An analysis of women´s political participation in subnational governments

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Regional Centre for Latin America and the Caribbean, Panamรก Democratic Governance Practice Area Gender Practice Area

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UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME UNDP REGIONAL CENTRE PANAMA Freddy Justiniano DIRECTOR a.i. UNDP REGIONAL SERVICE CENTRE FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN Carmen de la Cruz TEAM LEADER GENDER CLUSTER Gerardo Berthin GOVERNANCE AND DECENTRALIZATION POLICY ADVISOR Neus Bernabeú SPECIALIST GENDER CLUSTER

UNDP REGIONAL BUREAU FOR LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN NEW YORK Gerardo Noto COORDINATOR, a.i., DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE CLUSTER

This document was elaborated jointly between the teams of the Democratic Governance and the Gender Practice Areas of the UNDP Regional Service Centre for Latin America and the Caribbean. In addtion, the academic specialist Ana Laura Rodríguez Gustá collaborated and contributed, as well as Celeste Cozzi, a political science student of the San Martin National University assisted in the ellaboration of the data base for the study.

Original version in Spanish English translation by Tess Marie de los Ríos

Cover Photo: Cronofilms. UN WOMEN- Latin America and the Caribbean Regional Forum “Young Women, Leadership and Governance: Sharing Experiences at Global Level,” Panama City, November, 2325, 2012.

MARCH 2013 The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

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Contents Forward ....................................................................................................................................................... 13 I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 19 II. Initiating Political Activities: Local Social Participation ........................................................................... 27 III. Dynamics and Rules of Access: Affirmative Action and Gender Parity Measures in Political Representation ........................................................................................................................................... 31 IV. Looking at the Results: The Presence of Women in Subnational Governing Bodies............................. 41 V. Participation of Women in Subnational Executive Bodies ..................................................................... 49 VI. Equality and Inequality in Subnational Public Power Spheres .............................................................. 55 VII. Future Challenges to Address ............................................................................................................... 61 VIII. Conclusions .......................................................................................................................................... 67 Annexes ....................................................................................................................................................... 71 Bibliography .............................................................................................................................................. 823

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Index of Figures and Tables Table 1: Titles of Executive and Legislative Municipal Positions by Country Table 2: Perceived Difficulty in the Launching of Candidacies Table 3: Average Number of Female Councilors as % of Total by Type of Affirmative Action, 2012 Table 4: Comparison between Normative and Effective Presence of Women in Municipal Councils, 2012 Table 5: National and Electoral Systems and Quotas in Latin America and the Caribbean Table 6: Average Number of Councilwomen as Percentage of Total in Countries with Municipal Quotas

by Electoral System, 1998-2012 Table 7: Regional Averages of Women in Legislative Bodies by Government Level in Percentages, 2012 Table 8: Average Number of Female Municipal Councilors as % of Total by Country (1998, 2000, 2007, 2010 and 2012) Table 9: Average Number of Female Municipal Executive Power Holders as % of Total by Country (1998, 2001, 2008, 2010 and 2012) Figure 1: Regional Average of Female Councilors as % of Total in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1998-2012 Figure 2: Number of Female Legislators in Deliberative Bodies at Intermediate Levels of Government as % of Total by Country, 2012 Figure 3: Regional Average of Female Municipal Executive Power Holders as % of Total, 1998-2012 Figure 4: Number of Female Executive Power Holders at the Second Tier of Government as % of Total (2012)

Index of Boxes Box 1: A Brief Overview of the Region Box 2: Group Inclination: The Existence of Majorities and Minorities Box 3: The Token Phenomenon Box 4: Pearson Correlation Coefficient between Subnational Expenditures as a % of GDP and % of Councilwomen in 2000 and 2001

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Forward The expansion of women’s political citizenship necessarily implies the elimination of exclusionary practices rooted in the political culture, in traditional governance structures, in political parties, and in State performance at various levels of government. The political participation of women is fundamental not only to foster sustainable human development, but also to improve and strengthen democratic governance and at the same time to contribute to decrease some of the deficits of our democracies.

Over the course of the last two decades, we have made progress in the establishment of democratic regimes and considerable reforms have been made throughout Latin America. In this context, one of the most profound changes since the early 90’s has been the evolution of subnational democratic governance. This has been an effort driven largely by decentralization processes and citizen demands for more effective States, but also by an increase in democratic ideals such as civic participation, equality, transparency, and of course the equal participation of women in decision-making structures.

During 2012, teams from two Practice Areas of the United Nations Development Programme´s (UNDP) Regional Service Centre for Latin American and the Caribbean, Democratic Governance and Gender, collected and analyzed a number of documents and statistics on the political participation of women in subnational governments in the region with the purpose of analyzing how women access to democratically elected positions, what role affirmative action measures have in such processes, and how inclusive subnational democratic governance structures are for women.

This effort produced this study entitled, How Much Progress We Made? An Analysis of Women´s Political Participation in Subnational Governments in Latin America and the Caribbean. While there have been other attempts to address this issue, this study makes an original contribution in presenting new data and information. To achieve this, a lot of effort was invested to access and collect information, and on that basis to develop a reliable database with exhaustive information from diverse sources, primarily official statistics. While this database could be updated and further nourished, in itself represents a significant contribution to gender studies and political participation at the subnational level and makes available information which has never before been analyzed and/or published.

From this database, the study revisits the political participation of women in the legislative and executive spheres at subnational levels, showing new quantitative and qualitative aspects.

This study recognizes progress in closing certain gender gaps. The analyzed data shows progress for women in subnational politics with respect to the previous decade. However, it also shows that the process has been slow and that women´s participation in the subnational level is still not at the same level with men. This implies several challenges, and reveals that subnational governmental structures, under certain conditions, are not being fully inclusive of women. The main messages of the study precisely focuses on the persistence of inequalities in subnational governments, which in principle, are

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the entities closer to the citizens, and thus may represent an obstacle for democratic governance in the region.

The study identifies opportunities to further strengthen and expand political participation of women in subnational governments in Latin America and the Caribbean. The study also raises the challenge of minimizing the structural barriers which adversely affect the full inclusion of women in subnational governance.

We hope that this study will be useful to all of the actors and stakeholders committed to gender equality. But especially we hope it helps to build strategic partnerships with governments, political parties, and civil society organizations. Similarly, the study can serve as reference to promote a more integrated programmatic approach among international organizations and development agencies that provide support in the area of women´s political participation in subnational governments.

For the UNDP Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean and its Regional Service Center, it has been a privilege to undertake this joint effort between the two Practice Areas. We are sure that this study and its results will nourish ongoing debates and help to strength democratic governance in the region. The study also provides inputs to encourage deeper and longer research in many policy reform areas.

Freddy Justiniano Director, a.i.

Regional Centre for Latin America and the Caribbean Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean United Nations Development Programme

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Acknowledgement This study, How Much Progress we Made? An Analysis of Women[s Political Participation in Subnational Governments in Latin America and the Caribbean is part of a process that began in late of 2011. Initially, the effort was purely internal to UNDP and the two practice areas in the Regional Centre (Gender and Democratic Governance). As the research process uncovered evidence and produced hypothesis and tentative findings, it became necessary to expand the effort and incorporate other visions and perspectives that help redirect the document. Our gratitude to Lotta Sandin of the Democratic Governance Team in the Regional Service Centre who developed the first draft of the work, focusing primarily on analysis of available data that existed on women's political participation in subnational spaces and produced an internal working document which incited the discussion and strengthened the interest. This work served as input to strengthen hypotheses and evidences. Thanks are also extended to Luisa Fernanda Cardozo from the Democratic Governance Area of the Regional Service Centre for her support in further expanding the research and producing a more articulated document that offered some additional assumptions and clarified conceptual aspects.

In spite of this great initial effort, there were difficulties in finding reliable and updated data and information. It was important to invest more time in building a more coherent and updated database that not only integrated information but fed more from other different sources, mainly official statistics.

This is why the support of Ana Laura Rodríguez Gustá was sought, who not only invested a lot of time to build a reliable and coherent database, but also took the leading role in analyzing the data. Our sincere thanks to Ana Laura, for her commitment, dedication and strategic inputs to the study.

A deep and special thanks to Luís Ruiz-Giménez, from the Democratic Governance Area, and Ane Iturmendi Vicente, from the Gender Area, who actively participated in the preparation of inputs, data and information search and review of the analyzes.

