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THE UPPER RAPPAHANNOCK RIVER MAPPING PROJECT: THE CIVIL WAR IN CULPEPER AND FAUQUIER COUNTIES 1862–1864

J O H N S. S A L M O N

AND

S T E P H E N M. T H O MP S O N

ABPP Grant # GA-2255-11-004 American Battlefield Protection Program 1201 Eye Street NW (2255) Washington, DC 20005

This material is based upon work assisted by a grant from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of the Interior.

OCTOBER 2013


THE UPPER RAPPAHANNOCK RIVER MAPPING PROJECT: THE CIVIL WAR IN CULPEPER AND FAUQUIER COUNTIES 1862–1864

J O H N S. S A L M O N

AND

S T E P H E N M. T H O MP S O N

ABPP Grant # GA-2255-11-004 American Battlefield Protection Program 1201 Eye Street NW (2255) Washington, DC 20005

This material is based upon work assisted by a grant from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of the Interior.

Report submitted to: Citizens For Fauquier County Report submitted by: Rivanna Archaeological Services and John S. Salmon, Historian

OCTOBER 2013


C ONTENTS 1

Introduction............................................................................................................................. 1

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Landscape History of Culpeper & Fauquier Counties............................................................ 7 Physical Description ........................................................................................................... 7 Prehistory ............................................................................................................................ 9 European Settlement ......................................................................................................... 11

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The Civil War in Culpeper and Fauquier Counties ............................................................. 23

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Phase Maps ........................................................................................................................... 73 A Note on Map Symbology .............................................................................................. 73 Cedar Mountain August 9, 1862....................................................................................... 74 Rappahannock Station I August 18–25, 1862................................................................... 85 Barbee’s Crossroads November 5, 1862........................................................................... 95 Kelly’s Ford March 17, 1863.......................................................................................... 101 Brandy Station June 9, 1863 ........................................................................................... 108 Auburn I & II October 13–14, 1863 ............................................................................... 120 Buckland Mills October 19, 1863................................................................................... 128 Rappahannock Station II November 7–8, 1863.............................................................. 135 Morton’s Ford February 6–7, 1864................................................................................. 144

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Landscape Evaluation & Archeological Assessment ......................................................... 151 Cedar Mountain Battlefield............................................................................................. 154 Rappahannock Station I Battlefield ................................................................................ 158 Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield...................................................................................... 162 Kelly’s Ford Battlefield .................................................................................................. 165 Brandy Station Battlefield............................................................................................... 168 Auburn I and Auburn II Battlefields............................................................................... 173 Buckland Mills Battlefield.............................................................................................. 176 Rappahannock Station II Battlefield............................................................................... 179 Morton’s Ford Battlefield ............................................................................................... 182 The U.S. Army of the Potomac 1863–1864 Winter Camp ............................................. 185 The Upper Rappahannock River Front ........................................................................... 190

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References........................................................................................................................... 193

Appendix I

Chronology of military Actions in Culpeper & Fauquier Counties, 1862–1864.. 201

Appendix II Annotated Bibliography ...................................................................................... 207 Appendix III Battlefield Defining Features .............................................................................. 229

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F IGURES Cover: Waud, Alfred (1828-1891), Burning the Rappahannock Railway Bridge, October 13, 1863, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004660786/) Figure 1: Map showing the physiographic provinces of northern Virginia.................................... 7 Figure 2: Map showing the primary rivers and streams of Culpeper and Fauquier counties. ........ 8 Figure 3: Slave cabin near Warrenton, August 1863.................................................................... 12 Figure 4: Rural road with Culpeper Court House in the distance................................................. 13 Figure 5: Map showing major settlements & transportation routes of Culpeper and Fauquier counties ...................................................................................................................... 15 Figure 6: Orange & Alexandria Railroad depot, Culpeper Court House, August 1862 ............... 16 Figure 7: Main Street, Warrenton, Facing East, August 1862...................................................... 19 Figure 8: Stacking Wheat, Culpeper, Virginia, September 26, 1863 ........................................... 20 Figure 9: Union foraging parties returning to camp, 1862 ........................................................... 25 Figure 10: Johnston withdraws ..................................................................................................... 26 Figure 11: Culpeper Court House, 1862 ....................................................................................... 27 Figure 12: Troop Movements July 13 - August 9, 1862............................................................... 28 Figure 13: Battle of Cedar Mountain, August 9, 1862. ................................................................ 29 Figure 14: Troop Movements August 9-18, 1862 ........................................................................ 30 Figure 15: Troop Movements August 18-19, 1862 ...................................................................... 31 Figure 16: Movements and Operations, August 20 – 26, 1862 .................................................... 33 Figure 17: Orange and Alexandria railroad bridge across the Rappahannock, August 19, 1862. 34 Figure 18: Bridge building, White Sulphur Springs, Fauquier County, August 1862.................. 35 Figure 19: Union cavalry riding from Orlean to Waterloo Bridge following the previous days engagement at Barbee’s Crossroads, November 6, 1862 .......................................... 38 Figure 20: Movements and operations, November 1 - 10, 1862 .................................................. 39 Figure 21: Movements and operations, November 11 - 30, 1862 ................................................ 41 Figure 22: US Cavalry west of Kelly’s Ford, April 21, 1863....................................................... 42 Figure 23: Movements and operations, April 27 - May 2, 1863................................................... 43 Figure 24: Battle of Brandy Station, June 9, 1863........................................................................ 45 Figure 25: Movements and operations, June 5 - 18, 1863 ............................................................ 46 Figure 26: Movements and operations, July 19 - 31, 1863........................................................... 48 Figure 27: Positions, August 1, 1863............................................................................................ 49 Figure 28: Positions, August 4 - September 7, 1863 .................................................................... 50 Figure 29: Positions, late September 1863 ................................................................................... 51 Figure 30: Movements and operations, October 8 - 11, 1863 ...................................................... 52 Figure 31: Movements and operations, October 12 - 13, 1863 .................................................... 54 Figure 32: Movements and operations, October 14, 1863............................................................ 55 iii


Figure 33: Confederate sabotage of Orange and Alexandria Railroad between Bristoe Station and the Rappahannock river, October 1863 ..................................................................... 56 Figure 34: Movements and operations, October 15 - 20, 1863 .................................................... 57 Figure 35: Battle of Buckland Mills, October 19, 1863 ............................................................... 58 Figure 36: Movements and operations, October 19 - November 9, 1863..................................... 59 Figure 37: Robert Knox Sneeden’s map of destruction around Warrenton, October 1863.......... 61 Figure 38: 1863/4 Winter Camps.................................................................................................. 63 Figure 39: Winter camp of 50th New York Engineers, Rappahannock Station, March 1864 ...... 64 Figure 40: Fugitive slaves crossing Cow Ford on the Rappahannock River, August 1862 ......... 65 Figure 41: Map legend showing symbols used in battle phase maps. .......................................... 73 Figure 42: Cedar Mountain, Phase 1............................................................................................. 77 Figure 43: Cedar Mountain, Phase 2............................................................................................. 78 Figure 44: Cedar Mountain, Phase 3............................................................................................. 79 Figure 45: Cedar Mountain, Phase 4............................................................................................. 80 Figure 46: Cedar Mountain, Phase 5............................................................................................. 81 Figure 47: Cedar Mountain, Phase 6............................................................................................. 82 Figure 48: Cedar Mountain, Phase 7............................................................................................. 83 Figure 49: Cedar Mountain, Phase 8............................................................................................. 84 Figure 50: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 1 ................................................................................ 87 Figure 51: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 2 ................................................................................ 88 Figure 52: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 3 ................................................................................ 89 Figure 53: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 4 ................................................................................ 90 Figure 54: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 5 ................................................................................ 91 Figure 55: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 6 ................................................................................ 92 Figure 56: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 7 ................................................................................ 93 Figure 57: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 8 ................................................................................ 94 Figure 58: Barbee’s Crossroads, Phase 1...................................................................................... 97 Figure 59: Barbee’s Crossroads, Phase 2...................................................................................... 98 Figure 60: Barbee’s Crossroads, Phase 3...................................................................................... 99 Figure 61: Barbee’s Crossroads, Phase 4.................................................................................... 100 Figure 62: Kelly’s Ford, Prelude ................................................................................................ 104 Figure 63: Kelly’s Ford, Phase 1 ................................................................................................ 105 Figure 64: Kelly’s Ford, Phase 2 ................................................................................................ 106 Figure 65: Kelly’s Ford, Phase 3 ................................................................................................ 107 Figure 66: Brandy Station, Prelude............................................................................................. 111 Figure 67: Brandy Station, Phase 1............................................................................................. 112 Figure 68: Brandy Station, Phase 1 North .................................................................................. 113 Figure 69: Brandy Station, Phase 2 North .................................................................................. 114 iv


Figure 70: Brandy Station, Phase 3 North .................................................................................. 115 Figure 71: Brandy Station, Phase 4 North .................................................................................. 116 Figure 72: Brandy Station, Phase 2 South .................................................................................. 117 Figure 73: Brandy Station, Phase 3 South .................................................................................. 118 Figure 74: Brandy Station, Phase 4 South .................................................................................. 119 Figure 75: Auburn I & II, Prelude .............................................................................................. 123 Figure 76: Auburn I & II, Phase 1 .............................................................................................. 124 Figure 77: Auburn I & II, Phase 2 .............................................................................................. 125 Figure 78: Auburn I & II, Phase 3 .............................................................................................. 126 Figure 79: Auburn I & II, Phase 4 .............................................................................................. 127 Figure 80: Buckland Mills, Prelude ............................................................................................ 130 Figure 81: Buckland Mills, Phase 1............................................................................................ 131 Figure 82: Buckland Mills, Phase 2............................................................................................ 132 Figure 83: Buckland Mills, Phase 3............................................................................................ 133 Figure 84: Buckland Mills, Phase 4............................................................................................ 134 Figure 85: Rappahannock Station II, Prelude ............................................................................. 137 Figure 86: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 1............................................................................. 138 Figure 87: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 2............................................................................. 139 Figure 88: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 3............................................................................. 140 Figure 89: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 4............................................................................. 141 Figure 90: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 5............................................................................. 142 Figure 91: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 6............................................................................. 143 Figure 92: Morton’s Ford, Phase 1 ............................................................................................. 146 Figure 93: Morton’s Ford, Phase 2 ............................................................................................. 147 Figure 94: Morton’s Ford, Phase 3 ............................................................................................. 148 Figure 95: Morton’s Ford, Phase 4 ............................................................................................. 149 Figure 96: Morton’s Ford, Phase 5 ............................................................................................. 150 Figure 97: Relief map of Culpeper and Fauquier counties showing CWSAC-defined battlefields. ................................................................................................................................. 152 Figure 98: Map of Culpeper and Fauquier counties showing land cover as classified in the 2006 National Land Cover Database (NLCD). ................................................................ 153 Figure 99: Map of the Cedar Mountain battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields. ....................................................... 155 Figure 100: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Cedar Mountain I Battlefield...................................................... 156 Figure 101: Cedar Mountain Battlefield - view to the southeast from the northern end of General Winder Road (Rt. 657) with Cedar Mountain in the background. .......................... 157 Figure 102: Cedar Mountain Battlefield - view to the south from near the intersection of Old Orange Road (Rt. 692) and Rt. 15 with Cedar Mountain in the background .......... 157 v


Figure 103: Map of the Rappahannock Station I Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields........................................... 159 Figure 104: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Rappahannock Station I Battlefield............................................ 160 Figure 105: Map of the provisional boundaries of the Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield............ 163 Figure 106: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the provisionally defined core and study areas of the Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield........................................... 164 Figure 107: Map of the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields. ................................................................... 166 Figure 108: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield. ............................................................. 167 Figure 109: Map of the Brandy Station Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields. ....................................................... 169 Figure 110: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Brandy Station Battlefield. ......................................................... 170 Figure 111: Map of the Auburn II Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields. ........................................................................ 174 Figure 112: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Auburn II Battlefield. ................................................................. 175 Figure 113: Map of the Buckland Mills Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields. ....................................................... 177 Figure 114: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Buckland Mills Battlefield.......................................................... 178 Figure 115: Map of the Rappahannock Station II Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields........................................... 180 Figure 116: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Rappahannock Station II Battlefield........................................... 181 Figure 117: Map of the Morton’s Ford Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields ........................................................ 183 Figure 118: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Morton’s Ford Battlefield........................................................... 184 Figure 119: Map showing the primary area occupied by the U.S. Army of the Potomac 1863– 1864 winter camp and its associated picket line...................................................... 186 Figure 120: Detail of a view of the 1863–1864 winter camp of the 114th Pennsylvania (1st Brigade, 3rd Division, III Corps) near Brandy Station. Note the rows of log structures with barrel chimneys and tent roofs. ....................................................... 187 Figure 121: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the core area of the 1863–1864 winter camp of the U.S. Army of the Potomac........................................................ 188 Figure 122: Map of in Culpeper and Fauquier counties showing primary battlefields, camps, and corridors of troop movement within the Upper Rappahannock River Front........... 191

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1 I NTRODUCTION This project, dubbed the Upper Rappahannock River Civil War Mapping Project, strives to document the broad and complex historical landscape that extends across much of Fauquier and Culpeper counties and that is anchored along the course of the Rappahannock River as it crosses the Virginia Piedmont. As summarized recently by Clark Hall,1 during much of the Civil War the upper Rappahannock region was strategically important and its control highly contested by both sides. Flowing from the Blue Ridge Mountains to the Chesapeake Bay along the approximate midpoint between the capital cities of Richmond and Washington, D.C., the river formed a natural obstacle to north-south movement that could be exploited and enhanced as a defensive barrier. According to Daniel Sutherland’s recent analysis, “by the summer of 1862, the Rappahannock seemed to be the major obstacle between the Union army and victory in the eastern theater of the Civil War” and for roughly two years the opposing armies struggled to control the river.2 The challenge, as noted by Edward Stackpole, was that the Rappahannock River “afforded a sufficiently strong military obstacle to cause difficulty for armies on the offensive, and conversely, to serve as a formidable aid for defending forces.”3 This project focuses on War-related activities in Culpeper and Fauquier counties during the roughly two-year period, from March 1862 to May 1864, intimated by Sutherland. The legacy of the region’s strategic importance during this period from early 1862 until mid-1864 is attested to by the battlefields of no fewer than nine well-recognized engagements that took place here during this period. These primary battlefields, each of which has received significant study by the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission (CWSAC) and the American Battlefields Protection Program (ABPP),4 include 1) Cedar Mountain [August 9, 1862] 2) Rappahannock Station I [August 22–25, 1862] 3) Kelly’s Ford [March 17, 1863] 4) Brandy Station [June 9, 1863] 5) Auburn I [October 13, 1863] 6) Auburn II [October 14, 1863] 7) Buckland Mills [October 19, 1863] 8) Rappahannock Station II [November 7, 1863] 9) Morton’s Ford [February 6–7, 1864] 1

Clark B. Hall, 2011, Upper Rappahannock River Front: The Dare Mark Line, unpublished manuscript available from the author and online at http://www.fauquiercivilwar.com/Assets/downloads/article_rappahannock_front.pdf. 2 Daniel E. Sutherland, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville: The Dare Mark Campaign (Omaha: University of Nebraska Press, , 1998), 1. 3 Edward J. Stackpole, From Cedar Mountain to Antietam, 2nd ed., (Harrisburg, PA, 1993), 28. 4 These nine sites were identified by the original 1993 CWSAC Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields as among the 384 most historically significant Civil War battlefield sites in the country. Congressionally mandated restudy of these sites was begun by ABPP in 2002 with a strong focus on battlefield boundaries and threats to site preservation. ABPP’s report of the CWSAC restudy is currently in final draft form.

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In addition to the relative density of primary battlefields in the region, the substantial overlap between a number of them, particularly in the Brandy Station–Rappahannock Station–Kelly’s Ford area, is further evidence of the pronounced and enduring military importance of the Rappahannock (and its crossings) during the War. While much existing study has focused upon the region’s principal battle sites, the Upper Rappahannock Mapping Project seeks to more fully contextualize these tracts of “hallowed ground.” Towards this end, this study aims to illuminate the transportation corridors most commonly used by both sides to move troops (and supplies) into and out of the region, the locations of longer-term camps and in particular the Army of the Potomac’s 1863–1864 winter camp south of the Rappahannock, as well as the sites of lesser military engagements, such as the one that took place at Barbee’s Crossroads (modern-day Hume) in northwestern Fauquier County in early November 1862. By uniting these diverse activities within a single analytical framework and stressing their positions within a broader regional landscape, this project hopes to refocus attention away from individual battlefields towards a more holistic vision in which these sites can be appreciated as components of a more encompassing Civil War landscape in which individual places are tied together not simply by chains of events and the movements of historical actors but also by a shared geography that shaped and structured a range of human activities before, during, and after the War. This comprehensive, multifaceted understanding of the region’s strategic importance and consequent military occupation is aided and illuminated by detailed mapping conducted in a Geographical Information Systems (GIS) environment. The many maps produced during this study and included here help to highlight salient elements of regional topography, period transportation corridors and War-related logistical networks, avenues of troop movement, recurrent defensive positions, the boundaries of battles and smaller engagements, as well as the locales of longerterm camps. Because of this study’s ambitious geographical breadth and chronological span, research necessarily has relied heavily on secondary sources whenever these are available. Some of the larger battles encompassed by the study, most notably Cedar Mountain and Brandy Station, have been the focus of one or more authoritative book-length studies while others such as Auburn I and II and Buckland Mills are featured in studies of broader campaigns. Other battles examined here such as Rappahannock Station I, Barbee’s Crossroads, and Morton’s Ford, have received little if any sustained treatment in the secondary literature and in these instances this study draws much more heavily on primary sources, most notably the first-hand accounts and descriptions contained in the War Department’s Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies or “ORs” as they are widely known. In certain specific instances, soldiers’ diaries and memoirs also have been consulted to help resolve questions of interpretation but examination of this group of sources has been far more opportunistic than systematic and exhaustive. Mapping during this project has been conducted with ESRI’s ArcGIS 9.3 geographical information systems software. Background digital geographical data layers utilized by the project are many and varied and include public domain data produced by the Virginia Geographic Information Network and Virginia Base Mapping Program (road centerlines, county boundaries), the US Geological Survey (Digital Raster Graphics, National Elevation Dataset, Geographic Names Dataset, National Hydrography Dataset, National Land Cover Database), the US Department of Agriculture (National Agricultural Imagery Program aerial photographic mosaics, state and county boundary files, watershed boundary files) in addition to various proprietary digital basemaps accessible from within the ESRI ArcGIS software environment (World 2


Imagery, World Shaded Relief, USA Topographic Maps, and National Geographic World Map). The Culpeper County planning department also generously provided various digital geographical data layers utilized during the course of this project. Finally, the American Battlefield Protection Program of the National Park Services provided the digital boundary files (in ESRI shapefile format) for the major battlefields included in this study. In addition to a range of different background or overview maps of the two-county project area, this study expended considerable energy and resources in producing a large number of maps detailing the location and movement of troops across the landscape during the study period. These maps, which illustrate both the region-wide movement of troops across the counties between battles (Part 3) as well as more localized movements within specific battlefields (Part 4) required the construction of numerous digital data layers (in ESRI shapefile format). The broad-scale troop movement maps most typically are based upon line layers representing the routes followed by individual military units as these have been reconstructed from documentary research. Movement lines were digitized to show as accurately as possible the actual routes followed; however, the mid-nineteenth-century courses of area roadways typically are known only approximately while the demands of map production for display purposes invariably required that these courses be defined with varying degrees of geographical precision. In the maps produced from these data, movement lines are represented using colored arrow symbology to show basic identity (US, Confederate) and direction of movement. Annotation layers were also constructed and added to maps to show beginning and ending dates/times of specific movements and to label military units as well as important geographical features. Occasionally, the large-scale troop movement maps also contain specially constructed point layers that describe the locations of military units at specific moments in time. While labeling within these maps relies on annotation groups, attribute tables attached to both point and line data layers were constructed with fields that also contain information on unit identity/affiliation and command.5 The geographically more localized battle phase maps presented below in Part 4 are also based on the construction of multiple digital geographical data layers in ESRI shapefile format. Battle phase maps typically consist of point layers that define the locations in geographical space of the various involved units at specific moments in time as these have been reconstructed from documentary research. Attached attribute tables were constructed with fields containing information on unit type, identity/affiliation, and command. Standardized symbology was developed so that military units could be similarly depicted from map to map. Thus, unique symbols are used to differentiate between infantry, cavalry, and artillery units, color is used to represent the two competing sides of the conflict, and variation in symbol size and font size is used to distinguish between military units and commanders of different orders (e.g., corps, division, brigade, regiment). In addition to point layers representing individual unit locations, separate polygon data layers also were constructed for each phase of each mapped battle. These polygon layers contain stylized arrow shapes that describe/represent the prevailing route and direction of movement, if any, of the individually mapped units during each phase. Attribute tables attached to the arrow shapes contain fields describing the affiliation (US, CS) and general 5

Annotation groups combine text labels and any graphics that might be added to an ArcGIS map composition and link them to a specific data layer or group of data layers such that annotation elements (labels) turn on and off with the layer or layer group. Annotation groups exist only within ArcGIS map documents and cannot be exported.

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type of movement (attack, retreat) and these fields are linked to standard symbology used for mapping purposes. In certain instances, line layers similar to those used in the broader-scale troop movement maps have also been constructed for specific battle phases if movement information could be displayed more effectively in a particular map in this manner. Annotation groups were also constructed for each phase of each mapped battle containing labels that identify individual units as well as salient natural and cultural geographical features of the battlefield. The regional troop movement maps and the battlefield phase maps produced during this study and presented below have also been grouped into multi-page Adobe® PDF map books specific to each episode. Copies of these digital map books accompany this document and can be distributed independently or made available for viewing and download on the Internet. In addition, copies of the ESRI shapefiles constructed during this project containing the locations of military units and their avenues of movement and used in map construction also accompany this document in digital format. Following this introductory section is a three-part narrative (Parts 2, 3, and 4) intended to enhance the reader’s understanding of the maps produced during the study by providing sufficient background and historical context to follow the progress of the Civil War and its effects on the landscape and inhabitants of Culpeper and Fauquier Counties. Part 2 contains an overview of the historical geography of the two-county area and includes discussions of both the natural and built landscape. Part 2 begins with an overview of regional physiography and environment and progresses through summaries of local prehistory and history, ending with the nation on the brink of war. Part 3 contains a broad historical overview of the Civil War in Culpeper and Fauquier counties, including its effects on the civilian population. This part of the narrative is based primarily on John S. Salmon’s The Official Virginia Civil War Battlefield Guide (2001), which is cited here rather than footnoted throughout the text. That book employed the research conducted during the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission study of the early 1990s, which included field work as well as research into published and unpublished secondary and primary sources, many of which are noted in the bibliography. Edwin C. Bearss, Chief Historian Emeritus, National Park Service, was among the many historians who reviewed the guidebook in manuscript. The text formed the basis for “The Civil War in Virginia, 1861–1865: Historic and Archaeological Resources,” a National Register multiple property documentation form, which the National Park Service approved in February 2000, before the book was published. The remainder of the narrative for Part 3, especially the civilian story, is based on the sources noted. The narrative in Part 4 below was written to accompany the battle phase maps. It is likewise based primarily on the Guidebook as well as on the Official Records and other primary and secondary sources that were used in compiling the maps. Those sources are listed in the bibliography. Part 5 follows the phase-by-phase battlefield maps and accompanying narrative of Part 4 and includes discussions the present-day landscapes of each of the major battlefields. In addition to describing prevailing patterns of land use within each battlefield, Part 5 also reviews the history (if any) of archeological research in each location and offers preliminary assessments of the

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archeological potential of the battlefields. The 1863–1864 winter camp of the US Army of the Potomac also receives similar landscape evaluation and archeological assessment in Part 5. In addition to a standard References section, this document also includes, as Appendix I, a chronology of events during the Civil War within the study region. An annotated bibliography of sources important to this study is included in Appendix II. Appendix III contains lists of defining features for each of the major battlefields mapped and discussed in Parts 4 and 5. The defining features lists of Appendix 2 originate with lists compiled during the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission’s original 1993 study but have been amended, edited, and updated during the course of the present project.

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2 L ANDSCAPE H ISTORY OF C ULPEPER & F AUQUIER C OUNTIES PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION Culpeper and Fauquier counties lie within Virginia’s Piedmont physiographic province, an upland region characterized by broad rolling terrain and moderate slopes. In general, elevation increases and terrain becomes more rugged from east to west across the Piedmont, which is bounded to the east by the flatter Tidewater province and to the west by the Blue Ridge Mountain province. A broad Triassic lowland sub-province known as the Culpeper Basin extends northeast to southwest through the central portions of both Fauquier and Culpeper counties, narrowing from about 18 miles in width at the northern boundary of Fauquier to about four miles wide in southern Culpeper County (Figure 1). The relatively flat Culpeper Basin originated as a rift valley during the Mesozoic era and is underlain by various sedimentary sandstones, siltstones, and conglomerates as well as bands and dykes of intrusive igneous rock. Various small mountains arise intermittently from the Culpeper Basin and often (e.g. Pony Mountain, Buzzard Mountain) are composed of intrusive diabase rock. Much of the best agricultural land in Culpeper and Fauquier counties is found within the Culpeper Basin though in northern Fauquier the southern terminus of the Loudoun Valley also contains significant expanses of good crop land. Underlying the more rolling land of the flanking Piedmont province are a range of older, metamorphosed sedimentary and igneous rocks. Greenstone, granite, quartz, and quartzite are common to the Blue Ridge province of northwestern Fauquier County.6

Figure 1: Map showing the physiographic provinces of northern Virginia.

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C. S. Coleman,, Soil Survey of Culpeper County, Virginia (Washington, DC: US Soil Conservation Service, 1952), 4–6; J. H. Petro, Soil Survey of Fauquier County, Virginia, (Washington, DC: US Soil Conservation Service, 1956), 5–9; C. M. Bailey, Physiographic Map of Virginia, 1999, http://web.wm.edu/geology/virginia/provinces/phys_regions.html?svr=www, accessed November 12, 2012.

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Because of the generally low relief and the high concentration of quality agricultural land, the Culpeper Basin provides a primary north-south axis and natural transportation corridor through the two-county area. As discussed below, by the mid-nineteenth century the Orange & Alexandria Railroad exploited the Basin to provide an efficient route for moving goods and people between the Virginia Piedmont and the markets around Washington, D.C. Much as the Culpeper Basin forms a fundamental north-south axis through the study area, the Rappahannock River forms a roughly perpendicular east-west axis through the heart of this project’s study area. The Rappahannock rises in the Chester Gap area of the Blue Ridge and flows south and eastward across the Piedmont, where it serves as the boundary between Culpeper and Fauquier counties. Since early times has provided a ready avenue for east-west movement through the region while at the same time being an obstacle to perpendicular overland travel. Historic maps record numerous natural fords along the river’s length through the region (Figure 2).

Figure 2: Map showing the primary rivers and streams of Culpeper and Fauquier counties.

All of Culpeper County lies within the watershed of the Rappahannock River and in many ways the county is cradled by the waters of this river. As mentioned, the Rappahannock itself forms Culpeper’s northern border while the river’s main tributaries—the Rapidan and Robinson rivers and Crooked Run—define the county’s southern and western boundaries. Much of Fauquier County also lies within the Rappahannock’s watershed. However, streams in northeastern Fauquier in the area roughly north of Route 17 and east of Route 29 flow eastward into the Occoquan River. In extreme northern Fauquier County, the primary streams flow northeastward directly into the Potomac River (Figure 2). 8


PREHISTORY When the first successful English colony in North America was established in Jamestown in 1607, the Manahoac, a Siouan-speaking tribe, inhabited the northern half of Virginia’s central Piedmont including the upper Rappahannock River region. At the time, the Manahoac and the linguistically and culturally allied Monacan to the south opposed the Algonquian-speaking Powhatan Indians in Tidewater Virginia. The paramount chief Powhatan thwarted English efforts to explore inland past the boundaries of his chiefdom, perhaps out of concern that the newcomers might form alliances with the tribes there, including the Manahoac and the Monacan. Because the early English settlers had almost no direct contact with the Manahoac (except a single encounter by Captain John Smith during the summer of 1608), relatively little is known about the tribe in comparison to those in the Powhatan paramount chiefdom. Notions that the Piedmont tribes were “barbarous” and culturally “rude” and undeveloped in comparison with the Powhatan reflect the biases of Smith’s informants. Archeological investigations in the Piedmont suggest that, despite the lack of firsthand information concerning Manahoac political and social structures, their lifestyles, farming and hunting methods, and criteria for town locations were generally similar to those of the Powhatan. By the time the English settled in the Piedmont in significant numbers early in the eighteenth century, most of the Native inhabitants had departed.7 Most of what is known or surmised about the Manahoac, as well as of their unidentified predecessors in the area, is derived from the archeological record. Archeologists divide the prehistoric cultural sequence of the Middle Atlantic region into three main periods: Paleo-Indian (11000–8000 BC), Archaic (8000–1000 BC), and Woodland (1000 BC–AD 1600). The latter two are subdivided into Early, Middle, and Late periods. Beginning about 8000 BC, coincident with the start of the Archaic period, a warmer climate caused the ice sheets that had covered large parts of North America to recede. Sea levels rose to transform the lower Susquehanna River into the Chesapeake Bay and diverse plant and animal communities evolved. These changes improved the hunter-forager subsistence base and enabled the human population to increase along with the potential food supply. Small bands spread out over a large area, especially along river drainages, and moved about as necessary to take advantage of seasonally available food sources, including nuts, berries, fish, and shellfish. In addition, they domesticated certain plant species, possibly as early as about 2000 BC during the Late Archaic period. During the Woodland period, the inhabitants became more sedentary, establishing semi-permanent towns of various sizes, increasingly relying on agriculture for subsistence stability, and introducing and improving ceramic technologies. Towns typically were located along watercourses, often near natural fords, close to the fields under cultivation, and within forested areas for protection. The buildings, usually constructed of saplings covered with thatch or mats, were often dispersed throughout the larger wooded town sites rather than highly concentrated as they frequently were in the smaller towns. Towns were abandoned periodically and new ones erected at a different location as game became scarce or fields wore out. Although much of the area has not been systematically studied, numerous Native American archeological sites have been recorded in Culpeper and Fauquier 7

Kerry Schamel-González, Marco González, and Kristen Bloss, Phase I Archaeological Survey of the 26-Acre Rappahannock Landing Project Area, Fauquier County, Virginia: DHR No. 2008–1653 (Fredericksburg, VA: Dovetail Cultural Resource Group, 2009), 12–13; Brynn Stewart and Dane Magoon, A Phase I Cultural Resources Survey for Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia: DHR File No. 2011-1035 (Glen Allen, VA: Cultural Resources, Inc., 2012), 13–14; Jeffrey Hantman, “Between Powhatan and Quirank: Reconstructing Monacan Culture and History in the Context of Jamestown,” American Anthropologist 92 (1990): 676–690.

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Counties. Of the 208 sites presently identified in the Virginia Department of Historic Resources archeological survey files, many cannot be dated positively as to period. Those that have been dated include a single Paleoindian site, 48 Archaic sites, and 43 Woodland sites.8 Captain John Smith’s 1624 map of Virginia shows the area of present-day Culpeper and Fauquier Counties as well as the fork of the Rappahannock and Rapidan Rivers. Labeling this area “Mannahoacks,” Smith noted the locations of four towns there: Hassuiuga (now commonly rendered Hassininga) in present-day Culpeper County between the Rappahannock and Rapidan rivers; Shackaconia near the mouth of the Rapidan, apparently in Spotsylvania County; Tanxsnitania probably upstream on the north bank of the Rappahannock River in Fauquier County, perhaps near the site of Fauquier White Sulphur Springs; and Stegara on the south bank of the Rapidan, perhaps associated with a burial mound (the so-called Rapidan Mound, 44OR0001) in Orange County a mile east of the Greene County line. Whether the names referred to towns, tribes, or chiefs is not clear. The location of Hassininga has been known by tradition and is supported by an early-twentieth-century archeological investigation, while the approximate position of Tanxsnitania has been deduced from references to the location of a former Indian town in a 1717 land patent.9 The Native inhabitants of the area lived in a landscape dominated by hardwood forests, with fewer conifers than there are today. In 1730, a white settler complained to the colonial governor that some Indians on the Rappahannock River were “doing a great deal of mischief by firing the woods”—burning the undergrowth to improve visibility for hunting, as their counterparts in Tidewater had been known to do. Large game including elk and deer roamed the woods, as well as predators such as black bear, eastern gray wolf, and bobcat. Elk are long gone, but deer, black bear, turkey, fox, raccoon, opossum, rabbit, squirrel, and groundhogs are still found in Culpeper and Fauquier Counties.10

8

Schamel-González, González, and Bloss, Rappahannock Landing, Fauquier County, 11; Stewart and Magoon, Culpeper Regional Airport, 13; John S. Salmon, Project Historian, Captain John Smith Chesapeake National Historic Trail Feasibility Study and Environmental Assessment (Washington, DC: National Park Service, 2006), 122–123, 137; Steve Thompson, personal communication, November 19, 2012, concerning analysis of Data Sharing System archeological site reports, Virginia Department of Historic Resources, Richmond, VA. 9 David I. Bushnell, Jr., The Manahoac Tribes in Virginia, 1608 (Washington, DC: The Smithsonian Institution, 1935), 8–10. 10 Ibid., 5; Stewart and Magoon, Culpeper Regional Airport, 14.

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EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT In the years following the establishment of Jamestown, a system evolved for distributing land to colonists. By 1623, the colonial government had established a pattern that remained in effect until the Revolutionary War. A colonist paid a surveyor to measure the desired tract, and then submitted the survey to the secretary of the colony, paid a fee, and received a patent for the land in the name of the king. As the colonists moved farther away from Jamestown and drove Virginia Indians from their lands, the patent system was utilized throughout the colony, with one exception—the Northern Neck. In 1649, King Charles II of England gave the Northern Neck Proprietary, as it became known, to several of his loyal supporters. The area included approximately 5,282,000 acres between the Potomac and Rappahannock Rivers, from the Chesapeake Bay to the Blue Ridge. Today only the counties of Lancaster, Northumberland, Richmond, and Westmoreland—all located in the Tidewater coastal plain between the two rivers—are considered to comprise the Northern Neck, but originally it also included present-day Arlington, Fairfax, Fauquier, King George, Loudoun, Prince William, Rappahannock, and Stafford. By the end of the century, the Culpeper and Fairfax families controlled the Northern Neck. In 1690, they created their own land office and system, which mimicked that of the colonial government, and granted land for a fee to settlers until after the death of Lord Fairfax in 1781, when the office was closed. The settlers of Fauquier County, then, were granted land by the Northern Neck Proprietary while Culpeper County settlers obtained patents from the colonial government.11 Most of the settlers in that part of Virginia that later became Culpeper and Fauquier Counties were from Tidewater Virginia, with the notable exception of German immigrants who Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood imported to operate his ironworks. He established the Germanna settlement, as it became known, in 1714. Five years later, he issued a land patent to Robert Beverley, of Essex County in Tidewater, who established a mill on the Rappahannock River near its confluence with the Hazel River. The nearby ford was named for Beverley, although it is commonly spelled Beverly.12 By the mid-eighteenth century, thousands of settlers had followed Spotswood’s Germans and Beverley’s Tidewater pioneers into the wilderness. They brought tobacco and slaves with them, and they transformed the landscape a few acres at a time. They cleared fields in the hardwood forests, felling trees to be hewed and split into cabins and fences (Figure 3). They planted tobacco, among the stumps and tended it with their children and slaves. Worn-out fields that were abandoned soon sprouted cedar and pine, and conifers gradually replaced many of the hardwoods.

11

Emily J. Salmon and Edward D. C. Campbell, Jr., The Hornbook of Virginia History, 4th ed. (Richmond, VA: The Library of Virginia, 1994), 3; Daphne S. Gentry, Virginia Land Office Inventory, 3rd ed. (Richmond: Virginia State Library and Archives, 1981), xvi–xvii. 12 Schamel-González, González, and Bloss, Rappahannock Landing, Fauquier County, 10–11; Stewart and Magoon, Culpeper Regional Airport, 14

11


Figure 3: Slave cabin near Warrenton, August 186313

When the population grew large enough, two new counties were created. Culpeper, presently with an area of about 389 square miles, was formed from Orange County in 1749. George Washington, newly commissioned as a surveyor, laid out the core of the county seat, present-day Culpeper (first called Fairfax), in that same year. Fauquier County, formed in 1759 from Prince William County, today includes 651 square miles. The county seat is Warrenton, which, as in Culpeper, is located at the center of the county.14 Even before the counties were formed, the settlers gradually turned paths and trails into rough roads, some of which became the foundation of later thoroughfares. The modern highways that traverse Culpeper and Fauquier Counties today include State Routes 3 and 28, U.S. Routes 15, 17, 29, and 211, and Interstate 66, among others. Although a few of them follow parts of older routes, the modern versions generally slash across the landscape in miles-long straight lines created by earthmovers, road graders, and other machines that have largely reduced the natural contours of the landscape to mere inconvenience: something to be dug out and piled up to create wide, high-speed, asphalt-covered transportation corridors. When the first roads in the area were constructed in the eighteenth century, however, the landscape was the primary influence on their location and alignment. Created to link farms to county seats and mills and to provide access to river fords and mountain gaps, the early roads followed the high ground, ascended and descended the gentlest natural grades that could be 13

Edwin Forbes (1839–1895), Negro hut near Warrenton, Va. Aug 5 1863, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004661591/) 14 Salmon and Campbell, Hornbook, 163–164.

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found for the benefit of the horses and oxen that pulled the wagons, paralleled rivers, and wound their way around wetlands (Figure 4). Many secondary roads and farm lanes today are located atop or adjacent to these ancient routes, which were scratched out of the soil using shovels and horsepower. Small hamlets sprang up at intersections or crossroads, usually around a tavern or store such as Barbee’s Tavern (later Barbee’s Crossroads) in Fauquier County and Stevensburg in Culpeper County.15 One of the oldest roads—the Carolina Road or Rogue’s Road—approximated the path of present-day U.S. Route 15. A branch of the Great Wagon Road from Philadelphia through the Valley of Virginia to the Carolinas backcountry, the 1740s Carolina Road crossed into Virginia from Maryland at Noland’s Ferry near Point of Rocks, continued south through Leesburg, Haymarket, and Auburn (where it intersected the road from Winchester to Dumfries), and then crossed the Rappahannock River at Norman’s Ford just downstream from present-day Remington. The road continued through Stevensburg and then south to Orange County. At Stevensburg, it intersected another ancient highway: the Kirtly Road, which approximated the trace of present-day State Route 3. The Fauquier County seat, Warrenton, was located at the intersection of the road from Winchester to Dumfries (approximately present-day U.S. Route 17 and Dumfries Road) and the post road from Alexandria to Charlottesville (U.S. Route 15/29 and various county roads).16

Figure 4: Rural road with Culpeper Court House in the distance.17

15

Kimberly P. Williams, A Pride of Place: Rural Residences of Fauquier County, Virginia (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2003), 14; Eugene M. Scheel, Culpeper: A Virginia County’s History Through 1920 (Culpeper, VA: The Culpeper Historical Society, 1982), 80–81. 16 Eugene Scheel, “The Carolina Road,” on History of Loudoun County Web site, http://www.loudounhistory.org/history/carolina-road.htm, accessed Jan. 30, 2013; Williams, Pride of Place, 13, 16. 17 Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “Culpeper, Va. Approach to town, with photographer's wagon in foreground,” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003000239/PP/)

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During the nineteenth century, several new transportation systems came to both Culpeper and Fauquier Counties. In 1816, the Virginia General Assembly passed an act that created the Fund for Internal Improvement and the Board of Public Works to disburse the funds and oversee the construction of turnpikes, canals, river navigation improvements, and railroads. Private stock companies, often composed largely of residents along proposed rights-of-way, raised part of the construction funds, and the state furnished the remainder. Trained engineers surveyed the routes and supervised the construction (Figure 5). Among the first improvements to be planned were those involving the rivers, Virginia’s first transportation and development corridors. Because many farms and plantations were located along rivers, it was tempting to believe that the waters above the fall line could be made navigable by a combination of canals, locks, and dredging. The apparent early success of the James River and Kanawha Canal, which was more illusory than real, seemed to prove the theory (Canal construction began in 1785 and by 1851 was only half completed). If the Rappahannock River were similarly improved, then farmers in Culpeper and Fauquier Counties could float their produce in large bateaux downstream to market in Fredericksburg and beyond, rather than relying on bad roads and small wagons. Between 1817 and 1849, the Rappahannock River was improved in fits and starts, and canals and locks were built at great cost and effort. In 1850, the Hazel River Navigation Company was formed to continue the line up that river, and the work was finished about 1854 except for some dredging. The navigation companies could not compete economically with the turnpikes and railroads that were constructed during the same period, however, and the two river systems quickly declined.18 The turnpikes were the first successful internal improvements in the counties. Many of the roads were macadamized (covered with several fine layers of gravel to create a hard-surfaced, allweather road). They were state-of-the-art and a vast improvement over the old roads. The turnpike companies erected tollhouses to collect user fees for maintenance, but travelers sometimes dodged around them to avoid the tolls, which even when they were collected often did not cover maintenance costs, salaries for employees, and dividends paid to stockholders. Some companies went bankrupt before the Civil War, and the chaos of the conflict, the disruption of commerce, and competition from the railroads finished off most of the rest. The counties took over the majority of the turnpikes after the war. In Culpeper County, the Thornton’s Gap Turnpike extended northwest from the county seat through Griffinsburg and Woodville to Sperryville in Rappahannock County and then westward to cross the Blue Ridge at Thornton’s Gap (present-day U.S. Routes 522 and 211). In Fauquier County, the Sperryville & Rappahannock Turnpike (U.S. Route 211) ran east from Sperryville through Washington and Amissville to Warrenton, and the Fauquier & Alexandria Turnpike (U.S. Route 29) connected Warrenton with the Little River Turnpike in Fairfax. In northern Fauquier, the Ashby Gap Turnpike (U.S. Route 50) extended from Aldie in Loudoun County westward to the gap, passing through Upperville and Paris en route. The Little River Turnpike (U.S. Route 50 and State Route 236) ran from Aldie east to Alexandria.

18

William E. Trout III, Data Sheet, Hazel River Navigation, American Canal Society Web site, http://www.americancanals.org/Data_Sheets/Virginia/Hazel%20River.pdf, accessed Nov. 25, 2012.

14


Figure 5: Map showing major settlements & transportation routes of Culpeper and Fauquier counties

In the middle of the century, the railroad came to Fauquier and Culpeper Counties. The Orange & Alexandria Railroad was chartered in 1848. The line was completed from Alexandria to Culpeper in 1852 and in 1854 to Gordonsville in Orange County, where it connected with the Virginia Central Railroad, which extended from Richmond to Charlottesville. At Manassas Junction in Prince William County, the Orange & Alexandria joined the Manassas Gap Railroad (completed to Strasburg in 1854), the first line to cross the Blue Ridge. A branch line of the Orange & Alexandria to Warrenton from Warrenton Junction (present-day Calverton) was added in 1853.19 Depots for freight and passengers were established along the railroad at junctions such as Warrenton Junction and where the rail line intersected with primary roads and watercourses as at Catlett’s Station, Bealeton Station, Rappahannock Station on the Rappahannock River (presentday Remington), Brandy Station at the junction of the road from Stevensburg to the south, Fairfax (the Culpeper County seat also called Culpeper Court House), Mitchell’s Station near Cedar Mountain, and Rapidan Station on the Rapidan River, among other places. The depots 19

August Faul, Map and profile of the Orange and Alexandria Rail Road with its Warrenton Branch and a portion of the Manasses [sic] Gap Rail Road, to show its point of connection, 1854, Library of Congress, American Memory Web site, http://memory.loc.gov/cgibin/query/h?ammem/gmd:@field(NUMBER+@band(g3881p+rr005080)), accessed Nov. 25, 2012.

