anthropology
Space as a tool to understand how a built environment effects how a group of people act. Methods include transect walks and behavioural mapping.
Multi-sited ethnology to get a fuller understanding of an urban networks by examining different sites. Follows the process rather than capturing a situation artificially.
First international conference for scholars of Urban Anthropology. Representatives from USA, Japan, Africa, Spain and Sweden.
Inception of urban anthropology
Linking macro events with micro events
rACIALISATION AND SEGREGATION
New areas of research
Violence and terror
METHODS - THICK DESCRIPTION
Global, transnational and translocal processes
Complete urban anthropological response to the city
contestation and Resistance
Society for urban, national and transnational Anthropology
2000 geography, sociology and political science. Urban Anthropology
global and local relationships.
Engineering Alexander Bogdanov: Henri Poincare: Uncertainty in prediction increases exponentially over time
‘Tektology’ unifies disciplines from social/biological
Alan Mathison Turing:
sciences with hard sciences.
Understanding in terms of systems of relationships.
The study of dynamic systems displaying seemingly random behaviours.
The interdisciplinary incorporation of natural evolution and human subjectivity into the scientific study of all systems.
Dual theories of communication and control, especially in the context of automatic control systems or self-correcting systems. Examples: nervous system (l), auto pilot (r)
The study and design of intelligent agents, where an intelligent agent refers to a system that has the ability to perceive its environment and take action as a response.
The theory is relevant to the study of longterm system behaviour using mathematical equations, particularly in mechanical or deterministic systems. Mathematical systems are utilised to predict systematic change in time or dimension. The main focus today is chaotic systems.
A complex system is made o interact with each other ove of behaviour at the system be predicted through simple individual parts and their fun
xs ple om
tan em yst s
No reductionalist approach, i.e. one should not simply examine the individual components, but rather the system as a whole (i.e. including the interrelations and dynamics).
Understand multiple social constructs and perspectives on a small scale.
Similarity = Unpredictability
Hard vs. Soft Systems
Nonlinearity is evident when the principles of superimposition and homogeneity are not verified. oth principles refer to the predictability of outputs based on known inputs.
no complex motivations
people, motivations and relationships involved
known outcomes Hard System
Acknowledges wide variety of perspectives and social constructs. Interpretations of patterns and scales based on observer’s subjectivity. Systems in the real world are generally open systems, overlapping with others, or contained within others, and hardly ever independent of their environment and external factors. For the possibility of analysis, boundaries have to be drawn, however. These boundaries are subjective, and depend on the observer’s perspective and context.
The city as a complex adaptive system
COMPLEX ADAP Complex adaptive systems are a specia
the ability to learn from experience John H. Holland they may also be able to future conditions. They can also disp the agents and the system itself adapt
Planner as a communicator/negotiator between different stakeholders (e.g. citi ens, businesses, local governments), with the ultimate goal of communicative planning.
No priori (independent of experience) analysis - the observer should immerse him/herself into the system (e.g. urban context) to fully experience and analyse the system.
In planning processes, include people as autonomously thinking and acting agents in their own right (as opposed to one combined mass of people).
on ati s nis nce rga ue f-o in sel nal ith ter d w f ex ate s o oci rm Ass in te
Observations and interactions with agents at various scales and over a period of time (not just one instance).
d ate oci Ass
Dif f effi eren c ce pe iden ienc rfo tifi y r m ed ati ve go als
Although theoretically deterministic, outcomes display extreme sensitivity to initial conditions.
one input not one defined output; unpredictable
Urban Application Example:
City as a combination of hard and soft systems
Emergence is a process related to scale: Smaller en other on a small scale, resulting in new large scal on the initial scale. Hence, it is an irreducible pro
Dependent on observer’s context and perspective
Lotfi A. adeh
‘Fu y Logic’ more appropriate for complex
detector, selector, and effector of a system
and the machine’
Ludwig von Bertalanffy:
Edward Norton Lorenz:
General systems theory as a
The precision required to repeat predictable outcomes
solution to fragmentation/ duplication of research he
Key Events and People
(related to themes and in uences)
utter y Effect
IBM: Deep Blue
in dynamic systems is
observed in various disciplinary
beyond the realms of
Agent Based Modelling
Case Based Modelling
A specific type of computational models used to simulate and study agent behaviour and the resulting effect on a system. Simple behaviour based rules result in complex behaviours.
Applied when categorisation into distinct sets becomes problematic. States that there is an infinite grey area between black and white.
The process of analysing data from multiple perspectives and either summarising it into understandable information structures, or discovering useful patterns and correlations. Example of application: machine learning
Attempts to find solutions to new problems based on the solutions of similar problems in new the past.
(only roughly chronological)
Us com ed t ple o de x s scr yst ibe em s
Co em ntai erg ns en elem ce en ts
om ple xs
of multiple components, which er time, resulting in patterns and other scales that cannot causal understanding of the nctions.
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646 - 1716) Relationism: Space and time are human conceptions used to identify the connections / relationships between objects.
Self-organisation is a time based process linked closely to emergence. In a city context the process can be observed in the forming of informal urban territories.
Closed vs. Open Systems
no top-down control by one agent
Joseph Kaipayil (1959 - ) Objects are dependent on their networked connections for value.
ntities, components and patterns interact with each le behaviours or patterns that were not observable ocess.
Robustness Equilibrium 1
STABILITY DOMAIN 2
Stability near an equilibrium steady state
STABILITY DOMAIN 1
Equilibrium 2 vs.
Various stability domains, no equilibrium steady state
Framework to understand reality or a physical system in such a way that the positions and other properties of objects are only meaningful relative to other objects
Spatio-temporal & behavioral structure
al case of complex systems. They exhibit and evolutionary traits. As defined by e to anticipate in the process of adapting play qualities of self-similarity (i.e. both t to changing conditions).
Key Themes and In uences
Categorisation based on context and subjectivity
Norbert Wiener: ‘ ybernetics or control and communication in the animal
U R B A N
HOUSEHOLDS INDICATORS OF STUDY
business production residential
GDP UNEMPLOYMENT INFLATION SAVINGS NATIONAL INCOME INTERNATIONAL TRADE
SUPPLY AND DEMAND
FACTORS AFFECTING BEHAVIOUR
VALUE OF VOLUME VS WEIGHT
DESIRE TO TRAVEL
POLY CENTRIC CITIES
MITH ADAM S
H A S
NATIONAL REGIONAL GLOBAL
W H O
E C O N O M I C S :
ECONOMIES DEFINED BY BORDERS
DOES NOT ADDRESS GLOBALISATION URBAN POLITICS DECENTRALISATION OF MANUFACTURING
TRAVEL TO WORK FROM GTR MANCHESTER COUNCILS DESIRE TO ATTRACT RESIDENTS AND BUSINESS ECONOMIC EMPLOYMENT PROPERTY
TRAVEL TO WORK TO GTR MANCHESTER TRAVEL TO WORK GTR MANCHESTER
1.EAST CHESHIRE 2. WEST CHESHIRE 3.WARRINGTON 4.LIVERPOOL 5. ST HELENS 6. WEST LANCS 7.CHORLEY 8.PRESTON 9.BLACKBURN 10.ROSSENDALE 11. HIGH PEAK
POLITICAL SOCIAL BEHAVIOURAL INFLUENCES LONG RUN
ARCHITECUTRAL IMPACTS: ZONING | URBAN POLICIES | TOWN PLANNING | LAND USE
GEOGRAPHIC DATA UNLIKELY TO EVER CONFORM TO ACTIVITY | THEORETICAL MODEL NO
IME CE & T
RAW MATERIAL MARKET
KEY EX POR
SITE MAXIMISES WELFARE
COMPARATIVE ADVANTAGE PRODUCTION BASIC NON BASIC
MICRO SCALE PRODUCTION
COMPETITION FOR SPACE AND SERVICES
COMPETITON FOR PRODUCT MARKET
ONLINE PURCHASING CHANGED MARKET
LONDON VS MANCHESTER
LARGE SCALE PRODUCTION
LONDON MANUFACTURING RETAIL FINANCE ICT TECHNICAL OTHER
MANCHESTER 2.8% 8% 21.6% 10% 12.4% 45.2%
MANUFACTURING RETIAL FINANCE EDUCATION HEALTH CREATIVE
16.1% 10.3% 16.6% 8.8% 13% 7.7%
FACTORS AFFECTING FAILURE INCREASING COMPETITON INCREASING RENT CHANGE IN LAW
STRONG UNIQUE EXPORT
STRONG UNIQUE EXPORT
AFFECTING FACTORS: SOCIAL | POLITICAL | DEMOGRAPHIC
DATA QUALITY INCONSISTENCY PROVIDES BOUNDARIES OF STUDY
M O R E ?
BASE THEORY ANALYSIS
P A Y
A B I L I T Y
AN L DIST
T H E
C I P LINE
CITY BIOGRAPHY APPROACH
C U LT U R
1. Perception 2. Mapping
“in 50 years more that 75% of the worlds population will live in cities”
SUB URBAN HISTORY
THE URBAN HISTORY
OF URBAN HISTORY
T E UR
CRITICAL ANALYTICAL HISTORY
EXPLOSIVE GROWTH IN CITIES
CITY BIOGRAPHY APPROACH
NEW URBAN HISTORY APPROACH
ORAL HISTORY APPROACH
URBAN STRUCTURING APPROACH
Analysis of Quantifiable Data: 1. Tax Records 2. Censuses Data 3. Economic Forecast 4. Government Records
1. Psychology of Urban Space 2. Urban Preservation 3. Social Programming 4. Urban Legislation 5. Urban Revitalisation 6. Urban Identity
1. Study of Physical Form 2. Paintings 3. Drawings 4. Maps 5. Diagrams
1. Geo Models 2. Political Theory 3. Study of Physical Territory in Cities of Cities 4. Study of Urban Environments
1. Perception 2. Mapping 3. Urban Morphology 4. Regionalism 5. Distribution
Although computers are now being employed to help quantify economic data and collate data bases, little experimentation has been done with visual analysis.
RE E FUTU
Often a historian feels more comfortable using the data methods of another social scientists. By focusing on particular approaches, researchers continue to limit the types of material they consider. In general, we find that social historians do not refer to urban form, therefore failing to make the link between the social and physical environments
URBAN HISTORY - What makes a cit organised economic network
How have cities been organised?
industrialization migration conflict modernity
epicentre of progress
use economic & political records to create narratives
- 1900 Urban Histories
national system of cities
city as backdrop
distinct identity local within national classification
quantitive data analysis e.g. census data to create maps and graphs
1930 New Urban History
“Urban” time many dimensions of cities
social science methods e.g. oral histories, ethnographies
sociologists social historians anthropology
1960 Urban Social History
temporally and spatially dependent
globalization networks and flows politics of space shrinking cities 1.event
centre of network of rapid global flows
interdisciplinary techniques including analysing records, literature, data, archaeological specimens, forecasts, buildings.. arch. & art history politics archaelogy english literature urban planning psychology
1990 Global Urban Histories
generic city (meta)
How has humanity constructed global urban space?
people and urban space creation and destruction of space & place class & race struggles
built form +
displays universal “urban” characteristics & processes
How have people lived in cities?
ty a city?
critique utilizes quantative methods designed only by experts introduces zoning relies on scientific knowledge
The Death and American RULE-FRAMEWORK
Technocratic functional zoning over simplified conception of urban form the parts of the whole exist as separate entities avoiding high densities separate parts do not overlap, or relate to, each other resulting in functional zoning and monotony
Problems of simplicity
Problem organised co
problems that contain two factors/variables those factors are directly related to each other Problems of disorganised complexity
a large number of variables produces random variations by erratic interaction statistics is well suited to deal with such problems TOTAL PLAN
cities as simple objects composed of a group of physical features urban planning as an attempt to bring order to the city life
Life of Great n Cities
new understanding of the ‘urban’ TOTAL PLAN
y and ity more complex structure the parts relate to, and overlap with, each other as well as the whole structure avoiding functional zoning diversity is what fosters a city’s vitality and prosperity
no standarts naive and idealistic power is not evil
Nomocratic Planning Theory
ms of omplexity ENVIRONMENTAL DETERMINISM
dealing simultaneously with a large number of variables variables are interrelated into an organic whole statistics is not crucial, and often it is irrelevant
Communicative Planning Theory
too universal far-fetched ignores urban form
the key to urban life is dialogue the archetype is the agora in ancient Athens knowledge is the RULE-FRAMEWORK consensus between wellinformed individuals a form of intentional cooperation planners are not mere problem-solvers but organisers of public debate DESIGN STANDARTS
the urban core lies above all in the nomos the archetype is ancient Rome based on practical knowledge instead of scientific knowledge planners design a framework of urban codes citizens participate through unintentional cooperation
cities as a complex systems composed of countless processes and CONSENSUS relations urban planning should retain the city’s emergent and spontaneous order
the urban implicates mainly a certain form of the city defines ten main principles planners use a universal set of dimentional standarts empasis on how buildings overdue emphasis on form relate to each other, to streets and to other public too perscriptive ignores the free market spaces
analyse a priori
organised complexity beyoind statistical locality knowledge
fosters vitality/prosperity unpredicatable avoid functional zoning
relations and processes city = social organism emergent spontaneous
... Jane Jacobs critiques
HOW TO ADDESS URBAN ?
in contrast regared as an overly prescriptive design process with an outlook that is still heavily teleocratic. produces nostalgic developments which are overreliant on visual cues to produce social effects.
are considered give second place to the urban form, focusing on the process of planning, rather than the product. furthermore they represent ideals, and it is questioned how such a theories relate to practical applications.
highlighted above -“urban” is not purely descriptive but is in fact principally axiological in nature, as such planning theory should be both explanatory and normative, not soley dominated by technicratic perspectives. the various suggested approaches should continue to be explored and experimented, to consider combinations, or possibly wholly deifferent solutions to the ongoing urban debate.
positive image of “town life” that includes the public as well as the private realm, encouragning community interaction and inter-relation.
radical version of the rule of law ideal; process oriented; planners intended to atone for the "soulless sins of modernist urban planning" by seeking out pluralistic and organic strategies
hinges on public dialogue, ideal aims = conditions of free democratic discourse and unhampered debate. produces a platform that encourages this inter-communication
URBAN PLANNING PP
TIC PLA N NI NG CRA
JA C OB S
1 96 0
1 94 0s
NOTABLE CRITIC OF URBAN PLANNING
3 MAIN CRITICISMS
TECHNOCRATIC FUNCTIONAL ZONING
DENSITY AND DIVERSITY
PLANNED CITY CONCEPT, WORKING AS A PRE-DETERMINED MECHANISM
Over simplified conception of urban form; the various parts of the whole exist as separate entities. They do not overlap or relate to each other, resulting in functional zoning.
Complex overlapping form avoids functional zoning and allows for diversity. Dense concentrations of individuals are a crucial condition for flourishing urban diversity. Diversity is what fosters a cityâ€™s vitality and prosperity.
COMPLEX SY SPONTANEOU SELF ORGAN
TIV E P L A N N
TIC P L A N
PRINCIPLES OF NEW URBANISM Walkability Connectivity Mixed use and diversity Mixed housing Quality design Green transportation Neighbourhood structure Quality of life
‘New urbanists use these dimensional standards more to shape the spaces between buildings than to separate them from one other. New urbanist design standards control how buildings relate to each other, to streets, and to other public spaces.’ Russell (2004: 12)
The right to the city is the right for everyone to freely pursue their idea of a good life, using resources and assets as they wish, and without being harmed by, or harming others. (Moroni, forthcoming)
THE KEY TO URBAN LIFE IS DIALOGUE
The citizen comes before the city itself
LEXITY Planners are not mere problem solvers, but are - and must be organisers of public attention
PROBLEMS OF DISORGANISED COMPLEXITY Q
‘Problems that contain two factors, two variables, which are directly related to each other... the behaviour of the first quantity can be described by taking into account only its dependence upon the second quantity’ (Moroni, forthcoming)
PROBLEMS OF ORGANISED COMPLEXITY
‘Problems in which a very large number of variables produces random variations by erratic interaction – statistics is well suited to deal with these kind of problems’ (Moroni, forthcoming)
‘Problems which involve dealing simultaneously with a large number of factors which are not helter-skelter, but interrelated into an organic whole’ (Moroni, forthcoming)
PROBLEMS OF SIMPLICITY
YSTEM OF US ORDER & NISATION
Urban Pl Technocratic Planning
city is uncomplicated system made of physical entities.
long-term master plan devised planners predict encompassing future events designing an urban smaller projects ‘total plan’. end state with specific uses.
specific zoning system a comprehensive implemented plan is concerned segregating land solely with the and people. ordering of change.
density of people promotes diversity.
idea of diversity often shunned in technocratic planning.
vitality and prosperity functional zoning must be from a myriad of human avoided, and mixed use is experiences. welcome.
three problems simplicity: disorganised complexity: organised complexity: occur in city: two related factors/ lots of interactions lots of variables affecting simplicity variables outdated creating random one system.“locality disorganised complexity view of city. outcomes. knowledge” required. organised complexity.
city not made of anarchy turns out to be a city is not a simple living cities do not physical features but complex form of mechanism but constant themselves have a specific relations and emergent, spontaneous trial and error for purpose, its a complex processes. order. innovation. system.