The coordination of this initiative was from the Regional Centre for Latin America and the Caribbean, and was a joint effort by the Democratic Governance Area and the Gender Area. Gerardo Berthin, the Regional Governance Policy Advisor and Neus Bernabeu, the Gender Specialist, took the lead in guiding the process, analyzing data, offered valuable inputs and helped to produce the study. This study is the first concrete result of internal reflections and discussion on local governance and gender equality, which it is hoped it will encourage new research and methodologies for addressing this issue in the region.

Last but not least, a heartfelt appreciation goes to Freddy Justiniano, Director, a.i. of the UNDP Regional Service Centre for Latin America and the Caribbean; Carmen de la Cruz, Head of the Gender Practice Area for Latin America and the Caribbean; and Gerardo Noto, Coordinator, a.i., of the Democratic Governance Practice Area of the Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean (RBLAC). All from the beginning provided the necessary support for the study in order to become a reality.

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I. Introduction In recent decades, subnational politics have taken on particular relevance in the process of expanding citizens’ rights. In large part this is due to the fact that the Central State has been transferring administrative and management responsibilities to subnational government entities such as departments, regions, provinces, municipalities, counties, and parishes. As an illustrative example, there is a growing role of subnational governments in the implementation of social policies. Similarly, in some countries there has been an increase in the number of elected subnational positions and modifications in electoral regulations to expand access. As a consequence of these changes, political parties have reevaluated subnational political competition, as it can be a bridge for future national projection.1 Indeed in many circumstances, when political parties are elected for subnational executive power it can constitute a kind of laboratory experience for future presidential runs. At the same time, various social and political movements associated with new social, cultural and environmental rights have been born linked to local issues and with significant territorial imprint.

From the perspective of gender justice and in light of these transformations, the structure and functioning of subnational government is of paramount interest in particular because reforms which favor subnational governments could promote conditions of greater equality between men and women.

It is presumed that government structures closer to the citizens, managed in light of renewed forms of participation and accountability (participatory budgeting, citizen public hearings, social audits) would be more capable of building state structures and policies which facilitate gender equality. In political theory the municipality, in particular, is “a school for democracy” (Vázquez García, 2010). From these ideas, the concept of governments of proximity would suggest that political processes accommodating local actors could renew the democratic networks and alliances between the State and the society at large, opening up opportunities for new civic audiences. These governments of proximity, consistent with participative and horizontal management structures, would be more receptive to the expressions and demands of citizens traditionally blocked by more hierarchical and centralized state structures and criticized in the democratic and development literature of the region (see, for example, Lechner 1997).

Indeed in terms of gender policies, several countries in Latin America and the Caribbean have experienced changes at the subnational level, showing innovative advances in the building of influence and decision-making opportunities for various localized groups of women. Similarly, at this level there are often innovative expressions of social and monitoring oversight of the state, especially in the context of equal opportunities and rights for men and women. In some landmark cases, such as the “progressive” governments of the cities of Rosario and Morón (in Argentina) and Montevideo (Uruguay), municipal administration has been the first target to mainstream gender equality principles in programmatic party platforms (Acuña, 2012; Rodríguez Gustá, 2012).

In these contexts, the conception of political citizenship has taken on a new trend, moving towards the incorporation of affirmative action and gender equality principles in institutional representation. In 1

Subnational is understood as all levels of government below the national one, not exclusively that of municipalities.

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Brazil, the law of municipal quotas (1995) preceded that of the national level, and in Peru, municipal quotas established precise criteria for the incorporation of women. Driven by a regional gender agenda, gender parity measures have been celebrated by 34 official authorities for the advancement of women in the so-called Quito Consensus (2007).2 Certainly in Costa Rica and Ecuador, gender parity measures in political representation has already been implemented in municipal and regional elections. Venezuela, a country which lacks a national gender quota law, celebrated municipal elections in the Alto Apure district in 2011 under the criteria of including gender parity measures.

These localized and national processes converge with progress of a global gender justice agenda – one in which Latin American states have participated – that has as its goal a greater equality for women at all levels of government. By ratifying the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979) and the signing of the Beijing Platform for Action (1995), States have pledged to promote affirmative action for the empowerment of women and their access to power structures.

Subsequently, in 2000, the United Nations Organization established the promotion of equality between genders and women’s access to decision-making as one of its Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

More recently, in 2010, the General Assembly of the United Nations recognized that the progress of the MDGs depends, in large part, on the participation and empowerment of women (United Nations, 2011).

In essence, the presence of women in all jurisdictions of government – including the subnational – is recognized in the discourse of human rights as a fundamental component of human development and democratic governance.

What does the study show?

The aim of this document is modest: to show and analyze some indicators and trends concerning political participation of women in subnational governments and, based on such information, analyze what is taking place in the State political structures from the angle of gender equality. It also aims to serve as an input for the promotion of a policy dialogue on public policies concerning gender equality.

For this, the study uses the following questions as a guiding framework:    

To what extent are social and political activities at the subnational level preconditions for women’s access to elected offices?

How effective are equality measures at providing access for women to subnational elected positions?

Is it possible to observe a significant presence of women in subnational governing bodies?

In short, to what extent are subnational government structures inclusive for women?

In particular, the document tests certain “subnational reductionisms” which assume that subnational spaces, due to their smaller scale, by themselves can open the structure of political opportunities to all social groups. In fact, institutional reforms experienced by subnational authorities in the past two 2

Later, in the Brasilia Consensus (2010), gender parity was ratified as a fundamental condition of democracy as it aims to achieve equality in the exercise of power, decision making, participating bodies, and social and political representation, among others.

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decades (for example, states/departments and municipalities) have not necessarily led to the full integration of women into formal politics. At these levels of government, as will be discussed herein, the incorporation of women into elected positions has been a slow and partial process.

In terms of methodology, the research process encountered difficulties in finding reliable and updated data. A significant barrier in determining whether there exists greater equality between women in men in respect to their access to formal, subnational power is the lack of information desegregated by sex. This document, therefore, represents a significant contribution to the state of the art about gender and local political participation, as well as its innovative empirical evidence. The building of the database on subnational gender statistics has involved an updating of information as well as a thorough incorporation of data from different sources (giving precedence to official statistics).3 In effect, this study conducted a significant trace of the numerical presence of women in elected subnational positions in the region and presents information which has, until now, never been processed and/or previously published. Among other contributions the database includes, for the year 2012, data concerning the participation of women at intermediate levels of government, both in the legislative and executive branches (for a detailed discussion of this point, see Annex 1, Construction of the database). In summary, a key unique contribution of this study is an updated body of comprehensive data on democratically-elected governmental positions; a significant portion of such information has been compiled and analyzed for the first time in the context of this study.

Undoubtedly, the availability of information on municipal positions desegregated by sex is a challenge identified by several authors (for example, Massolo 2007). The electoral bodies of the countries studied do not seem to have the capacity to systematically update information at subnational levels disaggregated by sex. Although recently there has been some progress in this regard, there are countries which have still not achieved a proper organization and processing of this information, particularly as it relates to deliberative/legislative subnational bodies (councils, assemblies, etc.) The identification of power holders in the municipal executives disaggregated by sex has shown further progress. In some cases, women’s associations and even municipal federations have conducted their own counts by sex, which have been of great utility for this work. But, as is discussed in several sections, there are countries for which it was not possible to find reliable data. This issue is hoped to be resolved in the near future. In any case, the purpose of the study was also to generate additional interest in some of the areas analyzed.

As Table 1 shows, each country in the region utilizes different names for each of its subnational elected offices. In an effort to streamline the terminology in a way which is easily understood, the names of “heads of municipal executive power” or “municipal executive power-holders” for the offices of mayor, community leaders, and municipal presidents. For the legislative branch, the term “councilor” will be used, as most countries use this terminology. Only in some special cases, when mentioning specific

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One excellent source of information has been the Gender Equality Observatory of ECLAC. This information was revised, expanded upon, and updated in order to build the database used in this document.

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countries, will the name of the positions of that specific country be employed. For intermediate levels of government, “executive power-holders and intermediate-level legislators� will be used.