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usually consisted of several buildings including a passenger station, storage and supply houses, and perhaps a tavern and one or more private dwellings (Figure 6).

Figure 6: Orange & Alexandria Railroad depot, Culpeper Court House, August 186220

Although the new and improved railroads and turnpikes enhanced the counties’ transportation infrastructure, the residents continued to move about largely on the old roads. Progress stopped, it seemed, at the Rappahannock and Rapidan Rivers, where few bridges were to be found. Most of the existing bridges spanned small streams, and fords remained the principal crossing points for the two large rivers. Only three bridges were constructed over the Rappahannock River between the two counties: the Orange & Alexandria Railroad Bridge at Rappahannock Station, the old Rixeyville Road bridge at Fauquier White Sulphur Springs resort, and the Sperryville & Rapphannock Turnpike bridge at Waterloo just upstream from the Springs. The numerous fords on the Rappahannock from south to north included Martin’s, Ellis’s, Kemper’s, Field’s, Kelly’s, Wheatley’s, Beverly’s, Major’s, Freeman’s, Fox’s, Sandy, and Hart’s. Significant fords on the Rapidan River included, from east to west, Ely’s, Germanna, Morton’s, and Raccoon. Numerous small communities and hamlets developed near fords as well as around intersections and depots because of the proximity of water-powered mills and other small industries. One of the largest hamlets was in Culpeper County just across Kelly’s Ford on the Rappahannock River. Known as Kellysville, it was not a town but a farm and industrial village with a large gristmill that included a pond and a sluice, a sawmill, a cloth factory, and shops to make barrels, wheels and shoes, in addition to the owner’s house, slave quarters, and other farm buildings such as barns and icehouses. Wheatley, just upstream from Kellysville, spread across both sides of the river. In 1835, on the Culpeper side, it was reported that 20

Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “Culpeper Court House, Va. Freight Train on Orange and Alexandria Railroad,” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003000111/PP/)

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there are 8 dwelling houses, 1 extensive flour manufacturing mill, capable of grinding 50,000 bushels of wheat in the ordinary grinding season, 1 cotton gin, and wool-carding machine, 2 mercantile stores, a cooper’s shop, blacksmith shop, and a boot and shoe factory. On the east or Fauquier side there are 3 dwelling houses, 1 grist and 1 saw mill. Population of the whole place 90. . . . Vast quantities of building stone of excellent quality, may be found on both sides of the river. 21

Fauquier County boasted a resort, Fauquier White Sulphur Springs, located on the Rappahannock River “on the road from Warrenton to Jeffersonton, in Culpeper.” By 1835, the resort had become “exceedingly popular, and attracts such a concourse in summer, as to have induced their enterprising proprietor (John Hancock Lee) to go to very great expense in erecting large, pleasant, and commodious buildings; and laying out the grounds with great beauty, taste, and variety of ornamental trees.”22 The county seats became thriving commercial centers. Culpeper Court House, or Fairfax, was described in 1835 as containing, besides the courthouse, clerk’s office, and jail, all in the public square, an episcopalian and a presbyterian church built of brick, and a masonic hall built of wood, with a large wooden meeting house in the immediate vicinity, belonging to the Baptist denomination. Its streets are broad and laid out in a rectangular form, and are well supplied with pumps. There are 3 taverns, besides some boarding houses, 9 stores; 1 watch maker and jeweller’s shop, 2 saddlers, 4 shoe makers, 4 tailors, and mantuamakers [dressmakers], 1 hatter, 3 blacksmiths, 2 carpenters and cabinet makers, 1 considerable establishment for making wagons, etc., and another quite extensive for making coaches, carriages, etc. The Piedmont line of post coaches, passes through this place. It contains also 7 lawyer’s offices, 3 doctor’s shops, and a parsonage house, which the vestry of the Episcopal church have purchased, and the ladies have nearly paid for, by the ingenious method of making much out of little, which has been latterly practised with such general success—a fair. There are in the immediate vicinity of the town 3 schools, all on private foundations, and 1 market house, also on private foundation—2 respectable tanyards are kept up in sight of the town. There is a printing establishment, from which issues a weekly paper, under the title of the Culpeper Gazette; and another very recently established, that sends forth weekly, The Messenger. 23

Other substantial communities in Culpeper County included Jeffersonton, Rixeyville, and Stevensburg. Jeffersonton, constructed along the stage road from Washington, D.C., through Charlottesville to Milledgeville, Georgia, contained “43 dwelling houses, 1 Baptist house of worship, 1 Female association, for the purpose of educating young men for the ministry, 1 elementary school with 50 scholars; also, 3 mercantile stores, 3 taverns, 1 tanyard, 1 hat manufactory, 3 boot and shoe factories, a wagon maker, carriage maker, and three house carpenters.” The population of three hundred included two physicians. Rixeyville was occupied 21

Joseph Martin, A New and Comprehensive Gazetteer of Virginia, and the District of Columbia (Charlottesville, VA: Joseph Martin, 1835), 175. 22 Ibid., 173. 23 Ibid., 158.

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by “wealthy and industrious farmers.” It was also located on the stage road and contained “12 dwelling houses, a mercantile store, new house of entertainment [tavern], tanyard, shoe factory, cooper’s shop, wheelwright, blacksmith; and has a school in the neighborhood.” Stevensburg, located in the southern part of the county on the stage road from the county seat to Fredericksburg, had a population of 150 including two physicians. It contained “20 dwelling houses, 2 mercantile stores, and 1 house of worship, free for all denominations.”24 Warrenton, the Fauquier County seat, was described in 1835 as a beautiful village . . . [that] contains (beside the ordinary county buildings which are spacious and handsome, and erected at an expense estimated at $30,000) 200 neat and closely built dwelling houses, 3 houses of public worship, Methodist, Presbyterian, and Episcopalian, 4 primary schools, 3 taverns, 4 private boarding houses, 2 printing offices, each issuing a weekly paper, 4 wheelwrights, 1 coach maker, 3 saddlers, 1 hatter, 2 boot and shoe factories, 2 cabinet makers, 5 house carpenters, 4 blacksmith shops, 2 tailors, 2 clock and watch makers, 3 bankers, 1 tanner and currier, 3 breweries, 1 tin plate worker, 2 milliners, 1 mantuamaker, 1 house and sign painter, and 2 plough manufactories. This village has a regular market, which is held in a neat little building, the upper part of which is used as a Town Hall. Population 1,300; of whom 3 are resident ministers, 9 attorneys, and 8 physicians. The Winchester, Fredericksburg, Alexandria, & Charlottesville post roads intersect each other at right angles in Warrenton, which makes it quite a thorough-fare. . . . There is an excellent McAdamised turnpike from Warrenton to Alexandria [Fauquier & Alexandria Turnpike](Figure 7). 25

Other substantial communities in Fauquier County included Morrisville, New Baltimore, Rectortown, and Salem (present-day Marshall). Morrisville, located on the stage road from Falmouth to “Little” Washington, the Rappahannock County seat, had “a general store, tavern, hatter, tailor, wheelwright, and blacksmith.” New Baltimore, located five miles east of Warrenton on the Fauquier & Alexandria Turnpike, had two physicians, “17 dwelling houses, 1 flourishing Academy . . . 2 mercantile stores, a tanyard, wheelwright, blacksmith, boot and shoe factory, and two wheat fan factories on an improved plan.” Rectortown, located in the northern part of the county “in a very healthy and fertile neighborhood,” contained in addition to one physician “24 dwelling houses, 1 Methodist house of worship, 2 mercantile stores, 1 tavern, 1 saddler, 1 wagon maker, 3 blacksmiths, 1 cabinet maker, 1 boot and shoe maker, 1 tailor, 3 extensive merchant mills [commercial mills that bought grain from multiple farmers, ground and packaged it, and sold it], 1 saw mill, and one carding machine.” Salem, located on the stage road from Warrenton to Winchester, contained “33 dwelling houses, 3 mercantile stores, 1 Academy, . . . 1 common school, 1 well organized Sunday school, and 3 taverns,” as well as “saddlers, tailors, boot and shoe makers, coach makers, wagon makers, blacksmiths, bricklayers, stone masons, plasterers and fancy-wall painters, house-joiners, etc.” The principal article of trade was lumber.26

24

Ibid., 158–159. Ibid., 174. 26 Ibid., 173–174. 25

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Figure 7: Main Street, Warrenton, Facing East, August 186227

By 1860, Culpeper and Fauquier Counties were well settled and prosperous, still very rural in nature but with bustling county seats and scattered small communities. According to the national census, Culpeper County had a white population of 4,059, a total of 429 free blacks. Slaveholders numbered 611, and they owned 6,675 slaves, or about 11 slaves per owner. Fauquier County had a white population of 10,430 and 821free blacks, while 933 slaveholders owned 10,455 slaves, a ratio of slightly more than 11 slaves per owner (Figure 8).28

27

Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “Warrenton, Va. Street in front of Courthouse,” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003000120/PP/) 28 Joseph C. G. Kennedy, Population of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 501, 505; ibid., Agriculture of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 243.

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Figure 8: Stacking Wheat, Culpeper, Virginia, September 26, 186329

Of Culpeper County’s approximately 389 square miles (248,960 acres), a total of 238,858 were classified as farmland. An estimated 153,291 or 64 percent of farm acres were improved (tilled or otherwise tended) and 85,567 or 36 percent were unimproved (in woodlots, swamps, or untended fields). Culpeper had 576 farms of more than three acres. Twelve farms were under ten acres in size; 17 were of more than 10 but less than 20 acres; 48 were between 20 and 50; 61 were between 50 and 100; 346 were between 100 and 500; 77 were between 500 and 1,000; and 15 were of more than 1,000 acres. Livestock included 3,136 horses, 510 mules, 3,200 milk cows, 1,131 working oxen, 8,098 “other” cattle, 2,857 sheep, and 13,532 swine. The farms produced 191,358 bushels of wheat, 9,938 bushels of rye, 442,191 bushels of corn, 60,074 bushels of oats, 700 bushels of rice, 179,805 pounds of tobacco, 54,992 pounds of wool, 1,038 bushels of peas and beans, 19,215 bushels of Irish potatoes, 3,171 bushels of sweet potatoes, 84 bushels of barley, 49 bushels of buckwheat, $575 worth of “orchard products,” 309 gallons of wine, $195 worth of “market-garden products,” 107,270 pounds of butter, 523 pounds of cheese, 4,765 tons of hay, 951 bushels of clover seed, 834 bushels of grass seed, 27 pounds of hops, 256 pounds of hemp, 3,035 pounds of flax, 253 pounds of flaxseed, 6 pounds of silk cocoons, 171 gallons of maple molasses, 321 pounds of beeswax, 8,545 pounds of honey, $5,071 worth of home manufactures, and $114,849 worth of animals slaughtered.30 Within Fauquier County’s 651 square miles, or 416,640 acres, farms occupied 383,479 acres, with 268,431 (almost 70 percent) improved and 115,048 (30 percent) unimproved. Fauquier had 964 farms of more than three acres. Twenty-two farms were under ten acres in size; 27 were of more than 10 but less than 20 acres; 94 were between 20 and 50; 108 were between 50 and 100; 563 were between 100 and 500; 117 were between 500 and 1,000; and 33 were of more than 1,000 acres. Livestock included 6,721 horses, 253 mules, 5,489 milk cows, 1,844 working oxen, 29

Edwin Forbes (1839–1895), Culpepper [i.e., Culpeper], Va.--Stacking wheat / E.F., Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004661851/). 30 Kennedy, Agriculture of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 154–157, 218.

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23,192 “other” cattle, 24,754 sheep, and 26,912 swine. The farms produced 280,279 bushels of wheat, 43,513 bushels of rye, 717,450 bushels of corn, 178,906 bushels of oats, no rice in contrast with Culpeper, 271,232 pounds of tobacco, 102,257 pounds of wool, 2,118 bushels of peas and beans, 38,746 bushels of Irish potatoes, 1,700 bushels of sweet potatoes, no barley, 771 bushels of buckwheat, $2,287 worth of “orchard products,” 1,155 gallons of wine, $667 worth of “market-garden products,” 284,005 pounds of butter, 4,315 pounds of cheese, 11,756 tons of hay, 296 bushels of clover seed, 1,689 bushels of grass seed, 182 pounds of hops, 2,000 pounds of hemp, 5,740 pounds of flax, 109 pounds of flaxseed, no silk cocoons, no maple molasses, 1,358 pounds of beeswax, 42,193 pounds of honey, $9,311 worth of home manufactures, and $230,192 worth of animals slaughtered.31 With regard to industrial production in Culpeper County, the census taker recorded only five sawmills and two factories manufacturing woolen goods. Fauquier County was more “industrialized” than Culpeper, with a wide variety of businesses including blacksmithing (17 shops); boot- and shoe-making (5); brickyards (2); “carpentering” (1); carriage making (4); men’s clothing (1); copper ore mining (1); dentistry (3); flour and meal mills (26); cabinet furniture-making (3); gold mining (1); hat and cap making (1); iron casting (1); leather goods (5); distillery (1); sawed lumber (11); ground plaster (7); saddles and harness (5); tin, copper, and sheet-iron ware (2); wagons and carts (9); watch repairing and silversmithing (1); wool carding (1); and woolen goods (2).32 On the eve of the Civil War, then, Culpeper and Fauquier Counties were predominately rural with concentrations of light-industrial and commercial activity. Aside from the two county seats, the few other villages consisted of a small number of buildings including dwellings, stores, and shops clustered around a depot, intersection, or river crossing. The landscape was generally open, gently rolling terrain with fields, pastures, and woodlots. Rail fences were common. Cattle grazed along the many streams that drained into the Rappahannock River or the Potomac River, keeping the vegetation low and the vistas open. Turnpikes and farm roads connected the communities with the county seats and points beyond. The Orange & Alexandria Railroad cut diagonally through the center of the counties to link them with Washington and southwestern Piedmont Virginia. Soon the railroad, depots, roads, turnpikes, fords, the Rappahannock and Rapidan Rivers, and the landscape itself would be used for purposes other than for agriculture and commerce.

31

Ibid. J. M. Edmunds, Manufactures of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1865), 610–612.

32

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3 T HE C IVIL W AR IN C ULPEPER AND F AUQUIER C OUNTIES In April 1861, the storm that had been gathering finally broke. Confederate forces in Charleston, South Carolina, besieged Fort Sumter in the harbor there, hoping that the Federal garrison would abandon the facility. When that did not happen, and when it appeared that the administration would resupply and reinforce the fort, the Confederates demanded its immediate surrender. Major Robert Anderson, the commander, refused and the Confederates opened fire. Anderson surrendered on April 14. The next day, President Abraham Lincoln issued a call for 75,000 state militia volunteers to suppress the “combinations,” as he put it, that were “opposing . . . the laws of the United States.”33 Virginia, which with several other Southern states had been wavering between secession and remaining with the Union, opted on April 17 to secede. On April 19, Lincoln ordered the blockade of Southern ports and the war was soon on in earnest. In Culpeper and Fauquier counties, where the Ordinance of Secession was ratified in May with near unanimity (most Unionists stayed quiet, then and throughout the war), young men rushed to join local Confederate units. The Culpeper Riflemen (soon designated Company E, 13th Virginia Infantry) mustered at Brandy Station, while the Culpeper Minute Men (Company B) assembled at Stevensburg. The Little Fork Rangers (Company D, 4th Virginia Cavalry), the only cavalry company formed in the county, had been organized in 1860 at Oak Shade. In Fauquier County, popular units included the Fauquier Artillery (Company A, 38th Battalion Virginia Light Artillery), the Black Horse Troop (Company H, 4th Virginia Cavalry), and the Warrenton Rifles (Company K, 17th Virginia Infantry). Numerous other units were formed in both counties and incorporated into Confederate service. At first, the war seemed both simultaneously close and yet far away to the residents of Culpeper and Fauquier. As units were being formed, Confederate Brigadier General (soon reduced to colonel) Philip St. George Cocke arrived in Culpeper County via the Orange & Alexandria Railroad on April 28 to establish his headquarters in the courthouse and defend the territory between Harpers Ferry and Fredericksburg. During the next few weeks, he established Camp Henry northwest of the courthouse, began training the recruits, and sent detachments of the Little Fork Rangers to guard the railroad bridge at Rappahannock Station (present-day Remington). When men at Camp Henry came down with measles, dysentery, and many other ailments common to new soldiers, Culpeper’s women helped nurse them and were commended for their selfless devotion. As the need for more recruits became apparent, however, some property owners began to worry about the personal consequences of a potential draft. One was Catherine Crittenden, a widow who owned a large farm at the foot of Cedar Mountain. She wrote a letter to Governor John Letcher asking that her overseer be exempt from any draft, as otherwise she would have no white male to help her, only slaves. She was not the only apprehensive civilian.34 Although the presence of troops and the problems that arose made the war seem close, the actual fighting was some distance away. The initial excitement in Culpeper subsided when in June Cocke moved his men out of Camp Henry to Manassas Junction, where the Orange & 33

“Proclamation Calling Militia and Convening Congress,” April 15, 1861, on The Lincoln Log Web site, http://www.thelincolnlog.org/, accessed Jan. 21, 2013. 34 Daniel E. Sutherland, Seasons of War: The Ordeal of a Confederate Community, 1861–1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995), 41–56.

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Alexandria Railroad joined the Manassas Gap Railroad. There, on July 21, the first major battle of the war took place. Among the Confederate troops involved, those under Brigadier General Thomas J. Jackson marched through northern Fauquier, boarded a train at Piedmont Station (now Delaplane), and were rushed to the battlefield—thus becoming the first troops in the world transported by train to battle. The fight ended in a Union rout, to the delight of most Culpeper and Fauquier residents. Although the number of casualties was relatively small compared to the carnage still to come, to those on both sides unaccustomed to war the intensity of the fight was a shock. Now everyone knew that the war would not end with one engagement. Wounded soldiers were seen everywhere, it seemed, and suddenly the war again seemed much closer. Susan Caldwell, of Warrenton, wrote to her father three days after the battle: We have several of the wounded soldiers in our town. . . . There is a Mr. Haynesworth from Sumter District So[uth] Ca[rolina] . . . at Edward Spillman’s, his leg has been amputated, he is in a very precarious condition, tis thought he will die, his brother is with him. I offered at both places to do any thing towards their relief at any time. We have a gentleman by the name of Robinson from Huntsville Alabama. He was slightly wounded in his shoulder but his hat has very many bullet holes. He may return to his Company tomorrow. 35

As the consequences of war came home, civilians grew increasingly apprehensive about the danger to themselves as well as to their property (Figure 9). Lincoln, in his April 15 proclamation, had sought to reassure civilians regardless of their politics, announcing that “in every event, the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or interference with, property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country.” The Confederates, likewise, were well aware that they could not afford to harm the people they were fighting for. Soon, however, the needs of warfare took precedence over private property rights. At first, there was room for negotiation, but that quickly changed. On August 2, 1861, Ida Dulany, of Oakley in northern Fauquier County just southeast of Upperville, confided to her diary: Just as we had fixed a lunch of butter milk and corn bread yesterday, three [Confederate] soldiers rode up; they came to press my wagon and team for the army. I brought them in and gave them lunch for which they seemed grateful. I made no objection to their taking the wagon, though it will make us very backward in our farm work. The wagon I can do better without but we can neither plow nor thrash without horses. However we must do the best we can. 36

In February 1862, Union Colonel John W. Geary’s 18th Pennsylvania Infantry occupied parts of Loudoun and Fauquier Counties. His troops likewise commandeered supplies from Dulany, but there was no thought of borrowing among friends. Dulany wrote of one such visit on March 18, 1862:

35

Julie Broaddus, “Setting the Stage. Fauquier Lives: A Narrative of the Civil War,” unpublished manuscript, excerpts from the diaries and letters of Fauquier County residents (Warrenton, VA: Julie Broaddus, 2012), 25–26. 36 Ibid.

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Mamma called to me that the Yankees were coming with wagons. I collected the children and went into the house. Soon eight soldiers with three wagons were at the gate, the men armed with guns and swords. Two of them came to the house and from the nursery window I heard one say to Mimi, “tell your Mistress to have a dinner ready for us by the time we come from the barn and that we are going to break open her corn house.” Provoked by the insolence of his manner I determined that they should have nothing to eat, and told Mimi to tell them “I had not dinner for them.” They sent her back to say that if it was not ready when they came they would break wide the house and take what they wanted. I did not believe the cowardly threat, but was only made more determined by it that [men] who behaved so should not eat of my bread. So I told the servants to give them nothing, and fastened the doors and barred the windows securely. They soon came back with their wagons loaded with corn, and again demanded their dinner. When told that they were not to have any they stormed about, said they would break open the meat house, came up on the porch, and struck on the doors and windows with their guns. I watched from an upstairs window with no little amusement, as I saw by their irresolution that they did not dare to commit any actual outrage but were only trying to frighten me into giving them what they wanted. Finding they could not get in they walked off saying they would get an axe to break into the meat house, but finally they all left without dinner, and no locks broken. 37

Figure 9: Union foraging parties returning to camp, 186238

Although scattered small-scale engagements between Geary’s troops and Confederate units occurred in Culpeper and Fauquier counties during the initial year of the war, the first true battles took place in the summer of 1862. After the First Battle of Manassas, the Confederate army occupied part of northern Virginia in the vicinity of Manassas Junction. In March 1862, General Joseph E. Johnston withdrew the army to defend Richmond (Figure 10). Major General James Longstreet and Major General Gustavus W. Smith led their divisions to Warrenton and then by 37

Ibid. Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, War scenes - return of national foraging parties into camp near Annandale Chapel, Virginia. Vol 13 or 14 (November 23, 1862): 5 (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/99614066/)

38

25


separate routes to Culpeper Court House. Major General Richard S. Ewell’s division moved down the Orange & Alexandria Railroad to Brandy Station while Brigadier General Jubal A. Early’s brigade crossed the Rappahannock River into Culpeper County at Kelly’s Ford. Brigadier General William H. C. Whiting led his command to Fredericksburg. Soon, however, Johnston’s army reunited in the area between the York and James Rivers called the Peninsula.

Figure 10: Johnston withdraws

After Union Major General George B. McClellan’s unsuccessful Peninsula Campaign to capture Richmond, which ended with the bloody Seven Days’ Battles in June and July, Lincoln summoned Major General John Pope to command three armies with the hope of succeeding where McClellan had failed. Pope’s combined force, dubbed the Army of Virginia, totaled 40,000 men. In addition, McClellan was ordered on August 3 to evacuate his army from the Richmond front and join forces with Pope. At about the same time, Confederate General Robert E. Lee learned from Lieutenant John S. Mosby, who had been captured by the Federals and then released at Fort Monroe, that Major General Ambrose E. Burnside, the victor in a recent campaign in eastern North Carolina, had been ordered north with his command. Lee realized that the next theater of war would be in northern Virginia and that he had to move quickly if he were to face only Pope before McClellan and Burnside reinforced him.

26


Pope’s army consisted of three corps (ultimately amounting to about 50,000 men) spread across north-central Virginia from Sperryville, at the eastern base of the Blue Ridge Mountains, to Falmouth, just above Fredericksburg. Major General Franz Sigel, a veteran German officer, held Pope’s right flank where the turnpikes intersected at Sperryville. Major General Irvin McDowell held the left flank at Falmouth, with one of his divisions (Brigadier General James B. Ricketts’s) separated and stationed at Waterloo Bridge a few miles west of Warrenton. Major General Nathaniel P. Banks led the third corps, which was positioned in the center of Pope’s line at Washington (usually called Little Washington), in Rappahannock County. Brigadier General Samuel W. Crawford’s brigade was detached from Banks’s command and stationed some twenty miles in advance of the main line at Culpeper Court House (Figure 11), accompanied by Brigadier General John P. Hatch’s cavalry.

Figure 11: Culpeper Court House, 186239

Pope angered Virginia civilians by threatening to wage war on them as well as on the Southern armies. In Missouri, where Pope had served earlier, a guerrilla war raged within the state in addition to the larger conflict. Pope threatened to hold supposedly “noncombatant” Virginians responsible for actions by Confederates against Union forces in their counties, even to the point of summary execution. He also ordered his army to “subsist upon the country,” that is, to commandeer supplies from civilians without recompense. At a period of the war when some semblance of chivalry still existed in both eastern armies—incidents such as those that Ida Dulany experienced were considered exceptions to the rule—these explicit instructions appalled many military men on both sides as well as civilians. Lincoln, it should be noted, did not repudiate Pope’s orders.

39

Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “Culpeper Court House, Va. Street scene,” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003000109/PP/)

27


Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia was organized into two wings totaling about 72,000 men. Major General James Longstreet commanded one wing and Major General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson led the other. After Lee learned that Crawford was in Culpeper, he divided his army and on July 13 ordered Jackson to march toward Pope, “to observe the enemy’s movements closely, to avail himself of any opportunity to attack that may arise.” Jackson ultimately commanded about 24,000 men against Pope while Lee retained most of the Army of Northern Virginia under Longstreet near Richmond. By July, Jackson was at Gordonsville, which was assumed to be Pope’s objective because the Virginia Central Railroad joined the southern terminus of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. Jackson’s army drilled and resupplied itself there until early in August, when word arrived that part of Pope’s army was moving south from Culpeper Court House. Pope planned to march to the Rapidan River and then make a southwestward feint toward Charlottesville so that Jackson would fall back in that direction, split his force, or head north to offer Pope combat. Jackson beat Pope to the punch, hoping to meet and defeat the vanguard of Pope’s army before the rest could arrive in support, and marched his men north from Gordonsville on the afternoon of August 7 (Figure 12).

Figure 12: Troop Movements July 13 - August 9, 1862

28


The two armies collided two days later at Cedar Mountain in southwestern Culpeper County, about four miles north of the Rapidan River. Late in the afternoon, Jackson deployed his army across the Culpeper-Orange Road, with his right, under Major General Richard S. Ewell, anchored on the northern base of Cedar Mountain and his left, commanded by Brigadier General Charles S. Winder, in woods to the west of the road. Banks, leading the Union advance, struck Jackson’s left and Winder fell mortally wounded. Just as the Union attack ran out of steam, Major General A. P. Hill’s division arrived to reinforce the left flank, and it was the Union line’s turn to collapse under the renewed Confederate assault. Jackson’s men pursued Banks’s even after darkness fell, overrunning Pope’s headquarters far to the Federal rear before breaking off the engagement. The battle was a Confederate victory. Jackson had more than 18,000 men engaged and suffered some 1,300 casualties, while Banks committed about 8,000 and lost 2,400 (Figure 13).

Figure 13: Battle of Cedar Mountain, August 9, 1862.40

Jackson retired with his army to Gordonsville and then sent his cavalry northward to search out other avenues for attack. Lee arrived on August 14 to confer with Jackson, who told him that Pope was camped with most of his army (now totaling 70,000 men) on the “peninsula” formed by the confluence of the Rapidan and Rappahannock Rivers in the southeastern corner of Culpeper County (Figure 14). Pope’s best route of withdrawal, if he intended to move north, was the Orange & Alexandria Railroad bridge at Rappahannock Station on the Union right flank. If the Confederates could seize the bridge, Pope would be trapped between the two rivers. Lee agreed, but before he advanced, fugitive slaves revealed his scheme to Pope on August 18 and the Union army began to withdraw across the Rappahannock. One corps crossed at Kelly’s Ford while the other marched over the Fauquier White Sulphur Springs bridge and then burned it (Figure 15). Lee arrayed his army in Culpeper County, while Pope concentrated his forces in Fauquier County, most heavily between Kelly’s Ford and the Rappahannock railroad bridge (anchored with batteries on the bluffs and a small force on the Culpeper County side of the bridge). Upstream from the bridge, Pope established a strong picket line to guard the crossings, eventually reaching as far as Waterloo Bridge. During the next week the two armies maneuvered 40

Edwin Forbes (1839–1895), The Battle of Cedar Mountain (Slaughters Mountain), Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004661903/)

29


Figure 14: Troop Movements August 9-18, 1862

30


Figure 15: Troop Movements August 18-19, 1862

31


in that direction in a series of engagements known collectively as the First Battle of Rappahannock Station or Rappahannock Station I for the depot in Fauquier County just across the vital railroad bridge. The fighting progressed upriver for a dozen miles as Lee sought to flank Pope’s army, which was concentrated along the Orange & Alexandria Railroad corridor (Figure 16). Actions of Rappahannock Station I began late in the day on August 20 with cavalry engagements from Brandy Station to the railroad bridge and nearby fords. On August 21, at Beverly’s Ford, Lee ordered up Jackson’s division from between Brandy Station and Stevensburg, sent cavalry upriver to cross at Freeman’s Ford and sweep downstream to Beverly’s Ford, and then had the 5th Virginia Cavalry drive off Federal pickets and gunners at Beverly’s to clear the way for Jackson. Pope rushed artillery and cavalry toward Beverly’s Ford to block and flank the Confederate troopers, and Jackson’s column did not cross. The next day, Lee moved upstream and fought an artillery duel at Freeman’s Ford to test the defenses there, but Pope had reinforced the ford with an infantry brigade in the night, so no crossing was attempted. Lee sent Major General J. E. B. Stuart and his cavalry west to find a way to raid the Federal rear. Stuart discovered that Waterloo Bridge was unguarded (Pope’s picket line had not yet reached that far) and crossed there to attack the railroad behind Pope in what became known as the Catlett’s Station raid. On the same day, August 22, several of Pope’s infantry regiments crossed the river near Freeman’s Ford to attack Jackson’s wagon train. They were repulsed with the loss of one of their commanders, Brigadier General Henry Bohlen. Jackson, meanwhile, noticed that the Sulphur Springs crossing farther upriver was lightly defended, and he sent elements of his division over to the Fauquier County side on a dam. Torrential rain soon raised the water level in the river to make the fords impassible and isolated the force, which Brigadier General Jubal A. Early commanded. On August 23, Pope sent a corps against Early, who was well positioned on the high ground near the springs behind Great Run (a tributary of the Rappahannock, likewise flooded), as Jackson’s engineers waded into the raging river to improvise a bridge on the original stone abutments (which are still standing) of the bridge that Pope’s men had burned a few days earlier. By nightfall the replacement bridge was ready, and before dawn the next day Early’s command escaped to Culpeper County. Also on August 23, elements of Pope’s and Longstreet’s forces fought a sharp action for the control of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad bridge over the Rappahannock River at Rappahannock Station (Figure 17). Ironically, both the Confederates and the Federals had the same goal: to destroy the bridge to keep their opponents from using it to cross the river. The small Federal force on the Culpeper County side of the river was to hold the bridge for as long as possible and then cross over and destroy it behind them. At first the Confederates sought to take the position by driving off the Federals with artillery fire, a tactic that was unsuccessful but produced one of the most intense duels of the war. After a couple of hours, Confederate infantry marched against the position and succeeded in taking it despite a heavy barrage from the Union gunners. On the Fauquier County side of the river, the Federals burned the bridge and then hastened upstream to join the main army, which was shifting the focus of defense to the upper crossings all the way to Waterloo Bridge.

32


Figure 16: Movements and Operations, August 20 – 26, 1862

33


Figure 17: Orange and Alexandria railroad bridge across the Rappahannock, August 19, 1862.41

During the next two days, Jackson attempted to find a way across the river that would enable him either to flank Pope’s army and attack it from behind, or to bypass it altogether and march toward Washington. He and Lee quickly decided on the latter maneuver. As Jackson probed upstream, Pope countered by continuing to move his forces to strengthen his control of prospective crossing points between Kelly’s Ford and Waterloo Bridge (Figure 18). (A corps from the Army of the Potomac had finally arrived and held the ground at Kelly’s Ford). Pope utilized the roads that paralleled the river, occupied land between the roads and the river, established artillery positions and guard posts there, and engaged the Confederates in Culpeper County from the river bluffs in Fauquier County. Ultimately, Pope’s maneuvering failed to stop Jackson, who on August 25 appeared to the Federals to be leading his divisions away from the river near Waterloo Bridge toward the Blue Ridge Mountains. In fact, Jackson had simply taken advantage of the westward turn in the river near the bridge to slip four miles upstream to Hinson’s Ford and cross to the northern side. He then marched rapidly to Manassas Junction to raid the vast Union supply depot there. The depot, and the two railroads that passed through the junction, were of supreme importance to Federal operations in Virginia because the Manassas Gap Railroad linked northern Virginia with the Shenandoah Valley while the Orange & Alexandria Railroad supplied Union forces along the line from the national capital to deep in central Virginia.

41

Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “[Rappahannock River, Virginia. Bridge across the Rappahannock],” August 19, 1862, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003005828/PP/)

34


Figure 18: Bridge building, White Sulphur Springs, Fauquier County, August 186242

While Jackson marched, Longstreet remained in position opposite Pope’s Waterloo Bridge – White Sulphur Springs line to feign a potential attack in that area. Pope took the bait, and on August 26 the two sides fought an artillery duel for much of the day. Pope was also convinced that the Confederates were headed toward the Shenandoah Valley. Both to defend the fords and to be in a position to attack what he thought would be the Confederate rear, Pope began massing more of his army at the two crossings. Late in the afternoon, Longstreet and Lee slipped away from the river and followed Jackson’s route across Hinson’s Ford. Later that night, Pope received word that Jackson was not headed to the Valley but instead had struck at Bristoe Station and was headed for Manassas Junction. Pope abandoned the Rappahannock River line and set off in pursuit. Lee and Longstreet, meanwhile, retraced Jackson’s route north through Orleans, Salem, and Thoroughfare Gap. The army was reunited in time to defeat Pope at the Second Battle of Manassas on August 29–30, and Lincoln soon replaced Pope with McClellan. Lee decided to invade Maryland. He had several objectives: to feed his army in the North instead of in the 42

Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “[Fauquier Sulphur Springs, Va., vicinity. Troops building bridges across the north fork of the Rappahannock],” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003000115/PP/)

35


depleted South; to recruit soldiers from among the large number of Confederate sympathizers he hoped to find there; to inflict a defeat on any Union army that might challenge him; and to encourage one or more European countries to support the Confederacy, at least with diplomatic recognition if not with material and military assistance. Lee’s invasion ended in failure two weeks after he led the Army of Northern Virginia across the Potomac River on September 4. On September 17, at Antietam Creek outside Sharpsburg, Lee and McClellan fought to a draw on the bloodiest day in American history. The battle lasted twelve hours, and at its conclusion 12,469 Federals and 10,318 Confederates were dead, wounded, or missing. During the night of September 18–19, Lee and the Army of Northern Virginia withdrew across the Potomac, while McClellan pursued cautiously. Few Marylanders joined Lee’s army, no European nations recognized the Confederacy—Lee’s gamble had failed. The quasi-victory at Antietam had another important effect, but on Union instead of Confederate strategy. It emboldened Lincoln to issue his Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation on September 22, when he announced that as of January 1, 1863, all slaves in states still in rebellion would be free. Lincoln’s initiative thereby transformed the war to preserve the Union into a war for freedom as well. Although many slaveholders paid little attention to the preliminary proclamation, long before September 1862 the war had resulted in the liberation of thousands of slaves who freed themselves by escaping to Union lines, where they were known as “contrabands.” The name was derived from the earliest-recorded instance of successful selfemancipation, which occurred in the spring of 1861 in Hampton. Several slaves fled to Fort Monroe, where Major General Benjamin F. Butler, the commander, refused on May 27 to return them to their owners. He proclaimed them “contraband of war” because the Confederates had been employing them to construct nearby earthworks. Butler’s policy soon became standard throughout the army, and as word spread among the slaves, large numbers of them slipped their bonds and crossed over to freedom. Because the Confederate government found soon after the war started that it needed every available and qualified white man for military service, it impressed slaves for a range of functions from constructing earthworks to driving wagons loaded with military supplies. County clerks were responsible for maintaining lists of male slaves between the ages of eighteen and forty-five from which to select laborers. On December 16, 1862, acting Culpeper County clerk Fayette Mauzy complained to Governor Letcher that it was impossible to fill the levy with working-age men because “a great many of that class ran away to the Yankees and all the rest, except such as are absolutely indispensable to the people of the county [exempt agricultural workers], have been carried away by their owners to other more southern counties for security.”43 The “self-emancipation” movement among slaves gained momentum as the war progressed, and those who remained often developed attitudes quite at odds with the “faithful servants” stereotypes that slaveholders clung to. Several Fauquier County residents wrote of their befuddlement when some bolder slaves threatened to run off. Ida Dulany observed in her diary on December 16, 1861, that she was “perfectly at a loss who to put in Uncle Billy’s place, and am not willing to keep him when he has shown himself so unfaithful as to wish to leave the 43

Sutherland, Seasons, 199–200.

36


family just now when the services of a faithful servant are so much needed.” On March 18, 1862, she wrote, “The first thing this morning I was told that Uncle Billy had gone off to the Yankees. It is no great loss but I was surprised at his leaving.”44 The trickle of escaping slaves soon became a flood. John W. Finks wrote to Lycurgus W. Caldwell on March 21, 1862, that “nearly all the negroes in this section [Warrenton] have left[,] some few are returning[.]” According to Lucy Ambler’s diary entry of the next day, “The negroes are running off daily as they think they will better their condition by leaving their masters. . . . We have as yet had none to leave us.” Fanny Carter Scott of Glen Welby wrote on April 7, 1862, “Numbers of servants are leaving the neighborhood. Night before last Dr. Withers lost every one, men, women and children. Mr. Allison [overseer] . . . prophesies that Bill Monroe will not stay and that in a month from this time there will not be one on this place.”45 It was not only the loss of the slaves that angered their owners but also the loss of other property. On May 14, 1862, Ida Dulany wrote, “On Monday morning I found that Horace had gone off to the Yankees, taking my horse and cart with him. . . . Aunt Louise who has always been one of the most respectful servants on the place was quite impertinent yesterday morning. . . . As far as I can judge Harriet still seems perfectly loyal, she expressed to me today great disapprobation of all that is going on around us.” Whether Harriet was being disingenuous or not, the prospect of finding slaves, horses, wagons, and other property gone in the morning was a constant worry to slaveholders. John Finks wrote again to Lycurgus Caldwell on September 29, 1862, commenting on the expected approach of the Union army after the Battle of Antietam: “If I stay and send the negroes off [for safekeeping] I will have no person to cook[,] if I keep them they may all leave.” Federal policy toward contrabands, as well as the Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, created a great dilemma for slave owners.46 The Union army was indeed approaching Fauquier County as Finks suspected, but slowly. Lincoln urged McClellan to pursue and destroy Lee’s army after the Battle of Antietam, but despite numerous letters back and forth and a personal visit by Lincoln, McClellan dawdled. Finally, the president drew up a campaign plan for McClellan, who at last began to move his massive army across the Potomac River and through the western part of Loudoun County down the Loudoun Valley early in November. His cavalry, under Brigadier General Alfred Pleasonton, led the way, while Stuart screened the southward march of Lee’s infantry in the Shenandoah Valley. Lincoln had directed McClellan to get between Lee and Richmond; Lee was determined to get between Richmond and McClellan. Stuart’s mission was to block and delay Pleasonton, which would in turn delay McClellan’s infantry and enable Lee to escape. In a succession of cavalry engagements, November 1–3, collectively termed the Battle of Unison, Stuart succeeded, and the Confederate infantry moved on to Warrenton. Other cavalry engagements followed in Fauquier County at Markham and at Barbee’s Crossroads (present-day Hume) (Figure 19). Lee’s army moved on to Warrenton while McClellan’s camped in Fauquier County at Rectortown, about fifteen miles northwest of Warrenton. Lincoln, having had enough of McClellan after learning of the results of the Unison battles, replaced him at the head of the 44

Broaddus, “Fauquier Lives,” 45, 68. Until Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, “Uncle Billy,” as well as any other slave who escaped bondage, was only free as long as he could evade capture and re-enslavement. He was in fact a “fugitive” slave before January 1, 1863. 45 Ibid., 60, 61, 71. 46 Ibid., 89, 142.

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Army of the Potomac with Major General Ambrose E. Burnside. Burnside arrived at McClellan’s headquarters outside Rectortown late in the night of November 7 and assumed command (Figure 20).47

Figure 19: Union cavalry riding from Orlean to Waterloo Bridge following the previous days engagement at Barbee’s Crossroads, November 6, 186248

47

For detailed descriptions of the maneuvering that led to the Battle of Unison, as well as its consequences, see David W. Lowe, Civil War in Loudoun Valley: The Battle of Unison, November 1–3, 1862 (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 2008), and Maral S. Kalbian, John S. Salmon, Ben Ford, and Steve Thompson, Unison Battlefield Historic District, National Register of Historic Places Nomination, 2011, Virginia Department of Historic Resources, Richmond, VA. 48 Lumley, Arthur, (ca. 1837–1912), The First Snow Storm. Gen Pleasanton advancing from Orleans to Waterloo via Warrington, 6th Nov, 1862, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004661372/)

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Figure 20: Movements and operations, November 1 - 10, 1862

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Soon thereafter, Burnside developed a plan to get around Longstreet’s right flank and move on Richmond. It was a turning movement that required a rapid march of roughly forty miles from Fauquier County southeast through Stafford County to a point on the eastern bank of the Rappahannock River opposite Fredericksburg. Because Richmond lay south of the river, Burnside planned to cross the river at Fredericksburg using pontoon bridges. The army accomplished the march in four days, November 15–19, but was stymied when it reached its objective because the pontoons had not arrived. By the time they did arrive, on November 25, Longstreet’s corps had moved into place on the high ground on the opposite bank overlooking the town (Figure 21). Burnside finally attacked on December 11 as Federal engineers, under Confederate sharpshooter fire, laid five pontoon bridges across the Rappahannock River, three at Fredericksburg and two downstream. Eventually Union infantry crossed the river and drove the Confederates from the town. The next day, two of Burnside’s three grand divisions passed over the pontoon bridges and Burnside gave orders for an assault on December 13. By then, the 78,000-man-strong Confederate line stretched for some seven miles. The Federal attack ended in crushing defeat below Marye’s Heights, and during the night of December 15, the Union army withdrew across the river and the Fredericksburg campaign ended. For the rest of the winter, the two armies faced each other from opposite sides of the Rappahannock. Lincoln appointed Major General Joseph Hooker in Burnside’s place on January 25, 1863. Hooker reorganized the Army of the Potomac and also created a separate cavalry corps, first under the command of Major General George Stoneman and then, after June 7, under Pleasanton. Placing the cavalry under a single command enhanced its performance and soon ended the days of Confederate domination. While the Army of the Potomac trained and refitted, Hooker employed elements of his new cavalry corps to annoy the Confederates and probe their lines, and Stuart responded in kind. At dawn on March 17, 1863, Brigadier General William W. Averell led about 2,100 cavalrymen from his division to Kelly’s Ford and across the river to attack Brigadier General Fitzhugh Lee’s cavalry brigade near Culpeper Court House. Pickets at the ford sent word to Lee, who soon rode to the river with some 800 cavalrymen; Stuart and Major John Pelham came along to see the action. The serious fighting started about noon and continued until the Federals withdrew across the ford about dusk. For the first time, the Union cavalry fought its Confederate counterparts almost to a standstill, and Pelham fell mortally wounded by a shell fragment while directing cavalrymen to an opening in a stone wall. During the late winter and early spring of 1863, Hooker devised a strategy to defeat Lee and then march on to Richmond. He proposed sending his cavalry corps around the Confederate left flank at Fredericksburg and then leading three corps of his army north to cross the Rappahannock and Rapidan Rivers, march southeast, and assault Lee’s left flank and rear. Meanwhile, three other corps would attack directly across the river at Fredericksburg, largely as a diversion, while the remaining corps remained conspicuously in sight across from Fredericksburg and at Banks’s Ford to deceive Lee. Hooker’s plan almost succeeded.