Transdisciplinary Urbanism-Deljana Iossifova Jordon Lambert-14054938 Manchester School of Architecture
Communicative Planning critique of inception and public decisions implementation of through engagement traditional zoning. agreement is formed with citizens and structural, from informed stakeholders on use of organisational, and issues are assessed political barriers through democratic people discussing the urban space. matter truthfully. discourse and can distort facts. unhindered debate.
diverse citizens relational rules to and stakeholders citizens freely create an urban cohabiting subject pursue their own code for patternto same “relational “good life”–using coordination rules”. the resources at rather than content coordination. their disposal.
regulations don’t differentiate private land types. only urban codes certain public mostly impartial, for new activities sector activities. and urban life styles to flourish.
regulation provides more flexibility of spatial configurations design standards use by being more create close-knit social the substance of control how buildings prescriptive about urban design. communities stimulating plans rather than radical alternative relate to each other, neighbourhoods with the method of to high-density and to streets, and public aesthetic satisfaction. achieving. focusing auto-dependent spaces. on spaces between land development. buildings.
PROBLEMS OF ORGANISED COMPLEXITY Q
PROBLEMS OF DISORGA COMPLEXITY
‘problems which involve dealing simultaneously with a large number of factors which are not helter-skelter, but interrelated into an organic whole – in this case statistics is not crucial, and often it is irrelevant’
‘problems in which a very large numb produces random variations by erratic tistics is well suited to deal with these MORONIL:2014
alternative approaches communicative
NOMOCRATIC PLANNING, however, is not b but on a more practical knowledge. This based on the individualS approach from on statistical data would n
THE KEY TO URBAN LIFE IS DIALOGUE The type of knowledge that counts is not technical know-how, but the kind of expertise that emerges as a result of the discussion and dialogue. Planners are not mere problem-solvers, but are – and must be – organisers of public attention
community led planning approach
[moroni’s archetypal model of the founding core vision of rome]
key elements to the ‘uncomplicated system’ QUANTITATIVE METHODS DESIGNED BY EXPERTS ZONING SIMPLE SYSTEMS TOTAL PLAN
In this perspective, the city is a social organism, a living structure, characterised by endless dynamicity. moroni:2014
PROBLEMS OF SIMPLICITY
ber of variables interaction – stae kind of problems’
‘problems that contain two factors, two variables, which are directly related to each other – in the case of two-variable problems the behaviour of the first quantity can be described by taking into account only its dependence upon the second quantity’ MORONIL:2014
TECHNOCRATIC FUNCTIONAL ZONING
DENSITY AND DIVERSITY
Over simplified conception of urban form; the various parts of the whole exist as separate entities. Separateparts have a relationship to the whole structure butthey do not overlap, or relate to, each other resulting infunctional zoning.
More complex structure; the parts we can see relate to, and overlap with, each other as well as the whole structure, avoiding functional zoning and allowing for diversity. Dense concentrations of individuals are one of the crucial conditions for flourishing urban diversity. Diversity is what fosters a city’s vitality and prosperity.
based on scientific knowledge, s is because the METHODOLOGY is citizens and therefore relying not be beneficial.
New urbanists use these dimensional standards more to shape the spaces between buildings than to separate them from one other. New urbanist design standards control how buildings relate to each other, to streets, and to other public spaces Joel Russel (2004: 12)
PRINCIPLES OF URBANISM the driving concept behind this is that the citizen comes before the city itself
WALKABILITY CONNECTIVITY MIXED USED & DIVERSITY MIXED HOUSING QUALITY DESIGN GREEN TRANSPORTATION NEIGHBOURHOOD STRUCTURE QUALITY OF LIFE
encouraging space to create close knit communities to create a city
the vision of rome was to have a city that was conjured up of diverse people using the same legal system where the citizen come before the city itself
‘Problems which involve dealing simultaneously with a large number of factors which are not helter-skelter, but interrelated into an organic whole – in this case statistics is not crucial, and often it is irrelevant’
‘Problems in which a very large number of variables produces random variations by erratic interaction – statistics is well suited to deal with these kind of problems’
‘Problems that contain two factors, two variables, which are directly related to each other – in the case of two-variable problems the behaviour of the first quantity can be described by taking into account only its dependence upon the second quantity’ MORONI:2014
TECHNOCRATIC FUNCTIONAL ZONING Over simplified conception of urban form; the various parts of the whole exist as separate entities. Separate parts have a relationship to the whole structure but they do not overlap, or relate to, each other resulting in-functional zoning.
DENSITY AND DIVERSITY More complex structure; the parts we can see relate to, and overlap with, each other as well as the whole structure, avoiding functional zoning and allowing for diversity. Dense concentrations of individuals are one of the crucial conditions for flourishing urban diversity. Diversity is what fosters a city’s vitality and prosperity.
Nomocratic planning, however, is not based on scientific knowledge, but on a more practical knowledge. This is because the methodology is based on the individuals approach from citizens and therefore relying on statistical data would not be beneficial. [Moroni’s archetypal model of the founding core vision of Rome]
THE KEY TO URBAN LIFE IS DIALOGUE
To understand the driving force behind the city’s core construction, one will have to be immersed in the mind of an individual. [Freidrich Von Hayek’s archetypal model of the ‘market’]
DESIGNED BY EXPERTS ZONING SIMPLE SYSTEMS TOTAL PLAN
ARE NEW PLANNING THEORIES CONTRADICTING JANE JACOBS CRITICISMS BY APPLYING SYSTEMS?
PRINCIPLES OF URBANISM WALKABILITY CONNECTIVITY MIXED USED & DIVERSITY MIXED MIXED HOUSING QUALITY DESIGN GREEN TRANSPORTATION NEIGHBORHOOD STRUCTURE QUALITY OF LIFE
The type of knowledge that counts is not technical know-how, but the kind of expertise that emerges as a result of the discussion and dialogue.
Planners are not mere problem solvers, but are and must be organisers of public attention
The driving concept behind this is that the citizen comes before the city itself
In this perspective, the city is a social organism, a living structure, characterised by endless dynamics.
Behariour science B= F(P,E) Psychology
Behaviour is a function of people and environment
1970 1943-1955 PEOPLE
+ Action research theory
Filter individual responce
Stimulation theory STEP
Environment centred approach
Holistic approach: human and environment as irreducible whole
Divided approach: human and environment as separate units affecting each other
ENVIRONMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY key developments
psychologist Kurt Lewin originally coined the term field theory. A pychology that put the spatial , environmental aspect into it.
objects were looked at as pivotal, as there are able to affect behaviour; interacting with people and disrupting people
Kurt Lewin Field Theory
P.Brunswicck probabilistic functionalism
environmental psychology relates to anthropology as it seeks to bring a unique sense of space using environment and people. this will result in specific material cultures for different regions
J.J. Gibson objects affordances
R. Barker Ecological Approach helson developments
wayfinding is a significant part of environmental psychology
stimulant theory action research theory brough about the ability to investigate areas, communities and provide solutions for positive change through architecture
environmental approach 2000â€™s
relates to social work in the sense that environmental psychologists go down to the grassroot level in search of problems that neded fixing
Key developments in Environmental psychology overlaps in fields
Key developments in other fields
overcrowding environmental psychology relates to sociology as it is based on social mechanisms such as rehabilitation of social space, dealing with crowding etc.
crowding is significant as it relates to cognitive function and comfortability of people. Thus a key part of e.p.
pollution polluted v non polluted areas are vital in behaviour. affecting health, productivity, views.
normalization behaviour in schools, hospitals and similar environments can relate to the views of psychologist foucault in control as did j.benthams panopticon
better city developments environmental psychology based on the beliefs of better cities. Thus the increased use of bicycles and pedestrian paths i.e. in new towns for instance runcorn
relates to urban planning in the sense that environmental psychology is also inherently based on cognitive funtions and how we move around and the use of smarter infrastructural planning
control and normalisation of behaviour. as foucalt explored in prisons, airports, hospitals.
PO OR LIV I
TE RD EP EN DA FO NT LY RM
‘SETTLEMENT MOVEMENT’ ADDAMS
T OF CI VELOPMEN
FACTORY LIFE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
POOR WORKING CONDITIONS
NEW POOR LAW
MODERN SOCIAL WORK
‘CHARITY ORGANISATION SOCIETY’
DAVIS PR O BAN
UR : PL
INDIVIDUAL VS SYSTEM
CODE OF ETHICS
SPRECHT & COURTNEY
U UL RBA TIN RA & SU CI AL BU
UN OF SC E AL
SIMMONS & HARDING
WEINER & REISCH
IVI YC DU AL HO IST AP TH IC PR ER OA AP E CH U TIC
AL OB GL
ION L ACT SOCIA
DOMINANT ID PS
DATA DRIVEN SOCIAL PLANNING
SITES ET AL
FAMILY & IN DI
AKE IC M
OMP AL C
CO MM CO UNI AL T Y IST LA IO BO NS UR
COX & PAWAR
GL OB A
SOCIAL WORK IN A MULTIDISCIPLINARY CONTEXT
SOCIAL SCIENCE: SOCIOLOGY ANTHROPOLOGY ETC.
FAILURES OF CIVILISED SOCIETY MORALITY ABUSE THE ELDERLY
EDUCATION & YOUTH WORK
FAILURES OF CHILD WELFARE
EUROPE: COMMUNITY & PROTECTION
US: INDIVIDUAL UNIVERSAL: SOCIAL JUSTICE
DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: STRUCTURE & COMMUNITY
FOCUS OF SOCIAL WORK
ORIGINS OF SOCIAL WORK: AN URBAN PHENOMENON
EY ISSUES FAILURES OF EDUCATION
MASS MIGRATION TO INDUSTRIAL CENTRES
SQUALID LIVING CONDITIONS & POVERTY FOR THE MAJORITY
ILLITERACY CRIMINALS UNEMPLOYED
COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION SOCIETIES & SETTLEMENT HOUSE MOVEMENT ?KB>G=EROBLBMHKLL>GM TO EDUCATE & IMPROVE LIVING CONDITIONS. THE FIRST SOCIAL WORKERS.
FAILURES OF ECONOMY
RARY SOCIAL WORK
(LACK OF) RESOURCES DICTATED BY POLITICS & POLICY
NITY ORGANISING: FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE
HOW MANY SOCIAL WORKERS DOES IT TAKE TO CHANGE A LIGHTBULB? ONE. BUT THE LIGHTBULB HAS TO WANT TO CHANGE.
URBAN- THE NEW INDUSTRIAL REALITY
CULTURAL WAY OF LIFE
FRIEDRICH ENGELS : The conditions of the Working Class in England
FERDINAND TONNIES: Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft
ROBERT PARK: The City as a Social Laboratory
EMILE DURKHEIM: The Division of Labour in Society
GEORG SIMMEL: The Metropolis and Mental Life
LOUIS WIRTH: Urbanism as a Way of Life
common views opposed views
MAX WEBER : The City
SOCIOLOGICA FIRST, CITITES APPEARED ONLY YESTERDAY, AND URBANIZATION...IN THE LAST FEW MOMENTS OF MAN’S EXISTANCE. IN ADDITION, ‘URBANISM’ TENDS IMPACT THE ‘WHOLE PATTERN OF SOCIAL LIFE’ AND ‘AFFECT EVERY ASPECT OF EXISTANCE,’ EVEN LIFE OUTSIDE OF CITY LIMITS. THIRD, CITIES ARE CENTRES THAT EXERT ‘POWER AND INFLUENCE’ FAR BEYOND THEIR BOUNDARIES. AND FINALLY, MANY ISSUES ASSOCIATED WITH URBANIZATION ARE UNRESOLVED SO THAT THEIR ‘FUTURE DIRECTION AND POTENTIALITIES ARE STILL A MATTER OF UNCERTAINTY.’
ISSUES AND TRENDS GLOBAL NODES AND WORLD CITIES
S AN ORGANISM
URBAN IS A POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC NODE
es om n itio
muters zone com idential zone res rkingwmn h wo n trans ei
5 ZONE HYPOTHESIS
SYMBOLIC STRUCTURE ACTORS
ERNEST BURGESS: The Growth of the City
MARK GOTTDIENER: The Social Production of Urban Space
MANUEL CASTELLS: The Informational City
KINGSLEY DAVIS: The Origins of Growth of Urbanization in the World
REALS ESTATE DEVELOPERS
LOGAN AND MOLOTCH: Urban Fortunes
SHARON ZUCHIN: Landscapes of Power
STRATEGIC SITE NODAL
SASKIA SASSEN: The Global City
NEIL BRENNER: Implosions/Explosions
THERE HAS ALWAYS BEEN A PLACE FOR A SOCIOLOGICAL ‘URBAN’ THAT IS NOT DEPENDENT UPON THE ‘ESTABLISHED UNDERSTANDINGS OF THE URBAN AS A BOUNDED, NODAL, AND RELATIVELY SELF-ENCLOSED SOCIOSPATIAL CONDITION’ AND ONE THAT IS ‘MORE TERRITORIALLY DIFFERENTIATED, MORPHOLOGICALLY VARIABLE, MULTISCALAR AND PROCESSUAL. ’ SCHLICHTMAN:13 MESO ARCHIVAL RESEARCH HOSTORICAL RESEARCH
MICRO PARTICIPANT ENGAGEMENT PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION
URBAN POLITICAL ECOLOGY
MARXIST FRAMEWORKS MARXIST FRAMEWORKS
“The study of cities makes sense only as a study of urbanisation as a process, that cities are a process.” [Harvey 1989, 7] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 3]
dichotomy, his as interpretation, nothing more “The study“Urban-rural of cities makes senseinonly a study of is urbanisation asthan a an expression division[Harvey of labour, with both kinds of spaces being process, that cities areofathe process.” 1989, 7] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 3] expressions of the larger processes of capitalism.” [Harvey 1978, 114] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 3]
“Urban-rural dichotomy, in his interpretation, is nothing than anof the “...the industrialisation of agriculture has led to themore urbanization expressioncountryside of the division with both kinds of emphasises spaces being being of an labour, ‘overwhelming reality’ now... that it is [Harvey 114] [Cited expressions of narrow the larger processes of city, capitalism.” too to speak of the rather one must1978, consider the by‘urban Zimmer, A. 3] scale’...” [Smith 1990, 110] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 3] “...the industrialisation of agriculture has led to the urbanization of the countryside being an ‘overwhelming reality’ now... emphasises that it is Political understanding of thethe urban that is not too narrowUrban to speak of Ecology the city,“fosters ratheran one must consider ‘urban limited to110] the [Cited city; or, put theA.other way around “there is no longer an scale’...” [Smith 1990, by Zimmer, 3] outside or limit to the city” (Swyngedouw and Heynen 2003, 899) [Cited by Zimmer, . A 4]
Urban Political Ecology “fosters an understanding of the urban that is not “...we must of cities butaround rather “there of the “Urban Fabric”an [Lefebvre limited to the city; or,not putspeak the other way is no longer by Zimmer, A. 4] outside or 2003] limit[Cited to the city” (Swyngedouw and Heynen 2003, 899) [Cited by Zimmer, . A 4]
“...we must not speak of cities but rather of the “Urban Fabric” [Lefebvre Defines cities as, “...hybrids, tangled beings, assemblages of different 2003] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 4] entities that cannot be categorised as either ‘natural’ or ‘social.” [Latour 2004, 24) [Cited by Zimmer, A] “Cities are considered to be networks of processes ’that are simultaneously local and global, human and physical, Defines cities as, “...hybrids, tangled beings, assemblages of different cultural and organic.” (Swyngedouw and Heynen 2003, 899) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 5] entities that cannot be categorised as either ‘natural’ or ‘social.” [Latour 2004, 24) [Cited by Zimmer, A] “Cities are considered to be networks of processes ’that are simultaneously local and global, human and physical, “Cities are just a form ofand urbanization, must be understood as (Swyngedouw Heynen 2003,and 899)thus [Cited by Zimmer, A. 5] cultural and organic.” dynamically evolving sites, arenas and outcomes of broader processes of sociospatial and socio-ecological transformation.” [Gandy, 2013] [Cited by
URBAN POLITIC URBAN POLITI
Interpreting the city and urban n
“The urban is understood as a socio which nature gets urbanised. This proc Interpreting the city and urban an uneven and power-laden landscape control and/or access urb “The urban is understood as a soci which nature gets urbanised. This pro an uneven and power-laden landscap control and/or access urb
Zimmer, A. 7]
“Cities are just a form of urbanization, and thus must be understood as dynamically evolving sites, arenas and outcomes of broader processes of [Gandy, 2013] by sociospatial and socio-ecological transformation.” “Power... can be understood as social, cultural, political, and[Cited economic; it Zimmer, A. 7]
is entangled in a ‘power/money/water nexus.” [Swyngedouw 2004, 5 2) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 6]
“Power... can be understood as social, cultural, political, and economic; it [Swyngedouw 2004, through 5 2) is entangled in a ‘power/money/water nexus.” “...based on the understanding of the city as produced flows of [Cited by Zimmer, A. 6] capital which are fundamentally shaped by processes of appropriation and exploitation.” (Harvey 1988, 314) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 6] “The city is a product which “embodies and of expresses, produces andthrough reproduces, “...based on the understanding the city as produced flowsthe of very (Loftus 2012, of 3) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 6] injustices out of which it also is made” capital which are fundamentally shaped by processes appropriation and exploitation.” (Harvey 1988, 314) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 6] “The city is a product which “embodies and metabolism expresses,and produces and are reproduces, the verypower “...the urban urbanisation shaped by unequal (Loftus 2012, 3) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 6] injustices out of whichleading it also isto made” relations, exploitation, domination, exclusion, and
marginalisation.” (Swyngedouw and Heynen 2003, 900–2] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 5] “...the urban metabolism and urbanisation are shaped by unequal power relations, leading to exploitation, domination, exclusion, and marginalisation.” (Swyngedouw and Heynen 2003, 900–2] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 5] "The socio-naturally ‘networked’ city can be understood as a giant socio-environmental process, perpetually transforming the socio-physical metabolism of nature. Nature and society are in this way combined to form an urban political ecology, a hybrid, an "The socio-naturally ‘networked’ city can understood a giant urban cyborg that combines the be powers of natureaswith thosesocio-environmental of class, gender and ethnic process, perpetually transforming socio-physical of nature. Nature relations. In the process, the a socio-spatial fabricmetabolism is produced that privileges some and and society excludes are in this waythat combined to significant form an urban political ecology, a hybrid, an (Swyngedouw many, produces socio-environmental injustices." urban cyborg that 2004, 37]combines the powers of nature with those of class, gender and ethnic relations. In the process, a socio-spatial fabric is produced that privileges some and excludes many, that produces significant socio-environmental injustices."(Swyngedouw 2004, 37]
The main approaches adopted by urb the different ways in which research
The main adopted by ur What approaches it is (ontological difference), the differentwhom waysitiniswhich researc difference), for (moral), an
projec What it is (ontological difference difference), whom it is for around (moral), a 1.Orient research and explanation nature proje
2.Focusing on a concept that is perceived as hav
questions e.g. issues ofnatu wate 1.Orient research and explanation around
3.Interlinked ecological problems 2.Focusing on apolitical conceptand that is perceived as ha region. E.g. theories questions e.g. issuesofofregio wa
4.Political ecological in the problems light of so 3.Interlinked political questions and ecological ethnicity or region. E.g. theories of reg
5.Considering as dynamic 4.Political ecologicalcities questions in thehybrids, light ofco s non-human ethnicity o
6.Focus on the interests, characteristics and ac 5.Considering cities as dynamic hybrids, non-human) in understanding urba non-huma
6.Focus on the interests, characteristics and a These different approaches are not m non-human) in understanding ur
used are both quantitive; use of polic
qualitive; Interviewi These different approaches are not used are both quantitive; use of pol qualitive; Interview
The ‘Urban’ within Urban Political Ecology Weak Relations / No relations The ‘Urban’ within Urban Political Ecology Weak Relations / No relations
The ‘City’ within Urban Political Ecology The ‘City’ within Urban Political Ecology
‘Power‘’ within Urban Political Ecology
‘Power‘’ within Urban Political Ecolog
POST COLONIAL FRAMEWORKS
“Postcolonial approaches are less concerned with the ‘urban’ as a global process. Its more focused on the studying cities as sites. The understanding of the ‘urban’ gets pluralised, or provincialised.”[ Zimmer, A]
“Postcolonial approaches are less concerned with the ‘urban’ as a global The urban is understood, “from multiple geographical contexts and process. Its more focused on the studying cities as sites. The diverse positions. Postcolonial Urban Political Ecology is supportive of understanding of the ‘urban’ gets pluralised, or provincialised.”[ Zimmer, A] attempts to rewrite urban theory from the South.” [Roy, 2009] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 8]
CAL ECOLOGY ICAL ECOLOGY
nature as landscapes of power.