Country

Argentina Bolivia

Table 1: Titles of Executive and Legislative Subnational Positions by Country Executive Power holder Title of elected positions in Municipal Executive Power in intermediate levels of municipal deliberative holder government (elected bodies positions only) Mayor, Municipal President, Councilor Provincial Governor Communal Chief Councilor Mayor Departmental Governor

Brazil Chile

Prefect Mayor

State Governor -------

Colombia

Mayor

Departmental Governor

Costa Rica Ecuador

Mayor Mayor

-------Provincial Prefect

El Salvador

Mayor

---------

Guatemala Honduras

Mayor Mayor

Mexico

Municipal President

Nicaragua Panama Paraguay

Mayor Mayor Mayor

----------------Governor of Federal Entity ----------------Departmental Mayor

Peru

Provincial and District Mayors

Regional President

Mayor

--------

Governor

Mayor Mayor

Departmental Mayor State Governor

Councilor Councilor

Dominican Republic Uruguay Venezuela

Alderman Councilor Councilor Councilor Councilor Councilor and Municipal Governor Councilor Governor Governor Councilor Councilor Councilor District and Governors

Provincial

In broad strokes, this paper will inquire whether the consolidation of more democratic subnational structures translates automatically into a greater recognition and guarantee of the rights of women in their election into positions of authority. To this end, the thematic thread of this study consists of examining the conditions women face in running for subnational government positions (their backgrounds in local social participation, the existence of equality measures in election laws, etc.) and, as a result, their numerical presence in legislative and executive positions. It will inquire as well whether existent political and institutional environments foster greater access for women in the studied subnational positions.

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The structure of this document is as follows: First, the link between social participation of women within the territory and their presence in elected offices will be discussed. Next, the roles of affirmative action and gender parity as mechanisms to promote greater female presence in office will be examined. Then, the number of women in subnational legislative and executive bodies and how those numbers have evolved over time will be analyzed. Later, the question of whether equal environments that promote a greater presence of women exist or not will be studied, in a preliminary form, using the demographic contexts and the material resources that are typically assigned to them. For example: do greater numbers of women in one branch of government serve as catalysts for their incremental presence in other branches? When subnational political structures have greater resources and, thus more opportunities, is a greater female presence in elected offices possible? Finally, based on empirical findings, the document will present some possible future lines of policy and political dialogue and inquiry.

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II. Initiating Political Activities: Local Social Participation Women have an outstanding record of social participation in community settings (neighborhood associations, school cooperatives, religious congregations, community kitchens, etc.). Participation in such activities is the first step towards active citizenship, as the women involved acquire savvy and negotiating skills in dealing with municipal authorities. Furthermore, the social work of women has political content in the sense that it involves bringing people together, consolidating interests and making formal demands. A commonly shared assumption is that women’s activity in these smaller scale focus areas, with their greater social proximity to voting constituencies, will facilitate women’s ability to access political and institutional spheres. It is presumed that these experiences provide women with visibility, political learning, contacts, and networking opportunities, all of which are recognized as key components of “political capital.” It is assumed that women in such roles are valued precisely for their community labor and, on the basis of this labor, would be able to position themselves as potential candidates.

For women in subnational government offices, prior work in social and community-based spheres appears to be an important pre-condition Qualitative studies of the careers of women in institutional politics show that social activity in local organizations constitutes a significant gateway for incorporating women into party electoral lists. In other words, women who actually access to elected offices have as a near-obligatory step, local or community participation. Nonetheless, women who participate in local social community groups do not necessarily all have interest and/or desire to in participating in institutional politics. But those who do, generally actively participate in these types of community activities. Thus, participation in local spheres is a fundamental pre-condition for access to formal, municipal (Massolo, 2007) and even national politics (Borner et al., 2009).4 A survey of 235 female local authorities in Latin America by Tello (2009), found that three quarters of the women interviewed (76%) mentioned participating in a non-governmental organization or community organization before crossing over into formal politics. Moreover, half of the participants interviewed (51%) expressed that their past participation in social activities were the determining 4

A first approximation of the link between social and community participation and the presence of women in subnational institutional bodies involved the use of four questions from a survey conducted by the Vanderbilt University Latin America Public Opinion Project (LAPOP). The questions related to social participation and influence in local government in the years 2008 and 2010 and were answered by population samples including both men and women. No statistically significant associations were identified. The study also explored the possible association between the rate of change of mayors and councils over diverse lengths of time and their respective social participation but did not find significant correlation. This lack of results is probably linked to the fact that indirect measures of how social participation influenced women’s access to offices of authority were employed. Refinement of specific questions, taking into account the fundamental populations of women and men occupying political offices and not that of the general public is needed.

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factors in their eventual entry into formal politics, and a quarter of them (22%) indicated that these experiences had influenced their choice of careers in institutional politics.

Various qualitative studies have reconfirmed these findings. In Mexico, for example, Cinta (2007) found that of the 16 female politicians interviewed, 11 of them had begun their political careers in the municipality of their native state of Veracruz. The testimony offered by Barrera Bassols et. al., (2012) study illustrates how women build foundations for themselves vis-a-vis community work and project into formal politics by capitalizing politically on their work at local levels: “Every path that I took, be it in my participation in the schools as President of the Parent-Teachers Association or as member of the village board of improvements, helped me later as a municipal agent; that is, if I actively participation in the race, the candidate I said will win, won by the mere fact that I got involve actively.” (Councilwoman, Mexico) In Colombia, Bernal (2006) identified community work as the first step taken by future councilors and mayors. For Guatemala, Massolo (2007) examined the career trajectories of 20 union workers and councilors in the period of 2000-2004 and concluded that one element which was closely linked to their political careers was precisely their local participation in community activities: “They are recognized for their projection as a direct consequence of their local participation. In the majority of cases, their previous experiences were the routes which led them to political parties. The actions they promoted or supported in informal politics were the means through which they were made visible to political organizations. Religious, educational and community administrative programs and projects were it seems the more permissive fields of social participation for women in municipalities.” (63) One municipal mayor in the city of Montevideo, elected in 2012 with the first elections of the 3rd tier of government, recounts the relevance of her local experience in the strengthening of her candidacy: “We made a unique ballot for our movement (the Frente Amplio). That is, in my ballot there are many ballots from the coalition, and individually, they represent all sectors of our movement. …

There was a man being proposed by other colleagues but the assembly elected me overwhelmingly to run because of my work in the community and because I had been in the neighborhood board. … I know the local territory because I had worked there and because I was their neighbor.” (Interview with Rodríguez Gustá, 2012) In summary, for women the social and community sphere is a stepping stone and a source of motivation for their involvement in political life. Nonetheless, access to positions is also influence by partisan dynamics through recruitment, the selection of candidates, affirmative action and electoral rules. In the following section, affirmative action and its influence on the generation of greater gender equality in subnational political representation will be analyzed.

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III. Dynamics and Rules of Access: Affirmative Action and Gender Parity Measures in Political Representation For women to run for political office, they must first make it on to the ballots of electable positions. In this regard, affirmative action measures such as electoral and partisan quotas are fundamental to the success in women running as candidates for office. Gender-differentiated electoral quotas aimed at guaranteeing the presence of women in executive power gained enormous legitimacy with the Beijing Platform for Action (1995).5 The mandates of the Platform sought ways for women to gain the opportunity to be elected, even when there exist certain resistances or prejudices on the part of fellow party supporters.

In subnational politics, affirmative action measures are highly relevant in particular because exclusionary practices still exist, based on cultural beliefs biased against the political capability of women. In such cases, women are viewed as less capable of assuming the responsibilities of the State, a belief which inevitably leads to preference for male candidates. Tello (2009), in the aforementioned survey, found that 31% of women encountered cultural difficulties in their running for office, 13% referred to financial obstacles, and 20% of them mentioned active opposition. Around a quarter of women (27%) confirmed that they did not face problems launching their candidacies. Altogether, half of the respondents (51%) experienced problems related to social attitudes of discrimination, a lower valuation of the involvement of women in politics, and attitudes of social divisions of labor which interfere with the full integration of women into electoral races.

Table 2: Perceived Difficulty in the Launching of Candidacies Percentage of Affirmative Principle Difficulty Responses (%) No Difficulty

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Cultural Difficulties Cultural stereotypes limiting political participation of women

15

Disparagement of their capabilities as leaders

9

Difficulties reconciling familiar responsibilities with elector campaign

7

Active Opposition "circle of friends" opposed to their candidacy

12

Female opposition to candidacy within the party

8

Economic Difficulties High costs of realizing political campaigns

13

Others (electoral norms, media resistance, etc.)

9

Source: Tello (2009) - Items reorganized to apply to the categories of the study

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During the 1990s, twelve countries in Latin America introduced quotas into their national electoral legislation and seven of them instituted actions in the case of noncompliance. The electoral quotas have had an overwhelmingly positive effect on national parliaments.