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Figure 21: Movements and operations, November 11 - 30, 1862

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Lee, meanwhile, responded to Federal threats in Tidewater Virginia and North Carolina in February 1863. He sent Longstreet and 20,000 men to southeastern Virginia to counter Union initiatives and to gather supplies for the main army, which the detachment reduced to about 60,000. Hooker launched his attack on April 27, leaving 40,000 troops at Fredericksburg under Major General John Sedgwick as a diversion to fix the Confederates in their works there. He led the rest of his army northwest from Falmouth to Kelly’s Ford on the Rappahannock River, and then across Kelly’s Ford and south to pass over the Rapidan River at Germanna and Ely’s Fords (Figure 22, Figure 23). By April 30, three of Hooker’s seven infantry corps were concentrated six miles west of Fredericksburg near the Chancellor family home on the Orange Plank Road called Chancellorsville. During the next few days, having achieved near-total surprise, Hooker failed to follow up his initial success with decisive action and instead fell victim to the audacity of Lee and Jackson. The Confederate counteroffensive culminated on May 2 with Jackson’s sudden attack on the Union right flank, and the result was a solid victory for Lee. It came at a high cost, however, when Jackson was struck down by friendly fire that night and then died on May 10.

Figure 22: US Cavalry west of Kelly’s Ford, April 21, 186349

49

Edwin Forbes (1839–1895), Kelly's Ford - Stonemans raid, April 21st 1863, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004661495/)

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Figure 23: Movements and operations, April 27 - May 2, 1863

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After Hooker’s defeat, the Army of the Potomac crossed back over the Rappahannock River and escaped to its defenses near Fredericksburg. Lee decided that the time was right for another invasion of the North, and he convinced President Jefferson Davis. The Army of Northern Virginia began moving west to Culpeper County. Using the river as a natural obstacle between the Confederate and Union armies, Lee planned to stay south and west of it and to march the infantry through the Blue Ridge gaps into the Shenandoah Valley and then north to Maryland and Pennsylvania. Stuart and his cavalry corps were to screen the movement from the Union army as he had after the Antietam Campaign. Lee ordered him to cross the Rappahannock on June 9. On the Federal side, Hooker knew that Lee was up to something, and he ordered Pleasonton to take his newly formed cavalry corps across the Rappahannock River into Culpeper County and find out what it was. At dawn on June 9, before Stuart awoke to begin his mission, one wing of Pleasonton’s command crossed the river at Beverly’s Ford, and the other crossed a short time later at Kelly’s Ford. The sudden thrust surprised Stuart, who with his corps was bivouacked across the rolling farmlands and woods near Brandy Station, a depot on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad midway between Culpeper Court House and the Rappahannock River. The wing that crossed at Beverly’s Ford engaged Stuart and his men north of Brandy Station. The cavalrymen at Kelly’s Ford separated, and one detachment headed north toward the main fight but a Confederate force quickly blocked it for the rest of the day. The other detachment rode west toward Stevensburg, intending to turn north there and assault the Confederate rear at Brandy Station. A few miles short of Stevensburg, half of the detachment headed north as planned and struck at the tracks but the other half rode on to the village, where it engaged a Confederate force sent south to protect the rear. The Federals drove it back but received word to disengage. At the end of the day, the Union cavalrymen withdrew across the fords. In what still ranks as the largest all-cavalry engagement in the Western Hemisphere, Pleasonton’s men had fought Stuart’s famed troopers to a draw, bolstering their confidence and confirming the effectiveness of the new Union cavalrycommand structure (Figure 24). Lee moved his infantry into the Shenandoah Valley as planned. Lieutenant General A. P. Hill’s corps and Lieutenant General Richard S. Ewell’s corps marched from the vicinity of Culpeper Court House through Rixeyville and then northwest through Rappahannock County to Chester Gap (present-day U.S. Route 522) and into the Valley. Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s corps marched via the Thornton’s Gap Turnpike west through Sperryville and Washington in Rappahannock County, and then north through Barbee’s Crossroads to Paris and Ashby’s Gap (present-day U.S. Routes 211, 522, and 17, among other roads). Stuart screened the movement in cavalry actions fought largely in Loudoun County outside Middleburg, Aldie, and Upperville along the Ashby Gap Turnpike (U.S. Route 50). Once Hooker understood that Lee was marching north, he led the Army of the Potomac in pursuit (Figure 25). Lincoln replaced Hooker with Major General George G. Meade as commander during the march, and Meade stopped the Confederate invasion at the town of Gettysburg in Pennsylvania on July 1–3.

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Figure 24: Battle of Brandy Station, June 9, 186350

50

Edwin Forbes (1839–1895), Cavalry charge near Brandy Station, Va., Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004661456/)

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Figure 25: Movements and operations, June 5 - 18, 1863

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Lee slowly retreated back to Virginia. (During the last two weeks of July, he and his army pitched camp in Culpeper and Orange Counties north of the Rapidan River and west of the Rappahannock River (Figure 26). By August 1, the Rappahannock River had again become the line that divided the Federal and Confederate armies. Lee’s cavalry guarded the fords from Ely’s on the Rapidan upstream on the Rappahannock to Freeman’s. Across the Rappahannock, the Union army occupied its old ground of 1862 from Kelly’s Ford to Waterloo Bridge. By early in September, the Confederate infantry corps had moved south of the Rapidan (Figure 27). Later in the month, the Army of the Potomac pushed across the Rappahannock, occupied much of Culpeper County, and marched to the Rapidan (Figure 28). Lee’s withdrawal across the Rapidan in September and Meade’s advance that followed resulted from the stripping of divisions or corps from both armies to fight in the West. Longstreet and two divisions departed for Georgia and Tennessee in September and took part in the Battle of Chickamauga. Meade’s XI and XII corps were ordered late in September to the Chattanooga area. When Lee learned of it, he decided that the time had come to launch an offensive designed to drive Meade out of Culpeper County and back toward Washington, defeat his army, and prevent the transfer of additional Federal troops to the western theater (Figure 29). Lee wanted to force the Federals to abandon their Rapidan line and push them north to defend the capital and fight on ground more favorable to the Confederates. He decided to leave Major General Fitzhugh Lee’s cavalry division and three infantry brigades to guard the river crossings. He would accompany Ewell and Hill on a sweep around the Union right, with Ewell swinging farther north than Hill. Stuart would lead Major General Wade Hampton’s cavalry division ahead of the infantry to clear the path. On October 8, in preparation, Hill’s corps marched north from Orange Court House through Madison Court House. Meade observed the move but was uncertain, however, whether Lee was attempting to turn the Union right flank or was about to fall back toward Richmond. On October 10, Lee sent Stuart on a diversionary attack down the road to James City (presentday Leon), located in Madison County just inside the boundary with Culpeper County and about midway between the seats. There, Stuart fought a day-long action with Union cavalry under Brigadier General H. Judson Kilpatrick and Brigadier General George A. Custer. Each side shelled the other with artillery posted on hills to the north and south of James City, and skirmishers fired their weapons from one crest to the other, while residents cringed under the rounds buzzing overhead. The next morning, the Federals were gone, headed east to join the main army. Union Brigadier General John Buford and his cavalry division, meanwhile, had ridden on October 10 southeast from Stevensburg and crossed the Rapidan River at Germanna Ford. He then circled west to Morton’s Ford to attack the Confederates, who were south of the ford, the next day. Meade, however, decided that the James City engagement showed that Lee intended either to outflank him on the right or withdraw toward the Shenandoah Valley, not Richmond. He canceled Buford’s mission, but Buford decided to push across the ford anyway and then return to Stevensburg. After a sharp action he succeeded (Figure 30).

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Figure 26: Movements and operations, July 19 - 31, 1863

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Figure 27: Positions, August 1, 1863

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Figure 28: Positions, August 4 - September 7, 1863

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Figure 29: Positions, late September 1863

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Figure 30: Movements and operations, October 8 - 11, 1863

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Stuart pursued Kilpatrick and Custer, and late in the morning of October 11 he caught up with them at Brandy Station, scene of the great cavalry battle of four months earlier. Fitzhugh Lee and Buford joined the fight, a disjointed engagement with charges and countercharges along the Orange & Alexandria Railroad between Brandy Station and the Rappahannock River bridge. Stuart’s exhausted mounts and spectacular charges led by Custer among others enabled the Federals to cross the river to safety in Fauquier County. By nightfall, Meade’s headquarters were at Rappahannock Station, Lee’s were at Culpeper Court House, and Hill’s and Ewell’s corps were marching northeast (roughly along State Route 229) toward Warrenton (Figure 30). Meade revised his orders for the next day’s march, since it was clear from scouting reports that Lee was moving roughly northeast. Meade decided to withdraw to Centreville up the Orange & Alexandria Railroad parallel to Lee’s route on the Fauquier & Alexandria Turnpike and to attack if the opportunity arose. Meade altered the routes and sequences of march for the Army of the Potomac, which led to confusion, gaps, and backups among the various corps, and they made little progress on October 12 (Figure 31). On October 13, Stuart reconnoitered toward Catlett’s Station on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad to locate the Union left flank. After a brief clash at Auburn, Stuart found himself and part of his command caught between two Union corps. He sent a rider for help, and then spent the night concealing thousands of cavalrymen and their mounts in a ravine while Union troops bivouacked within earshot (Figure 31). The next morning, October 14, as help arrived, Stuart led a successful breakout and rejoined the main part of the army while Confederate and Union artillery dueled near Auburn. Lee quickly disengaged and marched Ewell’s infantry and Stuart’s cavalry eastward to strike Meade’s flank or rear. Hill, meanwhile, was marching with his corps east from Warrenton, and when he reached New Baltimore, he could hear the rumble of Union wagons to the south, so he probed in that direction as well as toward Buckland Mills, where Union cavalrymen were encountered. Hill sent his cavalry in pursuit and then headed toward Bristoe Station, where he expected to find the rear of Meade’s army. Without cavalry, however, Hill’s reconnaissance capability had almost disappeared. At about 1:30 P.M., Hill arrived at Bristoe Station from the north, thought that he had found the rear of Meade’s army, and attacked. In fact, what he saw was the rear of one corps, while out of sight to the south of the elevated Orange & Alexandria Railroad bed was the vanguard of the following corps. As Hill’s men charged, the Federals rose from behind their “earthworks” and delivered devastating volleys into the Confederate flank, leaving hundreds of dead, dying, and wounded on the field. The Federal army then escaped to a strong position near Centreville (Figure 32).

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Figure 31: Movements and operations, October 12 - 13, 1863

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Figure 32: Movements and operations, October 14, 1863

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Angry and frustrated, Lee decided after a few days to withdraw south, down the railroad line to Culpeper Court House. When Meade learned of the movement, he set off in pursuit, with Kilpatrick’s cavalry leading the way as Stuart screened Lee’s retreat. Tearing up track as they went (Figure 33), the Confederate infantry began crossing into Culpeper County at Rappahannock Station on October 18. Stuart, on the Fauquier & Alexandria Turnpike to Warrenton, fell back to Gainesville as Kilpatrick pressed forward. The next morning, Kilpatrick found Stuart gone and assumed that the road was open to Warrenton. In fact, Stuart had withdrawn only as far as Buckland Mills, on the boundary between Prince William and Fauquier Counties. On the western side of Broad Run, he set up a defensive line and sent word to Fitzhugh Lee at Auburn to come up and protect his right flank (Figure 34).

Figure 33: Confederate sabotage of Orange and Alexandria Railroad between Bristoe Station and the Rappahannock river, October 186351

Custer, leading Kilpatrick’s advance, arrived first at Buckland and came under fire. He tried several times to force a crossing, succeeding only after he forded and bridged the stream on Stuart’s right and left flanks (Figure 35). Stuart fell back through New Baltimore and concealed most of his force behind Chestnut Hill. 51

Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “Virginia, Tracks of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, destroyed by the Confederates between Bristow Station and the Rappahannock, October 1863,” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003000235/PP/)

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Figure 34: Movements and operations, October 15 - 20, 1863

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Figure 35: Battle of Buckland Mills, October 19, 186352

When Kilpatrick, with Brigadier General Henry E. Davies’s brigade, arrived at Buckland Mills shortly after noon, he ordered Custer to follow him and Davies as they pursued Stuart. Custer first rested his men and horses and allowed them to eat, and then began to advance. Ahead and out of Custer’s sight, Davies encountered Confederate skirmishers about a mile west of the run and pushed them back two miles to New Baltimore, and then pressed on to Chestnut Hill, about two and a half miles east of Warrenton. As he approached Stuart’s concealed position at 3:30 P.M., Davies heard cannon firing behind him. Fitz Lee was attacking Custer’s left flank half a mile west of Broad Run, at the intersection of the turnpike and the road to Greenwich (presentday State Route 215). Custer quickly reformed his line, fell back to Broad Run, withdrew to the east bank, and then retreated to Gainesville with Lee in pursuit. Back at Chestnut Hill, Stuart charged as Davies and Kilpatrick turned away to ride to the aid of Custer, who was about five and a half miles to the east. The ensuing Federal retreat did not immediately disintegrate into a mad dash to escape. Davies organized effective rearguard actions until word reached him that the Broad Run bridge was in Confederate hands. Kilpatrick then divided his command, sending part of it north to Thoroughfare Gap with the wagons and artillery while the remainder continued its fighting retreat east on the turnpike. At last, however, Davies told every man to save himself, and the wild flight (the “Buckland Races”) began. Many Federals were captured, while others escaped by fording Broad Run north of the bridge. The two sides lost about 230 men between them, most of them on the Federal side as prisoners of war. Stuart crossed the Rappahannock River at Fauquier White Sulphur Springs the next morning and rejoined the Army of Northern Virginia. For the remainder of October and early November the two armies faced each other across the river (Figure 36).

52

Edwin Forbes (1839–1895), Buckland from Mr Huntons House, Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2004660438/)

58


Figure 36: Movements and operations, October 19 - November 9, 1863

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The Confederates held the crossings at Rappahannock Station and at Kelly’s Ford about four miles downstream. Meade decided to force his way across the two positions and reoccupy the ground between the Rappahannock and Rapidan Rivers. Lee planned to allow Meade to cross at the ford but hold him at the railroad bridge, and then counterattack in force. The Confederate fortifications were on the northeastern side of the river near the railroad bridge but on the southwestern side at the ford. Meade’s offensive got underway on November 7. Major General William H. French’s III Corps seized Kelly’s Ford while Sedgwick’s VI Corps attacked at Rappahannock Station (also known as Rappahannock Bridge II Sedgwick encountered resistance at the bridge, where part of Early’s division held the Confederate works as the afternoon faded. After some hesitation, Sedgwick decided on a risky attack at dusk. Lee, assuming that the day’s fighting would end at sunset, neglected to support the bridgehead. Sedgwick’s attack succeeded, shocking Lee and Early. After a brief but vicious bout of hand-tohand fighting, Sedgwick’s men captured the earthworks and about 1,600 defenders who did not swim the river to safety. Early burned the western end of the railroad bridge to delay the Federal crossing there. In addition to the Confederate prisoners, the two sides suffered about 900 other casualties. Lee ordered his army back across the Rapidan River to Orange County and into winter camp near Orange Court House, abandoning Culpeper County to the Union army. Lee had crossed that river, as well as the Rappahannock, for the last time. During the Bristoe Station Campaign, the armies had created a path of destruction up and down the Orange & Alexandria Railroad line, not only destroying track and bridges but also burning numerous buildings. Exactly when the destruction occurred and who was responsible for it, however, was not always clear. Captain Robert E. Park, 12th Alabama Infantry, wrote after the war of the destruction he observed in marching past Bealeton on October 18, 1863, during the retreat from Bristoe Station: At 4 o'clock resumed our march, the Twelfth Alabama in front of the brigade, and Company F in front of the regiment. Soon passed Beal[e]ton, which the enemy had destroyed by fire. What a cruel sight, chimneys standing as lone sentinels, and blackened ashes around them, indicating reckless wantonness and cowardly vengeance upon helpless women and children. Even war, savage war, should be conducted upon more humane principles. Sword and musket and cannon are more tolerable, more courageous. Fire is the weapon of cowards of the most cruel and most beastly nature and the stealthy instrument of the inhuman. The place had been a Yankee depot of supplies. Bivouacked near Rappahannock Station, cold and frosty, but slept soundly. The surrounding country is deserted by its former inhabitants. I saw a splendid mansion without an occupant and in very dilapidated condition. The Yankee generals had used many of these mansions for their headquarters without any thought of paying for them. 53

Union Lieutenant Robert K. Sneden, however, drew a map in November 1863 that showed a roughly fifteen-mile-long portion of the rail line and countryside between Bealeton in the 53

Robert E. Park, “The 12th Alabama Infantry, C.S.A.: Its Organization, Associations, Engagements, Casualties, etc.,” Southern Historical Society Papers, 33 (1905): 251.

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southwest and the bridge over Kettle Run a few miles west of Bristoe Station in the northeast. Within the mapped area are about fifteen burned bridges and trestles, as well as a dozen burned houses, repair shops, and other buildings at Catlett’s Station, Weaversville, Warrenton Junction, and Bealeton (Figure 37). Although Sneden attributed the destruction to the Confederate army, both sides probably had a role. Catlett Station, for example, not only was the scene of Stuart’s raid in August 1862, but also Union forces occupied it at length between 1862 and 1864 and constructed a large camp northwest of the station, providing ample opportunity for the destruction of dwellings and other buildings.54

Figure 37: Robert Knox Sneeden’s map of destruction around Warrenton, October 186355

The Army of the Potomac repaired the Rappahannock Station railroad bridge and occupied the Confederates’ half-finished winter camp between Brandy Station and Culpeper Court House. The Federals soon discovered through patrols and observation that the right of Lee’s line, which stretched from Verdiersville in the east to Gordonsville in the west, was not anchored on a naturally defensible feature such as a river. Also, relatively small numbers of Confederates held each of the many Rapidan River fords. Consequently, Lee seemed vulnerable, and on November 26, Meade launched an attack across the Rapidan that has become known as the Mine Run Campaign. He planned to send infantry corps across several fords, drive south to the two principal east-west roads, the Orange Turnpike (State Route 20) and the Orange Plank Road (Route 621), and roll up Lee’s right flank. Unfortunately for his plans, a combination of rain, 54

Robert Knox Sneden, Map of Warrenton Junction, Orange and Alexandria R.R., Virginia shewing [sic] destruction of R.R. by enemy, October 1863, Library of Congress, American Memory, Civil War Maps (http://www.loc.gov/item/(OCoLC)ocm48998881) 55 ibid

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high water, and slow marching gave Lee time to improvise a strong defensive position on the western bank of Mine Run, a tributary of the Rapidan that flowed south to north across the routes that Meade intended to take. Various delays enabled the Confederates to turn their position into such a strong one that Meade reluctantly decided to cancel the campaign and withdraw. To attack would have resulted in a slaughter of his men. Lee awoke on December 2 to find the Federals gone. Meade went to Washington to explain his decision and then continued home to Philadelphia on furlough for a rest while his army went into winter quarters. Some members of Lincoln’s administration wanted to fire Meade, but others admired him for making a potentially careerdestroying decision rather than waste his soldiers’ lives. The president left Meade in command of the Army of the Potomac. There the Federal army would remain until the beginning of May 1864—about six months. The camp, actually a collection of brigade and regimental camps established around division and corps headquarters, expanded well beyond the original area and sprawled over much of Culpeper County and into Fauquier County. The dimensions and extent of the camp varied during the winter—mostly growing in all directions—as units were relocated periodically. Individual camps were laid out according to established rules and patterns, with streets, kitchens, tents, and huts. Wagon and artillery parks, as well as army horse, mule, and cattle herds, filled the fields beyond the rows of tents and cabins. Sutlers, benevolent organizations, and other groups established their own camps and bases of operation. Outside the winter camp’s roughly sixty-mile perimeter, picket posts guarded key depots, intersections, and fords. Pickets guarded the vital Orange & Alexandria Railroad, for example, all the way from the camp to Manassas Junction. Cavalrymen daily patrolled certain routes past the picket lines, such as the road to James City (present-day Leon) just across Crooked Run in Madison County. High ground, such as Mount Pony, the Signal Corps headquarters, served as observation posts for keeping an eye on the Confederates across the Rapidan River. The Union winter camp, then, was essentially a dispersed city with an area of control extending for many miles outside the zone of tents and huts (Figure 38).56 Each of the army corps occupied certain parts of the whole winter camp. I Corps was based in and west of Culpeper Court House. II Corps occupied Stevensburg and vicinity. III Corps was located in and around Brandy Station, in the approximate center of the winter camp. VI Corps camped north of Brandy Station, and V Corps was located east of the Rappahannock River around Rappahannock Station, primarily to secure the Orange & Alexandria Railroad and its bridge.57

56

For detailed descriptions of the winter camp, activities, training, camp locations, etc., see Clark B. Hall, “Season of Change: The Winter Encampment of the Army of the Potomac, December 1, 1863–May 4, 1864,” Blue and Gray Magazine 8 (April 1991): 8–22, 48–62, and Jamie Dial, Army of the Potomac Winter Encampment, Culpeper and Fauquier Counties, 1863–1864, Multiple Property Documentation Form, National Register of Historic Places Nomination, 1991, Virginia Department of Historic Resources, Richmond, VA. 57 Dial, Winter Encampment, 3–4; Hall, “Season of Change,” map of winter camp, 12–13.

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Figure 38: 1863/4 Winter Camps

Tens of thousands of men lived and trained within the camp. At the end of January 1864, more than 85,000 soldiers were reported present. By the end of April, just before the Overland Campaign began, the number had grown to more than 127,000. Enormous quantities of supplies and ammunition arrived by train at Brandy Station, were stacked in great piles, and then were loaded on wagons that transported them to the regiments, brigades, and divisions. New recruits arrived almost daily, as well, many of them foreign-born immigrants (mostly German) whose training, drilling, and integration into the army was a priority. Various entertainments, including plays, lectures, concerts, dances, snowball fights, and baseball and football games eased the monotony of camp life. As time permitted, many soldiers put great effort into making their winter huts as comfortable and homelike as possible (Figure 39).58 Officers, especially generals, occupied more comfortable quarters. Meade lived in his tent, pitched on a northern slope of Fleetwood Hill near Brandy Station, although he was absent on leave to his home in Philadelphia for part of the winter. Several officers moved into houses, some of which still stand. Sedgwick, the VI Corps commander, occupied Farley, the Stearns

58

Dial, Winter Encampment, 7.

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house north of Fleetwood Hill. South of Stevensburg, Kilpatrick spent the winter at Rose Hill while Custer occupied nearby Clover Hill.59

Figure 39: Winter camp of 50th New York Engineers, Rappahannock Station, March 186460

For the civilians—aside from generals occupying their houses—the Union and Confederate winter camps established late in 1863 added to the destruction that the war already had wrought. Much of the landscape was denuded of trees to construct huts, and rail fences disappeared for use as firewood. The great herds of cavalry, artillery, and ambulance horses (34,891 by May 1864), mules (22,528), and cattle (number not known) stripped the pastures of grass. Not that local farmers needed the pastures as much as they used to, since the armies had taken most of their horses and cattle.61

59

Hall, “Season of Change,” map of winter camp, 12–13; Calder Loth and Margaret T. Peters, Farley, National Register of Historic Places Nomination, 1975, Virginia Department of Historic Resources, Richmond, VA. See also Library of Congress Web site, www.loc.gov/pictures/, for photographs of Kilpatrick and staff at Rose Hill and Sedgwick and staff at Farley. 60 Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “Rappahannock Station, Virginia, General view of 50th New York Engineers' winter encampment, March 1864,” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003006164/PP/) 61 Dial, Winter Encampment, 17. While the army was in winter camp, photographers and artists recorded hundreds of images that hint at the military occupation’s effects on the landscape. Brick chimneys for huts indicate the destruction of outbuildings, for example, and photographs and drawings of headquarters tents set among trees left standing for windbreaks show many stumps. There are also images of the enormous wagon and artillery parks. See the Library of Congress Web site, www.loc.gov/pictures/, and search “Brandy Station” and “Rappahannock Station” for numerous images of the camp besides the handful shown in this report.

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In addition, slaves throughout the region, perhaps emboldened by the Emancipation Proclamation that took effect on January 1, 1863, were leaving in vast numbers and taking portable property with them (Figure 40). On April 29, Lucy Ambler wrote, “The negroes are getting more roguish than ever. I fear they will not leave us any thing. It is impossible to keep things from them.” On the same date, Frances Gray observed, “Every servant left last night from here and Grandma’s, 17 in number taking our wagon & oxen. Prettie fix we are in this morning.”62

Figure 40: Fugitive slaves crossing Cow Ford on the Rappahannock River, August 186263

The Federals often colluded with the slaves to escape. Ambler commented sarcastically on June 26, “We have been quite fortunate as they [Union soldiers] have only taken our horses, negros, bacon and corn.” She wrote on August 14 of the experience of neighbors and her own concerns: They had one old man whom they considered faithful [who] . . . was out all day looking for the horses, that were missing. It seems the old man, went to Warrenton 20 miles and brought with him thirty yankeys at midnight, and they broke open the dwelling house. . . . The yankeys then took off their negro pets. . . . We may expect the rest of our negros to go off at any time. Mr. Ambler has determined to tell them all that they have his permission to go at any moment as we would be truly sorry to have the yankeys coming upon us. . . . Mr. Ambler called up the only young man he has left last night and told him they were all at liberty to go at any moment. The negro professed no desire to go but his saying so is not the least proof that he does not intend going. They are deceitful to the last moment. They are no profit to us now so it matters little when they go.

62

Broaddus, “Fauquier Lives,” 193, 195. Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “[Rappahannock River, Va., Fugitive African Americans fording the Rappahannock] August 1862,” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003000117/PP/)

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Indeed all our feelings of kindness have met with such a return that we only look upon them as we do the yankeys our deadly enemies. 64

On October 7, Ambler wrote with resignation of the slaves and the changes that had come: I feel that they are entirely different. They have lost all regard for their owners. I used to think I might calculate on their kindness but now if they have the opportunity they are certain to betray their masters. One old gentleman who always spoke of news as from very reliable authority (the negro) . . . [and who believed] that his own negroes would stand the test of abolitionism [stay with him] now has found out that all his negroes are going to leave him. He is very much disturbed at it as he thought them all that is his own perfectly trustworthy. He had a family of molatoes [mulattoes] whom he thought would stand [by] him but these very ones are about to leave.” 65

The practical effect of the slaves’ flight, combined with the absence of so many white men in the military service, was that crops could not be planted, tended, or harvested. Ambler wrote on November 15, “My husband met a lady a day or two ago who had been sick. She had at the commencement of the war a good productive farm and enough servants to work it. Now our enemies have taken from her and from all the neighbors their stock of every kind. The negroes have all left and she has made no pretension to have any crop.”66 How many slaves fled to Union lines between 1861 and 1865? Although the exact number of “self-emancipated” slaves is impossible to determine, the problem was so acute that late in the war Confederate authorities attempted to make an estimate. On March 25, 1865, Virginia governor William Smith sent General Robert E. Lee a list of fifty-nine counties and three cities with the numbers of resident male slaves between the ages of eighteen and forty-five (men considered to be in the prime of their laboring life). Such men were eligible for military service under the act passed by the Confederate Congress earlier that month authorizing the recruitment of slaves into the armed forces. Smith found that the numbers of these men had dwindled dramatically over the course of the war. Whereas the 1860 census listed 65,720 male slaves in that age group for the localities that Smith identified, the number that he estimated in March 1865 (based on county court records and state personal property tax records) was only 25,697—a decline of 61 percent, a figure that Smith thought should be much higher. The counties of Culpeper and Fauquier were not included on the list, perhaps because of the difficulty of obtaining the numbers while the Union army controlled those localities. The number of male slaves in the age group in nearby Rappahannock County, however, had been reduced by 72 percent. The adjacent counties of Madison, Orange, and Spotsylvania lost approximately 30 percent, 65 percent, and 78 percent respectively. Since male slaves in Smith’s age group constituted not only prime candidates for military service but also the core population of farm laborers, such massive losses contributed significantly to the dwindling numbers of fields under cultivation as the war ground on. Presumably the percentage of self-emancipated slaves in Culpeper and Fauquier Counties, which were largely under Union control after November 1863, was also in the 60-to-70 percent range. If so, then the number in Culpeper County in 1860

64

Ibid., 226, 238–239. Ibid., 250. 66 Ibid., 264–265. 65

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(1,436) would have been reduced to between 431 and 574; the number in Fauquier County (2,122 in 1860) would have declined to between 637 and 849.67 The year 1863 also was significant for the sharp increase in irregular or “partisan” warfare in Virginia. In April 1862, the Confederate Congress passed a bill authorizing the raising of “bands of partisan rangers” primarily to raid Federal supply depots; the rangers would then be paid the value of the supplies seized, similar to the principle of “prize money” in the navy. Numerous Confederate partisan bands were soon formed amid great controversy, with the Federals considering them little more than bushwhackers, thieves, and murderers. In reality, partisan units led by such men as Harry Gilmor, John H. McNeill, and—most famously—John Singleton Mosby acted within the accepted rules of warfare. Others, however, such as the infamous Quantrill’s Raiders, gained a reputation for brutality and terrorism that seemed to justify the Federals’ opinions. Neither side—there were Union partisan bands, too—was wholly comfortable with employing “irregular” troops. To many Confederate officers, glamorous units such as Mosby’s competed for recruits, had too much potential for being undisciplined, and threatened the morale of men serving in the regular army. Mosby ruled his Rangers (officially designated the 43rd Battalion, Virginia Cavalry) with an iron hand, engineering officers’ elections and conducting the unit’s missions with cold efficiency. He brooked neither personal opposition nor breaches of military discipline, and his men respected him. Although Mosby began operating independently in 1862 under J. E. B. Stuart’s auspices, he came into his own in 1863. At first, he was not uniformly successful. On May 3, he led an attack on the Federal depot at Warrenton Junction but was routed when a squadron of New York cavalry rode down the rail line from its camp at Catlett’s Station and drove him back to Warrenton. Mosby officially organized the Rangers in Fauquier County on June 11 and quickly had so much success that an area loosely defined as embracing the counties of Fairfax, Fauquier, Loudoun, and Prince William became known as Mosby’s Confederacy. The heart of Mosby country, however, was a smaller region that included Loudoun County and the northern part of Fauquier County. His men, when not riding on missions, appeared to be farmers. Their figurative invisibility, coupled with Mosby’s unexpected raids deep into Federal-held territory, unnerved officers and men alike in the Union army. Confederate sympathizers among the civilian

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Jaime A. Martinez, “Slavery during the Civil War,” Encyclopedia Virginia Web site, http://www.encyclopediavirginia.org/Slavery_During_the_Civil_War, accessed Nov. 21, 2012. If the state and county clerks had access to copies of the 1860 slave census, which lists the sex and exact age of each slave, they could calculate the precise number of male slaves aged eighteen to forty-five. Because it was this age group from which slaves were drafted for earthwork construction and other projects before 1865, the clerks probably created their own counts of male slaves annually. The estimates presented here for Madison, Orange, and Spotsylvania Counties were calculated by the author, using the 1860 census summaries (which group slaves by sex but under the age categories of 15–20, 20–30, 30–40, 40–50, etc., instead of 18–45) and the numbers of male slaves aged 18–45 as reported by Smith. For example, the 1860 census enumerated 1,534 males slaves aged 15–50 and Smith reported 341 male slaves aged 18–45 in 1865, or a reduction of 78 percent. Applying the same calculation to Rappahannock County, for which the author of the article reported a reduction of 72 percent, the 1860 census listed 770 slaves while the 1865 figure was 190, a reduction of 75 percent. This suggests that the percentage calculated by the author, while using somewhat different numbers, is comparable. In addition, comparing the numbers of residents in the “colored” category in the 1870 census with the numbers of slaves in 1860 in Culpeper and Fauquier Counties show population declines of 7 and 25 percent respectively. In Spotsylvania County, the decline was 40 percent.

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population, however, were elated by Mosby’s successes and his appearances seemingly here, there, and everywhere.68 Lucy Ambler wrote of an exciting encounter with Mosby on August 18, 1863: A large body of yankee cavalry passed this evening but only a few called to get some milk which I gave them. About 11 oclock at night we were awakened by a stout knock at our door. We were very much alarmed as we feared it might be the yankeys come to search our house. We soon found however that it was Major Moseby [sic] who was carrying his wife and children within the lines. We soon had a bed ready for them and they staid until after breakfast this morning the 19th. They had with them two prisoners who came to the table and ate their breakfasts with us. . . . [Mosby and] his yankee prisoner the officer talked a good deal while we were at breakfast. The yankeys are particularly anxious to get hold of Moseby as he gives them a great deal of trouble by pouncing suddenly on them. . . . This name is a terror to them as they never can find him. 69

On November 7, 1863, Ambler wrote, Mosby’s men continue to take prisoners every day. He always pounces upon them in the most unexpected manner and has scarcely failed in his expeditions. It is amusing the manner in which his men entrap the yankeys. Two of them came across a yankey officer and another yankey killing a hog. They took away their arms and horses and made the officer and his man walk with the hog divided between them on their shoulders and sent them on to Richmond. 70

Mosby’s audacity and success, however, enraged the Federals not only against Mosby’s “bushwhackers” and “murderers,” but also against the civilian population that sheltered them. Frances Gray wrote on December 18, 1863, of a neighbor who was arrested because the Federals believed him to be “a bushwhacker who shot into [a Union] camp. The Yanks say they are very much exasperated by Mosby’s raids & if this thing occurs in camp again the citizens will have to suffer the consequences as they can’t catch Mosby. I love Mosby to tease the Yanks but do I wish they had gallantry enough to worry Mosby in revenge instead of peaceful citizens.” The neighbor was released unharmed.71 As Federal frustration mounted, some soldiers became more threatening and abusive toward anyone they considered a potential threat or suspected Ranger. Johnny Scott, a fifteen-year-old boy who lived with his aunt at Oakwood in Fauquier County, described an incident that occurred in February 1864: [Federal cavalrymen] came about twelve o’clock Monday night and beat at the door. When I went down . . . half a dozen caught hold of me and pointed their carbines to my heart. They then arrested our guard, who [Union] General [David M.] Gregg had given us and after beating open the back door about twenty came 68

Jeffry D. Wert, Mosby’s Rangers (New York, NY: Simon and Schuster, 1990), 57–60, 68–71. Broaddus, “Fauquier Lives,” 239. 70 Ibid., 263. 71 Ibid., 271. 69

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in and stole everything they could lay their hands on. Fortunately, we put on a very bold front and prevented them with the assistance of our guard from taking very much. . . . They took me for a Confed, and if I had obeyed my first impulse and kicked some of them off the front steps I should have been shot, for a more cowardly set I never saw. 72

South of Mosby’s Confederacy, during the winter camp of 1863–1864, the Union and Confederate armies in Culpeper and Orange Counties probed each other’s defenses. Then, in the middle of the winter, an opportunity for a genuine if limited fight presented itself. In February 1864, Major General Benjamin F. Butler received approval for a surprise raid up the Peninsula to Richmond. Recent operations in North Carolina had left Richmond lightly defended, and Butler thought that he might seize the city with little difficulty. To distract the Confederates and prevent the capital from being reinforced, he asked that Meade’s army make a demonstration along the Rapidan River. Over the objections of Sedgwick, the army’s temporary commander while Meade was on leave, the plan was approved. On February 6, II Corps (temporarily under Warren’s commanded) led the way from its camp east of Stevensburg to Morton’s Ford while Major General John Newton’s I Corps bombarded Raccoon Ford upstream a few miles to the west. Even farther west, Union Brigadier General Wesley Merritt’s cavalry division crossed Robinson River and Barnett’s Ford on the Rapidan. At Morton’s Ford, Brigadier General Alexander Hays’s division spearheaded the assault across the Rapidan. It caught the Confederates by surprise but Ewell’s men, who guarded this part of the Rapidan, reacted quickly under his personal direction. By sunset the Federals were effectively pinned down. The fighting continued into the night, and each side captured prisoners in the darkness, but the next morning the Federals withdrew across the ford to safety. Each side suffered about 700 casualties. Not until after the fighting stopped did Warren and Sedgwick learn to their disgust that Butler had aborted his Richmond raid after being informed that a deserter had betrayed his plan. At about the same time, Kilpatrick hatched his own plan for a raid on Richmond, the so-called Kilpatrick-Dahlgren Raid, to free Union prisoners. On February 28, Kilpatrick led 4,000 horsemen across Ely’s Ford on the Rapidan and south through Spotsylvania County where the force divided. Dahlgren was to circle south of Richmond by riding west through Goochland County with about 500 cavalrymen and cross the James River into the city while Kilpatrick executed a diversionary attack from the north. The plan unraveled when Kilpatrick’s diversion stalled and the Richmond home guard confronted Dahlgren, who rode east, crossed the Mattaponi River into King and Queen County on March 2, and was killed in a brief fight. The raid’s failure put an end to such schemes. For the rest of the winter, the Army of the Potomac instead prepared for the approaching campaign season. The strategist for that campaign, Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant, arrived at Brandy Station on March 10, 1864. He did not command the Army of the Potomac, which remained under Meade. Grant instead commanded all of the Union armies, having been summoned to Washington, promoted, and given the commander-in-chief’s post by Lincoln. Rather than remain 72

Emily G. Ramey and John K. Gott, comps., The Years of Anguish: Fauquier County, Virginia, 1861–1865 (Warrenton, VA: Fauquier County Civil War Centennial Committee, 1965), 61.

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in the capital and issue orders from afar, Grant decided to accompany one of the armies in the field. He chose the Army of the Potomac, realizing that the key to victory lay in crushing Lee’s army. Grant quickly formed a workable alliance with the notoriously prickly Meade by extending his subordinate every courtesy and sign of respect. Although the relationship was frequently on edge, during the next thirteen months the two generals would win the war for the Union in Virginia. As spring approached, the Union and Confederate armies studied each other across the Rapidan River. The Army of Northern Virginia, south of the river, stretched across Orange County. Longstreet’s headquarters was located at Gordonsville, Lee’s and Hill’s at Orange Court House, and Ewell’s near Morton’s Ford. The Army of the Potomac, whose camps Lee could see on May 2 from the Confederate observation post atop Clark’s Mountain, sprawled across Culpeper County from Culpeper Court House to Rappahannock Station in Fauquier County. The scene was deceptively peaceful. While at the Union winter camp, Grant completed his master plan for the spring campaign. On or about May 4, Federal forces all over the country would launch simultaneous attacks against the Confederates. From Chattanooga, Tennessee, Major General William T. Sherman would march southeast into Georgia and strike General Joseph E. Johnston’s army. Major General Nathaniel P. Banks was to march on Mobile, Alabama, from New Orleans, Louisiana (his campaign first was postponed and then canceled). In Virginia, Major General Franz Sigel would drive south up the Shenandoah Valley while Butler would lead the Army of the James up the James River from Hampton Roads to City Point and Bermuda Hundred. This was the first step on the road to Petersburg and Richmond, which Confederate General Pierre G. T. Beauregard defended. In southwestern West Virginia and Virginia, Brigadier General William W. Averell and Brigadier General George Crook would launch a series of infantry and cavalry raids against the Virginia & Tennessee Railroad. Meade’s Army of the Potomac was assigned the challenge of crossing the Rapidan River, threatening the Confederate right flank and maneuvering toward Richmond to draw out the Army of Northern Virginia and destroy it in battle. First, however, enormous logistical problems had to be overcome just to get the army moving out of Culpeper and Fauquier Counties. If marched in double columns, the 120,000 soldiers would stretch for thirty miles while its 6,000 supply wagons would occupy fifty miles of roads. The solution was to have Major General Gouverneur K. Warren’s V Corps and Sedgwick’s VI Corps cross the Rapidan at Germanna Ford at dawn, with Major General Winfield S. Hancock’s II Corps crossing half a dozen miles east at Ely’s Ford. The wagon train would cross at Ely’s and Culpeper Mine Fords, and Burnside’s IX Corps would follow Warren’s and Sedgwick’s corps across Germanna Ford after detaching Brigadier General Edward Ferrero’s division to guard the trains. Warren and Sedgwick would camp beyond Wilderness Tavern while Hancock would head for Chancellorsville and then on to Todd’s Tavern and Spotsylvania Court House. The vanguard of Warren’s corps, preceded by Wilson’s cavalry, left its camp about 3 A.M. on May 4 and splashed across Germanna Ford, driving away the Confederate pickets there. Sedgwick’s corps followed. The advance of Hancock’s corps soon did the same at Ely’s Ford, and the campaign was under way. The next day, the first United States Colored Troops (part of Ferrero’s IX Corps division) to join the Army of the Potomac crossed the river at Kelly’s Ford.

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With the opening of the Overland Campaign, the Rappahannock-Rapidan line no longer delineated the effective Federal and Confederate areas of control on the northern and southern sides of the two rivers. Once Grant and Meade crossed that line, they would not turn back, nor would Lee. After May 4, 1864, the principal theater of war in Virginia moved away from Culpeper and Fauquier Counties toward Richmond and Petersburg and the concluding acts of the conflict. The two counties had seen the last of large-scale military operations (smaller ones would continue until the end) and occupation. Compared to the past several months, most civilian residents of Culpeper and Fauquier Counties must have felt as though the countryside had gone from full to empty with the departure of so many men, wagons, horses, and cattle. As the scene of action shifted south, the counties’ record of suffering was written on a landscape torn by the fighting, the burning, and the long winter camp. Between 1862 and 1864, the armies had churned roads into quagmires, destroyed farm buildings and fences, obliterated livestock herds, leveled depots, burned bridges, torn up track, and altered the social and economic structures of the two counties in every way imaginable. Slavery was practically at an end; once-prosperous farms had been laid waste; property and wealth assembled over a lifetime of work was gone; families were torn asunder; and the future looked bleak. Those left behind in Culpeper and Fauquier Counties were far from alone in their ordeal, of course, and whole regions of the South that had thus far largely escaped the hard hand of war—eastern Georgia and South Carolina—would feel it soon enough. In May 1864, no one on either side knew how it all would end or that the war would grind on another year, much less that some of the greatest carnage in Virginia alone lay ahead at places like the Wilderness, Spotsylvania Court House, and Cold Harbor. In northern Fauquier County, civilians would suffer retribution in the autumn as frustrated Federal cavalry punished them for harboring Mosby. But for most of the two counties’ residents, the immediate consequences of combat and occupation had come to an end. Ahead lay the challenges of rebuilding—both physically and emotionally— as well as restoring the battered landscape and creating a new way of life in the postwar era.

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4 P HASE M APS A NOTE

ON

MAP SYMBOLOGY

The 55 battlefield maps presented in this chapter illustrating the positions and movements of troops during 10 discrete battles were constructed using Geographical Information Systems software (ArcGIS 9.3). As discussed above in Chapter 1 and illustrated in the map legend presented in Figure 41, standardized symbology was developed so that military units are similarly depicted from map to map throughout the 55 maps presented in this chapter. Thus, unique symbols are used to differentiate between infantry, cavalry, and artillery units, color is used to represent the two competing sides of the conflict, and variation in symbol size and font size is used to distinguish between military units and commanders of different orders (e.g., corps, division, brigade, regiment). Because of differences in map scale between individual maps and map sets, scale differences in symbol and font sizes are relative within any given map rather than absolute across all maps. Stylized color-coded arrow shapes depicting the prevailing route and direction of unit movements are also used in the maps, with solid and hollow arrows employed to differentiate between advance and retreat, respectively. In certain instances, lines with embedded arrow symbols have been used for specific battle phases if movement information could be displayed more effectively in a particular map in this manner.