o-natural process of metabolism in cess is highly political, and produces nature landscapes of power. e, whereas power means the ability to ban nature.”[Zimmer, A. 12] io-natural process of metabolism in ocess is highly political, and produces pe, where power means the ability to ban nature.”[Zimmer, A. 12]
The urban is understood, “from multiple geographical contexts and diverse positions. Postcolonial Urban Political Ecology is supportive of “...cities are made up of a multiplicity oftooverlapping spaces thatfrom are the South.” attempts rewrite urban theory [Cited 1997;2009] Edensor andby Zimmer, A. 8] heterogeneous and partly disconnected.” [Amin and Graham,[Roy, Jayne, 2012b; Simone, 2012) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10] “As a result, cityscapes may be contradictory and complex” (Anjaria and McFarlane, 2011) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10] “...cities are made up of a multiplicity of overlapping spaces that are heterogeneous and partly disconnected.” [Amin and Graham, 1997; Edensor and Jayne, 2012b; Simone, 2012) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10] “As a result, cityscapes may be contradictory and complex” (Anjaria and McFarlane, 2011) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10] “While urban political ecological analyses have given attention to the socio- environmental processes that produce (...) inequality in the city, such studies have been more inclined towards analyzing the production of class and distributional dimensions of inequality on a city-wide scale “While urban political ecological analyses have given attention to the rather than illuminating how multiple social differences are (re)produced socio- environmental processes that produce (...) inequality in the city, in and through everyday (...) practices”. such studies have been more inclined towards analyzing the production [Shillington 2012, 295–6] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10] of class and distributional dimensions of inequality on a city-wide scale rather than illuminating how multiple social differences are (re)produced “The ‘micro-political city’, or the ‘everyday city’ conceptualises that cities in and through everyday (...) practices”. and urban life are shaped by everyday practices, and that Urban Political 295–6] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10] Ecology needs to pay attention to the politics[Shillington embedded2012, in such activities to better understand how inequalities in the urban space are produced at “The ‘micro-political city’, or the ‘everyday city’ conceptualises that cities multiple scales.” [Zimmer 2012) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10] and urban life are shaped by everyday practices, and that Urban Political Ecology needs to pay attention to the politics embedded in such activities to better understand how inequalities in the urban space are produced at multiple and scales.” [Zimmer 2012) [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10] “Following postcolonial, poststructuralist feminist critiques,(...) we
POST COLONIAL FRAMEWORKS
suggest power is understood as diffuse, residing nowhere but enacted everywhere.” [Lawhon et al 2013, 12] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 11]
“Following postcolonial, poststructuralist and feminist critiques,(...) we “...Insistence on power governing as a practiceasofdiffuse, ‘establishing relations’ can but enacted suggest is understood residing nowhere form a basis for widening theeverywhere.” Marxist notion of power: ‘relations’ are [Lawhon et al 2013, 12] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 11] much more encompassing than control and access.” 2007, 97] of [Cited by Zimmer, A. 11] “...Insistence on governing[Foucault’s as a practice ‘establishing relations’ can form a basis for widening the Marxist notion of power: ‘relations’ are much more encompassing than control and access.” Foucault’s 2007, 97] [Cited byincluding Zimmer, A.how 11] “The base for theorisation here is the ordinary[practices of city-making,
relations are formed and stabilized, how the city is made to work to secure livelihoods and identities and how people scale themselves through their networks to access 10 2004a; 2011] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10]including how resources and opportunities.” “The base for theorisation here is the[Simon ordinary practices of city-making, relations are formed and stabilized, how the city is made to work to secure livelihoods and identities and how people scale themselves through their networks to access resources and opportunities.”[Simon 10 2004a; 2011] [Cited by Zimmer, A. 10]
ban political ecologists to illustrate h has been conducted in the field.
rban to illustrate , howpolitical it works ecologists (epistemological ch has been the field. nd how it can conducted be changed in (political
ct). e), how it works (epistemological and how it can be changed (political re/environmental problems such as pollution. ect).
ving important links to urban political ecology er and air in urban areas. ure/environmental problems such as pollution.
withinimportant the contextlinks of a specific geographical aving to urban political ecology onaland growth and decline. ater air in urban areas.
ocio-economic characteristics suchgeographical as class, s within the context of a specific rgional gender. growth and decline.
onstantly (re-)produced by humanssuch and as class, socio-economic characteristics ns gender. alike. or
ctions of different types of actors (humanand and constantly (re-)produced by humans an political ans alike. ecological conflicts.
actions of different types of actors (human and mutually exclusive, methodologies rban political ecological conflicts.
Summarised Overview Strong Relations Strong Relations
cy documents, statistical data and ing, observations. mutually exclusive, methodologies licy documents, statistical data and wing, observations.
Urban Poli U
UPE THEORETICAL LINEAGE PRIMARILY DRAWN FROM MAR IST URBAN GEOGRAPHY
THE TERMS ‘URBAN’ AND ‘CITY’ ARE NOT CLEARLY DISTINGUISHED
SECOND NATURE URBAN IS UNDERSTOOD AS A SOCIO-NATURALPROCESS OF METABOLISM IN WHICH NATURE GETS URBANISED
LESS CONCERNED WITH THE URBAN AS A GLOBAL PROCESS MORE INTERESTED IN STUDYING CITIES AS SITES OF THE EVERYDAY
CAPITILISM, MODERNISM, NEOLIBERISM
SOCIAL ECONOMIC OUTCOMES MOBILITY
MICRO SYSTEMATIC CHANGE TOWARDS STRUCTURAL CHNAGE AND REVOLUTION
POSTCOLONIAL UPE POWER
AS DISTRIBUTED AS SITUATED
SITUATED CRITIQUE OF CITY MAKING
EVERYDAY PRACTISES ON CITY MAKING
TOWARDS RECURATIVE EMPOWERMENT AND SYSTEMIC CHANGE
THE CITY IS PERCEVED INTERWOVEN SOCI THAT ARE SIM LOCAL & GLOBAL, HUMAN & P
itical Ecology UPE URBAN-RURAL DICHOTOMY CATEGORIZED BY DIVISION OF LABOUR - BOTH KINDS OF SPACES BEING EXPRESSIONS OF THE LARGER PROCESSES OF CAPITALISM DAVID HARVEY
URBAN METABOLISM AND URBANISATION
UNEQUAL POWER RELATIONS, LEADING TO EXPLOITATION, DOMINATION, EXCLUSION, AND MARGINALISATION
SOME OF UPE’S CRITICAL THINKERS & COTRIBUTORS
LATOURIAN APPROACHES FROM SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY STUDIES HISTORICAL POLITICAL PROCESSES
ACTOR NETWORK APPROACHES ANTROPOLOGY HISTORY
PSYCHOLOGY LAW SOCIAL WORK
AS A DENSE NETWORK OF IO-SPATIAL PROCESSES MULTANEOUSLY PHYSICAL, CULTURAL & ORGANIC
+ PEOPLE AT THE FOREFRONT
CITY IS CONSTITUTED AS A SOCIO-NATURAL ASSEMBLAGE
URBAN WHAT IS
ADEKUNLE Over the past months we have been studying urban context through the lens of multiple disciplines. This has given me a broader understanding as to what the term urban actually means. My understanding before the Trans-‐disciplinary Urbanism workshop was that the built environment defined the urban. Now I believe that he urban fabric is only a small component in what wakes the urban. The urban can be seen as a complex adaptive system. A complex adaptive system is a system made of several elements that are all interconnected. The main reason why this differs from normal complex systems is the systems ability to learn, remember and then adapt. In the case of the urban these elements are the likes of economics, politics, science etc. Each of these elements has links to one another and many form causal relationships with each other. To understand the urban we need to see that the relationships between these agents is what makes the urban. As architects we have the ability to affect many of these agents so it is important that in architecture we also see the urban from the same viewport.
What is Urban In Architecture?
ATANASOVA What is Urban?
In relation to the urban, density should not be understood only as large numbers of people or buildings on a piece of land. Cities are also defined by the densities of ideas, interactions, networks, exchanges, innovations, activities, diversities, processes etc. The variety of densities forming the urban relate it to a number of disciplines – from anthropology through law to ecology. As a consequence, the term acquires so many complex definitions that it almost becomes too general and loses its strong initial meaning – a density of opportunities. The urban is built on a series of opportunities – for casual encounters, for exchange of knowledge, for original design, for prosperity, for discovery, for revolution, for serendipity, etc. Thus, for architects, as well as for everyone else, the urban becomes an immense opportunity.
The word urban is closely related to the notion of density. In fact, many definitions use density to describe the urban and distinguish it from the rural. Furthermore, the most renowned urban theorists (e.g., Ebenezer Howard, Jane Jacobs and others) have been deeply interested in this issue and have attempted to prescribe what the ‘healthy’ densities for cities are.
Y O U
DE F I N E
The meaning associations other disciplin undetachabl interweaving sustainable g works vice ve
The montage of Urban is no can be trace human intera
Opposite is a is clear the c spaces defin how a house
Successful Ur which people way of living, NOLLIâ€™S PLAN OF ROME
B A N ’
g of the term ‘Urban’ is constantly evolving as we as a society progresses forward. The we have with ‘Urban’ will undoubtedly change as it is a complex system in flux, determined by nes which pose an effect on how human society interacts with the environment. Urban seems le from the term ‘fabric’ suggesting an environment which is constiuted of many g layers. A narrative of how poltical, social, economic factors, the need for environmentally growth and topography has informed the formation of the built environment. This relationship ersa also.
e above conveys the idea of Urban on a macro and micro scale. It can be argued that the idea ot just restricted to areas of high density population and infrastructure but elements of the Urban ed in all areas where we reside, where there is a need for built form. It provides the skeleton for action and the language for how we interact with the natural environment.
a section of Nolli’s plan of Rome which visually illustrates built mass and open public spaces. It character of the narrow streets, the open public spaces which gather people together. Public ne Urban living, encouraging a socially inclusive community to develop. One could imagine e relates to the street, the street to public spaces, neighbourhoods to cities.
rban Design should integrate all areas of society regardless of background; creating places e grow to love, want to live and linger. Now our biggest challenge, is to integrate a sustainable , to change attitudes, to create an environmentally responsible society.
What is the ‘urban’ in Architecture?
I believe the answer is rather elusive, the 'urban' cannot be defined as a singular entity. It encompasses multiple facets; involves many disciplines; is both a product and a process; addresses both pragmatic and experiential aspects of quotidian life; aims to transform places from both an aesthetic and socio-demographic perspective; and represents both art and science. In essence it is about the interdependence and correlative development of both structure and society: place and 'citizen', recognising the symbiotic relationship between the two. The key realisation is the acknowledgement that the 'citizen' is a biological organism as well as a self-consciously acculturated persona; the 'urban' in turn is an organism that should be determined by the intrinsic values of these persona. Urban design should acknowledge the symphony of coinciding perceptions, encounters and existences of 'everyday life' which are orientated down both overlapping and divergent paths. As such one identity cannot be imposed upon the 'urban' , rather it should consist of the establishment of frameworks and processes that facilitate the citizen to naturally embrace their environment, "creating the theatre of public life." (Spencer, 2014) Consequently, urban design is "essentially an ethical endeavour" (Watson) to embrace the subconscious socio-culture of place and make it paramount in the process . As Lefebvre discusses in The Urban Revolution, when we speak of the urban it should be investigated beyond the “city,” to include an entire way of being, reasoning and behaving. If an attempt of a "revolution" of the urban is to take place it must start with a revolution of thought. (Lefebvre, 2003/1970) I refer to the 'urban' in quotation marks as I believe it is not an entity but a perspective. Each individual will have a personal outlook regarding the definition, but it is awareness of the integral role society and the singular play which is exponentially becoming accepted as central to 'urban', a way of life. There are social repercussions to every move made, thus it's multidisciplinary nature must be embraced to investigate ways to optimise the ever elusive ideal 'urban'.
Watson, D. Architecture And Urban Design Cultural Studies Essay:http://www.ukessays.com/essays/cultural-studies/architecture-and-urban-design-cultural-studies-essay.php Spencer, J 2014, Is Urban Design the Answer? : IBLOGG Lefebvre, H, 2003, (originally 1970),The Urban Revolution: University of Minnesota Press
1. Figure/ Ground
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DAVIS What is the ‘Urban’ in Architecture? I have defined the urban in architecture through ‘The orchestra’. The participants within the model collaborate to produce a single sound; this sound refers to the urban environment. The audience are equal to the citizens that populate the urban; it is the individual that forms an opinion of the music, and in most cases it is their choice to be present. The participants of the orchestra have different roles. This structure is composed of a conductor that helps to form an interpretation of the piece; working together with the string, woodwind, percussion and brass families. The conductor is able to create a greater harmony and continuity through emphasising, minimising and organising the musicians.
Good music is relative to the listener’s interpretation; however this can be affected by not only by the craftsmanship of the instrument, but by the musician that is playing it. This is the same in defining a good urban environment; it is determined by the resources as well as the people orchestrating them.
These groups of people correspond the key participants that create the urban. The Council leader, like the conductor plays the role of guiding the other participants. The next layer is the local government departments which includes housing, planning, education, health, waste, transport etc. The second group is the constituency representatives; that are elected from local sub areas. This is followed by local businesses and national and international investors.
DEFINING THE URBAN IN ARCHITECTURE
DEFINING THE URBAN IN ARCHITECTURE The term ‘urban’ is so heavily intertwined with many other disciplines, and can be defined in so many different ways through the eyes of numerous interested parties that it becomes almost impossible to universally define. To acknowledge the importance of the urban environment to fields besides ones own, a definition of the ‘urban’ in architecture cannot simply refer to a concentration of people and buildings that make up dense and typically non-rural areas. The term ‘urban’ in architecture must also endeavor to encapsulate the many variations of what ‘urban’ is to disciplines that are not solely concerned in the built environment; It is not simply about density but about the process, systems and interactions that accompany an urban situation or a concentration of people. For architects, it seems paramount that more important than defining the word ‘urban’ is to understand the constantly evolving and transdisciplinary nature of the term. With this in mind, I have come to cautiously define the term ‘urban’ in architecture as:
THE CONSTANTLY EVOLVING COMPLEX ASSEMBLAGE OF ACTORS, SYSTEMS, OBJECTS, PROCESSES AND INFRASTRUCTURE THAT MAKE UP THE FRAMEWORK OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT.
ABI DIXON | 10041170 | TRANSDISCIPLINARY URBANISM
Image: View from the Burj Khalifa, Dubai (by author
To try and unpack a potential meaning, I will briefly talk about what the term urban means to me:
URBAN HISTORY: DEFINING THE URBAN IN ARCHITECTURE
‘URBAN’ The term ‘urban ’ as a piece of terminology is difficult to characterise as there are potentially numerous different way in which it can be defined.