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Given these difficulties, affirmative action and political gender parity measures could serve as vehicles to promote a greater presence of women in subnational offices. With the data available, it is possible to enquire the link between the percentages of stipulated quotas for municipal elections and the percentage of women who are actually elected.

The existence of national quotas does not necessarily imply their application in municipal elections.

Generally, in countries in the region, national quotas have preceded municipal elections, but some countries have undergone a reverse process.

Box 1: A Brief Overview of the Region The first norms related to quotas were found in Brazil in 1995 and they had subnational relevance. In other cases, municipal elections “premiered� with electoral quotas. In the Dominican Republic for the municipal elections of May 2010,6 the National Electoral Entity set the number of women who would run for each political party and ordered the implementation of the quota in each electoral district. The candidate ballots for the council (municipal legislative bodies) were especially scrutinized by local election boards. Costa Rica, the first country in the region to promote affirmative action in municipal elections, began implementing gender parity measures in the municipal elections of 2010. Venezuela has no national quotas but the National Electoral Council decided, in 2009, that ballots for the provincial and metropolitan councils of the District of Alto Apure were to have a joint and alternating composition of 50% of each sex.

Countries with equality measures in place (affirmative action and gender parity measures in political representation) have a greater number of female councilors. These measures are especially effective in systems of proportional representation.

Countries with equality measures in place (affirmative action in the form of municipal quotas or gender parity measures in political representation) have higher numbers of elected female councilors than do countries which lack these measures: the former have on average, almost one third of councilwomen (31%) while the later has on average only 20% (Table 3). In turn, lower female council presence within the region is seen precisely in those countries that do not have electoral gender quotas, countries such as Uruguay (16%), Panama (11%), Guatemala (8%) and Colombia (16%).

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These elections were important because Executive designated offices for the first time were part of electoral processes and the number of councilwomen increased from 963 to 1149 (Aquino, 2010).

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Table 3: Average Number of Female Councilors as % of Total by Type of Affirmative Action, 2012 Countries with quotas 31% Countries without quotas 20% Countries without electoral or party quotas (excluding El Salvador) 19% Source: Elaborated by the Study, 2012

Equality measures are not confined to electoral gender quotas only. Voluntary measures exist, adopted by political parties to place women on the election ballots. In El Salvador, specifically, obligatory electoral quotas do not exist but the Farabundo MartĂ­ National Liberation Front (FMLN in Spanish) employs party quotas which have been applied in the most recent of elections. This explains the elevated proportion of votes given to women by the FMLN in the election. Therefore, if we exclude El Salvador (which has an average of 26% of councilwomen) and recalculate the percentage of councilwomen in countries without quotas, the percentage drops to 19%. The gap between countries with equality measures and those that lack is thus 12 percentage points.

However, as shown in Table 4, the percentage of women elected in countries with quotas does not mirror the minimum percentage established by the legislation, with the exception of the Dominican Republic. This gap reflects the difficulties which women face in political structures – subnational party support is needed to be placed on voting ballots and/or be elected, even under favorable conditions promoted by equality measures.

Table 4: Comparison between Normative and Effective Presence of Women in Municipal Councils, 2012 Quota percentage of Percentage of Gap between the set percentage under total councilors set Country councilwomen the norm and actual elected for women in most (2012) councilwomen recent election Bolivia 50 43 7 Brazil 30 13 17 Costa Rica 50 48 2 Ecuador 50 28 22 Honduras 30 23 7 Paraguay 30 22 8 Peru 30 27 3 Dominican 33 33 0 Republic Source: Elaboration by the Study. No information on councilwomen was available for Argentina. Regarding Mexico, although it has a 37.5% of councilwomen in 2012, no precise information was found for the application of municipal quotas in the most recent election (furthermore, municipal quotas vary in accordance with the State).

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To recapitulate: equality measures facilitate – but do not necessarily guarantee – a greater presence of women in municipal deliberative bodies. But in order to understand the full functioning of these measures, especially gender quotas, it is necessary to consider the details of the electoral systems themselves.

National and subnational electoral systems can also be dissimilar within a given country, an often overlooked fact that can make a difference. A given country may have a completely heterogeneous electoral system within different levels of government, leading to diverse scenarios in terms of female representation in formal institutions. To illustrate, for example, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and Peru have open ballots in national elections but closed ones in municipal elections. And countries may adopt proportional representation systems for national elections but majoritarian systems for municipal elections (Peru, Panama, and Uruguay).

Table 5: National and Electoral Systems and Quotas in Latin America and the Caribbean

Argentina

National electoral system

National quotas

Type of ballot

Proportional Representation (D’Hondt method)

30%, 1991

Closed

30%, 1997 50%, 2010

Closed

25%, 1997 30%, 2000

Open

None

Open

Municipal electoral system Proportional Closed ballots

Municipal quota Legislative quotas, 30%, only in the city of Buenos Aires

Mixed Proportional Representation

Bolivia

House of Representatives: majority vote in single-member constituencies (70 seats) and rural indigenous communities (7 seats)

Proportional Parity, 50%, 2010 Closed ballots

D’Hondt in 9 departments (53 seats) Senate: D’Hondt method

Brazil Chile

Proportional Representation (D’Hondt method) Proportional

Proportional Legislative quotas Closed ballots Proportional

None

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Colombia

Costa Rica

Dominican Republic

Ecuador

El Salvador

Guatemala

Honduras

Representation (D’Hondt method) Proportional Representation (D’Hondt method) Proportional Representation Majority vote.

Proportional Representation House of Representatives: d’Hondt Senate: FPTP Proportional Representation (D’Hondt method) Proportional Representation (D’Hondt method) Proportional Representation (D’Hondt method) Proportional Representation National Legislative Assembly: majority vote

Closed ballots Proportional None

40%, 1997 50%, 2009

25% 1997 33%, 2000

Closed

None Closed ballots Proportional

Closed

50% Closed ballots

Proportional Closed Closed ballots

Legislative quotas, 30%

Proportional

20%, 1997 50%, 2009

Open*

None

Closed

Parity, 50% Open ballots Majority** None Closed ballots Proportional

None

Closed

None Closed ballots

Proportional 30%, 2000

Closed

Legislative quotas, 30%, 2000

Closed ballots National Legislative Assembly: uninominal majority vote Parallel Mexico

7

House of Representatives: majority vote (200

30%, 1996 40%, 2008

Closed

Mixed: Relative majority and proportional representation***

Legislative quotas in federal entities but municipal application is 7 unclear

Regarding Mexico, information as to how quotas are applied in municipalities is unavailable. Massolo (2007: 44) states that “there are no studies or records that account for the application of quotas for multi-nominal nominations in municipal elections for those States that have specific provisions in their electoral codes.” Reynoso and D’Angelo (2006) point out that the law

36

seats) / uninominal majority vote (300 seats)

Nicaragua

Panama

Senate: Parallel: majority vote Proportional Representation (D’Hondt method) Proportional Representation (Mixed according to Htun) Uninominal constituencies: uninominal majority vote

Closed ballots

None

Closed

Proportional Closed ballots

None

Majority 30%, 1997

Open

20%, 1996

Closed

Uninominal nominations

None

Multi-nominal constituencies: majority vote

Paraguay

Peru

Proportional Representation (D’Hondt method) Proportional Representation National Congress: majority vote

Proportional

Legislative quotas, 30%

Closed ballots

25%, 1997 30%, 2001

Majority*** Open Closed ballots

Legislative quotas, 30 %

Senate: vote block (block voting)

Uruguay

Venezuela

Proportional Representation (D’Hondt method)

Mixed Proportional

Majority*** Closed Closed ballots

30%,1997 50%, 2008

Closed

Proportional

Legislative quotas will be applied for the first time in 2014 in elections at all levels of government Parity for the Alto Apure metropolitan

differs from state to state. Each state has its own charter and its own electoral codes. The size of the legislature varies by state and councilors are elected through a combination of relative majority uninominal districts and proportional majority plurinominal districts. In 2005, according to Peña Molina (2005), six states lacked electoral gender quotas (Baja California, Hidalgo, Morelos, Nayarit, Nuevo León y Querétaro).