Figure 41: Map legend showing symbols used in battle phase maps.

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CEDAR MOUNTAIN AUGUST 9, 1862 ♦Prelude In July 1862, Union Major General John Pope took command of the Army of Virginia, which consisted of three corps. Major General Franz Sigel commanded the corps stationed at the foot of the Blue Ridge around Sperryville, on the Union right flank. Major General Nathaniel P. Banks commanded a corps camped a few miles east in the vicinity of Washington, the Rappahannock County seat. At Falmouth just above Fredericksburg, Major General Irvin McDowell’s corps held the Union left flank. Near Richmond, Confederate General Robert E. Lee worried about both Pope and Major General George B. McClellan’s Army of the Potomac at Harrison’s Landing. Lee concluded that McClellan soon would be ordered to join his army with that of Pope. On July 13, Lee ordered Major General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson and his Shenandoah Valley army to march from its camp east of Richmond toward Pope and “observe the enemy’s movements closely, [and] to avail himself of any opportunity to attack that may arise.” Jackson and his men began arriving in Gordonsville on July 19. He commanded three divisions under Major General Richard S. Ewell, Brigadier General Charles S. Winder, and Major General A. P. Hill. On August 6, Jackson learned that Pope had ordered his army to concentrate at Culpeper Court House, and then march south to the Rapidan River and feint southwestward toward Charlottesville. Pope thought that Jackson would fall back to the west, divide his force, or offer Pope combat. Jackson instead marched north to intercept Pope, and by August 7 Jackson’s wing was in or approaching Orange Court House, headed to Culpeper County by roads paralleling the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. Meanwhile, Banks’s II Corps was marching south from Culpeper Court House. Brigadier General George D. Bayard and his cavalrymen led the way, followed by Brigadier General Samuel W. Crawford’s infantry brigade, which consisted of the 28th New York, 46th Pennsylvania, 10th Maine, and 5th Connecticut Regiments. On the evening of August 8, Bayard, Crawford, and two artillery batteries bivouacked along the north fork of Cedar Run, a stream that flowed around the northern end of Cedar Mountain. The rest of Banks’s corps would arrive by early afternoon the next day. That night, Jackson’s army was scattered across the countryside. Ewell was in Madison County, across the Rapidan River, near Barnett’s Ford and Crooked Run Church, near Brigadier General Beverly H. Robertson’s cavalry bivouac. Winder was just across the river in Culpeper County, and Hill was barely outside Orange Court House. ♦Phase 1 As Robertson and Early advanced up the Culpeper road from the intersection, they saw Federal guns atop the Cedar Run ridge and some of Bayard’s cavalrymen in the road at the Crittenden gate. At about 2 P.M., Early unlimbered his own guns and opened fire. The Federal cavalrymen withdrew to the ridge as the rest of Ewell’s division began to arrive. Brigadier General Isaac R. Trimble’s brigade and Colonel Henry Forno’s brigade moved toward the northern end of Cedar Mountain to form the Confederate right flank. Early’s brigade continued north along the road to the vicinity of Major’s schoolhouse and Major’s farm gate. (Figure 42) 74


♦Phase 2 At about 3 P.M., Early’s brigade marched northeast on the road toward the Crittenden gate and stopped in a meadow west of the road to form up. Behind the Union position, meanwhile, came Brigadier General Christopher C. Augur’s three-brigade division, with Brigadier General Alpheus S. Williams’s division of two brigades following. (Figure 43) ♦Phase 3 The next phase occurred between about 3:30 and 5 P.M. Trimble’s and Forno’s brigades continued moving toward the northern end of Cedar Mountain, where they would take a position with a battery of Ewell’s guns. Brigadier General William B. Taliaferro, of Winder’s division, put his brigade on the farm lane to Early’s left. Most of Jackson’s artillery filled in the gap between Taliaferro and the gate. Across the road, on the edge of woods and a wheat field, Colonel Thomas S. Garnett’s brigade, also of Winder’s division, took cover from Union artillery shells. In the Union position, Augur’s division occupied the left flank south of the Culpeper road, while Williams’s division held the ground to the right of the road, with Crawford in the middle. Federal skirmishers moved southwest of Mitchell Station Road into a cornfield. (Figure 44) ♦Phase 4 At about 5:30 P.M., Colonel Charles A. Ronald’s Stonewall Brigade moved past Garnett to form the far left of Jackson’s line. Hill’s division began to arrive and its brigades were deployed. Colonel Edward L. Thomas and his men were sent to Early’s right to lengthen the infantry line almost to Cedar Mountain and to protect the artillery there and in front of the Crittenden house. As the Confederates got into position, the shelling slackened and Crawford and Augur began to move from the Cedar Run ridge and attack. (Figure 45) ♦Phase 5 Crawford’s brigade attacked across the wheat field toward Garnett’s brigade. From Augur’s division, Brigadier General John W. Geary’s brigade was closest to the road, opposite Taliaferro, while Brigadier General Henry Prince’s faced Early. To Prince’s left rear, Brigadier General George S. Greene’s brigade was held in reserve on the left flank. Geary and Prince attacked the Confederate line first, sweeping down from their ridge and across the broad cornfield that separated them from Taliaferro and Early. At the time the advance began, shortly after 5:30, Early was near Cedar Mountain posting Thomas’s brigade. He galloped back to his own brigade to find it threatening to dissolve under the Federal onslaught. Meanwhile, across the Culpeper road, Crawford hammered Garnett’s brigade, causing the Confederate left to collapse. Winder fell, mangled and mortally wounded by a shell fragment. By 6:30, the Confederates seemed close to defeat. (Figure 46) ♦Phase 6 The Federal advance continued, and the Confederate left flank began to retreat. Reinforcements from Hill’s division—the brigades of Brigadier General Lawrence O’B. Branch, Brigadier General James J. Archer, and Brigadier General William D. Pender—approached the collapsing flank. (Figure 47) ♦Phase 7 At about 6:45 P.M., the newly arriving brigades shored up the left side of the Confederate line fronting the wheat field and begin to counterattack Crawford’s brigade. At the Crittenden gate, 75


Jackson rallied the retreating Confederates, waving a battle flag. He also attempted to draw his sword, but it had rusted into place in its scabbard, so he flourished sword and scabbard together. The dramatic gestures, amid the occasional exploding shell, had the desired effect. At the northern foot of Cedar Mountain, Forno’s and Trimble’s brigades began to advance toward the Union line and threaten Greene’s brigade. By 9 P.M., the Federals all began to fall back toward Culpeper Court House. The Confederate artillery shelled the wooded area around Cedar Run Church in case any Union forces were concealed there that might attack the pursuing Confederates. (Figure 48) ♦Phase 8 The pursuit continued until well after dark. Three of Hill’s brigades and a battery established a line along the edge of the woods north of Cedar Run Branch. Union Brigadier General James B. Ricketts’s division, also with artillery, established a line to the north along a road to cover the Federal retreat. Banks and Pope both had ridden to the front at times during the day, and had established their headquarters at the Nalle house about a mile behind the Federal line. Confederate Brigadier General William E. “Grumble” Jones, with most of the 7th Virginia Cavalry, charged into the Nalle farmyard in the dark, and Banks and Pope barely escaped. By about 10 P.M., all action had ceased except for some artillery fire. The Confederates lost about 1,300 in dead, wounded, and missing during the battle, while the Federals lost about 2,400. On August 10, Jackson gathered his wounded and waited in vain for Pope to resume the offensive. The next day, the Confederates began to withdraw south of the Rapidan River. Jackson had accomplished his goal, to attack Pope if the opportunity presented itself. Soon, Pope would abandon the initiative and retreat to the triangle of land between the Rapidan and the Rappahannock. (Figure 49)

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Figure 42: Cedar Mountain, Phase 1

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Figure 43: Cedar Mountain, Phase 2

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Figure 44: Cedar Mountain, Phase 3

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Figure 45: Cedar Mountain, Phase 4

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Figure 46: Cedar Mountain, Phase 5

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Figure 47: Cedar Mountain, Phase 6

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Figure 48: Cedar Mountain, Phase 7

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Figure 49: Cedar Mountain, Phase 8

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RAPPAHANNOCK STATION I AUGUST 18–25, 1862 ♦Prelude In August 1862, after Major General Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson’s wing of General Robert E. Lee’s army defeated Union Major General John Pope’s Army of Virginia at Cedar Mountain in Culpeper County, Lee went to Gordonsville from Richmond with Major General James Longstreet’s wing to reunite the Army of Northern Virginia. Before the Confederates began their advance north on August 19, Pope had deployed his army on the triangle of land in eastern Culpeper County between the Rapidan River and the Rappahannock. He then decided, however, to cross most of his army into Fauquier County on the north side of the Rappahannock River, where high bluffs dominated the lower terrain on the Culpeper County side of the river. ♦Phase 1 On August 18–19, Pope’s army crossed over the Rappahannock River. Major General Franz Sigel’s corps crossed at Fauquier White Sulphur Springs and burned the bridge there. Brigadier General Jesse L. Reno’s division of Major General Ambrose E. Burnside’s corps crossed at Kelly’s Ford. At the Rappahannock Bridge, Major General Nathaniel P. Banks’s corps and Major General Irvin McDowell’s corps passed over the river. (Figure 50) ♦Phase 2 Lee sent his army across the Rapidan River on August 20. Brigadier General Fitzhugh Lee’s cavalry brigade crossed at Mitchell’s Ford and rode to Kelly’s Ford. Brigadier General Beverly H. Robertson’s troopers crossed at Tobacco Stick Ford and proceeded to Brandy Station. Jackson’s wing went across at Somerville Ford marched to the vicinity of Stevensburg, while Longstreet’s crossed at Raccoon Ford and followed in Fitzhugh Lee’s path. (Figure 51) ♦Phase 3 Late in the afternoon of August 20, Robertson encountered Brigadier General George D. Bayard’s cavalry brigade east of Brandy Station and pushed it up the Orange & Alexandria Railroad back across the river at the bridge as Fitzhugh Lee’s brigade rode up from Kelly’s Ford to strike Bayard’s flank. On the Culpeper County side of the bridge, Brigadier General George L. Hartsuff commanded his brigade of McDowell’s corps to hold the crossing. Meanwhile, Jackson began to move up toward Brandy Station while Longstreet advanced inland toward the railroad behind Fitzhugh Lee. (Figure 52) ♦Phase 4 On August 21, at Beverly’s Ford, Lee ordered up Jackson’s division from between Brandy Station and Stevensburg, sent Robertson upriver to cross at Freeman’s Ford and sweep downstream to Beverly’s Ford, and then had the 5th Virginia Cavalry drive off Federal pickets and gunners at Beverly’s to clear the way for Jackson. Pope rushed artillery and cavalry toward Beverly’s Ford to block and flank the Confederate troopers, and Jackson’s column did not cross. Longstreet moved closer to the Rappahannock Bridge. At Kelly’s Ford, the Confederate infantry brigades of Brigadier General Winfield S. Featherson and Brigadier General Roger A. Pryor marched toward the ford but then withdrew. (Figure 53)

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♦Phase 5 Lee advanced north parallel to the river on August 22. The Confederate artillery dueled with their Union counterparts at Freeman’s Ford to test the defenses, but no crossing was attempted. Lee sent Major General J. E. B. Stuart and his cavalry west to find a way to raid the Federal rear. Stuart found Waterloo Bridge unguarded, crossed there, attacked the railroad at Catlett’s Station, and returned safely with some of Pope’s personal baggage. Meanwhile, several Federal regiments crossed into Culpeper County near Freeman’s Ford to attack Jackson’s supply wagons but were repulsed and Union Brigadier General Henry Bohlen was killed. Jackson, noticing that the Sulphur Springs area was lightly defended, sent Brigadier General Jubal A. Early’s brigade across the dam at Sandy Ford. Heavy rain raised the water level in the river, stranding Early and his men. (Figure 54) ♦Phase 6 On August 23, Pope ordered Sigel to lead his corps against Early. The Confederates were located on the high ground near the springs behind Great Run. While they fended off Sigel, Jackson’s engineers began constructing a replacement bridge so that Early’s troops could withdraw, which they did before dawn the next day. Lee moved on the same day against the Federal bridgehead in Culpeper County opposite Rappahannock Station. Three of Longstreet’s brigades (under Colonel Richard H. Anderson, Brigadier General Thomas F. Drayton, and Colonel Peter F. Stevens) attacked Hartsuff’s position after failing to dislodge him with artillery fire. The Federals evacuated into Fauquier County after setting the bridge on fire. (Figure 55) ♦Phase 7 Pope shifted his defensive focus to the upper crossings of the Rappahannock as far as Waterloo Bridge after the Catlett’s Station raid and Early’s probe, and traded artillery fire with the Confederates in Culpeper County. Lee and Jackson continued maneuvering upstream on August 24 and searched for a crossing point to flank Pope, with Longstreet moving north as well. (Figure 56) ♦Phase 8 On August 25, Jackson crossed the river at Hinson’s Ford in Rappahannock County, four miles upstream from Waterloo Bridge. The Federals noted the move but thought that Jackson was returning to the Shenandoah Valley. Instead, he marched north through Orlean to Salem (present-day Marshall) and then turned east and passed through Thoroughfare Gap en route to Bristoe Station and Manassas Junction. Lee and Longstreet demonstrated in front of Pope’s line the next day to keep him occupied, and then slipped away on Jackson’s route late in the afternoon. That evening, Pope received word that Jackson was headed for Manassas Junction, and turned his army away from the Rappahannock to march north. Next came the Second Battle of Manassas. (Figure 57)

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Figure 50: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 1

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Figure 51: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 2

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Figure 52: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 3

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Figure 53: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 4

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Figure 54: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 5

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Figure 55: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 6

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Figure 56: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 7

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Figure 57: Rappahannock Station I, Phase 8

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BARBEE’S CROSSROADS NOVEMBER 5, 1862 ♦Prelude The maneuvering and fighting between Union and Confederate forces did not end after the November 1–3, 1862, Battle of Unison. Union Major General George B. McClellan’s Army of the Potomac kept pressing south from Loudoun County into northwestern Fauquier County during the next couple of days. Confederate Major General J. E. B. Stuart’s cavalry continued to duel with Union Brigadier General Alfred Pleasonton’s horsemen as Stuart screened the movements of General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia and delayed the Federal advance. Additional engagements occurred in Fauquier County between Pleasonton’s and Stuart’s commands at Piedmont (present-day Delaplane) and Markham. On November 4, Confederate Colonel Thomas L. Rosser’s brigade was driven from Markham in the afternoon and rode south toward Barbee’s Crossroads. Stuart had ordered Brigadier General Wade Hampton’s brigade to Markham from Millwood in Clarke County, but when Stuart learned that Markham was in Union hands, he rode back to Hampton at Linden (Manassas Gap) and ordered him instead to Barbee’s to make a stand against any Union cavalry advance. ♦Phase 1 Rosser left a detachment of the 9th Virginia Cavalry on picket at the crossroads while the remainder of his brigade continued south about three miles toward Orlean and bivouacked for the night. Two guns of Captain Mathis W. Henry’s four-gun battery of Stuart’s Horse Artillery were left at the crossroads. At about midnight, orders arrived from Stuart to return to the crossroads, so Rosser’s brigade rode back to Barbee’s. When it arrived well before dawn on November 5, it discovered that most of Hampton’s brigade occupied the left front on the road to Chester Gap just west of the intersection; Hampton sent Lieutenant Colonel James B. Gordon and his 1st North Carolina Cavalry a mile south of the intersection to form the reserve and guard the road to Orlean. As the sun rose on November 5, the Confederates completed the disposition of their forces. The men at the crossroads erected a barricade north of the intersection. Just northwest of the crossroads, Henry posted his guns on a hill, and a picket line was formed in front of his position. (Figure 58) ♦Phase 2 At about midmorning, Henry observed a target approaching on the road to the north and opened fire. A mile north of the crossroads, the 8th Illinois Cavalry, which was leading the Federal column down the road from Markham, reined in as the round fell short. Pleasonton dispatched the 8th New York Cavalry to the west to confront Hampton’s men, kept the 8th Illinois and 3rd Indiana Cavalry in the Markham road, and sent Colonel David M. Gregg with the 8th Pennsylvania and 6th U.S. Cavalry on a sweep to the east and south around some rough ground and against Rosser’s position. Lieutenant Alexander C. M. Pennington’s battery deployed west of the road and engaged Henry’s guns. (Figure 59) ♦Phase 3 As the fight developed over several hours with little energy on Pleasonton’s side, Stuart received word that Union forces had occupied Warrenton in his rear. It was an erroneous report, but to Stuart it explained why Pleasonton seemed to be content with desultory skirmishing instead of

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launching a conclusive assault: the Barbee’s Crossroads fight was but a diversion to keep Stuart occupied while the main Federal column marched past him. Stuart gave the order to withdraw. At about the same time, Pleasonton’s men attacked in earnest. Gregg led the assault on Rosser’s line as the Confederates, including Henry’s guns, were pulling back. Henry quickly took up a position at the barricade and fired on Gregg’s force, and the 9th Virginia Cavalry made a countercharge, but the Federal advance proved overwhelming. Hampton, seeing Rosser withdraw, also began falling back but at about noon summoned Gordon and the North Carolinians from their reserve position to support the retreat. (Figure 60) ♦Phase 4 Gordon reported to Hampton, who ordered him to guard the guns. When Gordon observed the 8th New York advancing on the Confederate left flank and across the Chester Gap Road, however, he moved west and Hampton ordered the 2nd South Carolina Cavalry to support Gordon’s counterattack. Some of the New Yorkers had gained the protection of a stone wall, and when Gordon made his assault they delivered a volley into the left flank of his formation. Gordon’s men wheeled about to retreat; the 8th New York charged and sent the North Carolinians fleeing for safety. Forming a new line around Henry’s guns, which fired in support, Gordon held off the Federals, who pulled back. By midafternoon, the Confederates had quit the field and were re-forming at various points to the south. At Orlean, Stuart learned that Warrenton had not fallen to Union forces after all (that event occurred the next day). Over the next two days, small engagements occurred near Warrenton and in Rappahannock County at Gaines’s Crossroads and Little Washington. Both the Confederate march and the Federal advance ceased, however. Lieutenant General James Longstreet’s corps became firmly established near Culpeper and supported Stuart as Jackson’s corps marched from the Shenandoah Valley to join Longstreet and reunite the Army of Northern Virginia. McClellan’s Army of the Potomac, meanwhile, slowly concentrated around his headquarters at Rectortown. There, on the night of November 7, as McClellan sat in his tent writing dispatches, Brigadier General Catharinus P. Buckingham and Major General Ambrose E. Burnside arrived with fresh orders: Lincoln had relieved McClellan of command and replaced him with Burnside. (Figure 61)

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Figure 58: Barbee’s Crossroads, Phase 1

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Figure 59: Barbee’s Crossroads, Phase 2

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Figure 60: Barbee’s Crossroads, Phase 3

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Figure 61: Barbee’s Crossroads, Phase 4

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KELLY’S FORD MARCH 17, 1863 ♦Prelude In the middle of March 1863, Union Major General Daniel Butterfield, chief of staff to Major General Joseph Hooker, commander of the Army of the Potomac, transmitted orders to Brigadier General William W. Averell to lead his cavalry division from Fauquier County across the Rappahannock River into Culpeper County and attack and destroy Confederate Brigadier General Fitzhugh Lee’s cavalry brigade. Averell intended to take with him 3,000 cavalrymen and six pieces of artillery but decided to leave 900 men behind to guard his flank and vital fords. Averell’s force, then, consisted of his first brigade under Colonel Alfred N. Duffié (4th New York, 6th Ohio, and 1st Rhode Island Cavalry), the second brigade under Colonel John B. McIntosh (3rd, 4th, and 16th Pennsylvania Cavalry), and the reserve brigade under Captain Marcus A. Reno (1st and 5th U.S. Cavalry)—a total of about 2,100 cavalrymen. (Averell also sent 290 men of the 4th Pennsylvania Cavalry under Lieutenant Colonel William E. Doster north from Mount Holly Church at 4 A.M. toward Rappahannock Station to clear out Confederate patrols on east side of river, and then proceed to Bealeton and Morgansburg). Lieutenant George Browne, Jr., commanded the 6th Independent New York Horse Battery. In Culpeper County, Fitzhugh Lee learned of Averell’s approach on March 16, when scouts informed him that the Federal cavalry had bivouacked for the night at Morrisville in Fauquier County. Lee’s brigade consisted of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th Virginia Cavalry and Captain James Breathed’s horse artillery battery. Uncertain as to whether Averell’s objective was Kelly’s Ford, Rappahannock Bridge, or Warrenton, Lee sent 40 sharpshooters to Kelly’s Ford to reinforce those already there as pickets (the other two locations were already well defended) and held most of his brigade back in readiness to ride to wherever the Federals actually attacked. The pickets had felled trees across the road on either side of the river as abatis and dug rifle pits on the high ground in Culpeper near the farm, mill, and factory complex called Kellysville. Only about thirty sharpshooters were in place there when the head of Averell’s column approached the ford at about 6 A.M. on March 17. (Figure 62) ♦Phase 1 The fight began as the vastly outnumbered sharpshooters (under Captain James Breckinridge, 2nd Virginia Cavalry) focused a withering fire on Averell’s advance as it attempted to force a crossing. Three attempts failed, as did an effort to find another crossing point downstream. Finally, on the fourth try, a detachment of twenty men cut through the abatis on the Fauquier side, charged across the river, went around the abatis on the Culpeper side with the 1st Rhode Island Cavalry riding behind them, got between the sharpshooters and their horses, and captured most of the cavalrymen. Browne had unlimbered a gun to cover the assault but on Averell’s orders held his fire so as not to alert Lee. He unlimbered another gun to cover the ford about 7:30 when the rest of the Federals began crossing but did not fire. Averell first sent over the first brigade and two guns and then the second brigade, with the remainder of Browne’s battery and the reserve brigade crossing last. Once all were across, Averell watered the horses and deliberately did not rush to advance, believing that Lee might hurry south to meet him, and that the Federal mounts would therefore be fresher when the fighting started. At about noon, however, Averell ordered his command to move north on the Kelly’s Ford Road (present-day Route 674) with the first brigade in the lead. (Figure 63) 101


Lee, meanwhile, had received word of the crossing shortly after it occurred and, like Averell, chose at first to wait for his opponent to come to him. When nothing happened, Lee also advanced late in the morning. Half a mile north of Kelly’s Ford, Lee and Averell finally met. They had met before, not only at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, where they were friends (Averell graduated in the class of 1855, Lee in 1856), but more recently at Hartwood Church in Stafford County nine miles northwest of Fredericksburg. Lee’s men captured some of Averell’s cavalrymen there, and when Lee found out, he left Averell a teasing note: “I wish you would put up your sword, leave my state and go home. You ride a good horse, I ride a better. Yours can beat mine running. If you won’t go home, return my visit and bring me a sack of coffee.” ♦Phase 2 At about 12:30 P.M., as Lee’s brigade advanced with skirmishers out in front, Averell’s men emerged from woods and took up positions behind a stone wall and ditch that extended from the road about halfway to the river. Averell deployed the 16th Pennsylvania Cavalry on the far right near the river with the 3rd Pennsylvania to the 16th’s left, just east of the stone wall, with Reno’s reserve regiments to their rear. Behind the wall, the 4th New York held the ground, with the reduced 4th Pennsylvania west of the road. Lee’s brigade spread out across the open fields in front of the fence with the 1st Virginia closest to the road, the 5th Virginia to the Confederate left, and the 3rd Virginia about halfway across the field toward the river. The 2nd Virginia was just west of the road with the 4th Virginia on the Confederate right. As the 1st, 5th, and 3rd Virginia charged the wall, Duffié led the 1st Rhode Island, 4th Pennsylvania, and 6th Ohio in a countercharge while the 16th and 3rd Pennsylvania advanced on the Union right. Averell summoned three squadrons of his reserve (5th U.S. Cavalry), two of which charged across the field in Duffié’s support. The Confederate attack faltered, and the Virginians withdrew back up the road through thin woods to a second position on the north side of Carter’s Run. Browne’s artillery joined in support, at first with only one gun because the muddy road made it difficult to bring up more pieces. He got two more guns over to the right flank to support the 16th and 3rd Pennsylvania. As Browne’s gunners fired shell after shell at the Virginians, they probably did not notice a mounted Confederate artillerist giving directions to the cavalrymen charging the wall. He was Major John Pelham, the esteemed chief of Stuart’s Horse Artillery, who had ridden out from Culpeper Court House with Stuart to observe the action. Pelham was trotting forward to point out an opening in the wall when one of the shells burst overhead and drove an iron fragment into Pelham’s skull, inflicting a mortal wound. He died the next day, leaving Stuart devastated and the Confederacy without its greatest artillerist. Having driven back Lee’s brigade, in the midafternoon Averell found it necessary to regroup and reorganize his lines after the several mounted combat and countercharges. Soon he was underway again, pushing his battle line north across the open fields and into the thin woods through which the Confederates had retreated. When Averell’s men emerged from the woods, they found Lee’s brigade spread across both sides of the road with several guns in what appeared to be prepared positions or improvised earthworks. (Figure 64) ♦Phase 3 At about 3 P.M., Averell’s division advanced again in the same battle array as before. The men entered and then emerged from a second stand of trees, about three-quarters of a mile north of 102


where they had begun their advance, and spotted Lee’s brigade about half a mile in front. They also saw what appeared to be prepared artillery positions west of the road. Lee’s gunners soon opened fire with three pieces, confirming Averell’s suspicions. Browne deployed four guns to duel with the Confederate artillery and also to shell Lee’s cavalrymen, who alternated charges to the left and right of the road, as well as one charge all along the line. The Federals repulsed them with countercharges and artillery fire. At about 5:30 P.M., Averell decided to terminate the action when he learned that the artillery ammunition was running low and his horses were exhausted, and when he heared cars on the railroad bringing Confederate reinforcements. Averell advanced his reserve (5th U.S. Cavalry) to the front to mask Browne’s battery, which withdrew first. The cavalry followed by regiment to Kelly’s Ford. Browne crossed the Rappahannock River and posted two guns to cover Averell’s troopers, sending the other four cannons ahead to Morrisville. The remainder of Averell’s division crossed over Kelly’s Ford into Fauquier County about 7:30 P.M. and rode to Morrisville to bivouac for the night. Lee’s cavalry followed Averell’s division as far as Kelly’s Ford but did not cross in pursuit. About 170 of Lee’s horsemen were killed, wounded, or captured during the engagement, while Averell lost 78. The Kelly’s Ford fight was a Confederate victory, since Averell failed to destroy Lee’s smaller force and because Averell withdrew across the ford under pressure. The Federal cavalrymen considered the battle a moral victory, however, since for the first time they had more than held their own against Stuart’s legendary troopers. Union confidence soared, while Confederate morale suffered from the death of Pelham. After the battle, Confederates found a bag of coffee along with a note from Averell to Lee: “Dear Fitz, here’s your coffee. How is your horse?” (Figure 65)

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Figure 62: Kelly’s Ford, Prelude

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Figure 63: Kelly’s Ford, Phase 1

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Figure 64: Kelly’s Ford, Phase 2

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Figure 65: Kelly’s Ford, Phase 3

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BRANDY STATION JUNE 9, 1863 ♦Prelude After Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s victory at Chancellorsville in May 1863, he decided that the time had come to invade the North for the second time. To prevent Union Major General Joseph Hooker, the commander of the Army of the Potomac, from uncovering his plan, Lee ordered Major General J. E. B. Stuart to screen the infantry’s movement from Culpeper Court House toward the Shenandoah Valley, Lee’s avenue of invasion, by interposing his cavalry between the two forces. Stuart was to cross the Rappahannock River on June 9 and attack the Federal forward positions to distract Hooker. Stuart bivouacked his 9,500-man cavalry division73 a few miles east of the county seat around Brandy Station on June 8 in preparation for the next day’s raid. Brigadier General Beverly H. Robertson’s brigade camped around the Barbour house, Beauregard, just northwest of the depot. Brigadier General Wade Hampton’s brigade was located between the depot and Stevensburg. Brigadier General Fitzhugh Lee’s brigade (under Colonel Thomas T. Munford during Lee’s absence because of rheumatism) was at Oak Shade Church, a few miles northwest of Brandy Station. Brigadier General William H. F. “Rooney” Lee’s brigade camped around the Welford house, Farley, almost three miles north of the depot. Brigadier General William E. “Grumble” Jones’s brigade bivouacked on Beverly Ford Road in the vicinity of Saint James Church just north of Brandy Station. Pickets from Jones’s and Robertson’s brigades guarded the fords. Most of the Stuart Horse Artillery, under Major Robert F. Beckham, was between Jones’s brigade and the river. Stuart pitched his tent in the yard at Fleetwood, at the southern end of Fleetwood Hill overlooking Brandy Station. On the other side of the Rappahannock, Hooker knew that Lee was concentrating his forces in Culpeper County but did not know why. Concerned that Lee might strike east into Fauquier, on June 7 Hooker ordered the commander of his cavalry corps, Brigadier General Alfred Pleasonton, to conduct a spoiling raid to “disperse and destroy” Lee’s cavalry. For the mission, Pleasonton led 7,900 cavalrymen and 3,000 infantrymen in two brigades under Brigadier General Adelbert Ames and Brigadier General David A. Russell, as well as six artillery batteries. The cavalry divisions were under Brigadier General John Buford and Brigadier General David M. Gregg. Buford commanded his division plus a reserve cavalry brigade under Major Charles Whiting and Ames’s infantry brigade, while Gregg divided his division into one that he led and another under Colonel Alfred A. N. Duffié; he also had Russell’s infantry brigade with him. Buford, whom Pleasonton would accompany, received two of the artillery batteries while Gregg had four. Gregg was to cross at Kelly’s Ford, ride west to Stevensburg, and then turn north and strike the Confederate rear while Buford engaged Stuart after crossing at Beverly’s Ford. On the night of June 8, Buford’s division bivouacked without campfires and under noise discipline in a forest east of a ridgeline in Fauquier County near Beverly’s Ford. Gregg’s command rode toward Kelly’s Ford in the night. Duffié’s division got lost and delayed Gregg’s crossing at Kelly’s Ford for a couple of hours. (Figure 66)

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In June 1863, Stuart’s command was still known as the Cavalry Division of the Army of Northern Virginia. He would not assume corps command until September 9, 1863.

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♦Phase 1: North & South The crossings began at 4 A.M., on June 9. Buford and his men slipped quietly to Beverly’s Ford as a ground fog and the splash of water pouring over a dam upstream muffled the sounds of their approach. They then charged through the thin picket line, pistols blazing, and headed south on Beverly’s Ford Road. The gunfire alerted Jones, whose men rushed forward to slow the advance momentarily, and Rooney Lee started east in support. Stuart summoned Hampton as well. At Kelly’s Ford, Gregg’s command drove in the pickets, some of whom rode to Brandy Station and reported to Stuart, who sent Robertson’s brigade to the ford. When Robertson arrived, Gregg’s cavalry column was already on the road to Stevensburg. Russell’s infantry brigade had crossed over to guard the ford, and for the rest of the day Russell and Robertson faced each other on the road, scarcely firing a shot. (Figure 67) Note: The main forces on both sides were engaged between Beverly’s Ford and Brandy Station, to the south, smaller engagements ensued between Kelly’s Ford and Stevensburg. Since the two areas are approximately 4 miles apart and the actions were largely independent, they have been mapped and described separately as Brandy Station ‘North’ and ‘South’. When Buford’s division crossed Beverly’s Ford, Colonel Benjamin F. “Grimes” Davis’s brigade and the 8th New York Cavalry led the way, with the 8th Illinois Cavalry following. Jones’s 6th and 7th Virginia Cavalry rode to the front and stalled the advance, killing Davis. Most of the Confederates then fell back to Saint James’s Church, where the 11th and 12th Virginia and the 35th Battalion had formed a defensive line. Lee’s brigade rode east to strike the Federals in the right flank, while Hampton’s brigade came up to Brandy Station and Robertson set off for Kelly’s Ford. (Figure 68) ♦Phase 2: North By about 8 A.M., Lee’s brigade had established a strong defensive position, supported by Stuart’s horse artillery, behind a stone wall on the Cunningham farm. Buford deployed his guns, Whiting’s reserve brigade, and Colonel Thomas C. Devin’s cavalry division, which included Colonel Josiah H. Kellogg’s brigade, to face Lee. Down the Beverly’s Ford Road, Major William S. McClure (who assumed command when Davis fell), confronted the Confederate line at Saint James’s Church, which was strengthened when Hampton’s brigade formed a new line to the east on a ridge occupied by the Gee house. Fighting continued throughout the morning, when McClure began withdrawing north. At about 11 A.M., Gregg suddenly appeared in the Confederate rear at Brandy Station, and Hampton and Jones turned to meet the new threat. (Figure 69) ♦Phase 3: North Gregg reached Brandy Station with Colonel Percy Wyndham’s brigade in the lead, and paused to assess the situation when a cannon fired on him from Fleetwood Hill. Stuart quickly redeployed his forces to meet the threat, ordering Jones and Hampton back to Fleetwood, but thereby exposing Rooney Lee’s right flank. Wyndham’s brigade charged the hilltop from the west, Brigadier General H. Judson Kilpatrick’s brigade charged from the south, and they collided with the Confederates on the crest. A series of sword-and-pistol charges and countercharges ensued until midafternoon, and Gregg sent couriers toward Stevensburg to find Duffié. At the northern

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end of the battlefield, meanwhile, Buford forced Lee to retire from the stone wall almost all the way to Farley. (Figure 70) ♦Phase 4: North During the late afternoon, momentum slowly shifted to the Confederates north of Brandy Station. Munford arrived at Farley with three regiments, and he and Lee counterattacked Buford. Lee suffered a severe leg wound, but Buford withdrew toward Beverly’s Ford. At the southern end of Fleetwood Hill, Hampton pushed the Federals through Brandy Station. From the west, Confederate infantry began moving toward the battlefield, and Gregg withdrew his command toward the Orange & Alexandria Railroad bridge over the Rappahannock. At about sunset, the last elements of the Union expedition crossed over the river at Beverly’s Ford, Norman’s Ford near the railroad bridge, and Kelly’s Ford. (Figure 71) ♦Phase 2: South As the battle developed around Brandy Station in the morning, Gregg rode toward Stevensburg and divided his force near Carrico Mill. He and one division turned northwest up a road to the depot, while Duffié continued with the other division to Stevensburg, where he was to turn north on present-day Route 663. Hampton, meanwhile, had ordered Colonel Matthew C. Butler to lead his 2nd South Carolina Cavalry south to guard the Confederate rear. Butler proceeded to Stevensburg while Colonel Williams C. Wickham followed later with the 4th Virginia Cavalry. Butler rode through Stevensburg and onto the road to Culpeper Court House (present-day State Route 3) just as Duffié’s advance element appeared about half a mile east. (Figure 72) ♦Phase 3: South Butler posted some of his men in the road and deployed the rest along the eastern crest of Hansborough Ridge north of Stevensburg. Wickham came across the southern end of the ridge into the road just as Duffié charged. The Federals drove the outnumbered Virginians westward through Stevensburg and beyond, while Butler’s men retreated obliquely over Hansborough Ridge and across Mountain Run. (Figure 73) ♦Phase 4: South As Butler rallied his men, Duffié and his artillery came over Hansborough Ridge onto the western slope. He unlimbered a gun and fired a solid shot at the Confederates that struck the ground in front of Butler and ricocheted, costing Butler a foot and mortally wounding Captain William D. Farley, one of Stuart’s favorite scouts. Butler ordered a withdrawal to Jonas Run a mile up the road. As Duffié prepared to follow, a messenger arrived with orders from Gregg to follow Gregg’s Carrico Mill route to Brandy Station. Duffié complied, arriving at the station in time to join the withdrawal. (Figure 73) The Battle of Brandy Station cost the Federals about 900 casualties and the Confederates 500. Lee’s infantry marched to the Shenandoah Valley. Although Stuart held the field at the end of the day, tactically the battle was a draw. Even more than the Battle of Kelly’s Ford in March, this engagement proved the worth of the new Union cavalry organization and turned the tide against the supposed superiority of the Southern horsemen.

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Figure 66: Brandy Station, Prelude

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Figure 67: Brandy Station, Phase 1

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Figure 68: Brandy Station, Phase 1 North

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Figure 69: Brandy Station, Phase 2 North

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Figure 70: Brandy Station, Phase 3 North

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Figure 71: Brandy Station, Phase 4 North

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Figure 72: Brandy Station, Phase 2 South

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Figure 73: Brandy Station, Phase 3 South

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Figure 74: Brandy Station, Phase 4 South

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AUBURN I & II OCTOBER 13–14, 1863 ♦Prelude On October 8, 1863, General Robert E. Lee put the Army of Northern Virginia in motion to turn the right flank of Major General George G. Meade’s Army of the Potomac. Lee planned to march north and east, thereby forcing Meade to turn his army around and offer battle in the open. Meade’s observers spotted Lieutenant General A. P. Hill’s corps marching north from Orange Court House through Madison Court House with Lieutenant General Richard S. Ewell’s corps following. At first the Federals were uncertain whether Lee was heading for northern Virginia or back toward Richmond. Lee left Major General Fitzhugh Lee’s cavalry division and three infantry brigades to guard the Rapidan River fords, and send the rest of Major General J. E. B. Stuart’s cavalry corps (Major General Wade Hampton’s division) ahead of the infantry to protect the route of march. After Stuart fought an engagement at James City (present-day Leon) on October 10, Meade decided that Lee’s objective was either northern Virginia or the Shenandoah Valley. Meade ordered his army to withdraw from the Rapidan and Rappahannock River lines and march to Centreville along the Orange & Alexandria Railroad right-of-way. Once in northern Virginia, depending on Lee’s moves, Meade could either defend Washington or head to the Valley. The two armies marched parallel to each other, Lee’s along the Fauquier & Alexandria Turnpike and other roads and Meade’s to the south along the rail line and nearby roads. The III Corps preceded the II Corps at the end of Meade’s army. Each commander sent his cavalry out to locate and harass the other’s columns. On October 13, Lee ordered Stuart to find the Federal left flank—the rear of Meade’s army—by reconnoitering to Catlett’s Station on the railroad. At about 10 A.M., Stuart sent Brigadier General Lunsford L. Lomax’s brigade south on the Dumfries and Saint Stephen’s Roads (present-day Routes 605 and 667) from Warrenton. Stuart then followed with Colonel Oliver R. Funsten’s and Brigadier General James B. Gordon’s brigades from Hampton’s division. (Figure 75) ♦Phase 1 Lomax stopped at Auburn, a crossroads hamlet, to wait for Stuart and to scout the surrounding countryside. Some of Lomax’s scouts rode to Saint Stephen’s Church and then turned on Bastable’s Mill Road, finding Union Brigadier General John Buford’s cavalry division at Warrenton Junction (present-day Calverton) guarding the army’s principal wagon train spread between that point and Catlett’s Station. None of the scouts rode as far as Three Mile Station (present-day Casanova) and thus did not see the Union II and III Corps there, or Brigadier General David M. Gregg’s and Brigadier General H. Judson Kilpatrick’s cavalry divisions, marching toward Auburn. Stuart arrived at Auburn about 1 P.M., not knowing that it was located in a gap between the Union army’s corps. He left Lomax there, concealed Gordon’s and Funsten’s brigades at Saint Stephen’s Church, and rode south himself to reconnoiter Catlett’s Station before attacking the wagons. Awed by the size of the wagon train, Stuart sent a dispatch to Fitz Lee requesting his aid. Lee left the Warrenton area with Colonel John R. Chambliss’s and Colonel Thomas H. Owen’s brigades and headed for Auburn. Stuart also wrote a message to General Robert E. Lee. 120


Back at Auburn, Lomax had stationed pickets west of the hamlet on the Old Carolina Road. Suddenly, the Union III Corps came marching up at about 4 P.M. The corps commander, Major General William H. French, rode at the head of the column with Major General David B. Birney’s division, and French and his staff fired their revolvers at the Confederates. Colonel Charles H. T. Collis’s brigade deployed to the right of the road, while Colonel Phillipe Regis de Trobriand’s brigade formed to the left. Both sides brought up artillery, and when Lomax charged, a blast of canister drove him back. This initial engagement lasted half an hour and ended about the time Fitzhugh Lee arrived. He placed Chambliss’s brigade with Lomax’s, put Owen’s in reserve, and reconnoitered. When he learned that he was facing an infantry corps, Lee ordered a retreat to Warrenton. (Figure 76) ♦Phase 2 Stuart rode to Saint Stephen’s Church, collected the two brigades there, and rode north to Auburn, trapped between two marching columns of the Army of the Potomac. He and his men could not escape before III and II Corps (under Major General Gouverneur K. Warren) passed through Auburn and cut him off. He also could not move south without encountering Buford and the Union wagon train. All he could do was conceal his men, send word to Lee, and wait for reinforcements. Stuart hid his two brigades—3,000 men with their horses—five ordnance wagons, and seven pieces of artillery in a wooded ravine just east of Auburn on the north side of Saint Stephen’s Road and listened to the sounds of French’s soldiers marching by on the Old Carolina Road half a mile west. About 9:30 P.M., when it was fully dark, Stuart sent half a dozen men to slip through French’s column to Warrenton to notify Lee of the predicament. When they informed him, Lee ordered Ewell’s corps to march at dawn to Auburn, where Stuart was spending a sleepless night as Warren’s II Corps bivouacked three hundred yards away. (Figure 77) ♦Phase 3 When morning came on October 14, Ewell’s corps was on its way, with Major General Jubal A. Early’s infantry division taking the Double Poplars Road (Route 670) accompanied by Brigadier General Fitzhugh Lee’s cavalry division, while Major General Robert E. Rodes’s division marched down the Dumfries Road (Route 605). At Auburn, the three divisions that comprised Warren’s II Corps had bivouacked along several miles of the Old Carolina Road southwest of Auburn toward Three Mile Station (Casanova). Brigadier General John C. Caldwell’s division was a mile from Auburn, with Brigadier General Alexander Hays’s division next, and Brigadier General Alexander S. Webb’s closest to the station, where Colonel Samuel S. Carroll’s brigade of Webb’s division was guarding the corps wagon train. Brigadier General David M. Gregg’s cavalry division was deployed at various places along the road, with the 10th New York Cavalry stationed almost two miles northwest of Auburn toward Warrenton on the Dumfries Road. At about 3 A.M., Carroll began escorting the two-mile-long wagon train toward Auburn on the Old Carolina Road. Once he secured the crossing at Cedar Run just west of the hamlet, the train and the remainder of Warren’s corps would follow him over and turn southeast on Saint Stephen’s Road to Catlett’s Station. Unfortunately, some of the wagons overturned on the muddy grade to Cedar Run, and Warren ordered his divisions to pass them and keep moving. Caldwell 121


marched his division across the stream and up a hill on the other side to guard the bridge and road while the other divisions continued to Catlett’s Station. Caldwell’s men seized the opportunity to light campfires, heat coffee, and eat breakfast. The division faced northwest toward Warrenton. Colonel Nelson A. Miles’s brigade anchored the left flank, Colonel Patrick Kelly’s brigade occupied the center, and Colonel Paul Frank’s brigade held the right. Three artillery batteries completed the main line. Colonel John R. Brooke’s brigade halted ahead of the line just behind the 10th New York cavalry vedettes. Rodes’s division encountered the vedettes at about 6:30, just after full light. When the shooting started, the sound carried to the ravine where Stuart and his men were hidden. Stuart had seen Caldwell’s men on “Coffee Hill” and had posted the seven guns of Major Robert F. Beckham’s horse artillery eight hundred yards from the Federals. When he heard the shots, Stuart ordered Beckham to open fire. Although taken by surprise, Caldwell’s officers soon turned their guns around to duel with Beckham, and Hays’s division deployed in support as Caldwell moved his men to confront Ewell. Hays ordered Brigadier General Joshua T. Owen to advance the 125th New York Infantry as skirmishers on the Saint Stephen’s Road to lead the rest of Hays’s brigade toward Stuart. Stuart ordered Beckham to fall back, sent Colonel Oliver R. Funsten’s brigade forward as dismounted skirmishers, and ordered Brigadier General James B. Gordon to charge the New Yorkers. Owen quickly formed a stronger skirmish line with the 126th New York to the right (south) of the road and part of the 125th to the left. He also formed a battle line north of the road with the 8th and 111th New York as well as the rest of the 125th. Colonel Thomas A. Smyth’s brigade was behind Owen, just east of the Cedar Run bridge. Stuart quickly organized the breakout. Gordon led Colonel Thomas Ruffin and his 1st North Carolina Regiment against Owen’s line as Stuart and the rest of his men galloped down Saint Stephen’s Road away from Auburn. Ruffin’s regiment followed. The Confederates turned west and raced across fields and Cedar Run, past the Old Carolina Road, and north to Double Poplars Road, where they found Early and Fitzhugh Lee. (Figure 78) ♦Phase 4 As Rodes’s division approached Coffee Hill from the west, the Federal gunners reversed their pieces to face him. While Caldwell remained on the hill to cover the Federal withdrawal, Hays marched with the rest of the Federal infantry south on Saint Stephen’s Road to Catlett’s Station. Rodes pressed his attack down the Dumfries Road between 8 and 9 A.M. as Early and Fitz Lee pushed ahead on Double Poplar Road. Ewell’s artillery dueled with the Federal gunners until about 11 A.M., and then began to extract his corps. By 1 P.M., Ewell and his men were marching northeast toward Greenwich, while Warren’s corps had reached Catlett’s Station. The armies continued to move northeast, along or paralleling the railroad tracks, after the Auburn engagements. They would clash again that day at Bristoe Station. (Figure 79)