To try and unpack a potential meaning, I will briefly talk about what the term urban means to me: The urban is about cities, certainly, but it is more importantly a vehicle for probing the relationships between built form and settlement patterns. My approach to architecture takes the position of understanding the environment and therefore I must investigate the past to inform the future. The idea of place is integral to the continuity within our historic cities and the existing urban fabric. I believe that a detailed understanding of the context of a chosen site and it’s wider surroundings when designing will inform a moment of transition between the historic, existing and new. With this considered, it can be said that the term ‘urban is interchangeable and it’s meaning will continue to shift and adjust dependant on the notions of historiographical and historical contexts’. In spite of this, I would argue that is not actually possible to provide such an explicit and pure definition of the term urban. The term is built up of a network of complex frameworks, concepts, methodologies and physical approaches based on a wide range of disciplines and key moments of time.
Image: Stanton Williams, Central St Martins (B.Halestrom 2014)
The urban is about cities, certainly, but it is more importantly a vehicle for probing the relationships between built form and settlement patterns. My approach to architecture takes the position of understanding the environment and therefore I must investigate the past to inform the future. The idea of place is integral to the continuity within our historic cities and the existing urban fabric. I believe that a detailed understanding of the context of a chosen site and it’s wider surroundings when designing will inform a moment of transition between the historic, existing and new. With this considered, it can be said that the term ‘urban is interchangeable and it’s meaning will continue to shift and adjust dependant on the notions of historiographical and historical contexts’. In spite of this, I would argue that is not actually possible to provide such an explicit and pure definition of the term urban. The term is built up of a network of complex frameworks, concepts, methodologies and physical approaches based on a wide range of disciplines and key moments of time.
Image: Stanton Williams, Central St Martins (B.Halestrom 2014)
\kristian james - MArch - 10043901
To me, Urban concerns the political, social and economic factors that unite to form the built environment. I do not necessarily believe that one can dictate exactly what is urban through merely a definition that encapsulates it in a global scale – how can the United Kingdom definition of ‘urban’, quantify as the same framework as the Nepalese equivalent? It is, to me, culturally sensitive as a theme, and ultimately relative towards the geographic location for its applicability.
What is Urban?
Whether it is something as simplistic as claiming that a certain population figure, or available technology within a conurbation can lead to it being ‘urban’ is something of a contentious and subjective manner. Whom should dictate to an area that they are, or aren’t within this classification? Perhaps individuals within these zones may not wish to be classed in such ways? With the inevitable spreading of technology into all aspects of life, it would be contrived to believe this element acts as a threshold towards achieving such status. Small villages are acquiring fibre optic broadband capabilities – does What is Urban? this induced urbanization and modernization of an area ultimately mean they are potentially inclusive within the urban bracket? To me, Urban concerns the political, social and economic factors that unite to form the built environment. I do not necessarily believe one can dictate exactly is urban through ifmerely a definition that1,500 encapsulates According to thethat United Kingdom’s (ONS) what definition of ‘urban’: a population reaches residentsit –inita isglobal then scale – Does how can Unitedwith Kingdom definition of ‘urban’, quantify as the same framework Nepalese equivalent? urban. thisthe correlate the ever-sprawling population? The ‘boomerang generation’as ofthe post-graduates returning It is, toafter me,university? culturally sensitive a theme,inhabitants and ultimately relative towards geographic its applicability. home Or newlyasacquired to rural regions - thatthe will, ultimatelylocation brandishfor them with the title of ‘urban’? Much like governance policies, urban definitions must also evolve to possess an element of contemporary Whether something claiming that a certain population figure, or available technology within aindicconrelevanceitofis exactly howasansimplistic approach,asalbeit a relatively simplistic formula (utilizing population as the primary urbation can lead to it being ‘urban’ is something of aareas contentious and subjective manner. Whom shouldof,dictate to an ative factor). Perhaps, after investigating the various that Transdisciplinary Urbanism comprises one would area thattothey are, or aren’tsoundly within this classification? Perhaps individuals within zones may not wish to be classed be able provide a more reasoned proclamation by being inclusive of athese variety of elements – as opposed to a in such ways? singular defining factor such as population. With the inevitable spreading of technology into all aspects of life, it would be contrived to believe this element acts as a threshold towards achieving such status. Small villages are acquiring fibre optic broadband capabilities – does this induced urbanization and modernization of an area ultimately mean they are potentially inclusive within the urban bracket? According to the United Kingdom’s (ONS) definition of ‘urban’: if a population reaches 1,500 residents – it is then urban. Does this correlate with the ever-sprawling population? The ‘boomerang generation’ of post-graduates returning home after university? Or newly acquired inhabitants to rural regions - that will, ultimately brandish them with the title of ‘urban’? Much like governance policies, urban definitions must also evolve to possess an element of contemporary urbanism relevance of exactly how an approach, albeittransdisciplinary a relatively simplistic formula (utilizing population as the primary indicative factor). Perhaps, after investigating the various areas that Transdisciplinary Urbanism comprises of, one would be able to provide a more soundly reasoned proclamation by being inclusive of a variety of elements – as opposed to a singular defining factor such as population.
transdisciplinary urbanism sustainable urban fabric
sustainable urban fabric
Urban is the complex system of processes and patterns, activity and regulation through the use of land and buildings. Urban is not purely descriptive but is in fact an analysis of values and judgements. It is not a physical being or form but encompasses political, social and economical activities within it. Itâ€™s both explanatory and normative, constantly evolving
Defining the Notion Urban
through the development of society and innovative though the diversity of the inhabitants, it is often difficult to both react to and often address this emergent order. Urban is a multidisciplinary term and its analysis will change depending on its context as different professions aim to tackle different aspects of the notion. However all the different analysis and discussions are eventually encompassed within the paradigms of the built form. As an architect however it presents an area of opportunity to take a transdisciplinary approach to the notion of urban. The architect must gain an insight into this notion and create spaces that promote diversity rather then attempt to stem the idea. This can allow for organised complexity to occur in the emergent field, living city. The development of the city is the main task for the modern architect to allow for cities to progress and innovate with society. However the traditional, often egotistical architect cannot do this. A new utilitarian architect must arise that promotes collaboration with planners, anthropologists, lawyers, sociologist and most importantly the society. Laws and legislations must me altered and adapted to meet the current requirements of the local and global community to allow for architects to better understand the needs of the community within the realistic economic paradigms of the city.
References Bond, S., Thompson-Fawcett, M. (2007). Public Participation and New Urbanism. Planning Theory and Practice, 8(4): 449-472 Evans, A. (2004) The economics of vacant land. In: Greenstein, R. and Sungu-Eryilmaz, Y. (eds.) Recycling the city: the use and reuse of urban land. Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, MASS., pp. 51-61. Guatarri F (2014) The Three Ecologies, Bloomsbury Academic, 2014 Healey, P. (1996). The Communicative Turn in Planning Theory and its Implications for Spatial Strategy Formation. Environment and Planning B, 23: 217-234. Harvey, D (2008) The Right to the City. New Left Review 53. pp. 23â€“40. Jacobs, J. (1961/1993). The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Random House. Lefebvre, H. (1968). Le droit Ă la ville. Paris: Anthropos.
Moroni, S (2014) Urban planning, Unpublished
What is the 'Urban' in Architecture?
Fig. 1: P. Lee. Mong Kok Sketch 2014
For my personal definition of 'Urban', I have chosen a sketch I made in Hong in 2013, and in a photograph of the same view. It was taken WhatKong is the 'Urban' Architecture? from a high window overlooking the Mong Kok area of Kowloon, one of most densely populated areas on Earth by both nature and name - Mong For my personal definition of 'Urban', I have chosen a sketch I made in 16 Kok means 'busy corner' in Cantonese. Hong Kong in 2013, and a photograph of the same view. It was taken
What is the 'Urban' in Architecture?
from a high window overlooking the Mong Kok area of Kowloon, one of Having spent my childhood years in ruralbyEngland, I have always most densely populated areas on Earth both nature and namefound - Mong the contrast on visits to see family in Hong Kong fascinating. From a 16 Kok means 'busy corner' in Cantonese. bird's eye perspective one can observe street vendors and shops, high density residential and officeyears space, motorway infrastructure, schools Having spent my childhood in rural England, I have always foundand sports facilities; a massive picture of interactions starts to build up. the contrast on visits to see family in Hong Kong fascinating. From a
bird's eye perspective one can observe street vendors and shops, high For me this definesand 'urban' - various networks, infrastructure, agendas and factions density residential office space, motorway schools and forced by density to overlap and coexist, acting a catalyst forup. the sports facilities; a massive picture of interactionsas starts to build formation of unique living conditions and networks, both top-down (highrise flatsthis anddefines large-scale infrastructure) and bottom-up hawkers, For me 'urban' - various networks, agendas(street and factions squats built on rooftops). The denser, the more extreme; studies by Atelier forced by density to overlap and coexist, acting as a catalyst for the Bow-Wow in Tokyo reveal such architectural oddities such as the formation of unique living conditions and networks, both top-down (high-18 17 'Shooting [Range] Graveyard' and the Twinbottom-up Deluxe Sewerage Gardens' rise flats and large-scale infrastructure) and (street hawkers, -squats unlikely programmes forming new ways of coexistence to address the built on rooftops). The denser, the more extreme; studies by Atelier lack of space. Bow-Wow in Tokyo reveal such architectural oddities such as the 'Shooting [Range] Graveyard'17 and the Twin Deluxe Sewerage Gardens'18 Architecture provides aforming key rolenew in this interconnected web networks; - unlikely programmes ways of coexistence to of address the it acts as both a tool for individuals and factions to pursue agencies and a lack of space. venue for interactions between networks. However, it is also important to frame architecture as aa discipline a wider network ofweb disciplines, manyit Architecture provides key role ininthis interconnected of networks; of which with their own methods for understanding cities. By studying acts as both a tool for individuals and factions to pursue agencies and a how these relate to architecture, we can only gain a itbetter understanding venue for interactions between networks. However, is also important to of the urban environment and become better designers in the process. frame architecture as a discipline in a wider network of disciplines, many of which with their own methods for understanding cities. By studying how these relate to architecture, we can only gain a better understanding of the urban environment and become better designers in the process.
About Travel. Mong Kok Ladies Market Tour, [Online] Available from http://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/the-camera-eye/2014/mar/05/park-hill-sheffieldutopian-estate-left-to-die [Accessed 7th Dec 2014] 17 J. Kuroda, M. Kaijima. Made In Tokyo: Guide Book, Tokyo: Kajima Institute Publishing 16 About Travel. Mong Kok Ladies Market Tour, [Online] Available from 2001, p. 180 18 Ibid., p. 112 http://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/the-camera-eye/2014/mar/05/park-hill-sheffieldutopian-estate-left-to-die [Accessed 7th Dec 2014] 17 J. Kuroda, M. Kaijima. Made In Tokyo: Guide Book, Tokyo: Kajima Institute Publishing 2001, p. 180 18 Ibid., p. 112
The term ‘urban’ is an excessively used expression which shifts between generation and place, its meaning is determinable on how it is approached.
These approaches range extensively; From initial categories including, the context; its scale and density,
political systems; past and current, culture; diversity of society, and time periods. From alternative disciplines anthropologist, urban historian, phycologist, social workers, urban political ecologist etc. From what professional field; architecture, policy makers, urban planning etc. The urban is stretched and shaped by these components making it difficult to find a clear cohesive understanding.
To establish a collective understanding of the urban and urbanisation as a flow its limiting to apply contextual boundaries, whether its the context of the city alone or in affiliation with the suburban or rural. It could be more harmonious to consider the urban as a collection of fields which have no boundaries. [as described by Allen, S 1999] This is similar to post colonial ideals for urban political ecology, each urban situation is provincial and case dependent.
“A field condition could be any formal or spatial matrix capable of unifying diverse elements while respecting the identity of each.” [Allen, S 1999, 04] Possible field breakdowns that would constitute the urban; Social; cultural diversities including ethnicity, religion, age, gender, class, income etc. Economic; building density, scales, types, usage etc. Political; policies, agendas, political groups etc.
These fields would be complex and overlapping creating diverse unique assemblages; “The Overall shape and extent are highly fluid and less important than the internal relationships of parts, which determine the behavior of the field.” [Allen, S 1999, 04] By applying a set of rules or conditions to each field it is possible to visualise the relationships between or within society, and the built environment
through the intensity of patterns which are unlimited and growing.
NIKOVA History ECONOMY
What is urban architecture? I believe that what defines urban architecture is its adaptability and the ability to respond to the various contexts, which exist in the urban realm. It is informed and designed for the specific characteristics of its location in terms of economy, society, history, philosophy, politics, etc., and it takes into consideration the interchangeable nature of those disciplines. Urban architecture is a result of the various ways those disciplines interact and influence each other.
In order to define urban architecture, one must first define urban. The term urban is widely used through various disciplines, and defined in a unique manner, by each of them. The most basic definition of urban is that in relation to cities and towns and their density of population. Size and density, however, are not sufficient factors to define it, since a non-physical thing, such as smell or sound, could be associated with the term urban. It is evident though, that all disciplines define urban in relation to the people and their activity, as factors. The economic activity, issues, development, believes and needs of the society reflect on the urban landscape of the metropolis and its built environment.
THE URBAN IS EVER CHANGING.
ELEPHANT AND CASTLE ESTATE AYLESBURY ESTATE
ecture it h c r a in â€? n a b r u the is l The â€œ a r u r , y a d y r e v n is the e a b r u , t c e it h c r a To an enges. ll a h c n ig s e d f o t Urban is a se tyles. s d n a s e h c a o r p It is a set of ap it is our , le a c s ll a m s r o n a large o , o d e w t a h w re we It is e h w o ls a is It . s to pay u ly e k li t s o m e h t m ot o r (It is f y it c e h t g in ys of view a w l a e t s ly e d u r we e il We c h w t e k c o p k c our ba in ls o o t ir e h t p e di il u b And ke e r a e w e il h even w g in g n a h c s p e e k The city ions on t a v o n in r u o ) ? e est (forc t e w t a h t e r e h dern, It is o m e in f e d e r o t ost likely m e r a e w e r e h atur n It is r e v o s e n li k e ss and sle la g d n a l e e t s e s To u n, io it t e p e r h it w s fill grid It is here we may d space e in a r t s n o c d n a s corner in , h ig h d il u b e W noise t h ig f e w , s s le g intrudin s t n e m le e e h t , d ople An e p r o f fe li f o e iv ake a h m o t e p o h e w e r -one He o n n e h w ir a f it o make t g in h is w d n a g Tryin e very lo r o f e b , in a g a e g ll chan Knowing it will a
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Adaptable connections between people, movement and spac combine, integrate and recognise the constantly evolving and a environment and place-making. Architecture provides built fo from various d
Photographs: Chyna Sudbury
ce, as well as nature and built form, with the intention to alternative understandings of urban with regards to the built orm to suit multiple perceptions of the urban environment disciplines.
_What is urban?
City Engine 3D Model of East Manchester used as a base [ Model has been produced as part of Complexity, Planning & Urbanism studio by Adeniyi Adekunle, Ivana Tosheva [me] and Larissa Weinmann ]
For me the explanaaon of urban is expressed through the complex network systems within the city. I believe urban development is based on the improvement and the expansion of city networks (streets, railways, etc.). Here conneccvity between diﬀerent places is a key element for the city funcconing, if networks and links are bad, both residents and everyday accviies within the city suﬀer greatly. I think network conneccons within ciies are the main driver for urbanisaaon and urban growth because a ‘well-funcconing’ city is a city which has established a well-funcconing and constantly developing and improving network (and transportaaon) system.
2014 / 2015
IVANA TOSHEVA ID:10039875
What is the ‘Urban’ in Architecture? The urban can be interpreted and contested according to observers’ perspectives, similar to perspectives defining a kaleidoscope.
The urban as an overlay of human perspectives/motiva physical
pers perspective 2 human motivations Emergence in urban contexts (as demostrated by emergence of patterns of beads in a kaleidoscope).
The urban as a spatial an patterns changing over time
interpretation by observer
large scale patterns
kaleidoscope as a dynam
The ‘Urban’ as a Kaleidoscope
mic artefact that changes over time
nd temporal dynamic system (spatial e). outputs based on human subjectivity
emporal structure SOFT SYSTEM
The ‘Urban’ as a Kaleidoscope
kaleidoscope as a dynamic artefact that changes over time
defined inputs (beads)
large scale patterns
To me, the ‘urban’ in architecture can be compared to a kaleidoscope - a dynamic (physical) artefact, whose main outcomes, however, depend heavily upon the observer’s interpretation. Every observer will have a slightly different perspective and view of the kaleidoscope (and of the city), although the physical artefacts (beads in the case of the kaleidoscope; buildings, infrastructure, etc. in the case of the city) that make up this construct are identical. I believe that architects must take this into account, and acknowledge the importance of individual differing perspectives and interpretations. A city, similarly to a kaleidoscope, is constantly changing, moving across various stability domains and adapting itself to internal and external changes. In this process it is not following one defined goal - goals are contested and interpreted by the observer. The outcomes of this process are not predictable, although they do identify patterns. I think it is important as an architect to realise that a city is not a static moment or instance (similar to a kaleidoscope not being definable by a structure that it takes in one instance from one person’s perspective), but rather a process - A process that is defined not only by its physical artefacts, but also by it’s agents and the ways in which they interact with and interpret and change these physical artefacts.
physical artefacts (hard system) and ations (soft system).