37

Representation Regional party ballots (closed ballots; D’Hondt method) (52 seats) / Uninominal majority vote and reserved districts for indigenous peoples (113 seats)

Nominal nominations + closed ballots

area

Source: Analysis by the UNDP, Regional Centre for Latin America and the Caribbean, Democratic Governance Practice Area (based on FUNDE, 2009; Htun, 2005; INSTRAW, 2006a-b; Massolo, 2007, IDEA Database www.quotaproject.org). * Furthermore, 15% of Ecuador’s National Legislative Assembly is elected by closed, unique, national ballot ** In El Salvador, the winning ballot (by relative majority) receives all of the Local Council positions *** In Mexico, Peru and Uruguay, the winning ballot receives half + 1 of the available seats

The majority of electoral systems governing municipal elections are that of proportional representation with closed ballots, characteristics which offer relatively favorable conditions for the effectiveness of affirmative action. Proportional representation increases the accessibility of female candidates to elected office, especially in plurinominal constituencies, because in them more seats are available for distribution. By contrast, in majority systems (absolute or relative) and uninominal constituencies, the election of women generally decreases as only one candidate is selectable and it is difficult to apply quotas in such cases.8 But even under favorable conditions, quotas are effective only if they have strong sanctions and/or a clear mandate protecting the positions of women on electoral ballots which prevent them from being reduced to the ornamental positions (Htun, 2005).9 According to Table 5, the countries in which municipal councilors are elected by proportional representation and by closed ballots are Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Paraguay and the Dominican Republic. Mexican citizens choose their governors through a mixed system of relative majority and proportional representation. El Salvador, Panama, Peru and Uruguay elect their councilors through majority systems.

The average number of councilors for the period of 1998-2012 shows that countries with majority election systems “lost” 2.2% of women elected with respect to those countries which had a 8

As it is a single office for contention, it is impossible to apply electoral quotas in uni-nominal districts. Nevertheless, situations are possible in which the electoral norms provide guidelines for the totality, as is the case in Mexico. For example, a national law of 2012 states that more than 210 candidates may not belong to the same gender in the 300 uninominal districts of relative majority (Reynoso y D’Angelo, 2005: 285).

9 The most effective positional mandate to ensure the presence of women is that which establishes an alternating and sequential provision between men and women, known colloquially as a “zipper” provision.

38

proportional system, but this difference is not significant (see Annex II, Additional Figures and Tables).

However, the difference produced by electoral systems does become relevant when taking into consideration countries with electoral quotas. This finding is indeed significant. Taking into account only countries with municipal quotas, those that have proportional representation systems have a “bonus� versus those with majority systems. Under proportional representation systems, quotas provide an additional 4% of councilwomen (calculating the average for the period between 1998 and 2012) with respect to countries with municipal quotas but majority systems. As of 2010, the difference is 8%.

Table 6: Average Number of Councilwomen as Percentage of Total in Countries with Municipal Quotas by Electoral System, 1998-2012 Year Majority (%) Proportional (%) Difference in favor of proportional system (%) 1998 11 (2) 16 (6) 5 1999 11 (2) 16 (6) 5 2000 20 (2) 21 (6) 1 2001 20 (2) 21 (7) 1 2002 20 (2) 24 (7) 4 2003 21 (2) 24 (7) 3 2004 21 (2) 24 (7) 4 2005 22 (2) 25 (7) 3 2006 22 (2) 25 (7) 3 2007 22 (2) 25 (7) 3 2008 22 (2) 25 (7) 3 2009 22 (2) 25 (7) 2 2010 22 (2) 30 (7) 8 2011 22 (2) 30 (7) 8 2012 22 (2) 30 (7) 8 Source: Elaboration by the Study. The number of countries accounted for is denoted between parentheses

In short, equality measures are beneficial mechanisms to promote access of women to municipal deliberative bodies and have the most positive effect in proportional representation systems. Municipal electoral reforms should take into account these aspects if they intend to increase the number of women on electoral ballots and guarantee their access to councilor offices.

39

40

41

IV. Looking at the Results: The Presence of Women in Subnational Governing Bodies It is essential to do a quantitative analysis of the numerical presence of women in the various municipal bodies. An analysis of the proportion of women to men in each branch of government as well as a brief panorama of recent developments will allow a reflection on the nature of subnational governments in terms of the opportunities it offers to both sexes.

First, we will analyze the presence of women in municipal deliberative bodies (councils and other municipal legislative and/or deliberative bodies) for the period between 1998 and 2012, and in the legislative bodies of intermediate levels of government (federal entities, departments, regions, provinces, or states). For the latter offices, data from 2012 will be used.

Afterwards, we will examine the political participation of women in positions of municipal executive power (mayors, municipal presidents, etc.) and intermediate executive power (governors, departmental and/or regional presidents, etc.). For the former offices, a series of data from 1998 to 2012 will be utilized, and for the latter, information from 2012. Later, the findings will be further developed.

The number of councilwomen as percentage of the total has increased over the last decade and a half and, in 2012, reached 25%. But it has yet to reach a critical mass, usually considered to be 30%.

On average, women make up for a quarter of all councilors in the Latin America and Caribbean region.

This is a promising figure because it is suggested that with such a percentage, minorities (women, in this case) gain the ability to more effectively organize themselves so as to have greater capacity to negotiate and acquire positions of power within political institutions. In particular, by reaching a percentage of the total higher than 15%, women have avoided being encapsulated and/or stereotyped (Kanter, 1977; see Box 2). However, they have not yet reached the critical mass, which according to some authors (Dalherup, 1988; Kanter, 1977), would enable them to strengthen the dynamics of equality itself, especially through collective action.

Box 2: Skewed Groups and the Existence of Majorities and Minorities According to Kanter (1977), there are groups with clear majorities and minorities, also called skewed groups and these groups occur when, in this instance, the number of women is situated between 15% and 35% of the total members of an organization. In such a context, it is possible to form a minority capable of bidding against a majority on institutional resources. But it is the precise threshold of 30% which minorities must reach to consolidate equal treatment within institutions. This threshold, 30%, is known as critical mass.

42

Despite the challenges, there is good news. Between 1998 and 2012, the presence of women as percentage of total positions doubled from 14% to 25%. According to Figure 1, the evolution of the number of councilwomen has been gradual, without significant milestones or surprises, but steady.

Figure 1: Regional Average of Councilwomen as % of Total in Latin America and the Caribbean, 1998-2012 Promedio, 2012, Promedio, 2010, 25.1 Promedio, 2011, 24 23.9 Promedio, 2009, Promedio, 2006, Promedio, 2008, Promedio, 2004, 2005, 22.1 Promedio, Promedio, 21.4 21.3 Promedio, 2002, 2003, 20.6 20.4 Promedio, 2007, 21 Promedio, Promedio, 2000, 2001, 19.3 19.8 17.7 17.9 Promedio, 1998, Promedio, 1999, 14 13.7

Source: Elaboration by the Study. For a chronology by country see Annex II, Additional Figures and Tables

No information exists however which would offer a profile of who exactly are the councilwomen who get elected. Another relevant aspect in the discussion is the ethno-racial identity of the women assuming subnational elected offices. Unfortunately, no systematically collected information is available which could be used to give an overview of the region. Only some countries such as Peru have current data on racial quotas. In the most recent elections of 2010, 33 representatives from indigenous communities were elected into local offices, of which, 30% were women (Ministry of Social Development and Women, 2011). Parallel to this, some specific studies have compiled information for additional countries. In Bolivia, according to the study of Alb贸 y Quispe (2004),10 indigenous political participation is important for municipal offices (mayors and councilors) and the female who identify themselves as indigenous peoples or are of indigenous descent within such offices were 36% of all 10

Cited in Rom谩n Arnez (2008).

43

mayors and councilors. However, the study indicates that the participation of women in these positions increased largely as a result of increased poverty within the municipalities. In Nicaragua, beginning with the municipal elections of 2000, the number of indigenous candidates for local elections has increased.

No data is available for the number of councilors, but in the period of 2007-2010 five female deputy mayors and two female mayors have taken office (Dixon y GĂłmez, 2009). In Guatemala, no information with respect to the number of female indigenous councilors was available, but in 2007 there were no female municipal mayors of indigenous origin and only 2% of female mayors of mixed ancestry (BarriosKlee, 2009). While no concrete data on Ecuador is available, as a result of the elections of 2008, there may now be female elected officials of indigenous origin in parish and cantonal councils, especially in the Sierra and Amazonian regions (GarcĂŠs DĂĄvila, 2010). Beyond this particular information, there is virtually no electoral statistical data disaggregated by ethno-racial description. This is an important pending challenge.