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Figure 75: Auburn I & II, Prelude

123


Figure 76: Auburn I & II, Phase 1

124


Figure 77: Auburn I & II, Phase 2

125


Figure 78: Auburn I & II, Phase 3

126


Figure 79: Auburn I & II, Phase 4

127


BUCKLAND MILLS OCTOBER 19, 1863 ♦Prelude General Robert E. Lee spent several days after the disastrous defeat at Bristoe Station on October 14, 1864, probing the Union defenses at Centreville. He found them too strong to attack and decided to withdraw across the Rappahannock River to Culpeper County and camp for the winter. Major General J. E. B. Stuart’s cavalry screened the Confederate army’s march, and the infantry began crossing the river into Culpeper County on October 18. Earlier that morning, meanwhile, Union Brigadier General H. Judson Kilpatrick reconnoitered to Groveton and Haymarket with part of his division, pushing Stuart west. By dark, Brigadier General George A. Custer’s brigade and part of Brigadier General Henry E. Davies’s held positions east of Gainesville. Stuart faced them with Major General Wade Hampton’s division, which Stuart commanded while Hampton recuperated from a wound. At about 8:00 the next morning, Kilpatrick began pushing southwest along the Fauquier & Alexandria Turnpike to Warrenton. Kilpatrick found Stuart gone from his front and thought that the way to Warrenton was clear. In fact, Stuart had withdrawn down the turnpike to the ruined bridge over Broad Run at Buckland Mills, where he posted sharpshooters as well as artillery on the west bank of the rain-swollen creek. He sent orders to Major General Fitzhugh Lee, who was south of Auburn, to cover his right flank with Lee’s division. (Figure 81) ♦Phase 1 As Kilpatrick advanced down the turnpike, Custer’s brigade was in the lead. At about 10 A.M., Custer approached Broad Run and found Stuart’s men in defensive position on the opposite bank. When the Confederates opened fire, Custer fired back and made futile attempts to force a crossing. After Custer bridged Broad Run on Stuart’s right and left flanks, Stuart withdrew toward Warrenton about noon and took up a position on the reverse slope of Chestnut Hill, about two and a half miles east of the town and five miles from Broad Run. (Figure 81) ♦Phase 2 Kilpatrick arrived at Custer’s position shortly after noon with Davies’s brigade and set off in pursuit of Stuart. He ordered Custer to follow, but instead of doing so immediately Custer rested his men and horses and allowed them to eat. About a mile west of Broad Run, Davies encountered Confederate skirmishers and pushed them back two miles to New Baltimore and beyond. Leaving a small force at New Baltimore to guard the crossroads, Davies rode on until he came to Chestnut Hill at 3:30 P.M. As he approached, he heard cannon firing behind him and realized that Custer was under attack. (Figure 82) ♦Phase 3 About half a mile west of Broad Run, at the intersection of the turnpike and the road to Greenwich (State Route 215), Fitzhugh Lee had struck Custer’s brigade on the left flank. Custer quickly reformed his line and fell back to the Broad Run bridge. Back at Chestnut Hill, Stuart charged as Davies and Kilpatrick turned back toward Broad Run. Davies organized rearguard actions until word reached him that the Broad Run bridge was in Confederate hands. Kilpatrick then divided his command, sending part of it north to Thoroughfare Gap with the wagons and artillery while the rest continued a fighting retreat east on the turnpike. Under pressure from Lee, 128


meanwhile, Custer withdrew across Broad Run to the east bank, and then retreated to Gainesville with Lee in pursuit. (Figure 83) ♦Phase 4 With Stuart pressing hard, Davies told his men to save themselves, and the wild flight began that gave the engagement the name “Buckland Races.” Many Union cavalrymen were taken prisoner, while others escaped to the Federal lines at Centreville by fording Broad Run north of the bridge. The two sides lost about 230 men between them, mostly captured Federals. The next morning, Stuart crossed the Rappahannock River at Fauquier White Sulphur Springs to join the rest of the Army of Northern Virginia. Despite the destruction of track on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, the U.S. Military Railroads Construction Corps soon repaired the line. For the rest of October and into early November the two armies faced each other across the river. (Figure 84)

129


Figure 80: Buckland Mills, Prelude

130


Figure 81: Buckland Mills, Phase 1

131


Figure 82: Buckland Mills, Phase 2

132


Figure 83: Buckland Mills, Phase 3

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Figure 84: Buckland Mills, Phase 4

134


RAPPAHANNOCK STATION II NOVEMBER 7–8, 1863 ♦Prelude After the battle at Buckland Mills on October 19, 1863, Confederate General Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia continued its withdrawal down the Orange & Alexandria Railroad toward the Rappahannock River. Major General George G. Meade’s Army of the Potomac followed in pursuit, hampered somewhat by the torn-up track that the Confederates left in their wake. Lee’s men soon crossed the Rappahannock River and held the important fords and bridges between the river and the Union army, including Kelly’s Ford and the site of the demolished railroad bridge near Rappahannock Station, about four miles upstream. Over the next couple of weeks, Meade decided to force his way across at the ford and bridge site simultaneously. Lee crafted a counter plan. He would allow Meade to cross at Kelly’s Ford, where the Confederates under Major General Robert E. Rodes manned the high ground on the western side, but block him at Rappahannock Station on the eastern side at the railroad bridge site. And then, with the river separating Meade’s forces, Lee would crush the Federals at Kelly’s Ford. (Figure 85) ♦Phase 1 On November 7, Meade launched his attack. Major General William H. French’s III Corps struck at Kelly’s Ford at noon, as the 30th North Carolina Infantry rushed into prepared earthworks on the western side of the Rappahannock River. (Figure 86) ♦Phase 2 Shortly after noon, French’s artillery and sharpshooters combined effectively to blast and overwhelm the Confederate defenders at Kelly’s Ford. From Union Major General David B. Birney’s division, Brigadier General Phillipe Régis de Trobriand’s brigade charged across the ford to establish a footing on the western side. (Figure 87) ♦Phase 3 By 2 P.M., Birney’s division held a position on the western bank of the river and the rest of French’s corps followed by nightfall. French claimed 300 prisoners. Confederate reinforcements arrived to help block the roads to Stevensburg and Brandy Station. (Figure 88) ♦Phase 4 At about 3 P.M., Union Major General George Sykes’s V Corps and Brigadier General Joseph J. Bartlett’s division of Brigadier General Horatio G. Wright’s VI Corps attacked the Rappahannock Station bridge site. Two brigades of Major General Jubal A. Early’s division (commanded by Brigadier General Harry T. Hays while Early temporarily commanded Lieutenant General Richard S. Ewell’s corps) posted in front of the earthworks that ran along the north side of the river gave the Federals unexpectedly strong opposition. Hays’s men had crossed the river on a pontoon bridge constructed just upstream from the destroyed railroad bridge.(Figure 89) ♦Phase 5 By about 4:30 P.M., the Federal attack had pushed the Confederates back into their earthworks, where Union artillery pounded them. Although only 2,000 Confederates faced about 30,000 135


Federals from the two army corps, three hours of Union shelling failed to wipe them out or drive them from their works. (Figure 90) ♦Phase 6 As darkness approached, Union Brigadier General David A. Russell’s division made a twilight infantry assault against the Confederate positions. Night attacks were rare during the Civil War, and because it was easy to lose control of the soldiers in the darkness, success was even rarer. Lee, assuming that the day’s combat would end at nightfall, did not reinforce Hays’s men. The assault succeeded after a few minutes of vicious hand-to-hand fighting. The Federals captured not only the eastern end of the railroad bridge site but also hundreds of Confederates and the nearby pontoon bridge. Across the river, Confederate volunteers burned the western end of the pontoon bridge to prevent a Federal crossing and give Lee time to escape during the night. (Figure 91) The two sides lost about 2,500 men, of whom 1,600 were captured Confederates. The Army of Northern Virginia, which had planned to camp near Culpeper Court House, instead fell back across the Rapidan River into Orange County. Culpeper, and the initiative, passed to the Union army. Never again during the war would Lee cross the Rappahannock. Meade’s army moved over the river, occupied the former Confederate camp between Brandy Station and Culpeper Court House, and repaired the Orange & Alexandria Railroad bridge to use in resupplying the army. The men also repaired the half-completed huts abandoned by Lee’s men, added vastly to their number, and began to settle down for the winter.

136


Figure 85: Rappahannock Station II, Prelude

137


Figure 86: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 1

138


Figure 87: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 2

139


Figure 88: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 3

140


Figure 89: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 4

141


Figure 90: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 5

142


Figure 91: Rappahannock Station II, Phase 6

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MORTON’S FORD FEBRUARY 6–7, 1864 ♦Prelude During the winter of 1863–1864, the Army of the Potomac occupied its winter camp, which sprawled over most of southern Culpeper County and into western Fauquier County. At the same time, Major General Benjamin F. Butler, who was posted at Fort Monroe where he commanded the Department of Virginia and North Carolina, concocted a scheme for a raid on Richmond. He thought that the Confederate capital’s defenses had been reduced to support operations in North Carolina and that a small force, marching rapidly up the Peninsula could occupy it easily. Politicians in Washington loved the idea, although military men including Major General John Sedgwick (temporarily commanding the Army of the Potomac while Major General George G. Meade was home in Philadelphia on leave) were appalled. Nonetheless, Sedgwick was ordered to support Butler’s raid with a diversion at Morton’s Ford to keep Confederate forces occupied and away from Richmond. Sedgwick drew up plans for the diversion. Major General Gouverneur K. Warren, temporarily commanding II Corps, would cross the Rapidan River from Culpeper County at Morton’s Ford on February 6. Simultaneously, Brigadier General Wesley Merritt’s cavalry division would cross Robinson River and Barnett’s Ford on the Rapidan. Part of Major General John Newton’s I Corps would threaten and bombard Raccoon Ford upriver from Morton’s Ford. ♦Phase 1 Between 7 and 11 A.M. on February 6, Warren’s and Newton’s corps marched to Morton’s Ford and Raccoon Fords in a freezing rain. On the Orange County side of the Rapidan, Confederate Lieutenant General Richard S. Ewell’s corps occupied the eastern part of the Confederate line opposite Warren, and pickets guarded both fords in shifts. In addition, the Richmond Howitzers occupied a battery on a bluff overlooking Morton’s Ford. (Figure 92) ♦Phase 2 Three Federal artillery batteries opened fire from the north side of the river at about 11 A.M. as Brigadier General Alexander Hays’s infantry division led the attack across Morton’s Ford. Brigadier General Alexander S. Webb’s division and Brigadier General John C. Caldwell’s division remained in reserve. The high water required Hays’s men to carry not only their ammunition but the shorter soldiers as well, as they waded the icy stream. They did, however, catch the pickets between shifts and the ford nearly unguarded except for a few of the Howitzers. South of the ford, the bored, cold Confederate pickets huddled in their camps and tried to stay warm. When news arrived that the Federals were crossing the river and making for the battery, however, the Howitzers hurried north to save their guns. (Figure 93) ♦Phase 3 Ewell heard the guns while at his headquarters at nearby Morton Hall and galloped to the ford. At that time, one brigade from Hays’s division had crossed the river but had not advanced beyond the floodplain; the others soon followed. Ewell ordered the Howitzers and pickets to hold the enemy for ten minutes and then hurried to the rear to dispatch Brigadier General George H. Steuart’s brigade to the front. Soon the Confederates were firing down on Hays’s men from the earthworks above them. Most of the Federals pressed against the bluffs for protection, while 144


others rushed forward to the brick Buckner house and a wooden outbuilding that stood on a high point within the semicircle of earthworks. The house became a trap, however, as the Confederates concentrated their fire on it as well as on the bottomland, and then captured the building near sunset. (Figure 94) ♦Phase 4 Shooting, charges, and countercharges between the house and outbuilding continued until after dark, when Hays’s men began withdrawing across a rude bridge to safety in Culpeper County. At Raccoon Ford, meanwhile, Newton’s corps approached but did not cross the river before withdrawing. Soon after midnight, the Federal retreat was completed. (Figure 95) ♦Phase 5 During the morning of February 7, Newton’s and Warren’s corps returned to their camps. The Federals lost about 200 killed and many more wounded; the Confederate casualties are not known, but losses for both sides totaled 700. The futile fight may have been worthwhile if Butler had succeeded in capturing Richmond. Unknown to the commanders along the Rapidan, however, he had aborted the raid before the Morton’s Ford action after he learned that a deserter had disclosed his plan to Confederates on the Peninsula. Warren wrote angrily to his wife, “So I sacrificed 200 men to aid that fool. I have such a contempt for his military abilities, that I could not express it in decent words.” Lee ordered new batteries constructed along the river and strengthened his defensive line to deter any future attacks. (Figure 96)

145


Figure 92: Morton’s Ford, Phase 1

146


Figure 93: Morton’s Ford, Phase 2

147


Figure 94: Morton’s Ford, Phase 3

148


Figure 95: Morton’s Ford, Phase 4

149


Figure 96: Morton’s Ford, Phase 5

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5 L ANDSCAPE E VALUATION & A RCHEOLOGICAL A SSESSMENT Culpeper and Fauquier counties cover a combined area of 1,036 square miles (663,109 acres). More than 11% (118 sq. mi.) of the two-county area lies within the CWSAC-defined study area of one or more of the nine CWSAC-defined battlefields that are the focus of this study. Core battlefield areas74 associated with at least one of these nine battlefields account for approximately 3.1% (32 sq.mi.) of the combined total area of Culpeper and Fauquier counties. As illustrated in Figure 97, these battlefield areas lie primarily within the relatively more level, eastern portions of the two counties and, as discussed elsewhere in this text, tend to reflect the locations of important nodes and/or choke points in the regional transportation network of the mid-nineteenth century. Of particular importance, of course, was the Orange & Alexandria Railroad’s bridged crossing of the Rappahannock River and the adjacent fords both upstream and downstream of the bridge. Land use within Culpeper and Fauquier counties today remains overwhelmingly rural (Figure 98, Table 0). Forest and agricultural land, which are present in roughly equal amounts, comprise nearly 90% of the two-county area. Developed land, which includes roads as well as urban and suburban residential and industrial properties, accounts for little more than 6% of the combined area of Culpeper and Fauquier counties. As illustrated in Figure 98, the towns of Culpeper and Warrenton are primary focal points of development. In Fauquier County, developed land is more diffuse with lesser nodes of development apparent in the areas of Greenwich, New Baltimore, Marshall, Catlett, Midway, Bealeton, Remington, and Opal. More generally, development in Fauquier County is most pronounced along the corridors of Routes 15, 28, 29, 211, and Interstate 66/Route 55. In Culpeper County, primary development corridors are along Routes 3, 15, 29, and 522 with lesser nodes of development around the Culpeper Regional Airport at Elkwood and in the vicinity of the towns of Mitchells and Winston south of Culpeper. Land Cover

Acres

Square Miles

% of total area

Forest

298345

466.2

44.99%

Agricultural

289855

452.9

43.71%

Developed

42073

65.7

6.34%

Disused

17006

26.6

2.56%

Water & Wetlands

15830

24.7

2.39%

663109

1036.1

100.00%

Total

Table 0: Simplified land cover within Culpeper and Fauquier Counties; adapted from the 2006 National Land Cover Database.

74

As defined in the American Battlefield Protection Program’s Battlefield Survey Manual (Lowe 2000:7), a battlefield’s core area contains the area of primary combat while the study area encompasses ground over which units maneuvered in preparation for combat. By definition, a battlefield’s core area is always contained within its study area.

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Figure 97: Relief map of Culpeper and Fauquier counties showing CWSAC-defined battlefields.

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Figure 98: Map of Culpeper and Fauquier counties showing land cover as classified in the 2006 National Land Cover Database (NLCD).

153


CEDAR MOUNTAIN BATTLEFIELD (CWSAC #VA022; VDHR #023-0045)The Cedar Mountain Battlefield is located in southern Culpeper County approximately five miles southwest of the town of Culpeper. Route 15, the modern-day equivalent of the mid-nineteenth-century Culpeper-Orange Road that served as the primary avenue of approach for both Union and Confederate forces during the battle, traverses the battlefield north-to-south. As mapped by the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission, the core area of the Cedar Mountain Battlefield encompasses some 3,225 acres between the northernmost promontory of Cedar Mountain and the intersection of Route 15 and Route 620. The CWSAC study area for the Cedar Mountain Battlefield includes an additional 6,587 acres of surrounding land, reaching from the Robertson River in the south to the intersection of Route 15 and Route 601 in the north, within which troop movements and maneuvers directly associated with the battle took place (Figure 99). Today, the landscape of the Cedar Mountain Battlefield remains overwhelmingly rural in terms of use and character. According to the 2006 National Land Cover Database (NLCD), just over half (5,047 acres) of the battlefield’s study area is comprised of hay or pastureland while fully another third (3,598 acres) is forested. Agricultural uses are especially common in the Cedar Run valley north and west of Cedar Mountain (Figures 100, 101, and 102). Significant expanses of forested land occur across much of Cedar Mountain as well as in the northeastern portion of the study area east of Cedar Mountain Road (Rt. 649) and in western parts of the core and study areas west of Rt. 15. Scattered rural residential development is present along most roads within the battlefield, but is most pronounced at its northern end towards Culpeper in the area of Kettle Club Road (Rt. 601), Miller Drive (Rt. 1125), and Old Orange Road (Rt. 692). Considerable residential development also exists around the northwestern margins of the battlefield along White Shop Road (Rt. 603) and Dove Hill Road (Rt. 642). Although no formal archeological research has been conducted within the Cedar Mountain Battlefield, it seems likely that the area retains a relatively high degree of archeological integrity. Relic hunting probably has removed considerable battle-related material culture from the landscape over the years, however systematic investigation likely would be capable of identifying broad spatial patterning in the distribution of war-related artifacts that could be used to test and expand upon current document- and map-based reconstructions of the battle. In addition to housing material remains of the August 9, 1862, Battle of Cedar Mountain, the battlefield area may also contain archeological sites associated with the Army of the Potomac’s 1863–1864 winter camp as well as more ephemeral camps. Possibly, the crest of Cedar Mountain may contain archeological remains associated with the use of the promontory as a signal station.

154


Figure 99: Map of the Cedar Mountain battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields.

155


Figure 100: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Cedar Mountain I Battlefield.

156


Figure 101: Cedar Mountain Battlefield - view to the southeast from the northern end of General Winder Road (Rt. 657) with Cedar Mountain in the background.

Figure 102: Cedar Mountain Battlefield - view to the south from near the intersection of Old Orange Road (Rt. 692) and Rt. 15 with Cedar Mountain in the background

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RAPPAHANNOCK STATION I BATTLEFIELD (CWSAC #VA023, VDHR #023-5049; #079-5168) The Rappahannock Station I Battlefield encompasses 34,745 acres (54.3 sq. mi.) on both sides of the Rappahannock River in Culpeper and Fauquier counties (Figure 103). The battlefield’s primary core area extends across 2,015 acres along the Rappahannock River between Beverley’s Ford and the Orange and Alexandria Railroad bridge at modern-day Remington. Most of this core battlefield area near the railroad bridge lies south of the Rappahannock in Culpeper County. Smaller core areas associated with significant enagements have been defined 1) west of the Rappahannock River at Freeman’s Ford (185 acres), 2) on both sides of the river at Fauquier White Sulphur Springs (100 acres), and 3) near Catlett in Fauquier County at the Orange and Alexandria Railroad bridge over Cedar Run (58 acres). These various core battlefield areas are connected by some 32,300 acres of study area arrayed in sinous corridors that follow the primary routes of troop movement during this four-day battle in late August 1862. According to the 2006 National Land Cover Database, approximately 56% (18,725 acres) of the land contained within the Rappahannock Station I study area is devoted to agricultural uses, while another 29% (9,602 acres) is forested. Developed land, which accounts for approximately 11% (3,706 acres) of the study area, is heavily concentrated around Warrenton and along the Rt. 28 corridor especially around the communities of Catlett, Midway, Bealeton, and Remington (Figure 104). In Culpeper County, additional smaller loci of developed land occur at the Culpeper Regional Airport approximately 2.8 miles west of Remington and along the Rt. 29 corridor at the nearby communities of Elkwood and Brandy Station. Although not apparent in the land cover data depicted in Figure 104, relatively dense residential settlement is common along the Rt. 621 corridor (Jeffersonton Rd.-Colvin Rd.) north of the intersection of Lakota Road and Ryland Chapel Road and continues along Waterloo Road (Rt. 613) between the county boundary and the Rappahannock River. Within the primary battlefield core area at Rappahannock Bridge, most land remains undeveloped except for the Rt. 29/15 highway corridor/embankment and adjacent railroad bed and that small portion that extends into the westernmost edge of the town of Remington. The small battlefield core areas at Freeman’s Ford and the Fauquier White Sulphur Springs bridge site are also little developed. However, at the latter location the northeastern quadrant of the core area lying east of the Rappahannock River and north of Springs Road (Rt. 802) is covered by part of the Fauquier Springs Country Club golf course and therefore may have been impacted by mass grading associated with its construction. The ca. 58–acre core area at Catlett is largely covered by extensive residential development, however during a field visit conducted as part of this study apparent fortification trenches associated with defense of the railroad bridge were observed in the woods between Catlett and Cedar Run north of Rt. 28 (Catlett Road) and the adjacent railroad embankment. East of the railroad, local informants report the presence, in agricultural fields, of buried archeological features believed to be associated with the major Union staging area and supply depot established at Catlett’s Station in early 1862 and known as Camp Stanton or Camp Reliance.75 75 Stuart’s report (OR Vol. 12, Part 2, p.731) indicates that Pope’s staff was headquartered west of Catlett’s Station, probably at the Quisenberry plantation, but that there was “another camp beyond [east of] the railroad” that the Confederates also attacked. For the location of Camp Stanton/Reliance see F. Denison, Sabres and Spurs: The First Regiment Rhode Island Cavalry in the Civil War, 1861–1865 (Central Falls, RI: First RI Cavalry Assoc.,

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Figure 103: Map of the Rappahannock Station I Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields. 1876), 72–74; E. P. Tobie, History of the First Maine Cavalry, 1861–1865, (Boston, MA: Emery and Hughes, 1887), 64; and F. B. Hough, History of Duryeé’s Brigade, (Albany, NY: J. Munsell, 1864), 29–30.

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Figure 104: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Rappahannock Station I Battlefield.

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In light of its relatively undeveloped character, most parts of the core area of the Rappahannock Station I Battlefield likely retain a high degree of archeological integrity. To date, however, very little formal archeological investigation has been undertaken within any of the core areas of the battlefield. A notable exception is the Phase I archeological survey of the proposed Rappahannock Landing 23-acre project area located in Fauquier County between Remington and the Rappahannock River that extended into the western portion of the primary core area of the Rappahannock Station I Battlefield. This project, which included systematic shovel testing and metal detection, resulted in the identification of two archeological sites with Civil War era associations. Neither site, however, contains material that can be conclusively linked to the Rappahannock Station I battle, and one of the sites (44FQ0224) appears to contain structural remains indicative of a relatively short-term military camp rather than direct combat. Remarkably, systematic metal detection throughout the 23-acre project area recovered very few War-related munitions.76 While the paucity of battle-related artifacts in this small study area may be indication of the location’s position at the periphery (or even outside of) the core Rappahannock Station I Battlefield area, it lies within the heart of the later Rappahannock Station II Battlefield (see below). Consequently, it may be the case that significant amounts of Civil War ordinance have been removed over the years from this area by opportunistic and unreported metal detection. In all probability, metal detection by collectors and relic hunters has introduced disturbances and distortions to the archeological record of the First Battle of Rappahannock Station in other parts of the battle’s core areas, however without extensive and systematic archeological study the potential effects of collecting/relic hunting upon the integrity of the battle-related archeological cannot be determined. Approximately the eastern half of the primary Rappahannock bridge core area of the Rappahannock Station I Battlefield overlaps with the core area of the later (November 1863) Rappahannock Station II battlefield, and consequently it may prove difficult to differentiate between materials associated with these different engagements. Furthermore, repeated reworkings of earthworks and fortifications on both sides of the river at the Rappahannock railroad bridge site may have obscured the archeological record specific to the August 1862 battle.

76

Kerry K. Schamel et al., Phase I Archaeological Survey of the 23 Acre Rappahannock Landing Project Area, Fauquier County, Virginia, report prepared for Fauquier County Dept. of Parks and Recreation by Dovetail Cultural Resource Group, 2006.

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BARBEE’S CROSSROADS BATTLEFIELD The Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield is centered on the modern-day community of Hume (former Barbee’s Crossroads) at the intersection of Hume Road (Rt. 635) and Leeds Manor Road (Rt. 688) in northwestern Fauquier County approximately five miles south of Markham and six miles north of Orlean. The November 5, 1862, engagement at Barbee’s Crossroads was one of series of relatively small cavalry engagements that followed in the wake of the larger, three-day running cavalry battle on southwestern Loudoun County recently defined as the Battle of Unison.77 The Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield has not been formally defined by the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission. The battlefield core and study areas presented here in Figure 105 are based on documentary and map-based research conducted during the course of this study (see above, Chapter 3) and are considered provisional. As here defined, the Barbee’s Crossroads study area encompasses 4,185 acres while the battlefield’s core area within which fighting was concentrated covers 2,110 acres. Today, the landscape of the Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield remains overwhelmingly rural in terms of use and character although it is undoubtedly more densely populated than 150 years ago. According to the 2006 National Land Cover Database, 64% (2,679 acres) of the Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield is devoted to agricultural uses while an additional one-quarter (1,109 acres) is forested. Approximately 9% (388 acres) of the total battlefield area is classified as developed. As illustrated in Figure 106, developed land within the battlefield follows the primary roads and consists almost exclusively of paved roadways and the relatively large singlefamily residential lots. To date, no formal archeological investigations have been conducted within the Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield, however given the relatively undeveloped character of the landscape it seems likely that the area retains a relatively high degree of archeological integrity. Years of relic hunting may have removed considerable battle-related material culture from the landscape, however systematic investigation likely would be capable of identifying broad spatial patterning in the distribution of war-related artifacts that could be used to test and expand upon current document- and map-based reconstructions of the battle. No other major engagements occurred in the area during the Civil War and therefore the patterning of combat-related remains in the landscape should be directly related to the Barbee’s Crossroads battle and not compounded by other unrelated military engagements.

77

David Lowe, Civil War in Loudoun Valley: The Battle of Unison, November 1-3, 1862 (Washington, D.C., National Park Service, 2008); Maral Kalbian et al., 2011, Unison Battlefield Historic District, National Register of Historic Places Registration Form.

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Figure 105: Map of the provisional boundaries of the Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield.

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Figure 106: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the provisionally defined core and study areas of the Barbee’s Crossroads Battlefield.

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KELLY’S FORD BATTLEFIELD (CWSAC #VA029, VDHR #023-5048) The Kelly’s Ford Battlefield is located in southeastern Culpeper County south of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad line and the towns of Elkwood and Remington. The battlefield encompasses 3,755 acres of which roughly half (1,894 acres) is classified as core area in which the primary military engagement occurred. As illustrated in Figure 107, the core of the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield extends along both sides of Kelly’s Ford Road (Rt. 674) between Kelly’s Ford and the area of Newby’s Shop. According to the 2006 National Land Cover Database (Figure 108), approximately 9% (334 acres) of the total Kelly’s Ford Battlefield area consists of developed land, however the vast majority of this developed area lies along the railroad and Rt. 29 corridor between Elkwood and Brandy Station and is outside of the battlefield’s core area of engagement. Over half (1,957 acres) of the battlefield is given over to agricutural uses while more than onequarter (1,042 acres) is forested. The Kelly’s Ford Battlefield lies in the heart of the Culpeper Basin and not surprisingly considerable portions of it are poorly drained and are classified as wetlands, most of which supports additional forest.78 As noted in a recent study, apart from modifications to roads and bridges the landscape within the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield likely retains much of its historic nineteenth-century character.79 To date, no formal archeological investigations have been conducted within the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield. Given the overwhelmingly agricultural and undeveloped character of the battlefield, an expectation of relatively high archeological integrity is not unwarranted. However, as elsewhere in the broader region, a long history of casual metal detection and relic hunting may have severely affected both the quantities and spatial patterning of artifacts associated with the Battle of Kelly’s Ford. Furthermore, at its eastern end the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield overlaps with the core battlefield areas associated with the later battles of both Brandy Station and Rappahannock Station II. As in other locales along the repeatedly contested Rappahannock River front, the likely accumulation of war-related artifacts from multiple engagements at Kelly’s Ford may impose significant if not insurmountable challenges to the archeological identification and study of the material record of any one specific battle. Such potential difficulties should not apply to the northern portion of the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield core area which witnessed little other intense engagement. In addition to containing archeological remains associated with the Kelly’s Ford and other Civil War battles, this battlefield also has a high potential to contain relatively short-term military camp sites associated with troop movements thorugh the area as well as the picketing and defense of Kelly’s Ford in addition to longer-term occupations dating to the Union Army of the Potomac’s 1863–1864 winter camp.

78

Parts of the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield clearly were wet during the engagement. See, for example, Brig. Gen. William Averell’s report of the battle (OR Vol. 25, Part 1, p.49, 51) in which marshy terrain encountered west of Kelly’s Ford Road pushed the US forces back towards the east. 79 Sean Maroney, Cost-Share Cultural Resource Survey of 23 Areas of Historic Interest Within Culpeper County, Virginia (2009), 86; VDHR Report CU-042.

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Figure 107: Map of the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields.

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Figure 108: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Kelly’s Ford Battlefield.

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BRANDY STATION BATTLEFIELD (CWSAC #VA035, VDHR #023-5055) The Brandy Station Battlefield encompasses approximately 19,324 acres (31.7 sq. mi.) in eastern Culpeper County (Figure 109). Approximately 40% of the battlefield is classified as core area in which the battle’s primary engagements took place The Brandy Station Battlefield’s core consists of three discrete parts and includes the main ca. 6,135-acre core area located north of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad corridor between Brandy Station and Beverley’s Ford as well as smaller core areas around the town of Stevensburg (1,253 acres) and immediately west of Kelly’s Ford (244 acres). Fully 65% (12,630 acres) of the Brandy Station battlefield is devoted to agricultural uses according to the 2006 National Land Cover Database while an additional 21% (4,154 acres) is forested. Nearly 5% (825 acres) of the battlefield is classified as wetland due to at least seasonally poor drainage. A slightly greater proportion (6%, 1,085 acres) of the battlefield consists of developed land, with main focal points of development at the Culpeper Regional Airport, the towns of Brandy Station and Elkwood, and along the Rt. 29/railroad corridor (Figure 110). Among the Civil War battlefields of Culpeper and Fauquier County, the Brandy Station Battlefield stands out for both the number and size of formal archeological investigations carried out within its limits. Much of this work has taken place in the area surrounding the Culpeper Regional Airport and is linked to expansion of the facility. In 1993, Phase I archeological survey of a four-acre development parcel along Hubbard Run at the southern end of the airport complex recovered no Civil War artifacts or sites, however the project did not include metal detection survey.80 In 1995, a Phase I identification level archeological survey of 488 acres around the airport resulted in the archeological identification of the nineteenth-century Gee house site (44CU0118), another Civil War era house site on Fleetwood Hill (44CU0115) a Civil War gun battery (44CU013) overlooking the Rappahannock River as well as other smaller earthworks and defensive features, and two sites (44CU0096, 44CU0100) interpreted as hut remains associated with the 1863–1864 Army of the Potomac winter camp. A subsequent Phase II study confirmed the identification of 44CU0100 as a winter camp site and concluded that this site was eligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places.81 This Phase I survey relied solely on shovel testing and did not include systematic metal detection and therefore recovered little in the way of battlefield munitions associated with the Battle of Brandy Station. Furthermore, the earthworks and defensive features are not associated directly with the Battle of Brandy Station, but rather attest to the long-standing importance of the Rappahannock River between Beverley’s Ford and Rappahannock Station.

80

Joan Walker et al., A Phase I Archaeological Survey of a Four Acre Building Site, Culpeper County, Virginia, 1993, VDHR Report CU-014. 81 Douglas C. McLearen and R. Taft Kiser, Phase I Archaeological Survey of Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia (1995), VDHR Report CU-030; Douglas C. McLearan et al., Phase II Archaeological Significance Evaluations of 44CU96, 44CU98, and 44CU100 and Supplemental Survey of 44CU103, 44CU107, 44CU109 and 44CU118 Associated with Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia (1998), report submitted to Campbell and Paris Engineers by VCU Archaeological Research Center, VDHR Report CU-022.

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Figure 109: Map of the Brandy Station Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields.

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Figure 110: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Brandy Station Battlefield.

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A more recent Phase I study of some 150 acres immediately east of the airport incorporated both shovel testing and systematic metal detection, however much of this study area is characterized by poorly drained wetland environments and relatively few Civil War era artifacts were recovered, suggesting perhaps that the area had been largely avoided during the battle.82 Another recent project returned to one of the winter camp sites identified near the airport in 1995 and entailed extensive Phase III data recovery level investigations that yeilded large assemblages of subsurface features and artifacts as well as details about camp layout and hut construction.83 Recent reconnaissance level archeological survey of more than 400 acres within the battlefield core area now owned by the Civil War Trust highlighted the relatively “pristine” character of this landscape and the general paucity of post-bellum changes.84 Other archeological research conducted within the Brandy Station Battlefield includes excavations at the site of St. James Church and cemetery, which recorded elements of the church’s foundations and confirmed the presence of military burials in the church yard.85 Two Phase I archeological surveys have been conducted along Route 3 within the Stevensburg core area of the Brandy Station battlefield, however only a single piece of possible Civil War era horse tack was recovered.86 Phase I and Phase II level archeological investigations within the Warrenton Training Center Site D facililty located 2.5 miles northeast of Stevensburg recovered evidence of a short-term Union Army camp or bivouac site in addition to four fired small arms Minié balls and nine fragments of iron shrapnel. These spent munitions have been tentatively associated with the Battle of Brandy Station.87 Despite the relative abundance of archeological research conducted within the Brandy Station Battlefield, surprisingly little material directly associated with this engagement has been reported and no studies have been conducted that investigate the distribution and spatial patterning of combat-related artifacts to corroborate or refine text-based understandings of the manner in which the battle unfolded on the landscape. To date however, research has been heavily concentrated near the airport along the eastern margin of the Brandy Station core area and systematic metal detection over large tracts is a common feature of only the most recent archeological investigations in this area. Although the Brandy Station Battlefield core area has few overlaps with other CWSAC-defined battlefields, lesser engagements such as that between Stuart’s and Fitzpatrick’s cavalry on October 11, 1863 during the Bristoe Campaign impinged upon at least limited portions of the June 9, 1863 battlefield, probably rendering the material 82

Brynn Stewart and Dane Magoon, A Phase I Cultural Resources Survey for Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia, 2012, VDHR Report CU-049. 83 Dane Magoon and Mike Klein, Phase III Data Recovery of Archaeological Site 44CU0100, Camp of the United States Army VI Corps Occupied During the Winter of 1863–1864, Culpeper County, Virginia, 2010,VDHR Report CU-050. 84 Sara Ferland et al., Cultural Landscape Report Civil War Preservation Trust Brandy Station Battlefield Property, Culpeper County, Virginia, 2008, VDHR Report CU-041. 85 Douglas W. Owsley et al., The History and Archaeology of St. James Episcopal Church, Brandy Station, Virginia (Site No. 44CU90), n.d.; Milton Jacobs and Douglas Owsley, Burials of the Washington Artillery Located at St. James Church, Brandy Station, Virginia, 1990, VDHR Report CU-012. 86 Ricardo Fernandez-Sardina and Eric Griffitts, An Archaeological Survey for the Proposed Route 3 Improvements and Stevensburg Bypass Project, Culpeper County, Virginia, 1998, VDHR Report CU-026; Katherine Kosalko and Mike Yengling, Cultural Resource Survey in Association with the Proposed Widening of Route 3, Stevensburg, Culpeper County, Virginia, 2009, VDHR Report CU-046. 87 Joseph Balicki et al., Archaeological Investigations at 44CU146: The Bivouac of the 14th Connecticut Infantry Regiment, Culpeper County, Virginia, 2007, VDHR Report CU-038.

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signatures of specific battles less distinct. Outside of these relatively limited areas, however, existing research suggests that the Brandy Station Battlefield houses a rich and varied Civil War archeological record that, despite an apparent long history of relic hunting and collecting, retains considerable integrity.

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AUBURN I

AND

AUBURN II BATTLEFIELDS

(CWSAC #VA039, VA041; VDHR #030-5140) The community of Auburn is located along Cedar Run in Fauquier County at the intersection Rogues Road (Rt. 602, former Carolina Road) and Old Auburn Road (Rt. 670) approximately five miles southeast of Warrenton and five miles northwest of Catlett on the former Orange & Alexandria Railroad. The two-day engagement at this location October 13-14, 1863 during the Bristoe Campaign has been defined by the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission as two distinct battles, Auburn I and Auburn II. The logic behind this differentiation is unclear in light of the essential continuity of events over the two days and is inconsistent with the way in which CWSAC has defined other multi-day battles such as the First Battle of Rappahannock Station. Furthermore, both the study and core battlefield areas of Auburn I as defined by CWSAC are contained entirely within the larger study and core areas of Auburn II. This discussion of the characteristics and archeological potential of the Civil War battlefield at Auburn uses the larger, more inclusive boundaries defined by CWSAC for Auburn II, and as such follows the precedent established by another recent ABPP-funded study.88 The Auburn II Battlefield encompasses 4,403 acres of which slightly more than one-third (1,585 acres) is defined by CWSAC as the battlefield’s core area within which the most intensive and significant combat took place (Figure 111). As classified by the 2006 National Land Cover Database, the Auburn II Battlefield is overwhelmingly rural in character with just over half (2,242 acres) its total area given over to agricultural uses while another 30% (1,345 acres) is forested (Figure 112). Approximately 16% (719 acres) of the battlefield is classified as developed land, an proportion two to three times greater than that characterizing battlefields in Culpeper County. Virtually all of the NLCD developed land is further classified as “open space,” a designation that includes lawn grasses typical of residential development.89 Developed land within the Auburn II battlefield is heavily concentrated in the northeastern portion of the core area along Rogues Road (Rt. 605), Old Auburn Road (Rt. 670), and Old Dumfries Road (Rt. 667) and in the extreme eastern portion of the study area along Old Dumfies Road as it approaches Catlett. In both of these areas, relatively closely spaced single-family residences are common however lot sizes typically appear to be large (2–5 acres) and therefore grounddisturbing activities associated with residential construction likely has been discontinuous. Although impacts to battle-related archeological deposits can be expected in these denser residential zones, the most pronounce effects should be intermittent with intervening areas characterized by substantial archeological integrity. In 2007-2008, focused archeological research that included both intensive pedestrian reconnaissance and metal detection was carried out in two opportunistically chosen portions of the Auburn II battlefield core area. This research demonstrated that substantial quantities of Warrelated material culture survives in the landscape and that examination of both the types and distributions of this material is capable of providing insights into the battle.90

88

Clarence Geier et al., The Civil War Engagements at Auburn, Virginia, October 13, 14, 1863: A HistoricalArchaeological Analysis, 2008, submitted by James Madison University Dept of Sociology and Anthropology to Jennings Gap Partnership, VDHR Report FQ-066. 89 National Land Cover Database Legend, 2006; http://www.mrlc.gov/nlcd06_leg.php 90 Geier et al, (2008),13–15, Appendix B.

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Figure 111: Map of the Auburn II Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields.

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Figure 112: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Auburn II Battlefield.

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BUCKLAND MILLS BATTLEFIELD (CWSAC #VA042; VDHR #030-5152) The Buckland Mills Battlefield is centered on the town of Buckland located along Route 29/Route 15 approximately 7.5 miles northeast of Warrenton. The battlefield straddles the boundary between Fauquier and Prince William counties with roughly equal portions lying either side of the county line. The study area of the Buckland Mills Battlefield covers 10,375 acres and encompasses four discrete battlefield core areas. The battle’s primary core area extends over nearly 2,000 acres on both sides of the Fauquier/Prince William county line and on both sides of the Rt.29/Rt.15 corridor. Another small core area where concentrated fighting occurred has been defined in the Chestnut Hill area (98 acres) roughly midway between downtown Warrenton and the town of New Baltimore while two additional core areas totaling 258 acres exist along the Rt. 55 corridor at and near Hay Market (Figure 113). According to the 2006 National Land Cover Database, approximately one-quarter of the total area of the Buckland Mills Battlefield is devoted to agricultural uses while a little more than onethird is forested (Figure 114). Development is extremely common within the battlefield and accounts for one-third (3,433 acres) of the total study area. Developed lands are not evenly distributed throughout the Buckland Mills Battlefield but rather are heavily concentrated in the Gainesville and Hay Market areas in Prince William County. Smaller nodes of developed land occur where James Madison Highway (Rt. 15), Vint Hill Road (Rt. 215), Broad Run Church Road (Rt. 600), and Georgetown Road (Rt. 674) intersect with Route 29. Within the battlefield’s main, ca. 2,000-acre core area developed lands primarily border the Route 29 corridor and consist mainly of single-family residences and some small commercial properties. To date, several studies with archeological components have been conducted within the Buckland Mills Battlefield. Systematic metal detection and shovel test sampling carried out in 2000 led to the identification of Site 44PW1603 on the northern bank of Broad Run northeast of the town of Buckland. This site, which yeilded has been interpreted as a portion of the Union line of battle from the initial phase of the battle.91 In 2002, Phase I archeological survey of approximately 40 acres associated with planned widening and realignment of Vint Hill Road (Rt. 215) identified 15 potential rifle pits (Site 44FQ0163) on a forested hilltop east of the road that may have been associated with a defensive position occupied by Brigadier General George Custer during the middle stages of the battle.92 More recently, a Phase I archeological survey of approximately 63 acres on both sides of Riley Road (Rt. 676) included systematic metal detection but recovered extremely limited material evidence of Civil War activity, probably reflecting the project area’s location near the extreme western margin of the battlefield’s main core area.93 Given the relative lack of development within much of the main 2,000-acre core area of the battlefield and the findings of the limited systematic archeological research conducted here to date, this part of the Buckland Mills Battlefield appears to retain high archeological potential and likely contains deposits and features associated with the battle. No Civil War–related sites

91

VDHR archeological site form for Site 44PW1603; no formal report of archeological research is known. John J. Mullin, Archaeological Identification Survey Route 215 (Vint Hill Road) Fauquier County, Virginia, 2002, submitted by Louis Berger Group, Inc. to VDOT, VDHR Report FQ-033. 93 Nancy Phaup et al., Phase I Cultural Resources Phase I Survey at the Proposed Bishops Run Tract, Fauquier County, Virginia., 2009, submitted by Circa, Inc., to Bishop Development Property LLC, VDHR Report FQ-77. 92

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have been recorded in either the Chestnut Hill or Hay Market core areas, but this likely reflects the lack of formal study in these locations.