BA3 HUMANITIES ELECTIVE 2014/15
Rationale Dr Deljana Iossifova Lecturer in Urban Studies, University of Manchester This elective provides an overview of approaches to the city in disciplines other than those directly related to the built environment. Addressing the origin, evolution and current use of the term â€˜urbanâ€™, we discuss the city, highlighting overlaps with interests in architecture and potential for further development. At the end of this elective, students are familiar with a broad range of fundamental and emerging theories around urban processes. They are able to analyse and evaluate the urban condition using transdisciplinary methods and tools in their professional practice.
Assessment is based on contribution to a group seminar and a short essay (3,500 words) in which students demonstrate their newly acquired analytical skills.
Participants Lamiaa Abouelala Nasra Ali Nada Azzaz Elena Balabanska Raden Bin R Norazari Alicia Booth Rebecca Brown Katerina Chaneva Wenxin Cobos Cao Abbey Costello Amelia Denty Serena Sanushka Dias Hristo Dobrev Emma Engelmark Karan Gandhi James Georgiades Georgina Govan Jacob Alexander Graves Poorvi Gupta Amy Hewes Maria Iliopoulou Matthew Jones Gina Kirby Vyara Kuneva
Cristina Martinez Ryan Mckeown Daniel McLean Nur Mohamed Salleh Olugbenga Ogunsola Elena Pardo Rostislav Pazaitov Viktor Petkov Julija Pivovarenok Marius Popa LeticiaRodriguez Meriel Serlin Pruthvi Shah Alexandra Storr Wing Tsui Sarah Walcott Natalia Walker Jack Whetton Chendu Zhou
Boundaries of exclusion in Cheetham Hill: Why are public green areas avoided? A non-architectural approach
University of Manchester ID: 8453148 MMU ID: 1210895
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3 1.
With the emergence of anthropology of built environment and spatial form in the 1980s, the investigation of spatial outcomes as a function of social relations has become a central topic in the study of the city. Presently, experts in the field employ space as an analytic tool, complementing traditional ethnography in order to produce embodied analyses of the use of urban space, hence study the consequences of architectural and urban planning projects.1 Built on the theoretical work on social production2 and construction of space3, this paper will discuss public outdoor space in Cheetham Hill - an inner-city area directly northeast of Manchester city centre. A former industrial district, the neighbourhood is now the home of a multi-ethnic community – people with different backgrounds, not necessarily agreeing with each other, but coexisting nonetheless. The busy high street, lined with churches, mosques, synagogues and temples, is in contrast to the green areas which instead of giving ground for residents’ recreational and social needs, seem neglected and underused. This study aims at understanding how public space in Cheetham Hill is semiotically encoded and interpreted by residents as individuals, constructing their own realities and meanings. In addition, it will examine why the spatial demarcation of public gardens and recreational grounds is present now and argue that the misuse of space can transform them to ‘no-go’ areas. A multi-sited ethnographic approach to the study of urban space explores the physical and conceptual boundaries of these zones of exclusion and the relation to the sites’ historical emergence, patterns of use and experiential meanings. In attempt to understand these issues, I have chosen to investigate and compare people’s perceptions of and behavior, in two public spaces in the northwest of Cheetham Hill, both misused, but socially constructed in a different way. 2.
Space and multi-sited ethnography in urban anthropology
To get a good grasp of the methodology used in the course of the study, it is important to have a brief look at the main approaches and history of urban anthropology. The theoretical trajectory of urban anthropology rested on the urban ecological perspective by the Chicago School of Sociology in the 1920s-1930s. 4According to the Burgess concentric zone model, the city was theorised to be made up of adjacent ecological niches occupied by humans of a similar social class in a series of concentration rings surrounding the central core.5 The main research strategy was participant observation as a method of explaining the accommodations of urban populations to these micro-environments. The most characteristic anthropological approach in the study of the city that has gained ground throughout the years, is the production of urban ethnographies, describing, analysing and theorising about groups of people in urban settings from a sociocultural perspective.6 As a methodology, ethnography is an “engaged, 1
Low, S., Lawrence-Zuniga, L., (2003), The anthropology of space and place, p.3, Blackwell Publishing Lefebvre, H., (1991), The production of space, 1 ed., Wiley-Blackwell Rotenberg R., McDonogh GW., (1993) The Cultural Meaning of Urban Space. Westport, Conn: Bergin and Garvey 4 Low, S., (2014) The death and rebirth in urban anthropology, p.5 5 Park R, Burgess E., (1974), The City, Chicago: University Chicago Press 6 Low, S., (2014), p. 2 2
contextually rich and nuanced type of qualitative social research.”7 It involves the situational combination of field techniques – e.g note taking, audio-/visual recording, interviews, originating in the ideal of participant observation. What distinguishes it from other approaches is the so-called ‘thick description’, which provides a detailed narrative of everyday social life. Through synthesising patterns of cultural and social relationships put in context, one can begin to determine the extent to which the conclusions drawn are transferable to other settings, situations, and people.8
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
During the 1980s, however, a major shift in theoretical focus occurred since traditional ethnographical methods were seen as inadequate for dealing with the complexities of the modern city and its rapid transformations in the global economy. The so-called rebirth was triggered by Anthony Leeds’ work on urban systems, labor flows, social networks9 and incorporated approaches drawn from geography, sociology and political science 10. With the incorporation of space and place in ethnographic methodology, the city as a material and spatial as well as cultural form, also became a central topic in urban anthropology11. Henri Lefebvre’s perspective that "space is permeated with social relations - not only supported by social relations but it is also producing and produced by social relations"12 re-conceptualised the geographical notion of space as well as contributing greatly to the social sciences. The social production of space - as Setha Low interprets Lefebvre – “includes all those factors — social, economic, ideological, and technological — that result, or seek to result, in the physical creation of the material setting.”13 Emphasis on the materialist aspect of the term is important in defining the historical emergence and political economic formation of urban space. The term social construction, based on the sociological thesis that reality is socially constructed14, then compromises the phenomenological and symbolic experience of space. Peoples’ social exchanges, memories and daily use of a space, transform the material setting into scenes and actions that shape symbolic meanings. The place becomes encoded with affiliations, which imply affective charge (fear, attraction, etc.)15, hence meanings of this place are appropriated, produced and reproduced by users and residents. Both processes, studying local issues in a material setting, can help uncover and illuminate larger ones. 16 Since these theories were introduced, spatial form has been integrated into the study of social relationships complementing traditional ethnography in the production of embodied analyses of the use of urban space.17 As a result, the notion of ‘urban’ within the anthropological trajectory was redefined as a set of processes 7
Falzon, M., (2009), Multi-sited Ethnography: Theory, Praxis and Locality in Contemporary Research, Ashgate Holloway, I. (1997). Basic Concepts for Qualitative Research. London: Blackwell Science. as referenced in Robert Wood Johnson Foundation web site - http://www.qualres.org/HomeThic-3697.html 9 Leeds A., (1973) Locality power in relation to supralocal power institutions in Urban Anthropology, ed. A Southall, p. 1541. New York: Oxford Univ Press 10 Mullings L., (1987) Cities of the United States: Studies in Urban Anthropology. New York: Columbia Univ Press 11 Rotenberg R., McDonogh GW., (1993) The Cultural Meaning of Urban Space. Westport, Conn: Bergin and Garvey 12 Lefebvre, (1991), p.286 13 Low, S., (2009), Towards an anthropological theory of space and place, Semiotica 175–1/4, p.25 14 Berger, P. and Luckman, T., The social construction of reality, 1966, ed. 1991, Penguin 15 Lefebvre, H, (1991), p.141 16 Low, Setha M. (1996) Spatializing Culture: The Social Production and Social Construction of Public Space, American Ethnologist, 23 (4), p. 861-79. 17 Low, S., (2011), Claiming Space for an Engaged Anthropology: Spatial Inequality and Social Exclusion, American Anthropologist, Vol. 113, No. 3, pp. 389–407 8
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3 rather than a setting on its own. In addition, the concept of ‘multi-sited’ ethnography emerged to understand social phenomena that cannot be accounted for a single site.18 They are tracked through their local and/or global landscape, following the actors and social processes involved “without artificially capturing them within a predetermined location.”19 As Low, Taplin, and Scheld argue20, to produce an adequate park ethnography, a variety of sites and activities must be taken into account. Now these spatial analyses require new techniques such as behavioral and movement mapping, visual ethnography, physical traces investigation in addition to traditional participant observation and interviews. Relating to these approaches and theory, this paper will focus on the northwest area of Cheetham Hill in an attempt to examine observed underuse of public space and its symbolic ‘meanings’ produced by residents. 3.
In context: Cheetham Hill overview
Formerly famous as a textile processing district, Cheetham Hill is located northwest of Manchester city centre. Following the radical economic restructuring under Thatcherism, the depression in social and economic conditions hit the area, resulting in increased levels of deprivation and crime. In the 1980s, narcotic business in Cheetham Hill became extremely lucrative, forming criminal gangs and contributing to the overall decay of the area. 21 The population of the neighbourhood has always been almost entirely working class, a great proportion of whom - of immigrant descendent. 22With a long history of migration and immigration, the area has been a subject to successive waves of people seeking asylum. 23 Considering its historical background, Cheetham Hill would be classified as a Zone of transition, according to the Burgess concentric zone model. An unloading point of newly arrived immigrants, this zone is characterised with “great mobility, areas of immigrant settlement, corrupt ward policies, vice, crime, and general disorder”24 and seen as unwanted by those able to effectively compete for ‘more favourable’ locations in the city.25 Rooted in Darwinian concepts of invasion and succession, Burgess’s theory of impersonal competition for space through market mechanisms, is critisised of little acknowledgment of the symbiotic relationships built on cultural similarity. Specifically, Burgess discussed the city of Chicago
Fig. 1 Burgess’s concentric zone model 18
Falzon, M., (2009), Introduction, p.2 Low, S., (2014), p.4 20 Low S., Taplin, D. and Scheld,S. (2005) Rethinking Urban Parks: Public Space and Cultural Diversity. Austin: University of Texas Press 21 Haslam, D. (2000) Manchester, England, Fourth Estate, p.263 22 Scott, R.,(2005) Towards an Understand of Contested Space: From the Chicago School to Cheetham Hill, Thesis (MA), University of Manchester 23 A large intake of whom were Jews and Irish at first, followed by Eastern Europeans, Black Carribean, and Southeastern Asians. Source: Cheetham Hill Ward, Manchester City Council, Retrieved September, 2014 24 Hall, P., (2002), Cities of Tomorrow, 3rd ed, Blackwell London, as quoted in Scott, R. (2005) 25 Park R, Burgess E., (1974) 19
and little attention has been paid to the subdivided areas of the zones in transition – ‘the Little Sicily’, ‘the ghetto’, and ‘Chinatown’.26 The concept of transient zones is what is now known as ‘inner-city’ areas and the attendant social problems of these areas are still familiar in many contemporary cities. 27Cheetham Hill now experiences crime as much as other zones in transition in north Manchester. However, comparing it to the rates in the country, we could conclude that it is still an important issue in the area.28 The incidence as well as people’s perception of crime and anti-social behaviour in the area is above the average of the city.29 In addition, the perception of a problem with drug use and dealing in the neighbourhood is the highest in Manchester.30
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
The area now is still a constant witness of immigration to Manchester, being a home for a multi-ethnic community. However, it is one of the few districts in the city not suffering population loss probably because it attracts immigrants with available low-rent accommodation or the possibility of buying a house and diverse host population as a way of avoiding racism in other mostly white British areas. It appears that now it has culturally and socially vital functions as establishment point for immigrants of successive generations from a wide variety of faiths, cultures and nationalities and is highly valued by the majority of residents.31 Similar to every neighbourhood, there are healthy and unhealthy areas in Cheetham Hill, nevertheless, many public spaces in the northwest part appear to be neglected or misused and not adapted to the residents’ needs. Consequently, this creates distinguished boundaries, nurturing areas of spatial demarcation. When space is unwanted and hard to use, it becomes derelict, vandalised and eventually vacant, as seen in the photos below. Taking the background research into consideration, this paper will examine how boundaries of spatial exclusion are created and argue that the misuse of an urban space can transform it an avoided area. Could the reasons why public space is unused lie in residents’ ethnic background, in the lack of maintenance of facilities or in the activities on the site? In addition, to what extend high crime rates (or their perception) might be contributing to emergence of this exclusion?
Knox, P. and Pinch, S. (2000), Urban Social Geography – An Introduction, 4th ed, Pearson London Scott, R.,(2005), p.25 28 Overview of crime reports, Novermber 2014, Office for National Statistics website - www.ons.gov.uk 29 Research and Intelligence Chief Executive’s Department (Research and Performance), Manchester Council,– www.manchester.gov.uk 30 “47% compared to 27% of people asked” See: Manchester City Council residents’ telephone survey 2010/11, Cheetham ward profile Version 2011/02 31 Scott, R.,(2005), p.34 27
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
Fig.2 Map of Cheetham Hill, showing visited sites around the area and the two sites of investigation.
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3 4.
In an attempt to tackle these questions, I have chosen to focus on the social construction of two sites in the neighbourhood – Bignor recreational ground and Goldsmiths Gardens, which are in close proximity to each other. However, the first site is enclosed within a large housing area, while the other is directly exposed to the lively main road. Observation has shown that they are both underused in the daytime.32 In order to understand why the residents do not fully exploit the provided small green areas, I have undertaken several stages of investigation and multi-sited ethnographic experimentation, involving historical research, interviews and participant observation. Since “a place can be fully understood if it is seen as either changed or unchanged from some earlier understanding”33, I was curious to get an idea of the emergence of the sites, how their perception is historically situated and if memories of these places affect their current meanings. Therefore, I have looked in archives for maps and old photos, as well as read memoirs and talked to older residents in the area. To gain empirical knowledge about why public outdoor grounds are demarcated both –unstructured34 covert and overt interviews were conducted, which required certain sensitivity to the character of situations. The first phase of empirical data gathering, was to ask people in the streets, in approximate distance from both parks, about how to find my way to the nearest outdoor place, pretending that I need to write down something in peace and quiet. This usually led to a longer conversation where I had the opportunity to find out about their opinion of the place, and if it is often visited by them. Secondly, in a closer proximity to and on the sites, I carried out overt interviews, asking whether the place is well-utilised, if not, why so. Finally, participant observation was conducted as a tool of learning about local social, political, and economic life people within their cultural setting.
Group work project in Cheetham Hill, “Common place manifesto”, Manchester school of architecture, 2014 Rotenberg R., McDonogh GW., (1993), Introduction, p. 4 “Unstructured interviews are more flexible as questions can be adapted and changed depending on the respondents’ answers. The interview does can deviate from the interview schedule.” See: Simply Psychology website, Retrieved, January, 2015 - http://www.simplypsychology.org/ 33
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
Fig.6 This diagram visualises the methodology used in the course of the study on boundaries of exclusion.
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3 6.
Research and analysis
6.1 Bignor Recreational Ground Bignor street park was created after the once renown school of the Notre Dame Convent in Cheetham Hill was demolished in 198235 and replaced by a social housing estate, still remaining on site today.36 As mentioned before, for over a decade, drug dealing was a flourishing business in the neighbourhood, which affected this area as well since it is comfortably enclosed between two main roads and hidden from much surveillance. Working undercover on the murder of a famous ex-convict in the late 1990s in Cheetham Hill, Peter Bleksley, shares memories of the life in an area “where the criminals intimidate the residents more than the police can reassure them.”37 Furthermore, residents themselves still remember it as a ‘no-go’ area. “I used to live close to the School but I moved further north in Cheetham Hill. It was just dangerous. I wouldn’t recommend going there, dear.”, advised me Mrs. Johnson.38 1.
Cheetham Hill, 1960s
Fig.7 Archive maps, showing the emergence of Bignor Street Park after the demolition of the Notre Dame Convent
The British Federation of Notre Dame de Namur website, Retrieved in January 2015 http://www.bfndn.org/manchester.htm Cheetham Hill Ward Plan 2012-2014, Manchester City Council, Retrieved September, 2014 37 Bleksley, P., (2007) Ten Most Wanted - Britain's top undercover cop reinvestigates ten of the UK’s worst unsolved Murders, Chapter 4: What goes around, comes around, John Blake Publishing Ltd 38 Interview with Rita Johnson, 14th January 2015 36
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3 When asking for directions to the nearest outdoor public space, a small proportion of the people approached in the immediate surroundings of the ground advised me to visit it, whilst the majority directed me towards parks in neighbouring districts. A teenager was an exception, saying that he goes there “with his mates to relax and have some weed”39, probably assuming that being close to his age, I would not endanger his activities. Comments and interviews shown in the diagram further approve this reputation. In order to address the high crime rates, Bignor Street Park was actually redesigned to a multi-sports recreational ground40, together with Youth Action building, aiming at preventing anti-social behaviour. However, the building got shut down for 6 years and became a drug dealing hot spot in the area.41 Reopening it again, members of the Wai Yin society shared that the backyard two months ago had been “full of used needles.” 42 During the days of observation, there was not much activity, apart from a young basketball player, who later gave away that he usually goes to the centre, but living in the houses around, he had decided to go to the ground for a change. Every afternoon, two middle-aged men jog separately around the ground without entering it. I was warned to “watch out for the boys gathering around the hexagon bench – that’s where the drug dealers are doing their business”43 by a youngster, who shared that he himself had been part of this gang. A young boy was observed to deal with suspicious activities in that place later. After dusk it is never locked, having 4 open gates and a ruptured fence, not preventing anyone from getting in.