Subnational legislative bodies have the same number of women as do national ones It is commonly thought that subnational legislative bodies, due in part to processes of decentralization and civic participation, could be more open to women than national ones. In contrast to this belief, in 2012, the legislatures of three governmental levels (local, intermediate, national) all reflected similar percentages of women, around 25% of their members being women (Table 7). Thus, the regional average of women in each of the three levels is relatively similar.

Table 7: Regional Averages of Women in Legislative Bodies as Percentages of Total and by Level of Government, 2012 Level of Government Percentage of Female Members Municipal 25% Second level (regions, states, provinces, governances, departments, federal entities, 23% etc.)* National* 22% (*)The percentage of women in uni-cameral legislatures and the average of the two houses for bi-cameral legislatures (2012).

The fact that the numerical presence of local, female councilors does not exceed the national average largely demystifies the idea that spatial proximity and local dynamics promote more gender-accessible political institutions. A chronological look at the number of councilwomen and female national legislators between 1998 and 2012 reinforces this finding. The percentages were similar between 2000

44

and 2002, with a difference of only 5% in favor of municipal bodies.11 In short, the presence of women tends to be similar in legislatures, independent of the level of government.

The presence of councilwomen varies markedly from one country to another.

So far, we have examined the presence of women considering the region as a whole. It is possible also to do an analysis of each country separately in order to draw trends and/or distinctive national trajectories.

As seen in Table 8, this perspective offers nuances and differences.

In 2012, while some countries have a smaller proportions of women in office (below 10%, as is the case with Guatemala), others, such as Costa Rice and Bolivia, are around parity levels. In addition, there are four countries which approach the critical mass for the number of women in government: El Salvador, Peru, Ecuador and Mexico (the latter with 37.5% of councilwomen12). On the other hand, however, there are eight countries which are distant from this threshold.

By considering the evolution between 1998 and 2012, some countries show a gradual increase of women in government while others, have achieved a sort of “leap” as a sudden increase of women in legislatures has been registered. For the 14 countries with chronological information available, four types of trajectories can be put forward. 



 

11

In the first group of six countries (Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala, Panama, Paraguay and Uruguay) the number of women in government has changed slightly over the course of the study period but is generally below that of the regional average. Guatemala stands out (for its historically low female presence), as does Brazil (even though it is a country with legislative electoral quotas, it shows limited results).

In the second group, comprised of El Salvador and the Dominican Republic, there have also been gradual increases, but the number of councilwomen has been consistently higher than that of the first group, at around the regional average in the case of El Salvador and above it in the case of the Dominican Republic.

The third group, comprised of Chile and Honduras, show significant increases, placing them right there within distance of the regional average.

The fourth group, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Ecuador and Peru, shows clear, positive increases at some point within the period (thanks to the application of political parity and/or quotas) and now exceeds the regional average of the number of councilwomen as percentage of the total.13

See the Table, “Regional Average of Councilwomen and Legislators (percentage), 1998-2012” in Annex II. For Mexico not all data for all municipalities was included because the sources were being updated. It is suggested to see Annex I for a full discussion of the data for this country.

13 In 2000, Bolivia and Ecuador experienced a sharp increase with respect to 1998, from 8% to 15% in Bolivia and from 8% to 30% in Ecuador. In 2010, Bolivia increased to 43% (with the effect of parity measures). Since 2002, Costa Rice has displayed practical parity measures with 45% women in local legislatures.

12

45

Table 8: Average Number of Female Municipal Councilors as % of Total by Country (1998, 2000, 2007, 2010 and 2012) Country 1998 2000 2007 2010 2012 37.5 (3500) Mexico No data No data No data No data 24 (113) Nicaragua No data No data No data No data 18.2 (--) Venezuela No data No data No data No data TYPES OF TRENDS Incremental Increase (low percentages) 11.1 (4347) 12.6 (6550) 12.5 (6511) 13.3 (7648) Brazil 11 (4347) 4.2 (73) 5.8 (93) 8.8 (145) 8.1 (133) Guatemala 5.1 (77) 12.9 (77) 9.9 (61) 11 (69) 11 (69) Panama No data 15.3 (90) 17.1 (101) 16.1 (56) 16.1 (56) Uruguay 14 (82) 10.3 (--) 13.7 (1626) 14.5 (1737) 16 (1940) Colombia 10.3(--) 20.7 (513) 20.7 (513) 21.9 (553) Paraguay No data No data Incremental Increase (higher percentages) Dominican Republic

25.5 (193)

25.5 (193)

27.1 (261)

33.2 (382)

33.2 (382)

El Salvador No data Marked Increase Chile 14.4 (258) Honduras 11.5 (212) Countries with “jumps�

Bolivia 8.3 (135) Costa Rica 34 (193) Ecuador 8.3 (54) Peru 8.5 (933)

21.8 (288)

21.02 (277)

24.7 (326)

26.2 (373)

14.4 (258)

21.1 (450)

23.2 (498)

23.2 (498)

11.5 (212)

17.5 (349)

22.8 (457)

22.8 (457)

14.67 (248)

19.9 (337)

42.6 (780)

42.6 (780)

34 (193)

45.4 (1079)

48.5 (1809)

48.5 (1809)

29.7 (263)

31.7(283)

28.4 (449)

28.4 (449)

24 (2826)

27.8 (2847)

27.3 (2783)

27.3 (2783)

Source: Own Elaboration. Absolute numbers of councilwomen shown in parenthesis. No data was available for Argentina for any year within the study period.

N: Number of total cases

The differences between the countries can also be seen in those countries with intermediate-level legislatures. Venezuela, Argentina, and Peru have more women, with values closer to that of a critical mass (38%, 30% and 28%, respectively). By contrast, Brazil has the lowest proportion of women (13%).

As a consequence, the region is not uniform and these contrasts suggest the need for additional research to understand individual institutional contexts (for example, unitary versus federal models) and differences in culture which favor a greater number of female subnational legislators, in order to compile a list of best practices.

46

Figure 2: Number of Female Legislators in Deliberative Bodies at Intermediate Levels of Government as % of Total by Country, 2012 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Source: Own Elaboration by the Study

The trajectory of countries depends, of course, on constitutional models, electoral rules, the existence and functioning of affirmative action measures, the influence and pressure of feminist movements, networks of female politicians, political party structures, and the commitment to gender equality, etc.

Future research should focus deeper into these issues.

47

48

49

V. Participation of Women in Subnational Executive Bodies Subnational executive offices hold significant resources of power, have strategic weight in the implementation of public policy, and furthermore constitute nodes in the accumulation of political power with its associated potential for national projection (Montero y Samuels, 2004). Thus, they are highly valued positions in the competitive process and State structure, as well as public policy interventions. With these considerations in mind from the angle of gender, to use the metaphor of a traffic light, it could be argued that subnational executive power is currently stuck at red because of low female participation and its respective consequences for decision-making processes. It is a warning with respect to the equality of access to political power.

The number of women heading executive branches is low In 2012, for 13,315 municipal management position with available gender information (in a total of 18 countries), there are only 1,308 women.14 This represents a regional average of 11% of executive officeholders being female, which has maintained steady since 2010. Given this low number, women in these positions are the exceptions or “token.”

Box 3: The Token Phenomenon According to Kanter (1977), when women do not exceed 15% of a given group, they are reduced to token positions. The consequence of this is that they are boxed in certain roles.

Kanter claims that many of them are forced to act as “honorary men” or “queen bees” as a product of the necessity to assimilate into a predominantly male culture and survive in an environment which is, at least initially, hostile. For women with gender agendas, their low numbers can be obstacles in and of themselves for further progress. Similarly, when women are in token situations, their presence awakens little organizational resistance on the part of those who hold positions of power because they would not bring great changes in the distribution of material or symbolic resources and as such, the male majority would not see its position threatened.

This low presence of women is a cause of concern. Nevertheless, there are some promising developments. Specifically Uruguay, which went from not having any female mayors to leading the 14

In the region, municipal executive power is chosen, in general, by a system of relative majority in uninominal constituencies.

This is the case in Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Panama, Paraguay and Venezuela. The same system applies in Brazil in localities with less than 200,000 inhabitants. In larger towns absolute majority criteria applies, with a possibility of a second round of voting between the two front running candidates. In El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Peru, the person who secures executive power is he or she who heads the most voted-for ballot of the municipal legislators. In Bolivia, the candidates are part of a personal ballot for municipal councils but can also be elected in direct form by popular vote if they obtain absolute majority. Otherwise, the head of the executive branch is elected by municipal council peers.

