Crain's Cleveland Business

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ENTERTAINMENT: Rock the House has new owner, but band stays together. PAGE 5

SOURCE LUNCH Meet Sikich partner Pam Wright. PAGE 19

CRAINSCLEVELAND.COM I NOVEMBER 25, 2019

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Changing consumer habits require creativity from mall operators

Pinecrest, a mixed-use district in Orange Village, has a “live, work, play, but stay” vibe. | CONTRIBUTED PHOTO

BY DOUGLAS J. GUTH

When asked about the future of the indoor shopping mall, former Fairmount Properties managing director Emerick Corsi said he doesn’t need to look further than his own backyard to recognize its dire state. “You’d need two hands to count all the malls closing just between Cleveland and Canton,” said Corsi. “There’s going to be a dispersion of shopping

centers across the U.S.” Changing consumer habits have shuttered enclosed malls by the thousands in recent years. A report conducted by Credit Suisse in 2017 estimated that 20% to 25% of U.S. malls would close by 2022. Retailers have announced more than 8,600 store closings so far in 2019, a butcher’s bill attributed to online commerce and the downfall of traditional big-box merchants.

The resulting glut of unused space demands creativity from mall operators. Corsi, harkening back to his decades of work in commercial leasing, said younger shoppers are no longer “department-store people,” meaning they would rather buy online or from their favorite local boutique. While the rise in e-commerce has put an enormous dent in mall traffic, the reality of the transforming retail space is more complex, noted Jaime

Ward, head of Citizens Bank’s retail finance group. Generally, shopping malls are classified by sales per square foot. “Class A” facilities cater to more luxury-focused retailers and enjoy robust sales even from their smaller tenant stores — a factor considered a better barometer of mall health than overall sales average. See MALLS on Page 13

More in Focus Online competition brings plenty of closings. Page 10 >> Q&A

with a retail “forager.

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DEVELOPMENT

How Northeast Ohio became Northeast Ohio BY RACHEL ABBEY MCCAFFERTY

Cleveland versus Akron. East Side versus West Side. Downtown versus suburbs. Northeast Ohio is a region of strong identities. This can confuse outsiders, a challenge made apparent every four years when the national media ar-

rives for its election coverage visits. It names our cities but often visits our suburbs, attributing the problems — and political beliefs — of one to the other. How did we get here? For some insight, we spoke to historians about how the region developed into its existing cities and suburbs, and how the racial and economic divisions

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VOL. 40, NO. 47 l COPYRIGHT 2019 CRAIN COMMUNICATIONS INC. l ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

that arose with that growth are still with us today.

From the city to the suburbs Prior to World War II, Northeast Ohio’s cities were, for many, the place to live and work. Take Youngstown, for example. Youngstown got its start as an iron

town, adding in steel production shortly before 1900, said Donna DeBlasio, consultant and retired/part-time professor of history at Youngstown State University. Pretty much everything in the city relied on those industries, and the population built up within walking distance of the mills. That pattern remained among immigrants and African Americans af-

ter the community's wealthy were able to buy cars or pay to ride the trolley, allowing them to move farther away. Youngstown, like many cities, had problems with redlining and restrictive covenants that kept African American, Jewish and Italian populations out of certain areas. See NEO on Page 15

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