Figure 113: Map of the Buckland Mills Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields.

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Figure 114: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Buckland Mills Battlefield.

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RAPPAHANNOCK STATION II BATTLEFIELD (CWSAC #VA043; VDHR #023-5050; #076-5168) The Rappahannock Station II Battlefield straddles both sides of the Rappahannock River between its confluence with Ruffin’s Run in the north and Kelly’s Ford in the south (Figure 115). The study area of the battlefield encompasses some 11,800 acres and contains two large core areas within which combat was most heavily concentrated. The battlefield’s northern core area consists of approximately 2,400 acres centered on the site of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad bridge at Remington (Rappahannock Station). A second core area measuring 1,477 acres is located roughly 4.5 miles to the south and is centered on Kelly’s Ford. According to the 2006 National Land Cover Database, approximately 47% (5,598 acres) of the overall Rappahannock Station II Battlefield is devoted to agricultural uses while more than onethird (4,317 acres) is forested (Figure 116). Developed land accounts for 12% (1,361 acres) of the battlefield’s total area, but is very heavily concentrated in and around Remington in the principal core area. Minor amounts of developed land are present in the southern Kelly’s Ford core area and consist predominantly of relatively large-lot single-family residences along the main roadways. To date, several archeological investigations all of limited scope have been conducted within the limits of the Rappahannock Station II Battlefield core area, all in the vicinity of Remington. As discussed above, a Phase I archeological survey of the 23-acre Rappahannock Landing project area in the heart of the Rappahannock Station II Battlefield identified a single Civil War era site (44FQ0224) intepreted as a possible short-term camp perhaps associated with the battle. Systematic shovel testing and metal detection across the project area only yeilded two apparently unfired .58-caliber bullets, one fired bullet of indeterminate caliber, and a lump of lead sprue in addition to other non-military iron hardware.94 Phase I archeological survey of the nearby 1.8acre Remington Freight Depot enhancement site along Route 29 Business on the southern edge of Remington also recovered very sparse Civil War era remains despite utilizing systematic metal detection.95 Similarly, the only Civil War artifacts encountered during a Phase I archeological survey with metal detection of a 4.4-acre project associated with replacement of a bridge over Tin Pot Run east of Remington were two Minié balls.96 The relative paucity of Civil War era munitions recovered by recent archeological investigations within the core of the Rappahannock Station II Battlefield is surprising and may, at least in part, be a consequence of a long history of amature metal detection and collecting that has removed large amounts of War-related artifacts from the landscape. On the other hand, the few areas that have been studied systematically are relatively small and the results acquired in these locations may not be representative of the broader area. By all appearances, outside of the more heavily developed parts of Remington, the Rappahannock Station II Battlefield probably contains relatively abundant battle-related artifacts. However, given the overlap with the battlefields of 94

Kerry K. Schamel et al., Phase I Archaeological Survey of the 23 Acre Rappahannock Landing Project Area, Fauquier County, Virginia, 2006, report prepared for Fauquier County Dept. of Parks and Recreation by Dovetail Cultural Resource Group. 95 Mike Klein et al., Phase I Archaeological Survey Proposed Remington Freight Depot Enhancement Project, Fauquier County, Virginia, 2011, submitted by Cultural Resources, Inc., to VDOT, VDHR Report FQ-073. 96 Mike Klien et al.,Cultural Resources Survey Proposed Tin Pot Run Bridge Replacement, Fauquier County, Virginia, 2010, submitted by Cultural Resources, Inc. to VDOT, VDHR Report FQ-072.

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Rappahannock Station I and, in the southern core area, with the Kelly’s Ford and Brandy Station battlefields it may prove difficult in this area to isolate with confidence the archeological record associated with any one battle.

Figure 115: Map of the Rappahannock Station II Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields

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Figure 116: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Rappahannock Station II Battlefield.

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MORTON’S FORD BATTLEFIELD (CWSAC VA045; VDHR #068-5007) The Morton’s Ford Battlefield is located along the Rapidan River in south-central Culpeper County and north-central Orange County approximately 8.5 miles southeast of Culpeper and four miles south of Stevensburg. The battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 restudy covers a total area of 6,710 acres and includes a 2,423-acre core area within which the heaviest fighting took place and which is located almost entirely south of the Rapidan River in Orange County (Figure 117). Along the Rapidan River, the core area stretches between Raccoon Ford in the west and Stringfellow’s Ford in the east. According to the 2006 National Land Cover Database, more than 70% (4,781 acres) of the Morton’s Ford Battlefield consists of crop, hay, or pasture land while an additional 22% (1,457 acres) is forested (Figure 118). Only a very small portion (2%; 140 acres) of the battlefield is classified as developed land and this consists primarily of roadways and scattered single-family residences and associated agricultural facilities. Of all of the battlefields considered in this study, the Morton’s Ford Battlefield has the most rural character and appears the least developed over the past 150 years. Given the paucity of development within the Morton’s Ford Battlefield, the property likely retains a very high level of archeological integrity, however to date no systematic archeological research has been conducted within the battlefield to evaluate this assessment. Earthworks associated with the Confederate defense of the ford however are known to survive along high ground in the southern part of the battlefield. It is also possible that Confederate camp sites dating to the 1863–1864 winter occupation of this area by Lee’s army are present in this vicinity. Relic hunting probably has been carried out extensively over the years through much of the Morton’s Ford Battlefield, resulting in the loss of an untold amount of material related to the engagement. As at the other battlefields examined by this study, extensive and systematic archeological research is required to accurately determine the full effects of such activities upon the intergrity of the War-related archeological record. No other major engagements occurred within the core area of the Morton’s Ford Battlefield, and therefore the archeological record of this engagement should not be obscured by earlier or later combat-related materials as can be expected at other battlefields examined in this study. The broad expanses of open agricultural land within the battlefield core area and with the relative paucity of forested land make the Morton’s Ford Battlefield an ideal location for systematic metal detector survey.

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Figure 117: Map of the Morton’s Ford Battlefield as defined by the CWSAC 2010 updated Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields

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Figure 118: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the CWSAC-defined core and study areas of the Morton’s Ford Battlefield.

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THE U.S. ARMY

OF THE

POTOMAC 1863–1864 WINTER CAMP

As discussed above, between mid-November 1863 and early May 1864, the roughly 100,000man-strong Army of the Potomac made its winter camp in Culpeper County. According to Clark Hall’s very thorough and detailed analysis,97 the Army of the Potomac’s winter camp extended over an area of approximately 130 square miles primarily in Culpeper County but extending also across the Rappahannock River into neighboring Fauquier County. This massive camp was arranged in a horseshoe-shaped configuration with the apex of the shoe located at Culpeper Court House where John Newton’s I Corps made its headquarters (Figure 119). The two arms of the horseshoe-shaped camp reached east back to the Rappahannock River, flanking the Orange & Alexandria Railroad which ran along the camp’s central axis and served as its primary supply line. Brandy Station located approximately midway between the Rappahannock River and the town of Culpeper was the camp’s primary supply and passenger depot. A secondary depot called Ingall’s Station was established about 1.5 miles east of Brandy Station and was used for the offloading of livestock and other supplies. Occupying the southern or left flank of the winter camp was Warren’s II Corp headquartered at Cole’s Hill near Stevensburg as well as the 3rd Cavalry Division commanded by Judson Kilpatrick. More southerly outposts protecting the camp’s left flank were established at Mitchell’s Station (1st Brigade, 2nd Division, I Corps), at Stony Point overlooking Morton’s Ford (2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, II Corps), and at Shepard’s Grove east of Stevensburg along the road to Germanna Ford (4th Brigade, 1st Division, II Corps). The northern or right flank of the camp included Sedgwick’s VI Corps headquartered at Dr. William Wellford’s Farley plantation. Pleasonton’s Cavalry Corps was headquartered nearby at the home of Dr. Daniel Green. General George G. Meade, commander of the Army of the Potomac, together with French’s III Corps occupied headquarters at the center of the horseshoe at Fleetwood Hill. The Army’s V Corps, commanded by George Sykes, occupied the Fauquier side of the Rappahannock in the vicinity of Rappahannock Station and closed the “heel”of the horseshoe-shaped winter camp. Gregg’s Second Cavalry Division, encamped in and around Warrenton, protected and patrolled the northeastern rear of the winter camp. Army regulations dictated with considerable precision the manner in which unit camps were to be laid out, with soldiers’ quarters arranged by company in rank and file along “streets” of designated widths and officers housed apart. Separate areas for camp kithens, baggage trains, sutlers, as well as latrines or “sinks” were also specified. The standard regulation infantry camp designed to quarter 1,000 soldiers covered a total area measuring 400 paces by 431 paces, or roughly 30 acres, though of course the size of a camp was dependent upon the strength of the unit occupying it. Regulations further dictated that camps for cavalry and artillery units each were to be laid out according to their own standards.98 A range of different types of “hut” structures were constructed by soldiers for use in camp with variation in design often reflecting their differing know-how and abilities. In general, huts slept four or more men, had at least low wooden walls with roofs of tent or plank, and a fireplace with external chimney along one wall (Figure 120). To maintain a sense of order and to help prevent disease, regulations stipulated that camps be cleaned regularly with debris buried in sinks sited near its margins.

97

Clark Hall, 1991, “Season of Change: The Winter Encampment of the Army of the Potomac, December 1, 1863 – May 4, 1864,” Blue & Gray Magazine 8(4):8-22, 48-62. 98 U.S. War Department, Revised Regulations for the Army of the United States, (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1861), 73–80.

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Figure 119: Map showing the primary area occupied by the U.S. Army of the Potomac 1863–1864 winter camp and its associated picket line.

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Figure 120: Detail of a view of the 1863–1864 winter camp of the 114th Pennsylvania (1st Brigade, 3rd Division, III Corps) near Brandy Station. Note the rows of log structures with barrel chimneys and tent roofs.99

According to the 2006 National Land Cover Database, approximately 58% (50,666 acres) of the core area of the 1863–1864 winter camp is devoted to agricultural uses and another one-quarter (22,941 acres) of the area is forested (Figure 121). Developed land accounts for roughly 9% (7,458 acres) of the winter camp core area and is heavily concentrated around the town of Culpeper. As noted previously, smaller nodes of development are present at Remington, at the Culpeper Regional Airport, and along the Rt.29/15 corridor. Outside of these primary areas of development, the archeological record of the Army of the Potomac’s winter camp should survive with relatively high integrity. As discussed above in regards to the Brandy Station Battlefield, a 1995 Phase I archeological survey of 488 acres surrounding the Culpeper Regional Airport identified numerous Civil War era sites, at least two of which (44CU0096, 44CU0100) were believed to represent the remains of camps associated with the 1863–1864 winter camp of the Army of the Potomac.100 Subsequent Phase II archeological investigations at 44CU0100 mapped 33 features within a roughly six-acre area, which was further tested through systematic shovel testing at 25-ft intervals. Although the Phase II study at 44CU0100 noted the presence of disturbances associated with relic hunting, overall the site proved to have a high level of preservational 99

Timothy H. O’Sullivan (1840–1882), “Brandy Station, Virginia. Guard mount of 114th Pennsylvania Infantry (1st Division, 3d Corps),” Library of Congress Prints and Photograph Division (http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/cwp2003006383/PP/) 100 Douglas C. McLearen and R. Taft Kiser, Phase I Archaeological Survey of Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia, 1995, VDHR Report CU-030.

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Figure 121: Map showing land cover (after NLCD 2006) within the core area of the 1863–1864 winter camp of the U.S. Army of the Potomac.

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integrity and was recommended eligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places.101 In 2009, Phase III research and data recovery excavations were carried out 44CU0100 that more fully revealed the rich archeological assemblage of features and artifacts contained in this site and that included important discussions about the archeological signature of Civil War camp sites and the various methodological challenges that may be associated with their successful identification and documentation.102 Remarkably, Site 44CU0100 is the only Civil War camp associated with the Army of the Potomac’s massive 1863–1864 winter camp that has received extensive archeological excavation, documentation, and analysis. That much said, documentary research by sponsored by the National Park Service has identified the approximate locations of an additional 28 regimental winter camp sites in the Brandy Station area, although these sites remain to be identified on the ground through field research.103 On Hansborough Ridge east of Stevensburg, reconnaissance level survey has identified numerous surface features arrayed in a regular grid-like pattern across a roughly 110-acre area that are associated with the 1863–1864 winter camp of elements of the 2nd and 3rd Divisions of the Army’s II Corps. Surface features are thought to represent primarily the remains of hut sites, latrines, sinks, and fire pits although evidence of a signal station may also be present. Fragments of brick, glass, and metal are visible where the surface is exposed and overall the integrity of the Hansborough Ridge camp site (0230068) is considered exceptional and little disturbed by relic hunters. The site has been listed on both the state and national registers as the Hansborough Ridge Winter Encampment Historic District.104 GPS-enabled mapping has been conducted around the perimeter of the Hanborough Ridge site to more clearly record the limits of the historic district,105 however the site remains wholly unexplored archeologically. Approximately two miles northeast of Hansborough Ridge, Phase II level investigations have been performed at another camp site within the Warrenton Training Center Site D facility believed to represent a relatively short-term (ca. three-week) occupation by the 14th Connecticut Infantry regiment at the onset of the Army of the Potomac’s 1863–1864 winter camp. Due to the apparent brevity of its occupation and the lack of intact subsurface features, this site (44CU0146) was determined ineligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places.106

101

Douglas C. McLearan et al., Phase II Archaeological Significance Evaluations of 44CU96, 44CU98, and 44CU100 and Supplemental Survey of 44CU103, 44CU107, 44CU109 and 44CU118 Associated with Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia, 1998, report submitted to Campbell and Paris Engineers by VCU Archaeological Research Center, VDHR Report CU-022. 102 Dane Magoon and Mike Klein, Phase III Data Recovery of Archaeological Site 44CU0100, Camp of the United States Army VI Corps Occupied During the Winter of 1863–1864, Culpeper County, Virginia, 2010, VDHR Report CU-050. 103 Lawrence E. Aten et al., Mapping the Historic Resources Associated with the Battle of Brandy Station (June 9, 1863), 1990, Information Management Report No. 4, Cultural Resources Information Management Series, Cultural Resources Geographic Information Systems Applications Center, Interagency Resources Division, National Park Service, Washington, D.C., VDHR Report CU-031. 104 Virginia Department of Historic Resources reconnaissance level survey site form for VDHR 023-0068, Hansborough Ridge Winter Encampment Historic District. 105 Ricardo Fernandez-Sardina and Eric Griffitts, An Archaeological Survey for the Proposed Route 3 Improvements and Stevensburg Bypass Project, Culpeper County, Virginia, 1998, VDHR Report CU-026. 106 Joseph Balicki et al., Archaeological Investigations at 44CU146: The Bivouac of the 14th Connecticut Infantry Regiment, Culpeper County, Virginia, 2007, VDHR Report CU-038.

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THE UPPER RAPPAHANNOCK RIVER FRONT The goal of the Upper Rappahannock River Civil War Mapping Project is to document the broad and complex Civil War–related landscape along the course of the Rappahannock River as it passes through Fauquier and Culpeper Counties. To achieve this end, this study draws together and synthesizes a wide array of primary and secondary documentary and cartographic source materials in an effort to elucidate fundamental geo-temporal patterns concerning the way that the war unfolded within the project area. Geography, both natural and manmade, combined with the limits and capabilities of the military technologies of the day played extremely important roles in shaping how and where battles were fought. A primary thesis of this project is that the Rappahannock River as it flows through Fauquier and Culpeper Counties functioned as both a formidable obstacle and a reliable defensive feature for opposing armies during much of the Civil War. For the Union army, the river formed the southernmost line of defense for the protection of Washington, D.C. For the Confederates, the river constituted the northernmost defensive line against a Federal assault on Richmond, Virginia. In addition, for the Union army in particular, the long reach of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad served as a fundamental north-south supply line along which troops and their provisions could be moved in large volumes and with relative speed. About twenty-five miles west of Washington, D.C., at Manassas Junction (now Manassas) in Prince William County the rail line forked, with the Manassas Gap Railroad heading west across the Blue Ridge and into the Shenandoah Valley while the Orange & Alexandria continued southward toward the county seats and rich agricultural lands of Fauquier, Culpeper, and Orange Counties. Roughly sixty miles south of Manassas, the Orange & Alexandria Railroad met the east-west Virginia Central Railroad, a vital supply and communication artery for the Confederate army in central and western Virginia. About halfway between Manassas and Gordonsville, just southwest of Rappahannock Station, the Orange & Alexandria crossed the Rappahannock River. Control of this crossing was vital to the objectives of both Union and Confederate commanders. The diverse battlefields and the sprawling 1863–1864 winter camp of the Union army discussed above, together with the primary transportation corridors and observation posts, are all contributing elements of a larger and encompassing Civil War landscape. Following the suggestion of Clark Hall,107 that landscape can be termed the Upper Rappahannock River Front, a region that emerged as an enduring field of engagement within the eastern theater of the Civil War. Overlaying the primary routes of troop movement and the principal sites of engagement and encampment during the roughly twenty-seven months that are the focus of this project, as in Figure 122, helps to illustrate and delineate the broad outlines of this encompassing landscape. Much as the individual battlefields within the Upper Rappahannock River Front are characterized by predominantly intact rural landscapes and relatively high levels of integrity, so too are most expanses of intervening terrain. This high level of landscape integrity, which is increasingly rare in Virginia, contributes to the interpretation of the battlefields, camps, and troop movements mapped and described in this report. The prevailing rural landscape of the upper 107

Clark B. Hall, 2011, Upper Rappahannock River Front: The Dare Mark Line, unpublished manuscript available from the author and online at http://www.fauquiercivilwar.com/Assets/downloads/article_rappahannock_front.pdf.

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Rappahannock River region also yields remarkably intact viewsheds, so that the principal battlefields can be can be more fully contextualized within their surroundings while at the same time fostering an understanding of the role played by the encompassing geography. Future efforts and preservation and interpretation should keep this larger landscape squarely in focus.

Figure 122: Map of Culpeper and Fauquier counties showing primary battlefields, camps, and corridors of troop movement within the Upper Rappahannock River Front.

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A PPENDIX I C HRONOLOGY OF MILITARY A CTIONS IN C ULPEPER & F AUQUIER C OUNTIES , 1862â&#x20AC;&#x201C;1864

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1862 MARCH: • Confederate Gen. Joseph E. Johnston withdraws army from Centreville to Culpeper Co. via Orange & Alexandria RR (O&A) across the Rappahannock River by Kelly’s Ford and Freeman’s Ford • Confederates guard Culpeper Co. side of river while Maj. Gen. J. E. B. Stuart’s cavalrymen patrol Fauquier Co. side between Kelly’s Ford and Waterloo Bridge as far east as Warrenton • Late March, Union army infantry corps probes through southwestern Fauquier Co. to river; Stuart destroys track and burns bridge APRIL: • April 17, Confederates in Culpeper Co. burn O&A bridge at Rappahannock Station and shell Federals in Fauquier Co. JULY • Union Maj. Gen. John Pope’s army occupies Fauquier Co. side of river, rebuilds O&A bridge at Rappahannock Station, crosses river (July 17) at Beverly’s, Freeman’s, and Kelly’s Fords, and occupies Culpeper C.H. and surrounding countryside AUGUST • August 9, Battle of Cedar Mountain, Culpeper Co.; Maj. Gen. Thomas J. “Stonewall” Jackson defeats Pope and Union army retreats across river to Fauquier Co. while Confederates occupy Culpeper Co. side • August 19–26, Northern Virginia Campaign, Pope (Fauquier Co.) and Gen. Robert E. Lee (Culpeper Co.) maneuver up the Rappahannock River between Kelly’s Ford and Hinson’s Ford; artillery duels and infantry attacks; Battle of Rappahannock Bridge (Rappahannock Station I), Aug. 23; Stuart crosses river at Hart’s Ford and Waterloo Bridge on Catlett’s Station raid (Fauquier Co.); Union army withdraws from Rappahannock line through Fauquier Co. to Manassas Junction NOVEMBER • After Battle of Antietam, Maj. Gen. George B. McClellan’s Army of the Potomac maneuvers south to block Lee’s route to Richmond, but Longstreet succeeds in occupying Culpeper Co. and western bank of river; Federals occupy Fauquier Co. side in same area as in Aug., then move downriver to Falmouth after burning O&A bridge; Confederates follow on western side of river (leading to Battle of Fredericksburg, Dec.) • November 1–3, Battle of Unison, mostly in Loudoun Co. but concluding in Fauquier Co. near Paris and Ashby Gap; Stuart slows Union advance long enough for Lee’s army to escape to Culpeper Co.; Lincoln sacks McClellan • November 5, Action at Barbee’s Crossroads (present-day Hume) occurs as Stuart continues to slow the Federal advance

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1863 JANUARY • January 24, Federal scouting expedition into Fauquier Co. FEBRUARY • February 24–25, Confederate cavalry raid across Kelly’s Ford into Fauquier Co. to Hartwood Church and return MARCH • March 17, Battle of Kelly’s Ford (Culpeper Co.) APRIL • April 28–29, Union infantry corps cross river at Kelly’s Ford (among other crossings) to get behind Lee’s infantry opposite Fredericksburg (beginning of Chancellorsville Campaign), followed by cavalry to raid Confederate supply lines MAY • After Battle of Chancellorsville, Lee concentrates army in Culpeper Co. to prepare to invade North; Stuart guards Culpeper Co. side of Rappahannock River JUNE • June 8–9, From Warrenton, Union cavalry wing approaches and bivouacs at Beverly’s Ford, then attacks at dawn to inaugurate Battle of Brandy Station; second Union cavalry wing crosses at Kelly’s Ford JUNE - AUGUST • Confederate and Union armies evacuate Rappahannock River lines to maneuver through Culpeper and Fauquier Counties in Gettysburg Campaign and then return to same positions afterward AUGUST • August 1, Union cavalry thrusts across river at Beverly’s Ford and Rappahannock Station SEPTEMBER • September 1, Cavalry clash near Barbee’s Crossroads • September 16, Aware that Lee is dispatching Longstreet to Tennessee, Union Maj. Gen. George G. Meade crosses the river from Fauquier Co. and occupies Culpeper Co. OCTOBER • October 10–20, Bristoe Station Campaign, Lee threatens Meade’s right flank (Battle of Auburn I, October 13; Battle of Auburn II, October 14), is defeated at Bristoe Station, and afterward both armies take up earlier positions on each side of the river in Culpeper (Lee) and Fauquier (Meade) Counties (Battle of Buckland Mills, October 19)

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1 8 6 3 (cont) NOVEMBER • November 7–8, Battle of Rappahannock Station II, Meade attacks across river from Beverly’s Ford to Kelly’s Ford; Lee retreats west to 5-mile-long front from Pony Mountain to Chestnut Fork (Catalpa); Meade faces Lee on a 6-mile-long front; Lee retreats across Rapidan River to Orange Co. DECEMBER 1863 –MAY 1864: • Union army winter camp in Fauquier and Culpeper Counties; Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant appointed general-in-chief of all Union armies; chooses to accompany Meade’s Army of the Potomac on subsequent campaigns; joins Meade at Meade’s headquarters in Culpeper Co. in March 1864

1864 FEBRUARY • February 6–7, Battle of Morton’s Ford as Union corps attempts to cross Rapidan River from Culpeper Co. to attack Confederate positions in Orange Co. MAY • May 4, Army of the Potomac breaks winter camp and crosses Rappahannock River to advance toward Richmond • May 5, Union Brig. Gen. Edward Ferrero’s division, IX Corps, containing USCTs, crosses river at Kelly’s Ford to join Army of the Potomac (first USCTs to do so)

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A PPENDIX II A NNOTATED B IBLIOGRAPHY

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General

• Civil War Sites Advisory Commission. Civil War Sites Advisory Commission Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields. Washington, DC: National Park Service, 1993. This slim volume is the result of two years of research, intensive fieldwork, and public hearings. National Park Service staff members—forerunners of the American Battlefield Protection Program—conducted the survey with the assistance of state historic preservation office historians and others. • Edmunds, J. M. Manufactures of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1865. This is the official report on the state of manufacturing in the United States as of 1860, compiled from census returns. It is arranged state by state and then county by county. • Faust, Patricia L., ed. Historical Times Illustrated Encyclopedia of the Civil War. New York, NY: Harper and Row, 1986. This is the essential reference work for Union and Confederate officers and politicians, as well as for military units, battles, etc. • Frye, Keith. Roadside Geology of Virginia. Missoula, MT: Mountain Press Publishing Co., 1986. Still in print, this is a description for the general reader of the geology of Virginia that can be seen in road cuts, etc. • Gentry, Daphne S. Virginia Land Office Inventory, 3rd ed. Richmond: Virginia State Library and Archives, 1981. This inventory of land office records, in addition to describing the process of obtaining land patents and grants, includes a history of the Northern Neck Proprietary. • Kennedy, Joseph C. G. Agriculture of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864. This is the official report on the state of agriculture in the United States as of 1860, compiled from census returns. It is arranged state by state and then county by county. • Kennedy, Joseph C. G. Population of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864. This is the official report on population statistics in the United States as of 1860, compiled from census returns. It is arranged state by state and then county by county. • Library of Congress. American Memory Online Catalog Web Site. Civil War Maps. lcweb2.loc.gov/ammem/collections/civil_war_maps/. The searchable site features Civil War– era maps from several sources, including the Library of Congress and the Library of Virginia. • Library of Congress. Prints and Photographs Online Catalog Web Site. www.loc.gov/pictures/. The searchable site features photographs, drawings, and engravings in the custody of the Library of Congress. Most are available in a variety of resolutions up to very high-resolution publication-quality images. • Long, E. B. The Civil War Day by Day: An Almanac, 1861–1865. Garden City, NY: Doubleday and Co., 1971. A detailed index of names, places, and events complements this volume, which is a chronological listing of battles, engagements, and other significant occurrences during the war. 209


G e n e r a l (cont)

• Martin, Joseph. A New and Comprehensive Gazetteer of Virginia, and the District of Columbia. Charlottesville, VA: Joseph Martin, 1835. This volume presents a snapshot of Virginia, county by county, in 1835, listing communities, businesses and industries, population statistics, etc. • McElfresh, Earl B. Maps and Mapmakers of the Civil War. New York, NY: Harry N. Abrams, 1999. Among many other maps, the volume contains Washington Roebling's June 1863 “Map Memoir” of the Union viewpoint of Rappahannock Station and Beverly Ford with fortifications, and also Ph. I. Shopp's "sketch map of Freeman's Ford, Virginia, on the Rappahannock River" showing the August 22, 1862 engagement. • Salmon, Emily J., and Edward D. C. Campbell, Jr. The Hornbook of Virginia History. 4th ed. Richmond: The Library of Virginia, 1994. This standard reference work contains basic information about the creation of counties and cities, lists of state officials, and a brief history of the Commonwealth. • Salmon, John S., Project Historian. Captain John Smith Chesapeake National Historic Trail Feasibility Study and Environmental Assessment. Washington, DC: National Park Service, 2006. This study contains a historic context for Smith’s exploration of the Chesapeake Bay that describes his contacts with various tribes including the Manahoac. • Salmon, John S., The Official Virginia Civil War Battlefield Guide. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 2001. Compiled from material and sources assembled during the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission study of the early 1990s. The guidebook is arranged chronologically by campaign, and then by relevant battles. It features maps, driving tours, and photographs and drawings. • Scott, Robert N., ed. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. 128 vols. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1880-1901. This monumental series, the official and indispensible archives of the war in print, contains official letters, reports, telegrams, maps, etc., relating to both the Confederate and Union armies and navies during the war. The Atlas to Accompany the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies contains the maps that supplement the written reports. • U.S. War Department. Atlas to Accompany the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1891–1895; reprint, Gettysburg, PA: The National Historical Society, 1978. This volume, frequently reprinted, contains official maps prepared by both Confederate and Union cartographers to show battles, troop movements and expeditions, and the designs of certain fortifications during the war. The maps relate to the reports and other documents in The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies.

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Overview

• Broaddus, Julie. “Setting the Stage. Fauquier Lives: A Narrative of the Civil War.” Unpublished manuscript, excerpts from the diaries and letters of Fauquier County residents. 2012. Courtesy Julie Broaddus, Warrenton, VA. This is a work in progress that the compiler has kindly shared for this project. She is assembling a narrative of the war in Fauquier County as told by the diarists and letter-writers of the period. • Bushnell, David I., Jr. The Manahoac Tribes in Virginia, 1608. Washington, DC: The Smithsonian Institution, 1935. This seminal work describes the various Manahoac tribes and related archeological sites as they were known in 1935. • Culpeper County. Comprehensive Plan 2010–2030. Culpeper County Government Web site, http://www.culpepercounty.gov/. Accessed October 24, 2012. The county’s comprehensive plan contains useful information about the physical characteristics of the land, including geology and watersheds and soil types. • Faul, August. “Map and profile of the Orange and Alexandria Rail Road with its Warrenton Branch and a portion of the Manasses [sic] Gap Rail Road, to show its point of connection.” 1854. Library of Congress. American Memory Web site, http://memory.loc.gov/cgibin/query/h?ammem/gmd:@field(NUMBER+@band(g3881p+rr005080)). Accessed November 25, 2012. This map, one of hundreds available on the American Memory Web site, shows a detail of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad in Fauquier County. • Fauquier County. Comprehensive Plan. Fauquier County Government Web site, http://www.fauquiercounty.gov/government/Departments/commdev/index.cfm?action=com pplan1. Accessed October 24, 2012. The county’s comprehensive plan contains useful information about the physical characteristics of the land, including geology and watersheds and soil types. • Hantman, Jeffrey. “Between Powhatan and Quirank: Reconstructing Monacan Culture and History in the Context of Jamestown.” American Anthropologist 92 (1990): 676–690. This article describes what is known of Monacan culture from written and archeological records. • “Lincoln Log, The.” Web site, http://www.thelincolnlog.org/. Accessed January 21, 2013. This site is organized chronologically and covers virtually every day in Lincoln’s life. Besides summary descriptions of his activities, most daily entries include links to relevant documents, newspaper articles, etc. • Loth, Calder, and Margaret T. Peters. Farley. National Register of Historic Places Nomination. 1975. Virginia Department of Historic Resources, Richmond, VA. This nomination describes the architecture of Farley, its history, and its role in the Army of the Potomac Winter Camp, 1863–1864. • Lowe, David W. Civil War in Loudoun Valley: The Battle of Unison, November 1–3, 1862. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, 2008. This study documents the Battle of Unison and includes a detailed series of maps showing each phase of the fight over three days. Historic buildings located on the battlefield are also documented.

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O v e r v i e w (cont)

• Mangus, Michael S. “‘The Debatable Land’: Loudoun and Fauquier Counties, Virginia during the Civil War.” Ph.D. diss. The Ohio State University, 1998. This dissertation analyzes the civilian story in Loudoun and Fauquier Counties during the war, with a major portion devoted to the effects of Mosby’s activities. • Martinez, Jaime A. “Slavery during the Civil War.” Encyclopedia Virginia Web site. http://www.encyclopediavirginia.org/Slavery_During_the_Civil_War. Accessed Nov. 21, 2012. This article analyses estimates by Confederate officials of the numbers of slaves in various Virginia counties who escaped to freedom during the war. • McClellan, Henry B. The Life and Campaigns of Major-General J. E. B. Stuart. Boston, MA: Houghton, Mifflin and Co., 1885. The author, who served on Stuart’s staff, describes the various campaigns and battles in which the cavalry commander took part, including Barbee’s Crossroads, Brandy Station, and others. • Park, Robert E. “The 12th Alabama Infantry, C.S.A.: Its Organization, Associations, Engagements, Casualties, etc.” Southern Historical Society Papers, 33 (1905): 193–296. Park’s memoir describes the marches and battles in which the regiment engaged. • Ramey, Emily G., and John K. Gott, compilers. The Years of Anguish: Fauquier County, Virginia, 1861–1865. Warrenton, VA: Fauquier County Civil War Centennial Committee, 1965. This slim volume contains many useful excerpts from letters, diaries, and newspaper articles relating to the war years. • Root, Mary Munson Rappahannock Station, Virginia: How a Railroad, a River, and the Civil War Put a Small Town on the Map. Professional Surveyor Magazine August 2005:52-59. Discusses the role played during the war by Rappahannock Station at the Orange and Alexandria Railroad’s crossing of the Rappahannock River. Overviews are provided of Johnson’s 1862 withdrawal to south of the Rappahannock, fortification of the crossing in 1863, the November 7, 1863 Battle of Rappahannock Station II, and occupation of the area during the Army of the Potomac’s 1863–1864 winter camp. Also included are several period maps as well as discussion of the construction and development of earthworks and other fortifications to protect the bridge site during the course of the war. • Schamel-González, Kerry, Marco González, and Kristen Bloss. Phase I Archaeological Survey of the 26-Acre Rappahannock Landing Project Area, Fauquier County, Virginia: DHR No. 2008–1653. Fredericksburg, VA: Dovetail Cultural Resource Group, 2009. This report contains summaries of the prehistory and history of Fauquier County. • Scheel, Eugene M. Culpeper: A Virginia County’s History Through 1920. Culpeper, VA: The Culpeper Historical Society, 1982. This history of the county is divided into topical chapters (religion, towns, farming, Civil War battles, etc.). • Scheel, Eugene M. “The Carolina Road.” History of Loudoun County Web site, http://www.loudounhistory.org/history/carolina-road.htm. Accessed Jan. 30, 2013. This brief account traces the route of the road through several counties. • Scheel, Eugene M. The Civil War in Fauquier County, Virginia. Warrenton, VA: The Fauquier National Bank, 1985. This volume focuses on wartime Fauquier County and the various raids and battles that occurred there. 212


O v e r v i e w (cont)

• Scheel, Eugene M. Fauquier County, Commonwealth of Virginia. Warrenton, VA: The Fauquier Bank and Eugene M. Scheel (Printed by Williams and Heintz, Washington, D.C.), 1996. This detailed historical map of Fauquier County, Virginia was surveyed and drawn by Eugene Scheel with sponsorship from The Fauquier Bank, Warrenton. Two earlier versions (1974, 1985) of the map exist that include additional historical information. The 1996 map is rendered in four colors at a scale of 1:63,360 (one inch = 1 mile) and includes historic roadways, canals, buildings, ruins and archaeological sites, Civil War battlefields and other sites of interest. Relief is shown by hachures and spot elevations. Inset maps are included around the border of the main county map for Warrenton, Marshall, Paris, Upperville, The Plains, New Baltimore, Catlett, Calverton, and Remington. An extensive “Index of Communities, Corners, & Crossroads” at lower left provides alphanumeric map grid references and serves as a finding aid for named places. The map compiles details of historical geography from a wide range of sources; however, bibliographic sources are not provided. • Scheel, Eugene M. Culpeper County, Commonwealth of Virginia. Culpeper, VA, Culpeper County Library and Eugene M. Scheel (Printed by Williams and Heintz, Washington, D.C.), 2009. This extremely detailed historical map of Culpeper County, Virginia was surveyed and drawn by Eugene Scheel and sponsored by Friends of the Culpeper County Library and The Culpeper Foundation. At least one earlier version of the map (c. 1975) exists. The 2009 map is rendered in five colors at a scale of approximately 1:63,360 (one inch = one mile) and includes historic roadways, canals, buildings, archaeological sites, Civil War fortifications, graveyards, and mines, as well as place names. Relief is shown by hachures and spot elevations. Inset maps are included around the border of the main county map for the towns of Brandy Station, Elkwood, Stevensburg, Richardsville, Lignum and Maddensville, Raccoon Ford, Rapidan, Mitchell’s, Norman, Reva and Shankstown, Culpeper, Rixeyville, and Jeffersonton. Troop movement maps for the Civil War Brandy Station and Cedar Mountain Battlefields also appear as insets. An index of “Communities, Corners, and Crossroads” is printed at the bottom of the map sheet with map grid references as a locational aid. The map compiles details of historical geography from a wide range of sources; however, bibliographic sources are not provided. • Stewart, Brynn, and Dane Magoon. A Phase I Cultural Resources Survey for Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia: DHR File No. 2011-1035. Glen Allen, VA: Cultural Resources, Inc., 2012. This report contains summaries of the prehistory and history of Culpeper County. • Sutherland, Daniel E. Seasons of War: The Ordeal of a Confederate Community, 1861– 1865. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995. This is a detailed study of Culpeper County during the war and the effects of the conflict on the civilian population, white and black. • Thompson, Steven. Personal communication. November 17, 2012. Analysis of Data Sharing System archeological site reports, Virginia Department of Historic Resources, Richmond. This analysis concerns archeological sites in Culpeper and Fauquier Counties.

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• Trout, William E., III. Data Sheet. Hazel River Navigation. American Canal Society Web site, http://www.americancanals.org/Data_Sheets/Virginia/Hazel%20River.pdf. Accessed November 25, 2012. This data sheet includes a summary history of the Hazel River Navigation Company. • Wert, Jeffry D. Mosby’s Rangers. New York, NY: Simon and Schuster, 1990. This has long been the definitive study of the Rangers and Mosby’s accomplishments with them during the war. It includes descriptions of Mosby’s Warrenton Station attack and of Merritt’s Burning Raid. • Williams, Kimberly P. A Pride of Place: Rural Residences of Fauquier County, Virginia. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2003. The author, an architectural historian, describes rural county dwellings chronologically with attention to stylistic details.

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Campaigns NORTHERN VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN AUGUST–SEPTEMBER 1862 • Hennessy, John J. Return to Bull Run: The Campaign and Battle of Second Manassas. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1993. This is the standard study of the campaign by an eminent National Park Service historian. It contains useful maps of the troop movements associated with the campaign. Chapters 3–6 describe the maneuvers and clashes between Lee’s and Pope’s armies on the Culpeper County and Fauquier County sides of the Rappahannock River in August 1862. • Krick, Robert H. Stonewall Jackson at Cedar Mountain. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1990. This is the foremost study of the battle, written by an authoritative National Park Service historian. It contains extremely detailed maps of the troop movements associated with the battle. • Langellier, John P. Second Manassas 1862: Robert E. Lee's Greatest Victory. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2004. This study contains useful maps of the troop movements associated with the Battle of Cedar Mountain. • Stackpole, Edward J. From Cedar Mountain to Antietam. 2nd ed. Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1993. This volume, first published in 1959, provides primarily a broad strategic analysis rather than a detailed account of the campaign. ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN AND SUBSEQUENT ACTIONS • A Private [D. B. Rea]. Sketches from Hampton’s Cavalry in the Summer, Fall, and Winter Campaigns of ’62. Raleigh, NC: Strother & Co., 1863. The author, who served in the 1st North Carolina Cavalry, describes the campaigns and actions in which Brigadier General Wade Hampton’s cavalry took part, including the Antietam Campaign and the Barbee’s Crossroads engagement. • Brennan, Patrick J. “Little Mac’s Last Stand.” Blue and Gray Magazine 17 (December 1999): 8–20, 48–56. The article explains the strategy and tactics of the post-Antietam maneuvers and clashes including the action at Barbee’s Crossroads. • Hard, Abner. History of the Eighth Cavalry Regiment Illinois Volunteers, During the Great Rebellion. Aurora, IL: N.p., 1868. The author describes the campaigns and actions in which the 8th Illinois Cavalry took part, including the Antietam Campaign and the Barbee’s Crossroads engagement. • Kalbian, Maral S., John S. Salmon, Ben Ford, and Steve Thompson. Unison Battlefield Historic District. National Register of Historic Places Nomination. 2011. Virginia Department of Historic Resources, Richmond, VA. This nomination documents the maneuvering of the Confederate and Union armies after the Battle of Antietam in September 1862 through the Battle of Unison, November 1–3. Historic buildings located on the battlefield also are documented, and the results of an archeological survey near a Quaker meetinghouse and cemetery are described.

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• Norton, Henry. Deeds of Daring, or History of the Eighth N.Y. Volunteer Cavalry. Norwich, NY: Chenango Telegraph Printing House, 1889. The book describes the campaigns and actions in which the 8th New York Cavalry took part, including the Antietam Campaign and the Barbee’s Crossroads engagement. FREDERICKSBURG & CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGNS • Harrison, Noel G. Chancellorsville Battlefield Sites. Lynchburg, VA: H. E. Howard, Inc., 1990. 2nd ed. This work notes the locations of many sites associated with the campaign, such as fords, as well as with the battle itself. • Sutherland, Daniel E. Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville: The Dare Mark Campaign. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998. Although this volume focuses on the two battles named in the title, it also stresses the importance of the Rappahannock and Rapidan Rivers as the “dare mark” or line that each army crossed at its risk. GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN • Beattie, Daniel J. Brandy Station 1863: First Step Towards Gettysburg. New York, NY: Osprey, 2008. This volume contains many detailed maps of the battle. • Hall, Clark B. “The Army is Moving: Lee’s March to the Potomac, 1863; Rodes Spearheads the Way.” Blue & Gray Magazine 21(Spring 2004): 6–22, 44–52. This very detailed account is based on a thorough examination of documentary sources of the movements of Lee’s and Hooker’s armys following the Chancellorsville in June 1863. Include movements northwest from the Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville area to Brandy Station and Culpeper Court House, the Battle of Brandy Station, and the routes of Ewell’s divisions north and west into the Shenandoah Valley toward Gettysburg. Very useful and easy-to-read maps are included. The article concludes with a short note stating that future articles will cover the movements of Longstreet’s corps after Brandy Station, of Hill’s corps north and west following Ewell, as well as Longstreet’s withdrawal west over the Blue Ridge and his passage north across the Potomac. • McKinney, Joseph W. Brandy Station, Virginia, June 9, 1863: The Largest Cavalry Battle of the Civil War. Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Co., 2006. This study of the battle was written by a retired military officer who lives on the battlefield and has studied the terrain in detail. • Wittenberg, Eric J. The Battle of Brandy Station: North America's Largest Cavalry Battle. Charleston, SC: The History Press, 2012. This is the most recent study of the battle, written by a historian of cavalry in the Civil War. BRISTOE STATION AND MINE RUN CAMPAIGNS • Graham, Martin F., and George F. Skoch. Mine Run: A Campaign of Lost Opportunities, October 21, 1863–May 1, 1864. 2nd ed. Lynchburg, VA: H. E. Howard, Inc., 1987. This is a comprehensive examination of a little-known campaign. • Tiche, Adrian G. The Bristoe Campaign: General Lee's Last Strategic Offensive with the Army of Northern Virginia, October 1863. Philadelphia, PA: Xlibris Corp., 2011. This is the most recent study of the campaign and has detailed maps. WINTER CAMP AND OVERLAND CAMPAIGN 216


• Frassanito, William A. Grant and Lee: The Virginia Campaigns, 1864–1865. New York, NY: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1983. This volume includes hundreds of then-and-now photographs that provide fascinating views of battlefields, buildings, fords, and other features to illustrate how they have changed—or not. • Dial, Jamie. Army of the Potomac Winter Encampment, Culpeper and Fauquier Counties, 1863–1864. Multiple Property Documentation Form. National Register of Historic Places Nomination. 1991. Virginia Department of Historic Resources, Richmond, VA. This is a cover document that describes the entire winter camp but focuses on and nominates that part of the camp that was located on Hansborough Ridge north of Stevensburg in Culpeper County. It includes details about camp life, training, etc. • Hall, Clark B. “Season of Change: The Winter Encampment of the Army of the Potomac, December 1, 1863–May 4, 1864.” Blue & Gray Magazine 8 (April 1991): 8–22, 48–62. This article thoroughly examines the Army of the Potomac’s occupation of Culpeper County during the winter of 1863–1864. It includes a map based on period maps and sources showing the headquarters of the various corps as well as picket responsibilities. Many historic homes used as officers’ quarters during the winter camp are discussed and many photographs are included. The article also describes various minor engagements that took place during the period, including (with a map) the Battle of Morton’s Ford. • Rhea, Gordon C. The Battle of the Wilderness, May 5–6, 1864. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994. One of several exhaustive studies of Overland Campaign battles by this author, it contains a useful summary of the crossing of the fords and the inauguration of this campaign.