50

region with a proportion of 25% women mayors when it held third-level government elections in 2010.

Bolivia now has 22% women in executive leadership roles, after having 27 female mayors in the decade between 1994 and 2004 (Massolo, 2007). While the two cases do not establish a trend, it is clear that in some countries, political systems are becoming more permissive to women running for municipal executive positions and winning.

There are currently more women heading municipal executive branches than there were 10 years ago, but the increase has been slow and gradual.

As show in Figure 3, in 1998 there was an average of 5% of female holders of municipal executive power in the region and in 2012, 11%. The presence of women in these positions doubled. However, this increase took place over a decade of smaller, incremental increases. At this rate, it would take approximately three more decades to reach a critical mass of women in office. Given the small number of women, it seems to be difficult to access and win executive positions at the subnational level. It is important to continue analyzing the barriers of access which still exist which prevent women from reaching these offices.

Figure 3: Regional Average of Female Municipal Executive Power Holders as % of Total, 1998-2012

Source: Compilation by Authors

51

Table 9: Average Number of Female Municipal Executive Power Holders as % of Total by Country (1998, 2001, 2008, 2010 and 2012) Country 1998 2001 2008 2010 2012 Argentina 6.4 (137) 7.3 (157) 10 (221) No data 9.1 (159) Bolivia 3.9 (12) 6.1 (19) 6.1 (20) 22 (22) 22 (22) Brazil 4.6 (167) 5.7 (318) 9.2 (497) 9.2 (509) 11.8 (663)15 Chile 9.4 (32) 12.3 (42) 12.5 (43) 12.5 (43) 12.5 (43) Colombia 4.5 (48) 6.1 (66) 9 (99) 9 (99) 9.8 (108) 16 Costa Rica N/A N/A 11.1 (9) 12.3 (10) 12.3 (10) Ecuador 3 (6) 2.8 (6) 5.9 (13) 6.3 (14) 6.3 (14) El Salvador 8.4 (22) 8.4 (22) 8.4 (22) 10.7 (28) 10.3 (27) Guatemala 0.6 (2) 0.9 (3) 1.8 (6) 1.8 (6) 2.1 (7) Honduras 9.5 (28) 9.1 (28) 6.7 (20) 6 (17) 6 (17) Mexico 3.3 (79) 3.8 (93) 4.6 (112) 5.5 (135) 7.2 (148) Nicaragua 6.3 (9) 9.9 (15) 8.6(13) No data 16 (24) Panama 13.4 (9) 13.5 (10) 9.3 (7) 9.3 (7) 9.3 (7) Paraguay 2.7 (6) 5 (11) 6(14) 5.9 (14) 7.6 (18) Peru 2.9 (53) 3.1 (56) 2.7 (50) 4.6 (9) 4.6 (9) Dominican Republic 1.7 (2) 1.7 (2) 11.9 (18) 12 (12) 7.7 (12) Uruguay 0 (0) 0 (0) 0 (0) 25.3 (22) 25.3 (22) Venezuela 6.7 (22) 6.6 (22) 7.2 (24) No data No data Source: Own elaboration by the Study. The absolute numbers of women appear in parenthesis

The number of female executive power holders at intermediate levels of government is particularly low within the region As with municipal leadership, the number of women in executive offices at intermediate levels of government is extremely low. In 2012, the average of 10 countries shows that women do not exceed 5.6% of the total number of executive title-holders (Figure 4).17 Moreover, there are three countries – Bolivia, Mexico and Peru – which lack the presence of any women in these positions. Bolivia has nine regional governors of autonomic departments and in the elections of 2010 all males were elected (for a period of 5 years). Mexico has 32 federal units (including the Federal District), all of which are governed exclusively by men. Some will hold elections in 2013 and this may be the opportunity to position female candidates for these positions. Peru elects Regional Presidents and, in the elections of 2010, of 25

15

This data captures office holders, not those elected in October 2012 set to take office.

After the Municipal Code Reform of 1998, in 2002 elections were held, for the first time, by popular vote for the offices of mayors and district councils. Until then, municipal councilors had been the only popularly elected governors and they, by a simple vote, elected or deposed of the municipal executives, who were charged with administrating the municipality.

17 Not all countries in the region have such a level of government with popularly elected offices and only those will be considered that meet this requirement. They are identified in Table 1 at the beginning of the document.

16

52

offices, all were given to men. In previous elections, specifically that of 2002, there were 3 women elected and 22 men.

Executive offices of intermediate levels of government are offices which involve the management of important public resources and are commonly bridges towards presidential candidacies. Thus the reduced presence of women at this level is a significant obstacle for greater degrees of equality in political institutions and the State structures. Nonetheless, it is also a fact that there are low numbers of female candidates for these positions, as there is to a lesser extent, for municipal executive positions.

To illustrate, for example, the most recent municipal elections in Brazil in October of 2012, only eight women ran as prefects of capital cities, and only two of them were elected. 18 Figure 4: Number of Female Executive Power Holders at the Second Tier of Government as % of Total (2012)

Source: Own elaboration by the Study

In summary, the presence of women in elected executive offices is a sign for concern. Women are under-represented and this represents a significant barrier for gender equality within the region.

Furthermore, to the extent that it increases the hierarchy of subnational executive positions – from municipal to intermediate – the number of women as percentage of the total is significantly low.19

18

Source: http://www.tse.jus.br/eleicoes/estatisticas/estatisticas-eleicoes-2012.

The only country with a lower number of women in executive positions at the municipal level with respect to the second governmental level is Ecuador.

19

53

54

55

VI. Equality and Inequality in Subnational Public Power Spheres Some institutional structures can produce improved conditions of equality between men and women.

For example, institutions that promote affirmative action could encourage higher conditions of equality for all. It is also conceivable that in organizational structures where women are more active, there is a greater probability of successful introduction of equal opportunities and treatment. With these ideas in mind, the following section will examine two key aspects which could induce greater degrees of equality: a larger number of women in leadership positions and availability of subnational resources.

First, it is possible to assume that a higher number of women in a given governing body nourishes and/or “pushes” greater proportion of females in others. Access of more women to positions of authority could provide them legitimacy, offer possibilities to acquire experience to access to other positions, positively influence the election of their peers, or promote a gender equality agenda that would have as a result, great inclusion of women in other sectors.

Second, in organizational structures in which institutional resources (symbolic and economic) are more abundant, there can be an assumption that there will be greater opportunities for equality between men and women (Wright et al, 1995). To illustrate, for example, an abundance of resources can be related to a greater number of available political offices, and in turn more funds for the implementation of public policies. It could be thought that where there are greater opportunities, the competition for them would no longer be perceived as a “zero sum” situation. At the same time, with more opportunities, there are a greater number of “vacancies” available to all stakeholders or interested parties, including women.

Based on illustrated evidence, countries with more female municipal leaders are, in turn, the same ones which register a critical mass of councilwomen.

On a preliminary basis, it is possible to analyze whether countries with higher numbers of municipal councilwomen could also have a higher number of female municipal executive power holders. Ideally, in order to arrive at more certain conclusions, it would be necessary to have a database for each municipality of each of the countries studied, and to establish whether the percentage of councilwomen is a reliable indicator to predict the probability the country has also female municipal executive power holders, independent of the national context.

An initial analysis, based on statistical correlations between percentage of councilwomen who are female and the number of female municipal executive power holders20 produces the following results: a) Countries with greater percentages of councilwomen in 1998 and 1999 have a higher number of female municipal leaders in 2006 and 2007.

20

See in Annex II the value of the Pearson Correlation Coefficients between % of Councilwomen and % of Women in Positions of Municipal Executive Power.

56

b) Countries with higher percentages of councilwomen in 1999 have a higher number of female municipal leaders in 2008.

What do these findings indicate? In principle, that a municipal legislature with higher numbers of women increases the chances for a woman being head of the municipal executive. The fact that the percentages of councilwomen are dated back to 1998 and 1999 supports the notion that the presence of women in councils initiates a process that paves the way for women reaching executive power offices. For example, a greater number of councilwomen could nurture the pool of potential candidates for municipal leadership. Once they have completed their terms and gained experience and political visibility, it is conceivable that some councilwomen decide to continue their political careers by running for municipal executive positions. Future research should investigate the depth of the positive effects derived from the presence of councilwomen and whether this effect requires a certain time to mature before being translated into a greater number of female municipal leaders. Moreover, there is sure to be significant variations according to the constitutional model, the types of centralization processes, the electoral systems and the levels of government of the countries being studied.