Fig.8 Marks of fire place and occupation
Fig. The “hexagon” bench
Asking for directions on Waterloo Road, 10th January 2015 Email correspondence with Mark Knight, landscape planner for Groundwork Manchester, 12 th January 2015 41 Antonia, ex-substance addict, since 2008, interviewed on 11th January 42 Peter Middleton, working for Wai Yin society, interviewed on 11th January 43 Allan (Humza) Adham, interviewed on 10th January 40
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
Fig. 9Map, showing the peopleâ€™s responses to the covert interviews: Most of them either don not know any green areas in Cheetham Hill, recommend visiting parks in other areas, or make a note that it is dangerous or unpleasant in both spaces. Clearly, there are exceptions of people enjoying the investigated outdoor spaces.
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3 6.2 Goldstone Gardens While the area of Bignor street was being restructured, Goldstone Gardens had already been a public space for more than 50 years. Visiting the local pubs around there, Blaksley, remembers that once in Cheetham Hill, he got offered to go to Goldstone Gardens estate, famous as “the crack city”, where also the small green area amongst mostly derelict housing was located. Open only on two days a week for a short time, the police station did not ensure much security in the area. 44 Crime continues to be a reason for avoiding this area, as many of the interviews in the immediate surroundings confirmed. Imrad, Iranian IT technician working opposite the park, summarises some of the main reasons why the place is underused like this: “Firstly, most of the people around here are of Asian origin, like me, and we don’t have this culture of sitting in parks as much as Europeans and British do, it’s not our thing. Also the weather isn’t often inviting, and even in the summer, it’s (the Gardens) never full. Secondly, crime is a big factor. Sometimes you see guys there talking, but everyone can see that they are offering hashish.”45 “Don’t get me started on the park.” - confirms Diane, middle-aged optician in the area “It’s basically a home for the drunks, it’d be better off being a car park”. It appears, however, that there is another phenomenon in the green area that drives people away – a vast population of pigeons. Interviewed people revealed that they avoid the area since “there is no space for human beings”46, and the birds are considered dangerous carriers of infectious diseases, contributing to the dirty and chaotic environment in the Gardens.47 Nevertheless, observation shows that the pigeons are constantly well fed and taken care of by some of the residents, even though it is prohibited as shown on several signs. Early in the morning and the afternoon, there are a number of people, mostly middle-aged workers of Asian origin at the neighbouring vegetable market and kebap shops, who feed the birds with leftovers. In addition, every week Patrisha, an English woman, comes to visit her friend in Cheetham Hill and brings numerous plastic bags full of bread crumbs. Pretending to be excited by the pigeons, I approached her to ask why she is feeding them, to which she responded she believed this was “more sustainable – might as well give it to the pigeons than throw it in the bin.” Throughout the day the birds walk around, fly and come back, and are occasionally entertained by a group of children outside the park.
Bleksley, P., (2007) Ten Most Wanted - Britain's top undercover cop reinvestigates ten of the UK’s worst unsolved Murders, Chapter 4: What goes around, comes around, John Blake Publishing Ltd 45
Perspective of Imrad Leval, interviewed on 10th January 2015 Interview of Diane Peterson, November 2014 47 Covert and overt interviews of 8 people in close proximity to the site, November – January 2014 46
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
Fig.11 A behavioural map, representing activities involved with the pigeons at Goldstone Gardens. They are divided in Place- centred observaitions, looking at how a space is being used and who by, and individual-centred, tracking an individual by recording and following their moves.
6.3 Further thoughts From the conducted interviews and participant observation it becomes apparent that both green areas are being misused. Instead of places where people can socialise and retreat, they are associated with crime, lack of facilities, and general disorder. The suspicious activities taking place in Bignor RG, and therefore the regeneration scheme being unsuccessful, can be a complex issue. The lack of maintenance of the park and its, unfortunately proved to be true, reputation of a drug dealing hotspot cannot make it an attractive place to go, resulting in people seeking sports facilities out of Cheetham Hill or around the actual ground. The bizarre phenomenon observed in Goldstone Gardens, on the other hand, could be a sign of inconsistency in the priorities of residents, depending on their background – families would like to spend their pastime outside, whilst shops prefer giving their rubbish to the pigeons. This leads to the question whether the society actually needs to spend its time in public spaces. It could be argued, however, that “collectively, a city’s abundant small spaces have a major impact on the quality of life.”48 If those spaces are kept unattractive and crime is not addressed, people might retreat from the city street to the suburbs or to fortified shelters.
Whyte, W., (1980)The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces, p.2 The Conservation Foundation Washington D.C.
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
Fig. 12The diagram above summaries the analysis on residentsâ€™ production of meanings and perception of the sites and the possible factors for their formation. 16
Anthropological space analyses, studying the social processes on a site or multiple locations and their consequences, can reveal detailed information about the essence of a place/s and contribute to the production of more specific urban policies to a certain area. Through theoretical and empirical analysis, this study shows that people build their interpretations and meanings of urban places through social interaction and activity. As summed up by Massey, contemporary sensitivity to issues of space could rest on three propositions:
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
First, “that we recognise space as the product of interrelations; as constituted through interactions, from the immensity of the global to the intimately tiny. Second, that we understand space as the sphere in which distinct trajectories coexist; as the sphere therefore of coexisting heterogeneity. Third, that we recognise space as always under construction.” 49 Residents’ meanings of the discussed green areas in Cheetham Hill are the outcome of complex social processes with many aspects and contributing currents, perceived and directly experienced. Not being exploited by the majority of residents, the two sites are neglected and vacant, hence unattractive and avoided by the population of the neighbourhood. This phenomenon can be attributed to the lack of effective management and supervision on one hand, and on the other, the incoherence of residents’ leisure activities, depending on their cultural background and occupation. Misemployment of space fosters crime and becomes more segregated since what attracts people in public spaces is other people and positive interaction between them.50 As a result, these urban spaces could have a harmful and destructive effect on the society instead being thriving places for play, leisure and sports. Word count: 3770
49 Massey, D.B. (1995) Spatial divisions of labor: Social structures and the geography of production, 2nd edition. New York: Routledge 50 Whyte, W., (1980), p.19
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
Reference list Bleksley, P., (2007) Ten Most Wanted - Britain's top undercover cop reinvestigates ten of the UK’s worst unsolved Murders, Chapter 4: What goes around, comes around, John Blake Publishing Ltd Berger, P. and Luckman, T., The social construction of reality, 1966, ed. 1991, Penguin Cheetham Hill Ward Plan 2012-2014, Manchester City Council, Retrieved September, 2014 Covert interviews of 25 people in the immediate surroundings of the sites, December – January 2015 Email correspondence with Mark Knight, landscape planner for Groundwork Manchester, 12th January 2015 Falzon, M., (2009), Multi-sited Ethnography: Theory, Praxis and Locality in Contemporary Research, Ashgate Hall, P., (2002), Cities of Tomorrow, 3rd ed, Blackwell London, as quoted in Scott, R. (2005) Haslam, D. (2000) Manchester, England, Fourth Estate, p.263 Group work project in Cheetham Hill, “Common place manifesto”, Manchester school of architecture, 2014 Holloway, I. (1997). Basic Concepts for Qualitative Research. London: Blackwell Science Knox, P. and Pinch, S. (2000), Urban Social Geography – An Introduction, 4th ed, Pearson London Leeds A., (1973) Locality power in relation to supralocal power institutions in Urban Anthropology, ed. A Southall, p. 15-41. New York: Oxford Univ Press Lefebvre, H., (1991), The production of space, 1 ed., Wiley-Blackwell Low, S., (2011), Claiming Space for an Engaged Anthropology: Spatial Inequality and Social Exclusion, American Anthropologist, Vol. 113, No. 3, pp. 389–407
Low, S., The Anthropology of Cities: Imagining and Theorizing the City, Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 25 (1996), pp. 383-409 Low, S., (2014) The death and rebirth in urban anthropology Low, S., Lawrence-Zuniga, L., (2003), The anthropology of space and place, p.3, Blackwell Publishing London Low, Setha M. (1996) Spatializing Culture: The Social Production and Social Construction of Public Space, American Ethnologist, 23 (4), p. 861-79 Low SM, D. Taplin, and S. Scheld. (2005) Rethinking Urban Parks: Public Space and Cultural Diversity. Austin: University of Texas Press 19
Manchester City Council residents’ telephone survey 2010/11, Cheetham ward profile Version 2011/02, Manchester City Council webite - www.manchester.gov.uk/, Retrieved September, 2014 Massey, D.B. (1995) Spatial divisions of labor: Social structures and the geography of production, 2nd edition. New York: Routledge Mullings L., (1987) Cities of the United States: Studies in Urban Anthropology. New York: Columbia Univ Press
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3
Overt interviews: Diane Peterson, Imrad Leval, Rita Johnson, Denis Kledjich, John Berger, Sham and Jay, and Overview of crime reports, Novermber 2014, Office for National Statistics website - www.ons.gov.uk Saleem Madhoun, Allan (Humza) Adham, Antonia, Peter Middleton, November 2014 – January 2015 Park R, Burgess E., (1974), The City, Chicago: University Chicago Press Pellow, D., (1996), Setting Boundaries: The Anthropology of Spatial and Social Organization, Bergin & Garvey Research and Intelligence Chief Executive’s Department (Research and Performance), Manchester Council,– www.manchester.gov.uk Robert Wood Johnson Foundation web site - http://www.qualres.org/HomeThic-3697.html Rotenberg R., McDonogh GW., (1993) The Cultural Meaning of Urban Space. Westport, Conn: Bergin and Garvey Simply Psychology website, Retrieved, January, 2015 - http://www.simplypsychology.org/ The British Federation of Notre Dame de Namur website, Retrieved in January 2015 www.bfndn.org/manchester Whyte, W., (1980), The Social of Small Urban Spaces, The Conservation Foundation Washington D.C. Images: Fig.1 , Source: http://ewburgess.weebly.com/ Fig.7 Archive maps, Historic ordnance survey, Available Online by Digimap Edina, Retrieved 12th January 2015
Full bibliography list Books: Holstein, J. and Gubrium, J., (1995), The active interview, SAGE Publications Jacobs, J., (1993) The death and Life of Great American Cities, Modern Library Edition Pawson, E., The social production of urban space, New Zealand Geographer, 12/1987 Thomas, J., (1941), Doing critical ethnography, SAGE Publications Simmel, G., (1903) The Metropolis and Mental Life, Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson eds., The Blackwell City Reader. Oxford and Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2002.
Elena Balabanska, Manchester School of Architecture Year 3 van Houtum, H., Kramsch, O., & Zierhofer, W, (2005)B/ordering space. In D. Wasti-Walter (Ed.), Border regions series. Burlington, VT: Ashgate. Websites: Cheetham Hill Ward Plan 2012-2014, Manchester City Council, Retrieved September, 2014 Simply Psychology website, Retrieved, January, 2015 - http://www.simplypsychology.org/ The British Federation of Notre Dame de Namur website, Retrieved in January 2015 www.bfndn.org/manchester Research and Intelligence Chief Executive’s Department (Research and Performance), Manchester Council,– www.manchester.gov.uk E-Journals: Kilburn, J., San Miguel, C., & Kwak, D. H, (2013) Is fear of crime splitting the sister cities? The case of Los Dos Laredos. Cities, 34, p. 30–36. Lamont, M., & Molnár, V. (2002). The study of boundaries in the social sciences., Annual Review of Sociology, 28, 167–195
Low, S., The Anthropology of Cities: Imagining and Theorizing the City, Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 25 (1996), pp. 383-409 Low, S., (2014) The death and rebirth in urban anthropology Low, S., Lawrence-Zuniga, L., (2003), The anthropology of space and place, p.3, Blackwell Publishing London Low, Setha M. (1996) Spatializing Culture: The Social Production and Social Construction of Public Space, American Ethnologist, 23 (4), p. 861-79 Low SM, D. Taplin, and S. Scheld. (2005) Rethinking Urban Parks: Public Space and Cultural Diversity. Austin: University of Texas Press Nadja Monnet, Photoethnography of the urban space, or how to describe the urban world beyond words: presentation of a multimedia essay, Visual ethnography journal, vol. 3, n. 1, June 2014, pp. 35-64, Online available from: www.vejournal.org van Houtum, H., & van Naerssen, T. (2002). Bordering, ordering and othering, Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie Videos: No Foreigners Here - 100% British, TV show, Channel 5, Online Available from: www.channel5.com
HUMANITES ELECTIVE: URBAN THEORIES
The effect of the socio-economic crises in Bulgaria on the aging population in Varosha Paper by Hristo Dobrev
MMU ID: 12109043
Introduction The situation in Bulgaria has been worsening since 1989 until now. That can be blamed upon many reasons one of which might be the change from a Communist-ruled country to a Democratic Republic, the economic crises between 1990 and 2014, the change in the perception of family. All of these had led to other consequences such as high emigration and an aging population, which result in a poor lifestyle and further enhance the current trends. In this paper I am analyzing the demographic picture in Bulgaria from 1989-2014, investigating the economic crises around 1997 and after 2007/2008 and how they affected the social sector. By outlining the two major problems in Bulgaria- being the high emigration and the aging population, I try to see if there is a direct link between them and the economic crises, whether one was caused by the other or affected by it. Narrowing down my study area to Varosha- a small neighborhood in Lovech, I am evaluating whether the conditions, which derive from the broad analysis of the countryâ€™s state is the same in this area. I have chosen the site due to its historical and architectural importance to Bulgaria. By talking to the local people I will engage in their daily lifestyle and try to understand what it is for them to live in Varosha. I will examine whether the area has the problems of depopulation and aging population as it is in the country. I hope that the ready results will give a more intimate understanding of the problems and lifestyle of the average Bulgarian in a middle-sized town. Comparing the quantitative data gathered from different analyzes of the countryâ€™s condition and the qualitative data gathered from the locals will give a more detailed picture of the top-down and bottom-up parts.
Framework Economics More people live in poverty in Eastern Europe and Central Asia now than a decade ago. (Vassilev, 2003) Bulgaria shares the same fate as it didnâ€™t make a smooth transition from a centrally-planned economy to a capitalist economy after 1989; its current state is worsened compared to its Communist past, which has led to a severe socioeconomic de-development. (Vassilev, 2003) Unemployment, low wages, poverty and mass emigration are only part of the whole issue in Bulgaria. Right after 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc, Bulgaria has been marginalized out of the international market. (Vassilev, 2003) This is partly due to the fact that
its older trading partners from the Soviet Union have changed as well, thus cutting off their established connections. For instance, the trade turnover between the Russian Federation and Bulgaria was reduced from 17 billion dollars in 1988 to 1.2 million dollars in 1991. (Vassilev, 2003) Also, the industrialization in the country was at a very high level during the rule of the Communists, which the new government found very hard to maintain. In 1994 Bulgaria was the most heavily indebted country in Europe according the World Bank; its foreign and internal debts totaled 188% of the GNP. (Vassilev, 2003) This made the trade with the West very hard and forced the government to close down money-losing industries or sell state-owned industries to private owners, thus creating a high unemployment. The only way for international trade and reviving the economy was by navigating it towards the West, that’s why perhaps most of the Bulgarian governments looked up for NATO and EU support. (Bulgaria applied for full membership in the EU in 1995, but got accepted in 2007.) Nearly 53% of the 1996 budget was invested in repaying debts which left the country with scarce resources and sparking a hyperinflation. (Vassilev, 2003) This way Bulgaria entered its first economic crisis, which was partially solved by the new government in 1997 by closing more and more industries and spending half the budget on debts. Meanwhile, the Bulgarian currency- lev was being devaluated from 1.27 BGN: 1.00USD in 1990 to 3000.00BGN:1.00USD in 1997. (Vassilev, 2003) Combining this with the hyperinflation and the low income of the population one can deduce why the currency went under a change in 1999 after the fall of Zhan Videnov’s government in 1998. After Bulgaria’s succession to NATO in 2000 and to the European Union in 2007 an increasing development in some of the economic sectors can be noticed. However, this affected the migration of people, which will be observed in greater detail in the next section. Around 2007 and 2008 Bulgarian economy felt the effect of the World Financial Crisis, which resulted in closure of numerous small and medium private-owned businesses. In 2014, Bulgaria has survived the crisis successfully in theory, but in practice there is a great after-effect on people’s lives. Also, during the years 2000 and 2014 more foreign investments were made in Bulgaria, rather than any national ones. The national production of goods is also poor compared to what it was before. This reflects directly on high unemployment, low wages and capital- and brain- drain from the country.
Classic economic theories have focused on income differences as the main determinants of migration (Hicks,1923) Urban settlements with more stable economy tend to attract more people and vice versa. (Mladenov, Ilieva, 2012)It is easy to imagine how the current and past economic circumstances affected the average household and the family income. A trend of increasing social polarization was also observable during the period 1990-2014 in Bulgaria, the rich becoming richer and the poor people becoming poorer. In addition, the closing down of factories and reducing the number of free employment spaces, has led to low- wages. This can be linked with the neo-classical theory, which states that people from low-wage countries will move to high-wage countries (Usheva, 2011) For instance, Bulgarians were moving a lot to Germany due to the fact that in 1999 the German salaries were 31 times higher and in 2003 16 times. (Usheva, 2011) Two main trends can be observed in Bulgaria one of which is people moving from villages and small and medium-sized towns to big cities and people leaving the country to seek better life abroad. The first was better seen during the industrialization during the Communists’ rule and after that, while the second one was more noticeable after 2001, when the development period had started and the visa regulations for Bulgarians were no longer enforced. The Bulgarian accession to the European Union in 2007 has led to further emigration from the country, which is an ongoing trend. (Usheva, 2011) According to a World Bank report Bulgaria’s population between 1950 and 1990 grew from 7.3 million to 8.8 million and then fell in half the time to 7.5 million by 2010. Emigration alone contributed to a 10 percent decline of the economically active population since the 1990s. (World Bank) The share of rural population has also been decreasing from 35.2% in 1985 to 29.3% in 2007. (Mladenov, Ilieva, 2012) We can also divide the population in to active (15-65 years) and non-active (0-15 years/65+) to better understand the outcome of the inner and outer migrations. As most of the emigrants are of active age, Bulgaria has already experienced shortage of labor supply and “brain-drain”. (Usheva, 2011) This is also one of the factors for the aging population, which I will discuss in the next section. Linking depopulation and migration to the aging population of Bulgaria we should observe also how the older population migrates. In the western world there is a trend where the retired population moves from rural to urban grounds, as there are more medical services, better lifestyle, better facilities and infrastructure for a calm life. However, in Bulgaria in many cases the retired population returns to their birthplaces. (Mladenov, Ilieva, 2012), which are mostly rural. This is due to the fact that there they can grow their own fruits and vegetables, which
aids their lifestyle. This is quite peculiar as they normally have low pensions and the small villages and town normally have less equipped medical services than the larger towns.