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Technical CULTURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT REPORTS • Aten, Lawrence E., John Knoerl, and Betsy Crittendon. Mapping the Historic Resources Associated with the Battle of Brandy Station (June 9, 1863). 1990. VDHR Report CU-031. National Park Service study of the Brandy Station battlefield as defined in the original NRHP nomination. The study used early GIS mapping (GRASS) of the battlefield area, recording field-identified and map-projected locations of a wide range of landscape feature types. The study appears to have relied heavily upon the “Vicinity of Brandy Station” map included in Henry McClellan’s history of the Stuart cavalry. • Balicki, Joseph, Sarah Traum, Kerri Holland, and Bryan Corle. Archaeological Investigations at 44CU146: The Bivouac of the 14th Connecticut Infantry Regiment, Culpeper County, Virginia. 2007. VDHR Report CU-038. Phase I survey of 15.8-acre development area within the Warrenton Training Center property along Route 669 (Carico Mills Road) northeast of Stevensburg followed by Phase II investigations of identified site 44CU0146 associated with the 1863–1864 winter camp of the Army of the Potomac. Phase I survey entailed shovel testing at 40-ft intervals with 20-foot radials around positive tests as well as systematic metal detector survey along 10-foot transects across the entire project area. Phase II testing of site mechanically stripped sod from site area and additional intensive metal detection across an area measuring 500 feet by 1,040 feet. Additional mechanical stripping of areas with high potential to contain buried subsurface features was also conducted. Abundant Civil War–era artifacts recovered, although assemblage is dominated by small arms ammunition. Site interpreted as a short-term camp of 14th Connecticut Infantry regiment either from November 8–25 or December 8–28, 1863. Four fired small arms Minié balls and nine fragments of iron shrapnel recovered are thought associated with June 9, 1863, Battle of Brandy Station. The low diversity of material remains and the absence of intact subsurface features led to a recommendation of no additional work prior to development. • Duplantis, Brad M. Archaeological Survey of the Proposed Widening of Route 28, Fauquier and Prince William Counties, Virginia. Submitted by Louis Berger Group to VDOT. 2002. VDHR Report FQ-031. Survey of a 21.2-mile corridor encompassing 450 acres from the U.S. Route 29 intersection in the southwest to the middle of Prince William County in the northeast. Shovel testing at 75-foot intervals was performed throughout the widening corridor. No Civil War sites were identified and no Civil War artifacts were recovered along this corridor that closely follows the route of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, which played an extremely important role during the war. • Duplantis, Brad M. Supplemental Archaeological Survey of the Proposed BristersAppalachian Trail 500kV Transmission Line: Mechanical Excavations at 44CU0150, Culpeper County, Virginia. 2009. VDHR Report CU-044. Through mechanical stripping of the site one additional (unmarked) grave was identified at 44CU0150, a possible Civil War– era cemetery. The site is recommended potentially eligible pending further investigation of the site's association with the Civil War.

218


• Egghart, Christopher, and Frederick T. Barker. Phase I Archaeological Survey of Proposed Improvements to Route 3 in Culpeper County, Virginia. 1990. VDHR Report CU-011. Survey of planned road widening through Lignum and immediately southeast. One possible Civil War earthwork, a probable breastwork (44CU0084) was identified. The feature is a “low earthen berm extending at a 90-degree angle from Route 3” for an unknown distance measuring two feet high and seven feet wide. It “appears fairly eroded” with no associated trench visible. The feature is interpreted as a likely Federal fortification from the Army of the Potomac’s 1863–1864 Winter Camp. Shovel testing in the vicinity revealed only a single fragment of possible nineteenth-century bottle glass. No further work was recommended at the site. • Ferland, Sara, Dane Magoon, and Mike Klein. Cultural Landscape Report Civil War Preservation Trust Brandy Station Battlefield Property, Culpeper County, Virginia. 2007. VDHR Report CU-041. Reconnaissance level field survey of 419-acre Civil War Trust Brandy Station property to assess potential impacts associated with a Civil War reenactment to be held on the property. Study includes a summary of the area’s Civil War history during the Battle of Rappahannock Station I, Brandy Station, and the 1863–1864 Winter Camp as well as a review of previously identified sites within the project area. There is a discussion of the relatively “pristine” character of the landscape and the general paucity of postbellum changes, as well as a detailed assessment of the potential for impacts to specific areas during the reenactment performed with a determination of no adverse effects and no further work required. • Fernandez-Sardina, Ricardo, and Eric Griffitts. An Archaeological Survey for the Proposed Route 3 Improvements and Stevensburg Bypass Project, Culpeper County, Virginia. 1998. VDHR Report CU-026. Survey of an 8.5-mile-long, 100-ft-wide highway corridor around the south side of Stevensburg. Survey entailed 75-foot-interval shovel testing. No Civil War sites were identified in the project area but the limits of the NRHP-listed Hansborough Ridge Winter Encampment Historic District were field mapped using GPS to show the relationship between this historic district and the current VDOT project area. • Fonzo, Stephen. A Documentary and Landscape Analysis of the Buckland Mills Battlefield (VA024). Submitted by the Buckland Preservation Society to National Park Service American Battlefield Protection Program. 2002. VDHR Report FQ-59. (http://www.fauquiercounty.gov/documents/committees/TranspComm/minutes/Battle_of_B uckland_KOCOA_Analysis.pdf). KOKOA analysis of the Buckland Mills battlefield. This study is somewhat disjointed and poorly organized and contains very few useful maps and illustrations. The study includes a detailed list of battlefield “defining features” but confuses these features with “battlefield elements” as used in the KOKOA scheme. Nevertheless, the report contains a wealth of useful information. Of the report’s 130 pages, 100 consist of transcriptions of primary documentary sources related to the Buckland Mills battle. • Gannon, Thomas. A Phase I Cultural Resources Survey of 250.534 Acres for a Proposed Power Generation Plant near the Town of Remington, Fauquier County, Virginia. Submitted by Burns and McDonnell to Old Dominion Electric Cooperative. 2000. VDHR Report FQ-043. Survey of a 30-acre property located east of Remington. The study used shovel testing at 25-meter intervals. No artifacts were recovered and no sites identified of any period. Evidence of extensive land disturbances to the study area was reported. 219


• Gardner, William, Kimberly A. Snyder, and Gwen J. Hurst. Results of a Phase IA Archaeological Reconnaissance Conducted of the Brookside, Fauquier Lakes, AJAJ, and Tuweel-Wood Properties, Fauquier County, Virginia. Submitted by Thunderbird Archaeological Associates to Wetlands Studies and Solutions. 2002. Archeological study and walk-over survey of four parcels totaling 931 acres located west of Vint Hill Farms Station and immediately south of Lake Brittle; roughly between Route 602 in the east and Route 676 in the west. Study area lies close to but outside of the core and study areas of the Buckland Mills Battlefield. No Civil War sites were identified. The study recommends a full Phase I survey and stresses the potential for Civil War–era resources. • Gardner, William M., and Lyle Torp. A Phase I Survey of the Proposed Cedar Run Dam Number 6 Impact Area, Fauquier County, Virginia. Submitted by Thunderbird Archaeological Associates to USDA Soil Conservation Service. 1993. VDHR Report FQ025. Shovel testing was conducted at 100-foot intervals across the entire ca. 680-acre Cedar Run dam and impoundment zone located immediately west of Auburn. No metal detection was performed. No Civil War–era artifacts were recovered and no war-related sites were identified. • Geier, Clarence R., J. W. A. Whitehorn, A. Wood, E. Troll, and K. Trinkham. The Civil War Engagements at Auburn, Virginia October 13, 14, 1863: A Historical-Archaeological Analysis. Submitted by James Madison University Dept. of Sociology and Anthropology to Jennings Gap Partnership. 2008. This report contains a very detailed documentary analysis and map-based reconstruction of the Auburn I and II battles and battlefields. KOKOA landscape analysis is included. The study also included metal detection in selected portions of the study area; however, the contribution of this work to understanding of the battles is not clear. Identification of a possible Civil War camp in the northwestern portion of the study area is unconvincingly associated with the “breakfast camp” of U.S. troops on Coffee Hill the morning of October 14, 1863. Short-term U.S. camps were in this area at the end of October during the close of the Bristoe Campaign and during other periods of the war that could also have produced the remains discovered. • Jacobs, Milton, and Douglas W. Owsley. Burials of the Washington Artillery Located at St. James Church, Brandy Station, Virginia. 1990. VDHR Report CU-012. This is a report of a survey of the St. James Episcopal Church property during which “through noninvasive probing 50 burials were identified and mapped.” Six burials were excavated. Five burials proved to be post–Civil War civilians while one was a military burial. Burial 21 was shallow (2.5 feet) and contained a wooden “coffin” lacking bottom and cover and constructed of reused planks. These characteristics conform to documentary description of burials made in the cemetery by members of the Washington Artillery following the 1862 First Battle of Rappahannock Station. Based on estimated age of individual in Burial 21, tentatively identified as either Hugh Johnson or Owen McDonald. The report also includes a detailed history of the Washington Artillery. No maps or illustrations. For more details of this project see Owsley et al., no date, The History and Archaeology of Saint James Episcopal Church, Brandy Station, Virginia, published by Christ Episcopal Church, Brandy Station, Virginia.

220


• Kalbian, Maral S. Final Report for Survey Update of Historic Properties in Fauquier County, Virginia; December 2000–March 2002. Prepared for Virginia Department of Historic Resources. VDHR Report FQ-032. The author surveyed 200 historic architectural resources throughout the county. She also prepared Preliminary Information Forms (PIFs) on 20 potential historic districts including Auburn, Calverton, Casanova, Catlett, Delaplane, Hume, New Baltimore, Rectortown, and Remington, among others. The historical background section on the Civil War in Fauquier in this report is “taken directly” from Fauquier County’s Historic Resources Preservation Plan. No archeological work was performed as part of this study. • Klein, Mike, Emily Lindtveit, Tracy McDonald, and Ellen Brady. Phase I Archaeological Survey, Proposed Remington Freight Depot Enhancement Project, Fauquier County, Virginia. 2011. VDHR Report FQ-073. One isolated find and one site were identified in the 1.8-acre survey area. Site 44FQ0297 is a concentration of 20th–century refuse and two Civil War–era artifacts, a carved bullet and sprue, discovered during shovel testing and metaldetector survey of the parcel proposed as the new location for the Remington Freight Depot (288-5001-0025). Intensive metal detecting in the vicinity of the bullet and sprue recovered no additional Civil War artifacts. Site 44FQ0297 should not be considered a contributing element of the either the Rappahannock Station I Battlefield (023-5049) or the Rappahannock Station II Battlefield (023-5050) resources. Rather, the Civil War component of Site 44FQ0297 appears to represent casual loss or discard, and therefore is not eligible for listing in the NRHP under Criterion A. No further work is recommended. • Klein, Mike, Sandra DeChard, and Dane Magoon. Cultural Resources Survey Proposed Tin Pot Run Bridge Replacement, Fauquier County, Virginia. Submitted by Cultural Resources, Inc., to VDOT. 2008. VDHR Report FQ-072. Phase I survey of a 0.61-mile-long x 60-footwide area associated with bridge replacement and road improvements near Tin Pot Run east of Remington. Field methods included shovel testing at 75-ft intervals and 100% metal detection coverage. Two Civil War period bullets were recovered and are assumed to be related to one of the many military engagements in this area. No artifacts associated with the 1863–1864 winter camp of the V Corps of the Army of the Potomac were recovered. • Kosalko, Katherine, Brad Duplantis, and Michael Yengling. Archaeological Survey of the Proposed Bristers-Appalachian Trail 500kV Transmission Line, Culpeper, Fauquier, and Rappahannock Counties, Virginia. 2009. VDHR Report CU-043. Phase I survey of 42.7mile-long, 240-foot-wide transmission line corridor through portions of Rappahannock, Culpeper, and Fauquier Counties. Only a single site was identified with a possible Civil War association, 44CU0150, a small rural cemetery that according to local informant(s) may have been used during the war. • Kosalko, Katherine, and Mike Yengling. Cultural Resource Survey in Association with the Proposed Widening of Route 3, Stevensburg, Culpeper County, Virginia. 2009. VDHR Report CU-046. Systematic metal detection and shovel testing were conducted along 1.7 miles of State Route 3 in vicinity of Stevensburg. One possible piece of iron tack (bridle fragment?) possibly associated with the Civil War was recovered.

221


• Magoon, Dane T. and Mike Klein Phase III Data Recovery of Archaeological Site 44CU0100, Camp of the United States Army VI Corps Occupied During the Winter of 1863– 1864, Culpeper County, Virginia. VDHR Report CU-050. Extensive excavation of this site first identified in 1995 was conducted in advance of development of the property by the Culpeper County Airport. Approximately 10% of the 3.7-acre site was intensively investigated, resulting in the identification of numerous cultural features. This is the first site conclusively associated with the 1863–1864 Army of the Potomac winter camp to have been the focus of extensive, formal archeological excavation. Information concerning the layout of the camp, which is associated with VI US Army Corps, was recovered along with details of hut construction in addition to a large artifact assemblage. Winter huts identified by the study show them to have relatively shallow subsurface expressions compared to other known excavated examples. Artifact distribution study led to the identification specific activity areas including a blacksmith work area. This study also includes considerable discussion of the value of different archeological methods for the recognition and sampling of Civil War camp sites. • Maroney, Sean. Cost-Share Cultural Resource Survey of 23 Areas of Historic Interest Within Culpeper County, Virginia. 2007. VDHR Report CU-042. A multi-phase reconnaissance-level investigation of architectural and archeological resources located within 23 “Areas of Historic Interest” in Culpeper County as defined in the county’s Comprehensive Plan. A total of 274 new and previously recorded historic properties were documented in 21 of the 23 targeted areas (Beverly Ford and nearby area of Rappahannock River Fortifications associated with the Battle of Rappahannock Station I could not be visited). Documented sites consist primarily of standing buildings (228), but also include (portions of) 4 historic districts or battlefields, 6 structures (locks, bridges, dams, etc), and 27 archeological sites. Sites that are associated exclusively or primarily with the Civil War comprise about 3.3% of all documented resources. Among the historic areas included in the study with a pronounced Civil War relevance are Brandy Station, Cedar Mountain Battlefield, Cunningham Farm, Fleetwood Hill, Hansborough Ridge, Jeffersonton, Kelly’s Ford, St. James Church, and Stevensburg. Three of the areas of interest determined to be potentially eligible for listing as historic districts on the National Register of Historic Places were subjected to more in-depth investigations. Each previously recorded archeological site within the 23 areas of interest received pedestrian survey. Recommendations for future historic preservation efforts include the maintenance of a consistently updated inventory, the hiring of a preservation planner, completion of a formal Countywide Preservation Plan, expanded preservation-oriented education and outreach efforts, and a more-nuanced approach to heritage tourism.

222


• McLearen, Douglas C., and R. Taft Kiser. Phase I Archaeological Survey of Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia. 1995. VDHR Report CU-030. Archeological survey of 488 acres including airport and surrounding areas slated for potential development. Shovel testing at 50-foot intervals with 25-foot-interval shovel testing in areas of moderate and high archeological potential. No metal detection was undertaken. Twenty-three archeological sites were identified including two located outside of the 488-acre project area. Nine sites associated with Civil War activity were identified within the project area and one without. Also identified are a Civil War–era road trace (44CU0114), the Gee House site (44CU0118), and the Welford site (44CU0115). Site 44CU0113 is a Civil War gun battery with three artillery emplacements outside of the project area on high ground overlooking the Rappahannock River. Other sites with earthworks interpreted as artillery emplacements or rifle pits associated with picket lines. Two sites (44CU0096 and 44CU0100) thought to represent remains of huts associated with 1863–1864 Winter Camp. • McLearen, Douglas C., R. Taft Kiser, and Beverly J. Binns Phase II Archaeological Significance Evaluations of 44CU96, 44CU98, and 44CU100 and Supplemental Survey of 44CU103, 44CU107, 44CU109 and 44CU118 Associated with Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia. Report submitted to Campbell and Paris Engineers by VCU Archaeological Research Center. VDHR Report #CU-022. Phase II testing of a series of sites identified during a 1995 Phase I archeological survey. Most sites have historic component possibly dating to the period of the Civil War. Only one site, 44CU0100, was determined to be eligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places. This site is believed to contains the remains of parts of the Army of the Potomac’s 1863–1864 winter camp. The Army’s VI Corps is known to have camped in this general vicinity. • McLearen, Douglas C., Luke H. Boyd, and Beverly J. Bimms. Phase I Cultural Resource Survey Warrenton-Fauquier Airport, Fauquier County, Virginia. Submitted by Virginia Commonwealth University Archaeological Research Center to Campbell and Paris Engineers. 1995. VDHR Report FQ-023. Survey of a 220-acre tract east of Midland. Shovel testing was performed at 50-foot to 75-foot intervals. No Civil War artifacts were recovered and no sites of the period were identified. • McVarish, Douglas C., and Joseph Balicki. Cultural Landscape Investigations of the Cedar Run Dam 6 Project Area, Auburn, Fauquier County, Virginia. Prepared by John Milner and Assoc. for USDA National Resources Conservation Service. 1999. VDHR Report FQ-028. Study of a 680-acre parcel intended for impoundment for flood control purposes. No archeological fieldwork was conducted as part of this study (but see William M. Gardner and Lyle Torp, A Phase I Survey of the Proposed Cedar Run Dam Number 6 Impact Area, Fauquier County, Virginia, 1993). A good overview of Auburn I and II is included, however, as is historical landscape feature identification and analysis. The study also includes a series of historic period map overlays that illustrate the evolution and development of the area’s cultural landscape.

223


• Mullin, John J. Archaeological Identification Survey Route 215 (Vint Hill Road) Fauquier County, Virginia. Submitted by Louis Berger Group, Inc. to VDOT. 2002. VDHR Report FQ-033. This is a report of a Phase I survey of 2.3 miles of widening and new alignment along State Route 215 covering a total area of roughly 41 acres. Site 44FQ0193 was on high forested ground west of the current road and contains 15 possible defensive earthworks (rifle pits) possibly associated with the Battle of Buckland Mills. This site is within the core area of the Buckland battlefield. Further work was recommended to determine the nature of the site and features. • Neville, Ashley M. Architectural/Historical Survey of The Brandy Station Battlefield, Culpeper County, Virginia. 1993. VDHR Report CU-015. This report lists structures within the area of the Brandy Station Battlefield Historic District as initially defined (containing areas in Kelly’s Ford, Stevensburg, and Brandy Station–Beverly Ford). Twenty-one antebellum buildings were identified in the study area. Three stone walls in the vicinity of Cunningham house were identified and mapped that are believed to have been present during Battle of Brandy Station. Three NRHP-eligible properties were identified: Beauregard/023-0003), Rose Hill/023-0018, and St. James Church Site/023-0053-0021. • Owsley, Douglas W., James K. Krakker, Milton Jacobs, Robert W. Mann, and Clark B. Hall n.d. The History and Archaeology of St. James Episcopal Church, Brandy Station, Virginia (Site No. 44CU90). Brandy Station, VA, Christ Episcopal Church. Report of investigations conducted by archeologists and physical anthropologists from the Smithsonian Institution near the ruins of St. James Church between Brandy Station and Beverley’s Ford in Culpeper County. The goal of the project was to gather historical information about the church’s early history, to determine if civilian and military burials are present in the associated graveyard, and to assess the property’s eligibility for the National Register of Historic Places. This report includes overview of the battles of Rappahannock Station I and Brandy Station as the destruction of the church by Union soldiers during the Army of the Potomac’s winter camp of 1863–1864. Excavations identified foundations associated with the church and recovered architectural artifacts as well as other materials. A defensive trench was observed north of the church but not further investigated. A total of 53 graves were mapped in the church cemetery; however, additional graves likely are present. Seven graves were excavated, of which one proved to be a military burial. The military burial appears to have been made within a crude coffin fashioned from planks scavenged from the church. • Owsley, Douglas W., Malcolm L. Richardson, and William F. Hanna. Bioarchaeological Investigation and Exhumation of the Remains of Captain William Downs Farley, CSA. 2002. VDHR Report CU-029. Examination by Smithsonian Museum of Natural History staff of skeletal remains of William Farley exhumed from Culpeper’s Fairview Cemetery prior to reburial in a family cemetery in South Carolina. Farley was killed June 9, 1863, near Mountain Run north of Stevensburg during the Battle of Brandy Station.

224


• Phaup, Nancy, Aaron Levinthal, John S. Salmon, and Carol Tyrer. Phase I Cultural Resources Phase I Survey at the Proposed Bishops Run Tract, Fauquier County, Virginia. Submitted by Circa, Inc. to Bishop Development Property LLC. 2008. VDHR Report FQ77. Phase I survey of a 63-acre tract located southeast of U.S. Route 29 in the western margin of the Buckland Mills battlefield core area. The study area is bisected by Riley Road, the corridor of which had been the subject of prior VDOT survey with no Civil War–related findings. This report includes troop movement/position maps of the Buckland Mills battle drawn from an earlier study of the battlefield prepared by Louis Berger Group for the Buckland Preservation Society. The report also includes map and discussion of possible rifle pits located outside of the nearby State Route 215 right-of-way that are believed associated with U.S. troop positions during the battle. Metal detecting conducted during this study found extremely limited evidence of Civil War activity within the project area (one U.S. button) and defined no Civil War–related sites. • Schamel, Kerry, K., Kristen Bloss, and Kerri S. Barile Phase I Archaeological Survey of the 23 Acre Rappahannock Landing Project Area, Fauquier County, Virginia. Report submitted to Fauquier County Department of Parks and Recreation by Dovetail Cultural Resource Group. Systematic shovel testing and metal detection of a small agricultural tract located between the town of Remington and the Rappahannock River north of Rt. 29 Business resulted in the identification of two archeological sites with apparent Civil War era associations/occupations. One site (44FQ0224) is thought to represent the remains of a short-term camp associated possibly with an officer’s or medical corps’ headquarters during either the first or second Battle of Rappahannock Station. The possibility that this site is related to the Army of the Potomac’s winter camp of 1863–1864 is not considered. Surprisingly few Civil War munitions were recovered during metal detection, suggesting that the area may have been heavily impacted by previous relic hunting.

225


• Stewart, Brynn, and Dane Magoon. A Phase I Cultural Resources Survey for Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia. 2012. VDHR Report CU-049. The project area is 152.64 acres, of which about 100 acres were previously surveyed by VCU in 1995 as part of their large airport-related Phase I (see McLearen, Douglas C., and R. Taft Kiser, Phase I Archaeological Survey of Proposed Improvements to the Culpeper Regional Airport, Culpeper County, Virginia, 1995, VDHR Report CU-030). As metal detecting had not been a part of the VCU survey, systematic metal detecting to locate Civil War–era sites was conducted over the entire project area. Systematic shovel testing (50-foot intervals) was performed over the approximately 52 acres not previously surveyed by VCU; however, a total of only 197 shovel tests were excavated by this project as a predictive model was used to reduce the tested area to about 16 acres deemed to have high potential for prehistoric and historic sites. Survey entailed shovel testing of 100% of high probability areas (16 acres) and 10% of low probability areas (about 36 acres). However, much of the area, both low and high probability (about 65%), had standing water at the time of survey and was not shovel tested. Metal detector survey “was employed in select portions of the project area” apparently by a single person working along transects spaced at 50-foot intervals, with no clear explanation of where and how much area was actually covered. Very few Civil War artifacts were recovered during metal detector survey: two munitions were found on the extreme northern end of project area, and Site 44CU0164 was identified on the basis of a surface depression possibly associated with Civil War winter camp hut while metal detector survey of surrounding area produced 13 Civil War–era artifacts including munitions and possible camp-related debris. Site 44CU0164 also apparently had evidence of looting. Most of 44CU0164 is located within an area deemed “low probability” for archeological resources. A prehistoric lithic scatter (44CU0164) was identified by shovel testing in high probability area. • Swanson, Mark, and Lisa D. O’Steen. Evaluation of Selected Historic Properties at Vint Hill Farms Station: Testing of Archaeological Site 44FQ177, Preparation of Civil War Context, and Development of Cold War Context and Inventory. Prepared by Geo-Marine, Inc., for U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. 1995. VDHR Report FQ-038. This report contains a review of secondary documentary sources related to the history of the property and in particular to the area during the Civil War. The report determined that the VHFS property was not involved in any of the major battles that occurred in the region but that unreported smaller actions and activities may have taken place on the property. Possibly, “Mosby’s Last Stand” occurred near the VHFS south/back gate. No archeological work was performed as part of this study. • Sweeten, Lena L., Meghan Hesse, and Robert D. Clarke. Addendum. Cultural Resources Investigation for the State Route 215 Project in Fauquier County, Virginia. Submitted by Gray and Pape to VDOT. 2008. VDHR Report FQ-071. This report focuses on the Area of Potential Effect associated with proposed changes to State Route 215 and U.S. Route 29. Included is a detailed discussion of the Battle of Buckland Mills. The report contains a very good KOKOA analysis of the Buckland Mills battlefield landscape as well as good maps of troop movements and positions during the battle. No archeological fieldwork was conducted during this study. The study supports both the previously established boundaries and the NRHP eligibility of the Buckland Mills Battlefield, the Buckland Historic District, and Buckland Hall/Buckland Farm. 226


• Walker, Joan, et al. A Phase I Archaeological Survey of a Four-Acre Building Site, Culpeper County, Virginia. 1993. VDHR Report CU-014. Phase I archeological survey entailing shovel testing and visual reconnaissance of a four-acre development site near Hubbard Run at south of the Culpeper Regional Airport. No artifacts were recovered and no sites were identified. • Wilson, James. Phase I Cultural Resources Survey of Williams Gas Pipeline-Transco’s Proposed Marsh Run Lateral Natural Gas Pipeline Construction Corridor and Access Road in Fauquier County, Virginia. Submitted by BHE Environmental, Inc., to Williams Gas Pipeline-Transco. 2002. VDHR Report FQ-042. Phase I survey of a 1.5-mile natural gas pipeline corridor and associated access road corridor located southeast of the town of Remington and west of the confluence of Brown’s Run and Marsh Run. No Civil War sites or artifacts were identified.

227


A PPENDIX III B ATTLEFIELD D EFINING F EATURES

229


231

VA039

VA039

VA039

VA039

VA039

Auburn I

Auburn I

Auburn I

Auburn I

Auburn I

VA039

VA039

Auburn I

Auburn I

VA039

Auburn I

DF.9

DF.8

DF.7

DF.6

DF.5

DF.4

DF.3

DF.2

Location Rte 602 through Auburn follows roadbed

Relevance to Battle route of III Corps march to Auburn

stream, potential obstacle to Union advance bridge modern bridge of Rte 602 used by III Corps to cross Cedar Run crosses here at Auburn Auburn rural community, hamlet, battlefield landmark, near reconstructed mill here area of fighting St. Stephen's Church still extant, at intersection of Rt battlefield landmark 603 and Rt. 677 Nevil's Mill original not extant, at the present at the time of battle southeast corner of the intersection of Rt 602 and Rt 670 McCormick House not extant, north side of Rt 670 present at the time of battle just west of its intersection with Rt 602 Woods on apex and Both sides of Rt 602 on heights location of Lomax's dismounted north end of Chichester immediately south of Cedar brigade during Auburn I Hill Run Hill on and east of Rt 603 southeast of intersection location from which Stuart viewed and Rt 677 above Cedar the Union wagon trains along the Run Orange & Alexandria RR on Oct. 13

Cedar Run

Battlefield Name NPS ID Number Resource Name Auburn I VA039 DF.1 Old Carolina Road

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

Sources NONE PROVIDED

#7 in Geier 2008

#2 in Geier 2008

#14 in Geier 2008

#13 in Geier 2008

#5 in Geier 2008

# 8 in Geier 2008

# 3 in Geier 2008

# 9 in Geier 2008

Comments # 1 in Geier 2008


232

VA041

VA041

Auburn II

Auburn II

VA041

Auburn II

VA041

VA041

Auburn II

Auburn II

VA041

Auburn II

VA041

VA041

Auburn II

Auburn II

VA041

Auburn II

VA041

VA041

Auburn II

Auburn II

VA041

DF.13

DF.12

DF.11

DF.10

DF.9

DF.8

DF.7

DF.6

DF.5

DF.4

DF.3

DF.2

Stuart's Hiding Place

McCormick House

Nevil's Mill

St. Stephen's Church

St. Stephen's Road

Dumfries Road

Double Poplars Road

wooded height

Coffee Hill

Auburn

bridge

Cedar Run

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA041 DF.1 Old Carolina Road

Auburn II

Battlefield Name Auburn II

Relevance to Battle route of II Corps march to Auburn

route of Union advance to Catlett, scene of Gordon's charge on Hays

A ravine located on the north location where Stuart concealed his side of Rt 670 at its intersection cavalry and artillery overnight with Rt 667 October 13 and from which he launched his attack on US forces the morning of October 14

still extant, at intersection of Rt battlefield landmark 603 and Rt. 677 at the southeast corner of the present at the time of battle intersection of Rt 602 and Rt 670 north side of Rt 670 just west present at the time of battle of its intersection with Rt 602

Rte 667 currently follows this route

stream, potential obstacle to Union advance modern bridge of Rte 602 used by II Corps to cross Cedar Run at crosses here Auburn rural community, hamlet, battlefield landmark, near reconstructed mill here area of fighting north of Auburn and Cedar Run position of Caldwell's Div and Rickett's and Arnold's artillery position of Carroll's brigade southwest of Auburn, overlooks Cedar Run and Rte Rte 670 follows course of road route of Fitz Lee's and Early's advance to Auburn to Auburn Rte 605 follows this route route of Rodes' advance to battlefield

Location Rte 602 through Auburn follows roadbed

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

Sources NONE PROVIDED

#15 in Geier et al. 2008

#14 in Geier et al. 2008

#5 in Geier et al. 2008 #13 in Geier et al. 2008

Comments # 1 in Geier et al. 2008 # 9 in Geier et al. 2008 # 3 in Geier et al. 2008 # 8 in Geier et al. 2008 # 10 in Geier et al. 2008 # 11 in Geier et al. 2008 #4 in Geier et al. 2008 #12 in Geier et al. 2008 #6 in Geier et al. 2008


233

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

Barbee's Crossroads

Barbee's Crossroads

Barbee's Crossroads

Barbee's Crossroads

Barbee's Crossroads

Barbee's Crossroads

n.a.

Barbee's Crossroads

DF.10

DF.9

DF.8

DF.7

DF.6

DF.5

DF.4

DF.3

Confederate artillery position

Present‐day Cresthill Rd. (Rte. 647) Present‐day Leeds Manor Rd. (Rte. 688) West of Leeds Manor Rd. (Rte. 688), .5 mile south of Barbee’s Crossroads

OR, V29, Pt2, p144

OR, V29, Pt2, p144

OR, V29, Pt2, p144

OR, V29, Pt2, p144

OR, V29, Pt2, p146

8th NY position 600 yards from Leeds OR, V29, Pt2, p146 Manor Rd. (Rte. 688) across field; 1st NC attacks en route north from camp to Barbee’s Crossroads

Rosser’s route of retreat

Hampton’s route of retreat

North of Barbee’s Crossroads, concealed Federal advance either side of Leeds Manor Rd.

North of Barbee’s Crossroads, west of Leeds Manor Rd.

Part of 8th NY uses it for concealment Norton 1889, p45 to approach Confederate artillery position

“depression in the field” Western side of Leeds Manor 1st NC shelters in depression but is Rd. (Rte. 688), .5 mile south of attacked by elements of 8th NY Barbee’s Crossroads, part way across “field” (DF.9)

"field"

"Orleans road"

"Flint Hill road"

"ravines and woods"

"crest of hill"

"stone wall"

"knoll"

Sources Comments OR, V29, Pt2; Rea 1863; Hard 1868; Norton 1889; Beale 1899 Norton 1889, p44

Hides 8th NY from Confederate view; Norton 1889, p45 2 cos. dismount to fight on foot

n.a.

Barbee's Crossroads

0.7 mile north of Barbee’s Crossroads, west of Leeds Manor Rd.; 300 yards north of Confederate artillery position (DF.5) feature extended from “knoll” (DF.3) to near Confederate artillery position

1 mile north of Barbee's Gregg’s brigade spreads out across Crossroads along Leeds Manor fields approaching crossroads; 8th NY Rd. to right (west), remainder to left; US battery to left

"fields"

n.a.

Barbee's Crossroads

DF.2

Location Relevance to Battle present‐day intersection of Center of CS defensive line Leeds Manor Rd. (Rte. 688) and Hume Rd. (Rte. 635)

Battlefield Name NPS ID Number Resource Name Barbee's Crossroads n.a. DF.1 Barbee's Crossroads


234

n.a.

n.a.

n.a.

Barbee's Crossroads

Barbee's Crossroads

n.a.

Barbee's Crossroads

Barbee's Crossroads

n.a.

Barbee's Crossroads

DF.16

DF.15

DF.14

DF.13

DF.12

“Barbee’s house” and “storehouse”

"hill"

"broad ditch"

“stone fence” “upon my right” at angle to “stone fence in front,” oriented ca. east‐west

OR, V29, Pt2, p146

OR, V29, Pt2, p146

Barbee’s Crossroads intersection

Western side of Leeds Manor Rd. (Rte. 688), .5 mile south of Barbee’s Crossroads, just west (or south?) of “stone fence in front” (DF.12)

Location of 9th VA Cavalry position in Beale 1899, p52; column with head 50 yards south of Rea 1863, p60 intersection, and with dismounted squadron as skirmishers to right front across Hume Rd. (Rte. 635)

Concealed part of 8th NY, which OR, V29, Pt2, p146 charged 1st NC as it was wheeling back east from north‐south stone wall and ditch

Western side of Leeds Manor Charging 1st NC troopers dismounted OR, V29, Pt2, p146 Rd. (Rte. 688), .5 mile south of when horses fall in ditch “concealed Barbee’s Crossroads, just east by grass and weeds” of “stone fence in front” (DF.12)

Western side of Leeds Manor Part of 8th NY massed behind, to Rd. (Rte. 688), .5 mile south of attack right flank of 1st NC Barbee’s Crossroads, just west of “stone fence in front” (DF.12)

“stone fence in front” Western side of Leeds Manor Part of 8th NY occupies position (with opening) oriented Rd. (Rte. 688), .5 mile south of behind, as Gordon confers with ca. north‐south Barbee’s Crossroads, just west Hampton of “crest of the hill in front” in DF.11

Battlefield Name NPS ID Number Resource Name Location Relevance to Battle Sources Comments Barbee's Crossroads n.a. DF.11 “crest of the hill in front” Western side of Leeds Manor 1st NC occupies to drive back 8th NY OR, V29, Pt2, p146 Rd. (Rte. 688), .5 mile south of attack Barbee’s Crossroads, just west of “depression in the field” (DF.10)


235

n.a.

n.a.

Barbee's Crossroads

Barbee's Crossroads

DF.19

DF.18

“mountain to our right” (9th VA) “stone fence”

Battlefield Name NPS ID Number Resource Name Barbee's Crossroads n.a. DF.17 "barricade"

Location short distance north of Barbee’s Crossroads along “road leading to Markham” (Leeds Manor Rd./Rt. 688) Northeast of Barbee’s Crossroads Hume Rd. (Rte. 635), east of Barbee’s Crossroads

Sources Beale 1899, p52

Position of Union battery Beale 1899, p52 (Pennington’s) Position to which 9th VA skirmish line Beale 1899, p52 retreated

Relevance to Battle Obstructed Union attack

Comments


236

VA035

VA035

Brandy Station

VA035

Brandy Station

Brandy Station

VA035

Brandy Station

DF.54

DF.52

DF.51

DF.49

Farley; Dr. Welford's house

Elkwood

Wiltshire house

Dr Hamilton's house

Beverley's Ford

VA035

Brandy Station

DF.2

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA035 DF.50 Buford's camp

Battlefield Name Brandy Station

general area of Buford's camp night of June 8

Buford's right wing crossing of the Rappahannock

Relevance to Battle Starting point for Buford, 4:00 a.m.

area of Buford's right flank and beginning of US advance on WHF Lee's brigade

northwestern edge of Yew area of WHF Lee's advance to and Ridge, along road to Welford's retreat from Buford's right flank; Ford along Mumford's advance to battle

Cunningham house, no longer extant, at southern edge of Hazel River valley west of Beverley Ford

home of Cunningham's area of Buford's right flank and overseer, ca. 0.5 mi southwest beginning of US advance on WHF of Cunningham house/Elkwood Lee's brigade behind stone wall along north side of road from Beverley's Ford to Dr. Green's house

north bank of Rappahannock River, west of Beverley's Ford

Location known only approximately; north of Rappahannock River, east of Beverley Ford, area of farms of Wm. Bowen and Dr. Hamilton immediately east of confluence of Rappahannock and Hazel Rivers

LOC glva01 lva00059 map; LOC g3883c la001242 map; McKinney 2006:126 LOC glva01 lva00059 map; LOC g3883c la001242 map; McKinney 2006:182â&#x20AC;?4, 188â&#x20AC;? 190, 193

LOC glva01 lva00059 map; McKinney 2006:122

LOC glva01 lva00059 map; LOC g3883c la001242 map; LOC G3883C La001242 map LOC G3883C La001242 map

Sources McKinney 2006:108; LOC G3883C La001242 map

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Comments Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile


237

VA035

VA035

VA035

Brandy Station

Brandy Station

Brandy Station

VA035

Brandy Station

DF.58

DF.57

DF.7

DF.53

Mt Holly Church

Graffiti House

St James Church

Gee house

Dr Daniel Green house

VA035

Brandy Station

DF.10

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA035 DF.9 northern component of the Yew Ridge

Battlefield Name Brandy Station

on heights northeast of Kelly's along route of US left wing's advance Ford, along road to ford from to Kelly's Ford. Morrisville

Brandy Station, north side of railroad

along west side of Beverley Ford road, about 2 miles southwest of ford

no longer extant, east of road to Beverley Ford, opposite intersection with St James Church Road

Sources McKinney 2006:182‐4

LOC glva01 lva00059 map; LOC g3883c la001242 map; McKinney 2006:182‐3. location of 6th VA camp prior to LOC glva01 battle, eastern end of Beckham's lva00059 map; artillery "line of metal," western end LOC g3883c of Wade Hampton's brigade's battle la001242 map; line McKinney 2006:114, 118, 224 location of Stuart's/Beckham's CS LOC glva01 artillery opposing Buford's advance lva00059 map; from Beverley Ford LOC g3883c la001242 map; OR Vol 27, Pt. 2, pp.680, 772; McKinney 2006:119, 121; Owsley et al. n.d.: 12‐13 used as CS hospital McKinney 2006:154

Location Relevance to Battle northeastern extension of area of advance of WHF Lee's brigade Fleetwood Hill, south of Ruffin's against Buford's right flank Run, between Welford, D.Green's farm, and Thompson's farm South side of Ruffin's Run on area of advance of Rooney Lee's the northern edge of Yew Hills, brigade against Buford's right flank ca. 1.2 mi southwest of Cunningham's farm/Elkwood

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Comments Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile


238

VA035

Brandy Station

VA035

Brandy Station

VA035

VA035

Brandy Station

Brandy Station

VA035

Brandy Station

DF.19

DF.46

DF.42

DF.41

DF.29

Stuart's headquarters site

Norman's mill

heights ‐ Pennington's arty

Fredericksburg plank road

Brown house

Kelly's Mill

VA035

Brandy Station

DF.59

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA035 DF.3 Kelly's Ford

Battlefield Name Brandy Station

McKinney 2006:150

McKinney 2006:139

LOC glva01 lva00059 map; LOC g3883c la001242 map; McKinney 2006:144,150 "Afton" on north side of Rt 666 site of Stuart's headquarters prior to McKinney 2006:40 between Culpeper and Brandy June 7, when Stuart moved to Station Fleetwood Hill (DF.18)

Pennington's US artillery battery section deployed here, firing upon Butler's retreating forces, source of artillery fire that resulted in Wm. Farley's fatal wound.

on north side of Mountain Run along route of Butler's retreat north north of Stevensburg on east from Stevensburg; near site of Capt. side of road to Brandy Station Wm. Farley's fatal wounding. (Rt 663)

near a church at the eastern edge of Stevensburg

modern‐day Rt 669/Carico Mills route taken by Gregg's cavalry Rd and road trace runnng from division towards Brandy Station intersection of Rt 669 and Rt 675 to Rt 672/Stones Mill Rd

ABPP shapefile

Russell's infantry brigade passed this McKinney industrial site on the way to Newby's 2006:137 Shop and the O & A Railroad

Relevance to Battle Sources US left wing's crossing of the OR Vol.27, Pt.1, Rappahannock (Duffié, Gregg, Russell) p.950

0.5 mi southwest of Kelly's Ford along route of left wing's (Gregg's) advance towards Stevensburg

Location On Rappahannock River 4 miles southeast of Remington/Rappahannock Station and railroad bridge south bank of Rappahannock River, about 100 yards upstream of Kelly's Ford

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile

Comments Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile


239

VA035

VA035

Brandy Station

Brandy Station

VA035

Brandy Station

DF.103 Appleton, George Thompson house

DF.102 Oak Shade Church

DF.101 Beauregard, Barbour House

Newby's Shop

VA035

Brandy Station

DF.37

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA035 DF.18 Fleetwood house

Battlefield Name Brandy Station

Sources LOC glva01 lva00059 map; LOC g3883c la001242 map; McKinney 2006:93, 119,153‐ 179 intersection of Rt 674/Kelly's along route taken by Russell's infantry LOC glva01 Ford Road and Rt 673/Newby's brigade from Kelly's Ford to O & A lva00059 map; Shop Road Railroad LOC g3883c la001242 map 0.85 mi north of Brandy CS Brig. Gen. Robertson's pre‐battle Salmon, p.194; Station, east side of Rt. camp LOC glva01 663/Alanthus Rd. lva00059 map; LOC g3883c la001242 map ca. 2 miles northeast of CS Brig. Gen. Fitz. Lee's pre‐battle Salmon, p.194; Rixeyville, north of Hazel River, camp McKinney 2006:93 at intersection of Rt 726 and Rt 624 north of St. James Church Road area of WHF Lee's countercharge LOC glva01 lva00059 map; McKinney 2006:182,184, 187

Location Relevance to Battle 0.75 mi northeast of Brandy Stuart's headquarters, June 7‐9, focus Station, on Fleetwood Hill north of Wynham's attack on Stuart's rear of Orange and Alexandria Railroad

ADDED BY R.A.S.