The aging population is a common problem amongst the European Union members, as it is in Bulgaria. Also, according to the paper by L. J. Kulcsar and C.Bradatan it is also especially common in post-industrial societies. Until 1990 Eastern Europe had a younger median age compared to Western Europe, but since then it is sharply aging and now the Eastern part is surpassing the Western one. (Kulcsar, Bradatan, 2014) The most negative aspect of the demographic development, or more accurately underdevelopment, is the high rate of ageing of the population. It has a number of harmful economic and social consequences. (Rangelova, 2003) Even though that the ageing is indirectly a result of bad economic conditions, it does affect the economy directly: decreasing the labor force, declining savings and increasing health care and pensions expenditure. (Rangelova, 2003) Due to the transition period in Bulgaria many sectors were affected. One of which was the social one, leaving the old people with a low standard of living, characterized by high rate of unemployment.(Rangelova, 2003) Low pensions and poor support over medical expenditures also add up to the overall lifestyle of the old people. Birth rate is of first importance to the ageing population. The total fertility rate in 2002 was 1.23, which is below the minimum of 2.1 required for a stationary population. (Rangelova, 2003) F. Usheva talks about the family as a structure and its importance to the social factor and birth rate and how Bulgaria used to have very strong family ties and traditions, which was slowly changing with the years around 1989. Bulgarians started to adopt the model of the Westerners, which is based on the individual and individuality. In that way young parents donâ€™t see why they should necessarily create a family or have children in their 20s, as it used to be, which reduces the birth rate and enhances the trend of the aging population.
The family structure and relationships also affect whether younger people take care for their older relatives. (Kulcsar,Bradatan, 2014) Firstly, if the younger have emigrated, which is a usual scenario in Bulgaria, the older relatives are left on their own. Secondly, what can be noticed in Bulgaria is that the older take care for the younger with their pensions, because there is a high unemployment amongst the active population.
Talking before about migrations we saw that the share of the population, which is mostly emigrating, is the active. This rapidly drives the aging process of many rural and small sized areas. (Kulcsar, Bradatan, 2014) This leaves old people in old buildings on their own and also reduces the chance of local revenues and future prospects for population replacement. This is why I am trying to see if this is the case in Varosha, Lovech and how future urban developments and population replacement can be made. However, forecasts by the World Bank state that by 2050, one in three Bulgarians is projected to be older than 65 and only one in two Bulgarians will be of working age. They also talk about how ageing might depress entrepreneurial activity and innovation, alongside fiscal savings. (World Bank)
Diagram 1. Individual Non-Architectural Approach
Approach Site Selection and Location Driver for Selection Varosha, which is a small neighborhood in Lovech, was chosen because of its historical and architectural significance. However, in recent years it has become unrecognized as such, the aim of the paper is to show whether it shares similar conditions as these in the country and how this can be made better.
DOBREV Figure ground study of Varosha, Lovech Buildings in Varosha in BLACK
Varosha, Lovech Lovech is a town of medium size, situated in the Central part of Bulgaria. It is an important municipal and regional point. The municipality itself is made out of 34 separate villages. Historically Varosha is the neighborhood where Lovech started its initial development as a settlement and later as an urban area. It is situated along the right bank of the Osam river, which separates Lovech in half. In 1968 the Communist party realized the merit of the area and Varosha was proclaimed Architectural- Historical Reserve (AHR) by law. This way more than 200 historical and architectural monuments from the 19C were preserved.
During 2009 and 2010 the number of people leaving Lovech has increased- the main reason is the economic crisis and loss of jobs. There is no exact data where exactly they have fled to, but they share the trend in the country and have moved to the bigger cities or abroad. Statistics show that 40% of people of active age have left Lovech and the council has outlined a current depopulation and aging problem. The number of employed people in Lovech has decreased by 3.4% between 2005-2009, while in national aspect they have increased with 4.2%. From this can be deduced that the active population of Lovech has found jobs elsewhere in the country.
Methods of gathering qualitative data I used two methods of investigation: the first was informal interviews with residents of Varosha above the age of 65 or currently pensioners and with the Head Architect of Lovech; the second, through digital media I tried capturing the current atmosphere and make observations in detail. I also undertook different routes in Varosha in different times of the day twice during weekdays and once on the weekend.
MORNING ROUTE LUNCH ROUTE LATE AFTERNOON ROUTE
Diagram of the undertaken routes
Observations Routes in Varosha were undertaken during morning, lunch and afternoon hours, so the diurnal changes could be made. Varosha has developed organically through time and consists of twoand three-storey houses dispersed on a hill. The steep topography makes the area hard for transport and readaptation, but the locals have managed it for years. As an AHR almost all of the houses share a same typology in size, faĂ§ade, yard-to-house relation and etc. The research was carried out during winter, which can be the reason for the derelict streets. There werenâ€™t a lot of tourists or locals outside during all of the times of the day. Most of the smaller and steeper streets were covered by ice and snow, making the moving and transportation hard.
However, parked cars could be seen almost everywhere, not only on the main street. The people in AHR Varosha are predominantly older people. However, there is a school and a nursery where children go. They are not only from Varosha, but from Lovech and the near villages.
Interviews An informal interview with the Head Architect of Lovech gave me an insight of the council’s data of Lovech and stance for AHR Varosha. This way I was able to compare and contrast the answers given to me by the residents of Varosha and the council’s ones. All of the people I talked to are retired, but working or having some sort of business in Lovech. They were picked randomly for the sake of diversity of positions they might have. It turned out that most of them share similar viewpoints about their lifestyle and the situation in AHR Varosha. For that reason I have tried to combine all of their opinions and stances under different sections, such as economy, family, business, tourism.
Outcome Council - Locals
After 2000 the council has done a few projects in Varosha: repairing one of the buildings in the school “Panayot Pipkov”, façade refurbishment of the museum “Vasil Levski”, façade painting and roof repair of the roof of City Art Gallery, a stage was erected for different events in the square “Todor Kirkov”, special light installations were mounted on the way to the monument of Vasil Levski and around it and the fortified wall. (“IES Project”, 2008) However, the locals state
that not much is done in Varosha by the council and the properties, which are in worst shape, are the council ones. They don’t receive any help from the council in order to sustain the AHR, which reflects in the poor condition in some of the buildings. Also there are no fees on undersustained buildings by the council, which starts to reflect in locals disrupting the overall ensemble.
AHR Varosha People can remember how there were strict rules between 1968 and 1989 and how they were meant and aided to preserve their homes, so that the AHR could have a better outlook. The aid was done by opening a state-owned storage, where the locals were able to buy specific materials cheaper. Nowadays, there is a scarcity for these materials and also a lack of specialized working force. The only thing that was refurbished in the summer of 2014 was the local City Bath “Deli Hamaam”. Even though it was funded by a government project with European funds, people find it attractive and think it will boost tourism, thus more funds for the council and for them respectively.
Tourism Tourism in AHR Varosha was well developed before 1989 as Bulgaria had very tight relationships with the other Communist countries. This way a lot of large tourist groups from East Germany, the Soviet Union and etc. were visiting Varosha. In recent times, what drives people to Lovech are its natural beauties- the Devetaki cave and the Krushuna waterfall, both situated near the city. However, the number of previous tourist groups can’t be achieved and most of the visiting tourists are Bulgarians, rather than foreigners. However, the municipality notices an increase in the income from tourist taxes.
Businesses When visiting the Devetaki cave and the Krushuna waterfall, people prefer to sleep over in the small hotels in Varosha according to the locals. Many of them have a house or a room to let; also there are private small hotels in Varosha. In addition, there are around 5 restaurants, pubs and cafes in total, where people go to dine. According to Mr. Matzev, there used to be around 40 restaurants, pubs and cafes in total before. The economic conditions and the migrating of young people has shrunk down any future opportunities for new businesses.
Economy From an economic aspect Lovech, in general, used to be an important industrial town. There were around 6500 people employed in the “Balkan” factory and also many more thousands in “Velur” and “Elprom”. However, after 1989 almost all of them are closed or their working hours
are reduced. This leads to a great emigration from the town and from Varosha respectively. According to statistics population in Lovech has dropped from 70,000 to 30,000 in recent years,. However, locals think that there can’t be more than 15,000 people nowadays. Varosha was also famous as a place of craftsmen, which fame is now gone as most of the craftsmen have passed away or unable to work and they haven’t passed on their knowledge to the younger ones.
Infrastructure The streets are preserved as they used to be because of the AHR laws, except for the main one which leads to the top, where the monument and the fortress are. However, people complain and suggest that a “no-car” policy should be adopted. They are also unsatisfied by the condition of the drainage system, but the council can’t do much as it is a preserved area and any intervention might harm the heritage. With the opening of big supermarkets in the city center, the locals have been driven to shop from there. This has left only 3 working small corner shops in Varosha, where only the oldest go to shop there. Unfortunately, there isn’t a pharmacy in AHR Varosha, which is noted as a big disadvantage, having in mind the predominant age of the locals.
All of the people I have talked to have relatives in the capital of Bulgaria-Sofia or abroad. Confirming the ongoing trend, they are all of active age and are working in Sofia or abroad and that’s their main reason for moving out. The local people state that there are around 15 children currently in Varosha and only one young family has moved in in recent years. People with a few properties in Varosha are trying to sell some of them, but there isn’t much of an interest.
Diagrams showing what the effect of the socio-economic issues is on Varosha, Lovech
Conclusion In conclusion, the shifting circumstances in Bulgaria throughout the years have affected Varosha negatively. The economic crises have had a crucial effect on the social tissue in the preserved area. People are currently emigrating from Varosha, leaving an aging population. This has also had effect on the built fabric, as pensioners struggle to sustain or sell their own properties. There are many more aspects, which can be analyzed in order to understand the problems of the people in Varosha. In terms of tourism, it can be deduced that Lovech is not a welldeveloped tourist destination, but has the potential of one. A steady flow in the tourism sector might earn more capital and bring younger people back alongside new investments. In addition, new job offers and working opportunities should be introduced, especially for the younger ones, to decrease the depopulation. This can be achieved either through tourism or by opening new shops such as: retail, craft, food and pharmacies in Varosha. A further aging population will require more and more public and health services, which should be better provided in Varosha. Supplementary, transport links from each point of the area should be improved due to the decreased mobility of the old people.
The council should interfere more in the life of people in Varosha, by offering cheaper service for sustaining the built environment and applying fees on people who illegally readapt or repaint their houses, this way preserving the national heritage.
The council could improve the birth rate in Varosha by introducing some sort of aid for young and educated families, this way reducing depopulation and aging in the area. This should be of government concern as well.
By speaking to both the council and the residents of AHR Varosha I see that both of them share common concerns for the area and are willing to improve its plight.
Public spaces: a case study of social fragmentation on the streets of Piccadilly Basin, Manchester or
CHAPTER 1. WHOSE STREETS? Res ea r c h c on duc ted i n th e la s t dec a de h a s dem on s tr a ted th a t p eop le p la c e th e q ua li ty of th ei r loc a l en v i r on m en t h i gh on th e a gen da of i s s ues th a t c on c er n th em a n d m os t n eed i m p r ov i n g (MORI, 2005). T h i s h i gh li gh ts th e gen er a l di s s a tisfaction about the state of urban environments, particularly with the uality of local neighbourhoods, crime levels and disused public spaces. The current wave of rebuilding and regeneration re ects a new optimism that the persistent gap between the ideal of public space and its reality can be resolved (DEMOS 2005). Indeed, a number of regeneration programs are in progress in Ma n c h es ter , i n c ludi n g P i c c a di lly B a s i n . N ev er th eless, these are undertaken by development and investment companies, such as Town entre Securities PL , all fuelled by the growth in private and corporate wealth, and are increasingly concerned with uestions of security and social control over public and private space ( yfe 199 ). The utopian image of a public realm incorporating social interaction, cultural e change, and political action, became fragmented, increasing fear, suspicion, tension and con ict between di erent social groups. The privately owned ones, such as corpor a te r eta i l outlets , c on tr ol th e m a n a gem en t of s p a c e and discourage any heterogeneous activities, such
F ig u r e 1 . Piccadilly Basin e nt r ance ( t o a car p ar k )
as sleeping in public spaces. Thus, the lost or hidden territories, such as spaces under canal bridges, allow the deviation of norm in the form of homeless people and other nonconformities. The privatisation of a public street via positioning of cameras on residential buildings, separation via fences and gates of entire residential blocks, ensures the withdrawal and alienation of civilians from the public network of voluntary support that most individuals unconsciously contribute to (Jacobs 1961). Jane Jacobs and other prominent urban planners de ned what supposedly makes a high uali ty s uc c es s f ul en v i r on m en t, y et m a n y p la c es th a t s eem to c or r es p on d to th e c r i ter i a a r e dev oi d of human activity. This paper will attempt to investigate the reasons behind the emptiness and disuse of public areas in Piccadilly Basin, Manchester, particularly evident in contrast with its neighbouring regions, such as Northern uarter. T h e h y p oth es i s of th i s p a p er s ta tes : The privatisation and overarching obsession to secure spaces into orderly insipid entities through use of CCTVs, and segregation of spaces, causes social fragmentation, resulting in the general distrust between people and avoidance of streets. This research will comprise of urban planning m eth odologi es a n d a p p r oa c h es (s ee c h a p ter
TOTAL PLAN RADIANT CITY
TECHNOCRATIC PLANNING Static city
Zoning GARDEN CITY
DIVERSITY| COMPLEXITY| ORDER organised
sp on t
Trial and Error
RIGHT TO THE CITY COMMUNICATIVE PLANNING
NEW URBANISM PLANNING
Criticism Influence Idea continuation
compact mixed use contextualism clear centres coherent form public spaces TOD
space for experimentation
F ig u r e 2 . U r b an Planning M ain T h e o r ie s
C o nt e nt s C h ap t e r 2 will e plore literature encompassing key concepts and proposals of safety within urban planning te ts, in uences of privatisation and its e ects on the public realm, while also drawing on some socio-anthropological ideas regarding spatial
c on s tr uc ts s uc h a s p la c es / n on p la c es . C h ap t e r 3 will provide an overall description of the area, and describe research methods emp loy ed i n th i s p a p er . C h ap t e r 4 will comprise of analysis and evaluation of the collected data, relating it the wider theoretical base e plored in hapter 2 C h ap t e r 5 will be relating the ndings presented i n th e p r ev i ous c h a p ter s to th e h y p oth es i s , a n d concluding the paper with a potential answer to the raised above uestions.
3). The term ‘urban planning’ is de ned here as ‘processes and patterns of actions and regulation through which the use of land and buildings is controlled by the public actor’ (Moroni, 2014).
CHAPTER 2. DEFENSIBLE SPACES
“ A wel l - used city street is apt to b e a saf e street. A deserted city street is apt to b e unsaf e. ” ( J acob s 1 9 6 1 :3 4 ) A wide range of late twentieth century urban planning literature established principles for successful design and maintenance of e isting spaces. Jane Jacobs asserted the importance of diversity in regards to the distribution of public space uses that would give each other mutual support, both economically and socially ( igure 2). She utilised case s tudi es to f or m ula te s uc c es s f ul a n d un s uc c es s f ul urban planning strategies, in contrast to previous orthodo planning, with no consideration for the communities. Although her radical legacy is widely acknowledged, and re ected in renowned regeneration advice te ts, such as rban Design ompendium (Llewelyn Davies, 2000), the contrast between the reality of the urban environment and the planners’ preconceptions are very di erent. Tom Schumacher proposed a middle ground between the traditional city and the city in a park (Le orbusier’s Radiant ity criticised by Jacobs), by distorting idealised programmatic building types to better conform to spatial pressure of the surrounding conte t. This approach is reminiscent of New rbanism, and its emphasis on the urban form, th e m os t p r om i n en t c ur r en t p la n n i n g s tr a tegy .
WORK F ig u r e 3 . D iv e r sit y MORI’s report on liveability, 2002, indicated the population’s concern with the public space uses, particularly street crime and its impact on the urban uality of life. Although the 2005 report demonstrates an improvement, the problems associated with dense urban environments, such as street safety, remain distinctively prominent.
Oscar Newman’s e ploration of defensible spaces i s c r uc i a l i n un der s ta n di n g th e i dea s of s a f ety i n public realm. Streets provide security in the form of p r om i n en t p a th s f or c on c en tr a ted p edes tr i a n and vehicular movement windows and doorways, when facing streets, e tend the one of residents’ territorial commitments, and allow for the continua l c a s ua l s ur v ei lla n c e i n p a s s i n g c a r s . T h i s i n di c a tes that empty streets, devoid of any activity, are in f a c t da n ger ous .