ADDED BY R.A.S.

Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile ADDED BY R.A.S.

Comments Defining Feature number as provided in ABPP shapefile


240

VA042

VA042

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

VA042

VA042

VA042

VA042

VA042

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

Foster Fork Road

Chestnut Hill

New Baltimore

road (Auburn to Buckland)

ford

Turnpike bridge

DF.11 Ford

DF.10 Thoroughfare Gap

DF.9

DF.8

DF.7

DF.6

DF.5

DF.4

north of Buckland on Broad Run

Thoroughfare Gap

modern Rte 673 follows this route

modern location of Chestnut forks

north of Rte 29

modern Rte 15/29 crosses Broad Run immediately north of turnpike bridge 1 mile downstream from bridge, now covered by reservoir Rte 215 follows part of this road from Rte 29

within Buckland proper

VA042

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

DF.3

VA042

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

NPS ID Number Resource Name Location VA042 DF.1 Warrenton Turnpike; aka US 15/29 generally follows the Fauquier and Alexandria course of this road Turnpike VA042 DF.2 Broad Run passes northâ&#x20AC;?south through battlefield

Battlefield Name Buckland Mills

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

held by CS, Davies' escape blocked

route of Young's approach to Haymarket

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

route of Union retreat from Chestnut NONE PROVIDED Hill, part of force used this road

Stuart launched counterattack from hill

community, battlefield landmark

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

alternate stream crossing 1 mile downstream from bridge Axis of Fitz Lee's approach in attack on Custer

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

Sources NONE PROVIDED

turnpike bridge crossed Broad run

battlefield landmark, site of Stuart's first stand

Relevance to Battle Axis of Union advance and of Confederate withdrawal (and Confederate countercharge) Confederate defense ran along westsern bank of stream

Comments transcribed from ABPP battlefield files transcribed from ABPP battlefield files transcribed from ABPP battlefield files transcribed from ABPP battlefield files transcribed from ABPP battlefield files transcribed from ABPP battlefield files transcribed from ABPP battlefield files transcribed from ABPP battlefield files transcribed from ABPP battlefield files Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map


241

VA042

VA042

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

VA042

Buckland Mills

VA042

VA042

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

VA042

Buckland Mills

DF.18 Hills

DF.17 Bridge and ford

DF.16 Greenwich

site of secondary action, attack by Stuart and Young on Davies

Relevance to Battle on route of Fitz Lee's approach

NONE PROVIDED

Sources NONE PROVIDED

Cerra Gordo

Broad Run ca. 0.24 mi southeast of Turnpike bridge

modern‐day town

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

US took possession at start of battle NONE PROVIDED

route used by 7th MI flanking maneuver

location of CS capture of 7th MI scouts

approach of Young's cavalry to Haymarket

northeast of Buckland, north of route of Davies' retreat from NONE PROVIDED Broad Run Buckland area to Thoroughfare Road

modern‐day town

Location modern‐day town

DF.15 Gainesville‐ approx. Route 55 Thoroughfare Gap Road

DF.14 Fields and woods

DF.13 Haymarket

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA042 DF.12 Auburn

Battlefield Name Buckland Mills

Comments Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map


242

VA042

VA042

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

VA042

Buckland Mills

VA042

VA042

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

VA042

Buckland Mills

DF.25 Level ground

DF.24 Road

DF.23 Fields

DF.22 Carolina Road

DF.21 Woods

DF.20 Buckland Village

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA042 DF.19 Woods

Battlefield Name Buckland Mills

west of Broad Run, south of Turnpike

Rte. 684, Buckland Mill Road south of Buckland town

south of Hay Market near RR

Rte. 703, Old Carolina Road

west of Vint Hill Road

modernâ&#x20AC;?day town

Location north of Broad Run, east of Turnpike bridge

Sources NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

location of Custer's lunch break

location of Owens' attack

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

location of Stuart's attack on I Corps NONE PROVIDED

route of Stuart's approach to Haymarket

location of Fitz Lee's attack on Custer, rifle pits of 44FQ0163

Custer's halt after crossing Broad Run NONE PROVIDED

Relevance to Battle Davies' position before crossing Broad Run

Comments Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map


243

VA042

VA042

Buckland Mills

Buckland Mills

DF.28 Reverse slope

DF.27 Fence

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA042 DF.26 Clearing/fields

Battlefield Name Buckland Mills

CS horses sent to cover in this location

NONE PROVIDED

NONE PROVIDED

location of deployment of 6th MI south of intersection of Turnpike with modern Rte 625, Pilgrim's Rest Road

west side of Vint Hill Road, southeast of DF.21

Sources NONE PROVIDED

Location Relevance to Battle south of intersection of initial position of Kidd's men Turnpike with modern Rte 625, Pilgrim's Rest Road

Comments Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map Transcribed from VDHR site form and Angler Environmental map


244

Battlefield Name Cedar Mountain

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA022 DF.1 Cedar Mtn, Slaughter's Mtn, Cedar Run Mtn

Location Culpeper County

Relevance to Battle battle takes place on mountain's shoulder, CSA right (#5)

Sources F. Kennedy, 1998; T. Yoseleff, ed., 1956; FRSP website 'Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, 1862; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Atlas of Civil War, Map accompanying Report of John Pope, Battlefield of Cedar Mtn (Plate 22.2); Atlas of Civil War, (Plate 42.2), Battle of Slaughter's Mountain, sketch of field August 9, 1862

Comments "FRSP website" is the NPS Fredericksburgâ&#x20AC;? Spotsylvania National Military Parks webpage devoted to Cedar Mountain, http://www.nps.g ov/frsp/cedar.htm


245

Battlefield Name Cedar Mountain

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA022 DF.2 Cedar Run

Location throughout battlefield

Relevance to Battle Union cavalry position just above run on farmland, artillery and infantry behind cavalry

Comments Sources F. Kennedy, 1998; T. Yoseleff, ed., 1956; FRSP website 'Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, 1862; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Atlas of Civil War, Map accompanying Report of John Pope, Battlefield of Cedar Mtn (Plate 22.2); Atlas of Civil War, (Plate 42.2), Battle of Slaughter's Mountain, sketch of field August 9, 1862


246

The Cedars, Wooded Knoll

VA022

Cedar Mountain

DF.4

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA022 DF.3 main road, Orangeâ&#x20AC;? Culpeper Road

Battlefield Name Cedar Mountain

"a little" north and east of Crittendon House

Location

protected position of CSA artillery battery

Relevance to Battle CSA approach, Union defensive position in place to guard, CSA artillery

F. Kennedy, 1998; FRSP website Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, 1862; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Krick 1990:68

Comments Sources F. Kennedy, 1998; T. Yoseleff, ed., 1956; FRSP website 'Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, 1862; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Atlas of Civil War, Map accompanying Report of John Pope, Battlefield of Cedar Mtn (Plate 22.2)


247

Cedar Mountain

VA022

DF.7

Crittenden Gate

bottleneck

VA022

Cedar Mountain

DF.6

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA022 DF.5 artillery aerie, mountainside

Battlefield Name Cedar Mountain

Relevance to Battle another CSA battery position, anchors CSA right flank

at main road (#3), Crittenden lane (#9)

F. Kennedy, 1998; FRSP website Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, 1862; Krick 1990:77â&#x20AC;?8

Crittendon Gate WAS the bottleneck point for CS infantry moving from road into battlefield

Comments Sources F. Kennedy, 1998; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Atlas of Civil War, Map accompanying Report of John Pope, Battlefield of Cedar Mtn (Plate 22.2)

desperate hand to hand fighting, US F. Kennedy, 1998; infantry breaks CSA left in this area FRSP website Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, 1862; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4)

where main road (#3) emerges another CSA artillery position from woods at Crittenden gate (#7)

Location on mountain's shoulder


248

Crittenden Lane, Long Lane

VA022

Cedar Mountain

DF.9

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA022 DF.8 Crittenden House

Battlefield Name Cedar Mountain

connects Culpeperâ&#x20AC;?Orange road (west) with Crittenden house (east)

CSA infantry position along lane

Location Relevance to Battle at east end of Crittenden lane

F. Kennedy, 1998; T. Yoseleff, ed., 1956; FRSP website 'Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, 1862; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Atlas of Civil War, Map accompanying Report of John Pope, Battlefield of Cedar Mtn (Plate 22.2)

Comments Sources F. Kennedy, 1998; T. Yoseleff, ed., 1956; FRSP website 'Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, 1862; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Atlas of Civil War, Map accompanying Report of John Pope, Battlefield of Cedar Mtn (Plate 22.2)


249

VA022

VA022

VA022

Cedar Mountain

Cedar Mountain

Cedar Mountain

VA022

Cedar Mountain

DF.15

DF.14

DF.13

DF.12

wood, the wood

Relevance to Battle CSA infantry position along, facing wheatfield (#11) [CS troops along Crittendon Lane faced corn fields, the wheat field was northwest of Culpeper Road] F. Kennedy, 1998; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map

south and west of woodline / Crittenden Lane?

CSA Reserves, CSA troops rereat back though pursued by Crawford's men until CSA Reserves push US troops back to fields

CSA Early & Taliaferro's brigade position

initial US position under N. Banks

T. Yoseleff, ed., 1956; Krick 1990:146, 203, passim

T. Yoseleff, ed., 1956 T. Yoseleff, ed., 1956

same as Crittendon Lane (DF.9?) this is northwest of Culpeper Road (DF.3) and southwest of the wheat field (DF.11)

Comments Sources F. Kennedy, 1998

F. Kennedy, 1998; south of main road, west of Banks order US infantry to attack Mitchell Station Road, north of across to Crittenden Lane (#9) v. the FRSP website Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, gate south fork of Cedar Run 1862; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map

other side of woodline (not Crawford's brigade attack across v. wooded!) and Crittenden Lane CSA position in woodline [not Crittendon Lane, rather a rough farm track northwest of Culpeper Road]

Location along Crittenden Lane (#9)

either side of Cedar Run, bisected by main road broad cultivated plateau, south of main road (#3) farmland

Valley of Cedar Run

corn field

wheat field

VA022

Cedar Mountain

DF.11

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA022 DF.10 woodline

Battlefield Name Cedar Mountain


250

VA022

VA022

VA022

Cedar Mountain

Cedar Mountain

Cedar Mountain

DF.20

DF.19

DF.18

Robinson River

Crooked Run Church

Cedar Run Church site, ca. 1830 Cedar Run Cemetery

VA022

Cedar Mountain

DF.17

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA022 DF.16 Mitchell Station Road (now Cedar Mountain Drive (Rte.649)

Battlefield Name Cedar Mountain

Relevance to Battle US artillery position opposses CSA artillery at bottleneck (#6)

north of Robinson River, east of White Oak Run, south of road to Rapidan Stn.

D. Lowe CWSAC Map, 1991â&#x20AC;?1993 D. Lowe CWSAC Map, 1991â&#x20AC;?1993 Atlas of the Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4) Changed resource name from Beaverdam Run, which is incorrect

Comments Sources FRSP website 'Cedar Mtn, Aug. 9, 1862; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Atlas of Civil War, Map accompanying Report of John Pope, Battleifeld of Cedar Mtn (Plate 22.2)

CSA HQs on north bank night before Atlas of the Civil battle, by James Garnett house War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Krick, p.39

approx. 0.3 mile north of Near CSA bagggage train and guard Beaverdam River on main road position

west of old Orange Road and northeast of Cedar Run at #17

Location runs south from main road, movern Rte. 549


251

VA022

VA022

VA022

VA022

Cedar Mountain

Cedar Mountain

Cedar Mountain

DF.25

DF.24

DF.23

DF.22

from Mitchell's Station runs north to main road

Location approx. 1 mile east of White Oak Run

Rev. Slaughter House

narrow road/"by road"/wagon track

near artillery aerie DF.5

avenue of approach of Garnett's brigade

meadow west of Orange‐ approx. 0.15 mi sw of Culpeper Road crossing Piedmont Vocational School of along unnamed tributary of Cedar Run near present‐day Piedmont Vocational School

Road (NOT Mitchell Station Road, but east approx. 1.5 miles)

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA022 DF.21 Absolon Garnett House (ca. 1799)

Cedar Mountain

Battlefield Name Cedar Mountain

Krick, p.58; Atlas of Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4)

Atlas of the Civil War, Map accompanying Report of John Pope, Battlefield of Cedar Mtn (Plate 22.2)

Sources Atlas of the Civil War, J. Hotchkiss, Cedar Run Map (Plate 85.4); Atlas of Civil War, (Plate 42.2), Battle of Slaughter's Mountain, sketch of field August 9, 1862; see also LOC cw0533000 (Map of Culpeper Co. with parts of Madison, Rappahannock, and Fauquire Cos., 1863)

site of Ewell's artillery

Krick, 1990:86‐7

west of Orange‐Culpeper Road, north Krick, 1990:80; of mouth of Crittendon Lane (DF.9) OR, p.200, 203

Point of Early's 3:00 p.m. advance towards Crittendon Lane

US Reserves position, US cavalry between road and Cedar Run [check against map ‐ this appears to be last, overnight phase of US troops, not cavalry]

Relevance to Battle CSA troops cross east from main road to Cedar Mountain through property but around house

early version of modern‐day Slaughter's Mill Rd. (Rt 722)‐Kettle Club Rd. (Rt. 601)‐ Green Valley Drive (private)?

Comments Changed Resource name from "Garnint? House"


252

Kelly's Ford

Battlefield Name Kelly's Ford

VA029

DF.2

YES

Kelly's Ford

NPS ID Number GIS Point? Resource Name VA029 DF.1 Rappahannock River

Relevance to Battle

in river just south of Kellysville US crossing point, combat area, defended choke point

Location Culpeper/Faquier County boundary

OR, V25, Pt1; Bigelow 1910; Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

Sources OR, V25, Pt1; Bigelow 1910; Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

Comments "Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP" is a brochure published by the Fredericksburg Spotsylvania National Military Park â&#x20AC;? onlive version at http://www.nps.g ov/frsp/kelly.htm


253

VA029

VA029

Kelly's Ford

DF.5

DF.4

YES

YES

gap in stone wall, "broken down in center of Averell's right"

stone wall / ditch

NPS ID Number GIS Point? Resource Name VA029 DF.3 millrace / canal

Kelly's Ford

Battlefield Name Kelly's Ford

3/4 mile from ford

Location Fauquier side of river

Comments There are remains of a 19th navigational canal w/ locks on the Fauquier side, recorded as VDHR 44FQ38, and FQ43â&#x20AC;? 47. The millrace for Kelly's Mill is on the west (Culpeper) bank and is 44FQ40. Interpretation of use of feature by CS skirmishers comes from Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

in line of DF 4, mapped location is approximate?

OR, V25, Pt1 probably along (p.50,61); Boone / road to Wheatley Wyse FRSP NMP house (DF 17) at western edge of "first woods" (DF 16)

Sources OR, V25, Pt1 (p.48), Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

CSA gun? Penetrates to turn US right OR, V25, Pt1 flank, Pelham mortally wounded (p.52); Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

cover for US troops as they slowly advance, combat area, obstacle

Relevance to Battle cover for 2nd and 4th VA cavalry sharpshooters defending ford, used as rifle pit â&#x20AC;? "empty mill race or canal" on east bank used as cover by advancing dismounted federal cavalry vanguard. Mill race on west bank may have been used for cover and concealment by CS skirmishers but is not mentioned in OR, battle Phase 1


254

VA029

VA029

VA029

VA029

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

VA029

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

VA029

DF.12

DF.11

DF.10

DF.9

DF.8

DF.7

YES

orig. just north of ford on culpeper side

east of Newby's Shop

west of Kelly's Ford Road, opposite side road to Wheatley's/Wheatleyville

immediately west of DF 4 (stone wall & ditch)

rifle pits

Culpeper side of river

Kelly's Mill Road (road to runs n/s from Kellysville Fitz lee's camp?)

Kellysville

Carter's run

Level Green, Brannin house (Brannon / Brannan)

open field

NPS ID Number GIS Point? Resource Name Location VA029 DF.6 YES Newby's shop, Dean's approx 1 mile north of initial shop, blacksmith's shop combat area

Kelly's Ford

Battlefield Name Kelly's Ford

Sources OR, V25, Pt1 (??)

Manufacturing center of time of Civil War, grist mill, cotton factory, Kelly's house key avenue of advance and retrograde by US, provides several US artillery positions, dictated troop positions CSA skirmishers position

Hospital

Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

Bigelow 1910; Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

OR, V25, Pt1

OR, V25, Pt1

Area of CSA [Phase 2] attack v. stone OR, V25, Pt1 wall, prime combat area

Relevance to Battle CSA second position, area of final combat

source unclear, location unknown

not mentioned in OR? Shown on FRSP NMP map

VDHR #023â&#x20AC;?5147, same as house depicted on Averell's OR map just south of road and "1st field?", not mentioned by name in OR, use as hospital not in OR; also shown on LOC map #cw0533000

"first field" on Averell's map, OR Vol.25,Pt1, p.51

Comments locale not mentioned by name in OR, discussed in FRSP NMP brochure and map


255

VA029

VA029

VA029

VA029

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

VA029

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

VA029

Kelly's Ford

VA029

VA029

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

VA029

DF.22

DF.21

DF.20

DF.19

DF.18

DF.17

DF.16

DF.15

DF.14

YES?

YES

stubbleâ&#x20AC;?field

woods, dense woods, 2nd wood

marshy ground (impracticable ground)

field (ground was very heavy)

open field, plain

woods, timber, 1st wood, wood of cedar trees (either side of road) house and outbuildings, houses, Wheatleyville

roads from ford

mill race / canal

NPS ID Number GIS Point? Resource Name VA029 DF.13 houses (huts?)

Kelly's Ford

Battlefield Name Kelly's Ford

CSA pickets pushed out onto roads as US pushes across obstacle / cover / concel for US cavalry as they approach CSA line [Phase 2]

2 squads of US troops dismounted, use canal for cover to approach

Relevance to Battle CSA skirmishers position

left of road (part of #19?)

Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP, OR, V25, Pt1, Averell map, p.51 Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP, OR, V25, Pt1, Averell map, p.51

Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

Sources Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP, OR, V25, Pt1, Averell map, p.51 US pursh CSA back through this Boone / Wyse second stand of timber [during Phase FRSP NMP, OR, 2] V25, Pt1, Averell map, p.51 CSA cavalry sets fire to field, beat out Boone / Wyse by US troopers [Phase 3] FRSP NMP, OR, V25, Pt1, p.50

obstacle, requires US to reform with left flank on road

beyond the house (#17) to US right attacks left CSA line here west? on left of US line beyond wood Dulfre's 'splendid' charge vs. CSA (#16) right

on right of road beyond woods key cover on US right / CSA left. US (#16) repulses CSA attempt to gain it [Phase 2]

on higher ground approx. 1/2 mile west of ford

on Culpeper side

Fauquier side of river at ford

Location Culpeper side of river

same as area south of road labeled "straw" on Averell map?

SAME AS DF. 7, 18 but south of Kelly's Ford Road

SAME AS DF. 7

Wheatleyville is on east side of river. This is the Wheatly house shown on LOC map #cw0533000

immediately west of DF.4

Comments source unclear, OR, Vol25, Pt1, p.49,56,57?? Same as D.F.17? same as DF.3


256

VA029

VA029

VA029

VA029

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

VA029

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

VA029

Kelly's Ford

VA029

VA029

Kelly's Ford

Kelly's Ford

VA029

DF.32

DF.31

DF.30

DF.29

DF.28

DF.27

DF.26

DF.25

DF.24

YES

YES

Location left of road west of #22

Relevance to Battle CSA artillery position with entrenchments (2nd line) ‐ key terrain

open field

Kelly's mill

fences

railroad

bushes which lined the bank of the river

outer gate

A&WTF Gate 3, turf farm

running east‐west from Culpeper court‐house to Remington/Rappahannock Station throughout battlefield

along river at right of US line Phase 2

central fighting during battle, open engagement area

cover and obstacles, scenes of close combat

F. Lee masses his command to ? Along railroad, then advances towards Kellysville

potential cover for CSA advance on US right

unknown, association with #17 furthest advance of CSA cavalry before being repulsed by volley

part of CSA 2nd line (farthest point of US advance on right of US line during Phase 3) large open plain (same as on left of the road beyond 2nd CSA delivers artillery fire upon field #22) wood woods either side of CSA batteries on concealment for CSA cavalry hill (#23) supporting CSA batteries

rifle pits

NPS ID Number GIS Point? Resource Name VA029 DF.23 hill

Kelly's Ford

Battlefield Name Kelly's Ford

Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP, OR, V25, Pt1, Averell map, p.57 Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP, OR, V25, Pt1, Averell map, p.57

Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP, OR, V25, Pt1, p.50 Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP

Sources Boone / Wyse FRSP NMP, OR, V25, Pt1, p.50

same as DF 10? same as "second field" on Averell map, OR, Vol25, Pt1, p.51; same as "stubble field" DF 22

along river at right of US line Phase 2

source unclear, Averell's map in OR, V25, Pt1, p.51? western side of "Wheatleyville" or Wheatley farm/mill complex

SAME AS DF.22

Comments location unknown apart from "the side of the hill directly in front of my [Averell's] left"


257

VA045

VA045

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

VA045

Morton's Ford

VA045

VA045

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

VA045

Morton's Ford

VA045

VA045

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

VA045

DF.10

DF.9

DF.8

DF.7

DF.6

DF.5

DF.4

DF.3

DF.2

Dr. Morton house, house, house and outbuildings

road from Stevensburg

Stevensburg

Raccoon Ford road

Rapidan River, river

Stringfellow house

island

Stringfellow's Ford

Raccoon Ford

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA045 DF.1 Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

Battlefield Name Morton's Ford Newton's artillery commences a "demonstration" near (1.5 miles from) here, CSA have a position on south bank

Relevance to Battle crossing point of Union forces

west of road to Pannill's farm

town, ? Miles north of Morton's Ford

unclear

north side of river east of Morton's Ford boundary of Culpeper and Orange counties

OR Vol. 33, p.123, 126

OR Vol. 33, p.120

OR Vol. 33, p.114â&#x20AC;? 5,119

Sources

OR Vol. 33, p.122, 126

right of Union skirmish line, attacked OR Vol. 33, p.116â&#x20AC;? 7, 125 and carried by CSA, retaken by US, outbuildings retaken by CSA night of Feb. 6th, from which CSA harrassed 15th Mass Reg to rear of house and outbuildings

1st Brig, 2nd Div, II Corps marches through town on way to Morton's Ford, 82nd NY Reg. camp

left of US 3rd Div. rests on river OR Vol. 33, p.120 opposite Stringfellow house main obstacle between Union forces and CSA positions on roads south of river OR Vol. 33, p.125

In Rapidan and Morton's Ford used by US forces to cross river, bridge built during battle from here to south bank of river. US pickets posted on the island, rifle pits, last engagement of battle between US pickets here and CSA cavalry early morning on 7th

on Rapidan River west of Morton's Ford

Location on Rapidan River

Comments


258

VA045

VA045

VA045

VA045

VA045

VA045

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

VA045

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

VA045

Morton's Ford

VA045

VA045

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

VA045

DF.22

DF.21

DF.20

DF.19

DF.18

DF.17

DF.16

DF.15

DF.14

DF.13

DF.12

"directly at the ford," south bank of Rapidan River at Morton's Ford approx. 0.75 mile south of rifle pits (#14)

Location near left of US line during battle

entrenchments

along high ridge (#18)

either side of Morton's Ford on north side of river edge of forest, edge of "a little way back," from river woods bank (#16) high ridge approx. 1 mile south of Morton's Ford, arcs to meet river above and below Morton's Ford camps behind woods and entrenchments point of land, culâ&#x20AC;?deâ&#x20AC;?sac, in beig bend in river (south open plain, open field side) and Morton's Ford, land rises gradually from the river with "slight undulations" of ground house See #10

river bank

ridge

rifle pits

Somerville Ford

"Negro C." [camp?]

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA045 DF.11 Buckner house, house, house and grounds, Hays' HQ

Morton's Ford

Battlefield Name Morton's Ford

OR Vol. 33, p.114, 120 OR Vol. 33, p.115, 120 OR Vol. 33, p.115

OR Vol. 33, p.114, 127

CSA works, US forces halt within rifle OR Vol. 33, p.120, range 127

See #10

OR Vol. 33, p.115, 127 OR Vol. 33, p.115, area of Union occupation after crossing the river "focus of fire" from 116, 123 CSA guns, which commanded much of it

CSA camps

CSA artillery / infantry position, wooded generally and "strongly entrenched"

Gen. Webb's infantry position in support of Hays' Division position of US 1st Div.

high ground occupied by Union forces after sweeping CSA pickets

CSA position attacked and carried by OR Vol. 33, p.114, Union troops, prisoners taken 119

SAME AS DF.10

"negro church"? "Sketch of Morton's Ford, to Accompany Report o f Maj.Gen. Warren," OR Vol. 33, p.117

Relevance to Battle Sources Comments OR Vol. 33, p.121 Hays' HQ during battle near 19th Maine Vols. Take position in US skirmish line here after withdrawal of main forces, initial skirmishers at 10pm Feb. 7th


259

VA045

VA045

VA045

VA045

VA045

VA045

VA045

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

Morton's Ford

DF.30

DF.29

DF.28

DF.27

DF.26

DF.25

DF.24

OR Vol. 33, p.120, 122‐3

OR Vol. 33, p.120

Sources Comments OR Vol. 33, p.120

US skirmishers position night of Feb. OR Vol. 33, p.122 6th ‐ early Feb. 7th 19th Maine and 15th Mass Regts OR Vol. 33, p.123 position to right of this road after crossing river OR Vol. 33, p.128

initial position of US 3rd Div, II Corps, OR Vol. 33, p.122 and 1st Brig, 2nd Div, II Corps, within view of CSA OR Vol. 33, p.122

Relevance to Battle US artillery positions (Arnold and Thompson's rifled batteries) placed to cover US right (infantry) on south side of river south of Stringfellow's house Rickett's battery (section of) and 1st near north bank of river Inf Reg position, disposed to enfilade any CSA forces approaching on US left at Morton's Ford between built during battle, within CSA field of island and south bank of river fire, US uses to cross river

Location north side of river west of Morton's Ford

west of road leading to Morton's Ford on north side of river road leading to Morton's north‐south road runs to Ford Morton's Ford on north side of river hill "100 rods to the south and west of the ford" road north‐south road runs from Morton's Ford south, on south side of river house, II Corps HQ north side of river

open field

rough bridge, bridge

near Stringfellow's house

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA045 DF.23 high ground near the river bank

Morton's Ford

Battlefield Name Morton's Ford


260

Rappahannock VA023 Station I

Rappahannock VA023 Station I

Rappahannock VA023 Station I Rappahannock VA023 Station I

DF.10

DF.9

DF.8

DF.7

Warrenton

Waterloo

Freeman's Ford

Beverley's Ford

Raccoon Ford Road

Brandy Station

DF.5

high knoll about 0.75 mile west of crossing

Kelly's Ford

DF.6

Location

approx 0.75 mile west of crossing

high ground immediately immediately north of crossing north of old crossing

DF.4

DF.3

Rappahannock VA023 Station I

Rappahannock VA023 Station I Rappahannock VA023 Station I Rappahannock VA023 Station I

DF.2

Rappahannock VA023 Station I

Battlefield Name NPS ID Number Resource Name Rappahannock VA023 DF.1 Rappahannock railroad Station I bridge

Sources NONE PROVIDED

site of Stuart's crossing of Rappahannock on Aug.22 on way to Catlett's on Stuart's route to Catlett's

initial center of Sigel's Corps on US right flank, Aug 20 site of artillery engagement, Aug 22

OR Vol.12, Pt.2, p.731

OR Vol.12, Pt.2, p.731

Salmon guide, p.137 OR Vol.12,Pt.2,p.730

OR Vol.12, Pt.2,p.545 OR Vol.12,Pt.2,p.89 location of engagement 2nd NY with OR Vol.12, Robertson's cavalry brigade, Aug. 20 Pt.2,p.89,726

initial location of Reno's IX Corps, August 21 initial locattion of Bayard's cavalry

probable USA forces position covering NONE PROVIDED approach to bridge on south side of river

probable USA artillery positions NONE PROVIDED covering approach to railroad bridge

Relevance to Battle Pope's main avenue of retreat

OR Atlas Plate XXIII, No. 4 (Blackford, Map of Stuart's Cavalry Expedition to Catlett's Stn.)

OR Atlas Plate XXIII, No. 4 (Blackford, Map of Stuart's Cavalry Expedition to Catlett's Stn.)

Comments OR Atlas Plate XXIII, No. 4 (Blackford, Map of Stuart's Cavalry Expedition to Catlett's Stn.)


261

Rappahannock Station I Rappahannock Station I

Rappahannock Station I Rappahannock Station I Rappahannock Station I Rappahannock Station I

Battlefield Name Rappahannock Station I Rappahannock Station I Rappahannock Station I

DF.17

Hinson's Ford

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA023 Auburn DF.11 VA023 Camp of Pope's staff DF.12 VA023 US camp "beyond" railroad DF.11 VA023 DF.12 RR bridge, Cedar Run VA023 Welford's Mill/Ford DF.13 VA023 DF.14 Sandy Ford/Dam high ground west of VA023 Great Run, east of DF.15 Sulphur Springs Bridge, White Sulphur VA023 DF.16 Springs VA023 northern terminus of Rt.643, Hinson's Ford Road, Rappahannock County

west of Catlett's Station

OR Vo. 12, Pt.2, p.643

OR Vol.12, Pt.2, p.624 OR Vol.12, Pt.2, p.624

site of Early's stranding, Aug 22‐3 destroyed by US, temporary rebuild by Jackson, Aug.23‐4 site of Jackson's crossing of Rappahannock River, Aug. 25

OR Vol.12, Pt.2, p.731 OR Vol.12, Pt.2, p.551 OR Vol.12, Pt.2, p.551

destruction of bridge was object of Stuart's nightime raid, Aug.22 site of Jackson's crossing of Hazel River, Aug. 22 site of Early's crossing of Rappahannock, Aug. 22

Relevance to Battle on Stuart's route to Catlett's

Sources OR Vol.12, Pt.2, p.731 Quisenberry plantation west of camp charged by WHF Lee, many OR Vol.12, Pt.2, Catlett's Stn. captured p.731 Camp Stanton/Reliance, east of primary camp charged by 1st and 5th OR Vol.12, Pt.2, Railroad at Catlett's Stn. VA Cav. p.731

Location

Comments


262

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

VA043

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

VA043

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

VA043

DF.15

DF.14

DF.13

DF.12

DF.11

DF.10

DF.9

DF.8

DF.7

DF.6

DF.5

DF.4

DF.3

timber

numerous ditches

swamp

exposed plain, open plain

Norman's Ford

Rappahannock River, river

rifle pits

redoubt, southern redoubt, sunken batteries (2 guns) grist mill

pontoon bridge

Tete‐de‐pont, Fort, redoubt, western redoubt, intrenched heights Orange and Alexandria Railroad, railroad, road

high ground

commanding defensive CSA work, Union objective

location of CSA tete‐de‐pont and supporting works

US point of attack (French's Div.)

Relevance to Battle landmark

probably associated with Tinpot Run near river probably associated with Tinpot Run near river near/ along/ "covering" road to Kelly's Ford

south of railroad on Rappahannock River

boundary of Fauquier and Culpeper counties

both sides of Rappahannock River

OR V29 Pt1; Root, Rapp. Stat., 2005

OR V29 Pt1; Root, Rapp. Stat., 2005 OR V29 Pt1; Root, Rapp. Stat., 2005

OR V29 Pt1; Root, Rapp. Stat., 2005

OR, V29, Pt1, p.585; Root, Rapp. Stat., 2005 OR V29 Pt1; Root, Rapp. Stat., 2005

OR V29 Pt1; Root, Rapp. Stat., 2005

Sources Comments OR V29 Pt1; Root, Rapp. Stat., 2005

obstacle to US skirmishers (1st Div, 5th Corps) obstacle to US skirmishers (1st Div, 5th Corps) cover

OR, V29, Pt1, p.579 OR, V29, Pt1, p.579 OR, V29, Pt1, p.579

US (5th Corps) Hayes Brig. comes OR, V29, Pt1, uncer "severe fire" from CSA artillery p.577,581

Union skirmishers hold ground from OR, V29, Pt1, here to near #7 along river bank p.577

prominent natural obstacle, strategic OR V29 Pt1; Root, and tactical Rapp. Stat., 2005

CSA works

approximates modern Norfolk US avenue of approach, covver for & Southern alignment US sharpshooters, couth of railroad below CSA redoubts approx. 50 yards north of CSA tactical crossing on modern road bridge (Rte ?) Rappahannock River, Union objective on knoll between Rte ? And integral part of CSA defenses, railroad on north side of river supported tete‐de‐pont, Union objective near railroad bridge

on #3, at bend in river

0.75 mi from Rappahannock River on north side

Kelly's Ford

Rappahannock Station II

Kelley's Ford

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

DF.2

NPS ID Number Resource Name Location VA043 DF.1 Rappahannock Sta., Mill Remington View

Battlefield Name Rappahannock Station II


263

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

DF.31

DF.30

DF.29

DF.28

DF.27

DF.26

DF.25

DF.24

DF.23

DF.22

DF.21

DF.20

DF.19

DF.18 possibly new Rte. 658, north northwest out of Remington

east of railroad?

Location on north side of river

OR, V29, Pt1, p.584, 587

north northeast of Remington, 1st and 3rd Divs, II Corps traverse west of railroad under fire

OR, V29, Pt1, p.585

west or railroad approx 1 mile key terrain: 2nd Div, VI Corps, takes OR, V29, Pt1, from CSA works ridge and establishes artillery to then p.585 fire on CSA works

US approach routes, 6th Corps

cover, area of deployment, 3rd Brig V‐ OR, V29, Pt1, Corps p.582 US artillery positions during battle, V OR, V29, Pt1, Corps p.583

Relevance to Battle Sources movement, communication corridor OR, V29, Pt1, p.579 cover for 18th MA Vol OR, V29, Pt1, p.581 US approach route (3rd Brig V‐Corps) OR, V29, Pt1, p.581

rifle pits (CSA) (see #27) along north/east banks of river CSA defenses taken by V Corps OR, V29, Pt1, south of railroad skirmishers p.585 Fayetteville north of Remington near Opal 1st Div VI Corps displays skirmishers OR, V29, Pt1, here (2 hours march, no resistance) p.587 piece of timber 1.25 miles from, and parallel to 1st Div VI Corps forms battle line OR, V29, Pt1, river here, with left on O&A railroad p.587 rifle pits (CSA) 2 miles in length, northeast system of CSA defenses OR, V29, Pt1, bank of river p.587 hill extending parallel to immediately west of Rte 15/28 Howe (2nd Div, VI Corps) takes hill OR, V29, Pt1, RR and bisected by Rte 651 and places 2 batteries and 4 20lb p.588 piece of woods south of, and running parallel V Corps artillery position OR, V29, Pt1, to railroad p.588 foot of a hill approx 1500 yards from river 1st Div, VI Corps dresses lines and OR, V29, Pt1, begins evening assault on CSA works ‐ p.588 bayonettes fixed formidable ditch, moat CSA defensive obstacle, filled with OR, V29, Pt1, water, 3 feet deep, 12 feet wide, 6 p.588 feet deep. H's 1st Div assault

open ground

commanding ridge

approx 600 yards north of CSA works along Rte. 658? two batteries east of railroad, about 1,500 yards from CSA redoubts (#4 and #7) Fayetteville Road (from same as #18? near Warrenton)

road to Rappahannock Sta. (from Three‐Mile Sta on Warranton woods

sheltering hill

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

DF.17

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA043 DF.16 road to Kelly's Ford

Battlefield Name Rappahannock Station II

Comments


264

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

DF.47

DF.46

DF.45

DF.44

DF.43

DF.42

DF.41

DF.40

DF.39

DF.38

DF.37

DF.36

DF.35

DF.34

Norman's Ford

Wheatley's Ford

mountain run

valley

pontoon bridge

buildings at the river, mills, brick mill, brick store rapids above ford

sunken batteries and rifle pits Kellysville, Kelly's houses, village, town rifle pits

sunken batteries

works on south

site of railroad bridge

rifle pits

dry moat, ditch

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

DF.33

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA043 DF.32 plain

Battlefield Name Rappahannock Station II

US builds bridge to move quickly more troops across river

US skirmishers cross river here

in front of tete‐de‐pont works Lee claims this valley (vale?) and trenches obscured defenders view of approaching US forces west of Rappahannock River Rodes' Brig encampment between approx 1.5 miles river and Mountain Run to west of Kelly's Ford 0.75 mile above Kelly's Ford Rodes' Div left flank extends to the river at Wheatley's Ford ? above Wheatley's Ford and ? northern extenst of Rodes' Brig below Orange and Alexandria railroad

vicinity of Kelly's Ford

near Kelly's Ford

hill in bend of river bisected by CSA redoubts and rifle pits Rte 15/28 business supporting tete‐de‐pont, "remodeled" from original Union hill directly west of #36 at Rte CSA redoubts and rifle pits 15/28 supporting tete‐de‐pont, "remodeled" from original Union southeast of railroad, near CSA battery commands railroad river bank embankment intersection of routes 620/674, Mill village, cover/concealment for west or south side of river 13th NC, shelled by US artillery along west / south bank of CSA defensive positions above and river below Kelly's Ford, shelled by US artillery Kelly's Mill complex on east used by CSA pickets for cover and side of Rte 674 concealment, target of US artillery

Relevance to Battle CSA defensive obstacle, H's 1st Div assault CSA defensive obstacle, H's 1st Div assault on south side of larger redoubt final CSA resistance to right assault here, second US assault carries the pits approx where Norfolk & reference point (destroyed earlier in Southern railroad crosses river war)

Location between CSA works and moat (#31) below CSA works

OR, V29, Pt1, p. 631‐2 OR, V29, Pt1, p.631

OR, V29, Pt1, p.631

OR, V29, Pt1, p.611 OR, V29, Pt1, p.556, 567‐8,612 OR, V29, Pt1, p.556, 567, 569, 612 OR, V29, Pt1, p.567, 574, 612, 632 OR, V29, Pt1, p.612, 632 OR, V29, Pt1, p.556, 571, 612, 633 OR, V29, Pt1, p.612, 632

OR, V29, Pt1, p.611

OR, V29, Pt1, p.611

OR, V29, Pt1, p.611

Sources Comments OR, V29, Pt1, p.588 OR, V29, Pt1, p.588 OR, V29, Pt1, p.??


265

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

DF.60

DF.59

DF.58

DF.57

DF.56

DF.55

DF.54

DF.53

DF.52

DF.51

DF.50

"nearest" to Kelly's Ford on south / west side of Rappahanock River

on north / east side of river

Location 1.25 miles below Kelly's Ford

heights, behind Kellysville

Marsh Run

Pratt's batter

Sleeper's battery, 10th MA

Mt. Holly Church

encampment

road to Stevensburg

Rodes conceals his division here, in line of battle. Skirmishing occurs in front of woods, but no major infantry action Rodes' line extends here on the right, with one brigade guarding the right flank "on the right" of the road

key terrain: encircles lowland on opposite side of river where CSA troops were in position 30th NC and single batter located here, some 0.75 miles from the river, shelled by US guns, cover for CSA troops open, gently sloping ground, little cover for CSA troops, clear view to and from CSA position

Relevance to Battle southern extent of Rodes' Brig

3â&#x20AC;?inch guns position

commanded by Rodman guns

on Rte ?, 0.25 miles south of 4.5 inch Rodman guns position Mt. Holly Church, and south of Marsh Run on Fauquier side, stream runs southeast into Rappahannock River below Kelly's Ford

on the heights close to river, 0.5 mile south of Kelly's Ford

behind (north) of Rodes' Rodes' Div encampment position in the woods (#53) on north side of Rte 65?, about Frnech deploys infantry and artillery ? Miles east of Kelly's Ford, on once reaching this point Fauquier side

from Kelly's ? / Wheatley's ?

cleared land, open fields south / west side of river, extending from river to west for "a mile or more " beyond Union batteries (Rodes in front, and on flanks, of CSA reports 3 batteries) troops in rifle pits along river at Kelly's woods (see #50)

edge of woods, line of woods

bluffs

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

DF.49

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA043 DF.48 Stevens' Ford

Battlefield Name Rappahannock Station II

OR, V29, Pt1, p.566

OR, V29, Pt1, p.566

OR, V29, Pt1, p.566

OR, V29, Pt1, p.566

OR, V29, Pt1, p.633 OR, V29, Pt1, p.555â&#x20AC;?6, 566, 574

OR, V29, Pt1, p.632

OR, V29, Pt1, p.632

OR, V29, Pt1, p.632

OR, V29, Pt1, p.571, 631

OR, V29, Pt1, p.567, 571, 572, 631

Sources OR, V29, Pt1, p.631 OR, V29, Pt1, p.631

Comments


266

VA043

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

VA043

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

Rappahannock Station II

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

DF.69

DF.68

DF.67

DF.66

DF.65

DF.64

DF.63

on left of #57, south / west side of river

"in rear of Kellysville"

Union batteries (after right and left of Kellysville crossing to Culpeper side of river) woods (not sure if these beyond Kelly's Mill trees are close in to mill complex or are #50/53)

hill and plain, "heights behind (west / north) of back of town" (see #51) Kellysville

earthwork

road from Wheatley's see #64 Mill toward Brandy Sta.

Sources OR, V29, Pt1, p.566, 568

"completely commanded" by Bucklyn's battery, CSA pickets unable / unwilling to retreat across = positions to engage Rodes' troops in woods if necessary (wasn't Rodes withdrew) Pratt's Rodman guns fired thorugh the Mill, shot continued "into the woods beyond"

OR, V29, Pt1, p.574

OR, V29, Pt1, p.569

OR, V29, Pt1, p.567

CSA battery's 1st position shelled by OR, V29, Pt1, Sleeper's battery from south and p.567 Bucklyn's battery from east

OR, V29, Pt1, p.566

OR, V29, Pt1, p.566 held in reserve behind Budklyn's OR, V29, Pt1, battery and to its right p.566 French places McKnight in position to OR, V29, Pt1, deal with CSA artillery on heights in p.566 case it is ther (it wasn't)

Location Relevance to Battle light 12â&#x20AC;?pounders, key terrain bluff on north of Marsh Run overlooking Kellysville, "in an angle formed by the river and a deep cutting" about 300 yards from Kelly's Ford

McKnight's battery, 12th NY heights on road from Wheatley's Mill toward Brandy Station

wooded hill

VA043

Rappahannock Station II

DF.62

NPS ID Number Resource Name VA043 DF.61 Buckln's battery, 1st RI, battery E

Battlefield Name Rappahannock Station II

Comments

Profile for Culpeper History

The Upper Rappahannock Mapping Project: The Civil War in Culpeper and Fauquier Counties 1862-1864  

This report documents the broad and complex historical landscape that extends across much of Virginia's Culpeper and Fauquier Counties, anch...

The Upper Rappahannock Mapping Project: The Civil War in Culpeper and Fauquier Counties 1862-1864  

This report documents the broad and complex historical landscape that extends across much of Virginia's Culpeper and Fauquier Counties, anch...

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