F ig u r e 4 . D e f e nsib le S p ace s
Visibility ouse ence Roa d
The Audit ommission highlights the importance of deterring anti-social behaviour and crime to nurture social inclusion. Jane Jacobs’ solution to street safety was in the network of voluntary controls and standards amongst the people, and enforced by the people. She asserted three main ualities re uired for a successful city neighbourhood: 1. lear separation between public and private 2. Eyes upon the street (people in adjacent buildi n gs ) 3. onstant street activity Research by DEMOS has shown that many of the public needs are in fact intangible public spaces increasingly undermined by a focus on safety, producing bland non-places that do not attract or retain people. The rise of privatisation of public spheres, such as shopping centres, and TV systems, results in social fragmentation and loss of space for shared e periences between people. This is reminiscent of Relph’s phenomenological approach towards spaces, and the need to consider their e periential ualities. e de ned placelessness as the casual eradication of distinctive places a n d th e m a k i n g of s ta n da r di s ed la n ds c a p es th a t r e
sults from insensitivity to the signi cance of place. The ‘culture of control’ ( arland 2001) increasingly characterises many countries around the world, particularly the north western hemisphere, and ‘in the process our civic culture becomes increasi n gly les s toler a n t a n d i n c lus i v e, i n c r ea s i n gly les s capable of trust’ ( arland 2001: 195). The social fragmentation, resulting from increasing ine ualities and distrust within urban communities, is evident in our security-heavy urban landscape. The TV cameras constantly observe public spaces, whereas private security guards police commercial spaces (DEMOS 2004). The increasingly oppressive and e cessive controlling of our environment are undermining the individual. In Discipline and Punishment, oucault (1977) argues that Bentham’s Panopticon, where ‘the few’ observe ‘the many’, is a paradigm for a modern society in which surv ei lla n c e h a d r ep la c ed s p ec ta c les of s ov er ei gn power as the pre-eminent means of social control. This distinct hegemony continued into the modern era of TV cameras, where invisibility is a guarantee of power and visibility is a trap . The word surveillance is associated with policing and crime control. In Britain, TV is crucial in the attempt to create order in streets and public spaces. It may be read directly from the policies and targeted spending of the conservative gov-
F ig u r e 6 . C C T V and p e o p le ernment and of the early 1990s and New Labour since then (Lyon 1994:39). The responses to surveillance range from positive, due to the potential solution of urban problems, such as vandalism, to despair at the creation of an Orwellian dystopia (Lyon 1994). owever, while surveillance systems and private policing do contribute to giving s om e s en s e of s ec ur i ty , th ey c a n a ls o a c c en tua te fear by distrust among people (Ellin 1996: 153). sing these te ts as a background base, this essay will attempt to place and e plain the reasons behind the disuse of public spaces in a speci c area in Manchester Piccadilly Basin ( igure 4).
KEY reat Ancoats St anals/water infrastructure Railway
F ig u r e 5 . Piccadilly Basin Bo u ndar y
CHAPTER 3. METHODOLOGY Piccadilly Basin is an area between the Ashton and Rochdale anals, and is currently in the proc es s of r edev elop m en t. Its s outh er n p a r t c on ta i n s a new residential block, Piccadilly Village, and the N or th er n p a r t f ea tur es s ev er a l a lr ea dy c om p leted buildings from the general master plan. Both territories branch out along the canals, and both are consistently devoid of human activity, despite the claims of ‘uni ue sense of community’ by the redevelopment companies (Piccadilly Village, 2015). T h e s tr eets i n th e a r ea s s eem to m a i n ta i n n um er ous TVs and the gated Piccadilly Village shadows the ‘form follows fear’ motto (Ellin 1997).
a n oi a , a r e n ot s olv i n g th e i s s ues of s a f ety ; a n d s egregation of spaces through gating, essentially causes social fragmentation, resulting in the general distrust between people and avoidance of streets. The author will proceed the research by analysing the area from a critical urban theorist perspective, inspired by Jane Jacobs, while drawing upon socio-anthropological concepts, and attempting to distinguish intangible ualities of the chosen urban area, inspired by Relph’s ideas about places and non-places (Relph, 1976), thus, e ploring ualitative methodology of data collection. T h e a uth or a s p i r es to p r ov i de a c om p r eh en sive insight into the issues and problems of urban planning systems within Piccadilly Basin, via:
ACE L P
- Ma p p i n g a n d a n a ly s i n g th e c ur r en t us e of s p a c es in Piccadilly Basin and ju taposing it with developers’ claims -Mapping out TV locations - onducting interviews with the residents to gauge the sense of community in the neighbourhood (see Appendi A) -Personal observations (backed up by literature).
N IO PT
PLAC E|N O
ollowing the presented research above, the auth or f or m ula ted a h y p oth es i s : T h e p r i v a te s ec tor a i m s to a p p r op r i a te s p a c es a n d s ec ur e th em i n to orderly entities, deemed successful in their eyes, and with little consideration for public opinion, (des p i te th ei r c on tr a r y s ta tem en ts ). In th i s i n s ta n c e the private actor, given the reign of power by the council, is deemed as the ultimate master planner, designing entire ones that are controlled and manipulated. The use of TV cameras supposedly to ensure people’s safety, yet o en increasing par-
Figure 7. e M e t h o do lo g y diag r am : Q u alit ati e an uanti ati e e o s F ig u r e 8 . A b o v e M e t h o do lo g y diag r am : I nt e r v ie w s
The universal conse uence of the crusade to secure the city is the destruction of any truly democratic urban space Davis Piccadilly Basin features a variety of urban spaces , s uc h a s th e i dy lli c P i c c a di lly v i lla ge, i n dus tr i al era canals, and derelict warehouses. There are two distinct open paths, following along the Rochdale and Ashton anals, as well as a number of smaller closed streets in between. The wide Store St cuts through the entire area, thus linking New Islington and ity entre, however, the area seems to be generally devoid of cars and people, with occasional joggers ( igure 9). There are no open public spaces in the neighbourhood, with the e ception of Piccadilly Basin itself,
ly oned retail facility across reat Ancoats Street, with several o ces, and many residential buildings, i t i s ev i den tly n ot en ough to s us ta i n th e c om m unity, hence, the profusion of car parks ( igure 10) the neighbourhood becomes the means to a destination, rather than a destination in itself. This provides a striking contrast with the Northern uarter, an adjacent region, with its clubs, cafes, numerous sidewalk shops, and never ending stream of people.
CHAPTER 4. OUR STREETS?
The area is heavely constrained by the remnants of
F ig u r e 9 . Piccadilly Basin - R e de v e lo p m e nt ar e a t o t h e N o r t h , Piccadilly V illag e in t h e S o u t h . Connecting e icle rou es
F ig u r e 1 0 . C ar Par k s
KEY ouses/infrastructure ar Parks
most of which is occupied by the water basin, thus leaving the sidewalks around. The compactness of th e a r ea , a n d th e m a s ter p la n f or i t, s eem to strive towards the Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) idea, which mi es: residential, retail, o ce, open space, and public uses, in a walkable environm en t, m a k i n g i t c on v en i en t f or r es i den ts to em p loy methods of public transport, walking, or cycling (Wheeler and Beatley 2004). owever, at the moment, Piccadilly Basin has no cultural facilities, such as schools, and libraries, no bars, restaurants, or small business shops. Although it contains a clear-
the Industrial Age, the canals and bridges, which form the de ning aspect of the area. The spaces under the bridges are generally empty during daytime however, they feature a range of societal un der c la s s es , s uc h a s h om eles s p eop le, a n d p r os titutes, a rather ironic fact, given the distinct tendency of the area towards gentri cation, evident in the new apartments, and entire gated residential blocks. The concept of gentri cation is designed to reduce diversity on the streets, domesticating urban space, and rendering it safe for reinvestment and resettlement by the wealthy (Smith, 1992). In this case study the segregation is evidently planned to prevent connection with the surrounding environment, thus, the spaces are le abandoned from the constant natural surveillance by people, allowing occasional transgressions from the norm. In continuation of the paperâ€™s investigation of segregated areas, Piccadilly Village, established in 1990, can be seen as a perfect e ample of privatisation of public space ( igure 11). Physically gated communities re ect the desire of a uent groups to s ep a r a te th em s elv es f r om th e r es t of s oc i ety , of ten re ecting a fear of crime (Smith and Low, 2006). Oscar Newmanâ€™s statement, When people begin to p r otec t th em s elv es a s i n di v i dua ls a n d n ot a s a community, the battle against crime is e ectively lost (Newman, 1972:3), essentially describes how problematic that a tude is. In Defensible spac-
es he recommends the positioning of apartment windows to allow residents to naturally survey the e terior and interior public areas of their living environment, which is impossible in instances of this case study. The buildings are oriented away from the street, thus rendering streetsâ€™ ability to handle strangers literally impossible. The presence of a derelict warehouse on the other side of the street produces a truly alienating e perience ( igure 12). The other side of the canal contains a number of terraces facing the pavement, which is comparatively busiest in the entire neighbourhood. Neverth eles s , c er ta i n a r ea s of th e c a n a l f ea tur e s tr a n ge contrasts, with the barrier of water separating lone paths from seemingly ourishing and very inaccessible greenery on the other side ( igure 13). The privatisation (gating) of purely residential communities withdraws people from the streets of their own neighbourhoods, thus, rendering the populations engagement with the public realm, ealously advocated by Jacobs, impossible ( igure 14). In turn, crime, uncivil behaviour, and other deviations from the established norm, contribute to avoidance a n d c on s eq uen t dec li n e of th e s tr eets , dev elop i n g a v i c i ous c y c le th a t th e dev elop er s di d n ot s olv e. Piccadilly village, originally intended as a mi ed-use
KEY ouses anals/water infrastructure ences/walls Inaccessible bridge
F ig u r e 1 1 . Piccadilly V illag e
Throughout the author’s numerous visits to the area, a discernible comparison to Jacobs’ description of New York’s Broadway benches was achieved. She wrote that benches allowing observing witness of human activity were constantly occupied, whereas on reaching olumbia niversity, the benches were le empty (Jacobs 1961: 37). Piccadilly Basin also possesses many benches along the canals, which are always empty, apart from occasional youths smoking marijuana. owever, seating spaces just across reat Ancoats St, and outside the Vivid Lounge caf in New Islington, are o en lled. The planners’ inconsideration for providing variety seems a recurring theme in the neighbourhood.
F ig u r e 1 2 . C h ap e lt o w n S t .
F ig u r e 1 3 . I nacce ssib le g ar de ns
development, ‘containing residences, cra studios, shops, o ces and a pub’ (Piccadillyvillage.co.uk), would have probably resolved many urban problems in that area of the city, simply by attracting people, and providing a certain consistent circulation of people around the se ng. Instead, the current dev elop m en t p r oduc ed m a n y n on - p la c es , a n d destroyed any potential of engagement with that area.
T h e oth er s i de of th e c a n a l i s c ur r en tly i n th e p r oc es s of r edev elop m en t, a n d i ts m a s ter p la n s eem s eq ua lly opportunistic in its refusal to engage and connect p eop le to th a t r egi on of Ma n c h es ter ; i ts r i gi d la n d us e oning is similar to the isolation strategies of gated neighbourhoods, thus, increasing social fragmentation of the community. The Rochdale anal side of Piccadilly Basin is currently being redeveloped by Ian Simpson Architects ( igure 14), an interesting f a c tor , s i n c e th ey h a v e c om p leted n um er ous , s om e iconic, projects in Manchester, such as Beetham Tower, rbis, and Merchants Warehouse, thus, producing an e ect of one person essentially reshaping the city. This procures an oppressive technocratic position, under the disguise of New rbanism, as the architect’s ego manages the development of major urban areas, thus impacting an entire city.
Figure 1 . a e resi ential co
In addition, the common thread of taking urbanism concepts and distorting them is evident in the abundance of TV cameras in the area. Research shows that TVs are not an e ective means for reducing crime (Minton, 2012) although they are effective at reducing incidents of burglary and property crime, they are not e ective against personal crime, violent crime or public disorder (Armitage,
1. Offices Proposal 2. Residential Proposal 3. Retail Proposal 4. Navigation and Bridge Houses 5. The Place - Apart-Hotel 6. ISSA Quay 7. The Met Apartments 8. Vantage Quay 9. Jacksons Warehouse 10.ILVA
3 9 8 7
4 5 F ig u r e 1 5 . Z o ne d m ast e r p lan 2002). Manchester Police Department statistics illus tr a tes th a t m os t c r i m es r em a i n un s olv ed. In f a c t, ‘the potential impact of TVs is the imposition of ‘a middle class tyranny on the last signi cant urban realm of refuge for other modes of life’ (Boddy, 1992:150). The original idea of a defended space has rebounded into increased defensive behaviour and fear (Wallis, 2012), abolishing Jacobs’ vision of the street as an ‘open minded public space’ (Lees 199 ). Nevertheless, the abundance of TV, particularly in privatised areas ( igure 16), follows s general emphasis on the surveillance, with one camera for every thirty-si adults surveilled (Lewis, 2011). The cameras are o en private, and are positioned on private buildings, however, they observe public streets, thus also
taking control over the public realm surprisingly th er e a r e n o c a m er a s i n th e m os t da n ger ous a r eas, such as under bridges, thus raising a uestion of credibility of such methods of crime prevention. The informal interviews with people working in Ducie ouse and visiting the local cafe, established a common thread ‘ rban developers seem to do a lot of things, but they aren’t very good at listening to people’. Some interviewees acknowledged the general de ciency of available activities, and lack of facilities to keep people in the area at different times of the day, with only ‘Aldi, M S, and ym being the only assets in the area’, ‘The New Islington ‘hipster’ area, doesn’t have much either’. Some interviewees highlighted the potential that
F ig u r e 1 6 . Pr iv at e co nt r o lling p u b lic sp ace s
Figure 17. CCTV locations in Piccadilly Basin
Nevertheless, there were places that brought togeth er th e c om m un i ty , a t lea s t i n th e c en tr a l a r ea , such as Linda’s Pantry caf /sandwich bar. It seemed a vibrant island during the lunch time on week days. At rst it seemed strange and random that every new person coming in either nodded or started talking to people already si ng down and eating, but a er striking conversation with some of them, it turned out that they all worked in Ducie ouse across the street. Lynda’s was the only food outlet i n th a t a r ea , a n d a lth ough i t p r ov ed to h a v e a v er y bu ing sense of community, with people working in o ces around the area it was mostly popular with men. On further en uiry, this was due to the lack of ‘healthy options’, which evidently suggests that a variety of di erent cafes would be able to cater for di erent tastes, and thus, attract a wider demographic, completely transforming the se ng. Similarly, just around the corner, the Jolly Angler - a
family pub, was described as vibrant and busy in the evenings, however, people who commuted to Piccadilly Basin for work, referred to it as strictly for locals. In c on c lus i on , th e gen er a l a tm os p h er e of P i c c a di lly Basin, created a sense of alienation and being unwelcome not a single space produced a sense of belonging or being able to identify with, thus, correlating to the concept of a non place, which comes into e istence when people do not recognise themselves i n i t, or c ea s e to r ec ogn i s e th em s elv es i n i t (A uge, 1995). In fact, a er instances of walking past two people on Pigeon St. and being spat on, the author felt e tremely uncomfortable due to fear induced by all the forms of oppression, and was not able to conduct the planned interviews on the streets.
the close pro imity of Piccadilly train station can bring, as a prominent link to the rest of the city.
CHAPTER 5. RIGHT TO THE CITY (Harvey, 2008) This paper attempted to explore some of the underlying issues of street safety, the effects of privatisation and social fragmentation. The research and analysis of the issues underlying the obsessive need for security systems, such as effects of CCTV cameras, through a planning and socio-anthropological perspective provided an expansive data, and the perception approach to the area inspired a sense of distrust, particularly towards the ability of a limited number of people controlling the public realm. The second chapter reviewed some of the key ideas regarding street safety, including Newman’s Defensible spaces, and Shumacher’s compromise between Le Corbusier’s technocratic ideal and Jacobs’ diversity approach, as well as investigating liveability and think tank’s reports in regards to public spaces, also in relation to urban environment and its effects on the population. The methods of public control through distortion of the ideas described above produce a warped hegemony over the public realm. The paper investigated these through a specific case study, focusing on Piccadilly Basin. The last chapter, ‘Our Streets?’ essentially questions the public’s right to the city. The paper continued the investigation of the case study, mostly focusing on the quantitative approach to data collection and using the literature explored earlier, particularly Jacobs’ views as an inspiration and a background. The paper’s investigation of the area, with a particular focus on privatisation embodied in the use of CCTV and gated communities, attempted to discover the apparent disuse of public spaces. The results, responding to the hypothesis, can be summarised as follows: -The urban planners quantitative approach lacks consideration for the people, and the segregation of public realm into zones: Office, Residential, and Retail, as illustrated in Figure 16, appears to be a superficial tactic, based on the aesthetic qualities and a desire to fill in empty space, rather than an actual attention for the needs of the people. -Piccadilly Village is a wasteful entity, appropriating public elements, such as canal walkways, and separating itself from the rest of the city. The gated communities do encourage social fragmentation; however, the public remains gener-
ally accepting of CCTV cameras in public spaces. Finally, the author attempted to illustrate the dangers to the public safety, and the negative implications of the alienation within the social stratification, that the lack of communicative planning causes. Although this paper investigates a specific case study, similar technocratic planning approaches and lack of care for the city as a whole entity can be witnessed throughout Manchester and many other urban elements across UK. Nevertheless, there are instances of activity, whether positive or negative, as people always seem to find breaches within the imposed zoned entities and appropriate the setting as their own right to the city.
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Questions? Dr Deljana Iossifova deljana.iossifova[@manchester.ac.uk@@ University of Manchester Manchester Architecture Research Centre (MARC)