The presence of women in politics and public life does not necessarily imply “linear progress” but can also bring opposition from stakeholders not committed to gender equality. With the information available, future studies should analyze whether there is indeed a direct relationship between the number of councilwomen and the number of female municipal executives. In fact, there could be a scenarios in which women have achieved important presence in councils and resistance may appear from the institutions own intrinsic cultures, historically dominated by androcentric criteria, where equality may be perceived as a thread to the status quo. This resistance could manifest itself through the promotion of “reserved” position for men in offices such as municipal executive positions and in spite of the increased number of councilwomen.21

Countries that allocate greater resources to subnational governments would appear to “reserve” positions in deliberative municipal bodies for men.

Countries differ in the amount of resources they allocate to their respective subnational governments: there are countries which allocate higher percentages of their GDP spending on intermediate and municipal levels of government and others which are characterized by more centralized and hierarchical spending structures. Is it possible to assume that there are greater possibilities for gender equality in political representation in those countries whose subnational governments receive greater proportions

21

A preliminary statistical exercise indicated that only as recent as 2010, a greater number of councilwomen were accompanied by a greater number of executive power holders. Previously, until 2009, a marked presence of female municipal power holders was present only in those countries where the percentage of councilwomen was higher than 35% in municipal bodies. But, given the low number of cases (countries), the analysis had as a purpose only the consideration of different scenarios with the aim of providing future research with an agenda of non-linear hypothesis.

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of resources? To answer this question, the percentage of councilwomen was compared with data of subnational expenditures as percentage of GDP in 10 countries for the period between 1995 and 2008.22 Five negative and statistically significant correlations were obtained, as shown in the following insert: Box 4: Pearson Correlation Coefficient between Subnational Expenditures as a % of GDP and % of Councilwomen in 2000 and 2001 R (MunicipalExpenditures1996/2000, Percentage of councilwomen 2000)= - 0.80, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (7 cases) R (Municipal Expenditures 1996/2000, Percentage of councilwomen 2001)= - 0.73, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (9 cases) R (Municipal Expenditures 2001/2005, Percentage of councilwomen 2000)= - 0.76, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (7 cases) R (Municipal Expenditures 2001/2005, Percentage of councilwomen 2001)= - 0.70, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (9 cases) R (Municipal Expenditures 2006/2008, Percentage of councilwomen 2001)= - 0.68, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (9 cases)

Although it is a preliminary analysis requiring more profound research, the correlations suggest that the presence of women will be less marked in those countries that allocate a higher percentage of their public spending to subnational governments. In principle, this would serve as an important warning sign because women would face greater difficulty in accessing subnational legislatures precisely in those countries with subnational governments better positioned in terms of resources and, in turn, would seem to have more opportunities in countries which allocate fewer resources.

In summary, greater quantities of resources would not necessarily seem to produce environments of greater equality but, on the contrary, would seem to characterize a process of institutional inequalitybuilding where men reserve the most coveted of positions. For example, in the Caracas metropolitan area, Reverón (2002) found that, for the period between 1998 and 2000, women were generally elected to both less-populated and poorer municipalities. The author of the study concludes with a confirmation of the “hypothesis that richer municipalities are the most coveted ones for their prestige” and therefore would be “reserved” for men. Should these findings be confirmed with future research, it would suggest formal political structures are producing a clear gender segregation which affects the quality of elective offices.

22

The information on subnational expenditures as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product was taken from Estudio económico de América Latina y el Caribe 2009/2010 (CEPAL), Chapter 3 (“distributive impact of social policies”; table from page 83).

However, there are some limitations. No data is available for Latin America as a whole because information is provided only for 10 countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay and Peru). Furthermore, information is recorded as average expenditures within discrete time periods: 1991-1995l; 1996-2000; 2001-2005; 2006-2008.

Data from subnational governments of Argentina correspond to provinces; of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, prefectures and municipalities; of Brazil, states and municipalities; of Chile, municipalities; of Colombia, department and municipalities; of Costa Rica, local governments; of Ecuador, provincial councils and municipalities; of Mexico, state governments and the Federal District; of Paraguay, governorships; and of Peru, local governments. Correlations were calculated from subnational expenditures provided by Rosales (2009) but were not significant at 5% - although all showed negative correlations.

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VII. Future Challenges to Address From the analysis above the findings presented, it is possible to propose an agenda for policy dialogue and research to further study the conditions under which women exercise their political participation in subnational offices and how subnational state structures provide opportunities for women political participation. The ideas that follow are organized according to main themes, such as conditions for access to office, conditions to exercise elected posts and decision-making and the different trajectories of countries in the region.

Conditions for access The first line of reflection is related to the process of going from social community-based participation to formal politics. The understanding and knowledge of the links between community-based social participation and women’s access to formal politics at subnational levels needs to be expanded and deepened. A number of qualitative studies show a prolific participation of women in local organizations, which seems to be in contradiction with their reduced presence in institutional offices (See, for example, Provoste, et.al., 2000; Reverón, 2002). In fact, Hanes (1993) argues that women participation in local affairs is high but has not been accompanied by a similar presence in formal political structures.23 But, as we have seen in this study, women in politics have generally passed through a process that includes community participation before entering office. As such, one future line of research should be to determine under what conditions women social or community local participation, effectively translate into a greater number of women placed on ballots, and ultimately getting elected.

Knowledge of how female candidates are recruited and selected, as well as the transition from social or community local activism to political parties is limited. This topic involves doing research of the political parties themselves. Certainly, such an analysis should take into account how the division of labor between the sexes interferes with the political participation of women in environments that follow schedules and dynamics that obey to male work traditions and do not align with social labor tasks traditionally assigned to women. Similarly, research is needed concerning the links between social organizations, political parties, and the state structures themselves at the local level. The arrangements linking social organizations, state and party could very well influence how women are recruited and accounted for in elective subnational offices.

A second line of inquiry should examine the barriers impeding the benefits associated with institutional reforms of subnational governments to be translated into an expanded presence of women in formal politics. Given the limited presence of women in subnational executive positions and the fact that true gender parity in legislative bodies is still a distant idea, the obstacles facing women in the context of governments of proximity requires further research.

23

Cited in Reverón (2002).

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Some specific lines of research could focus on how political parties legitimize membership and how they select nomination for ballots. In some countries, as quota laws have been implemented there have also been complaints about exclusionary practices at local levels. To illustrate, Peru’s Ombudsman observed that in the regional and municipal elections of 2006, gender quotas were not adhered to in 20% of the ballots (Ministry of Social Development and Women, 2011). In Ecuador, the Association of Women in Municipal Government discovered noncompliance with gender parity measures in the 2009 elections (the first held under such criteria). These difficulties may reflect practices of direct and indirect discrimination in the process of recruitment and selection of candidates for subnational offices.

There is also other factors as was already pointed out, related to the division of labor between the sexes and the family responsibilities of women that, in politics, becomes a time restriction and flexibility that does not allow women to participate more fully in the institutional life. Recognizing these restrictions, it is important to research and analyze whether or not the dual role of women becomes an excuse to exclude them from institutional politics.

Another aspect which needs to be considered is that of political violence. In Bolivia, a survey applied to 96 councilwomen from 35 municipalities by the Bolivian Association of Councilwomen between 2003 and 2004 showed that 65% of councilwomen in large, urban municipalities would have experienced some form of political harassment. The percentage of councilwomen who said experience some form of political harassment in medium/size municipalities was 32%, 24% for small municipalities and 22% respectively for municipalities with less than 5,000 inhabitants. Between 2000 and 2007, the Bolivian Association of Councilwomen registered 209 complaints of political violence, but estimates point that in reality the unreported case could triple the number of complaints (Albaine, 2010).

Furthermore, given that in the region indigenous municipalities exist, governed by their own customs and traditions, a study is needed to better understand how these mechanisms of government translate into the presence of women in positions of authority.

Conditions to exercise elected posts and decision-making Characteristics of subnational governments that allow men and women to enter politics. This paper has identified that countries that allocate more resources to the subnational levels of government have fewer numbers of councilwomen. This is an issue of concern which requires further research. To analyze whether women elected to exercise subnational executives enjoy equal conditions, it would be necessary to collect more information on the characteristics of the subnational governments and the conditions for decision-making.

Some studies show that capital cities as well large urban centers in the region are governed, almost exclusively, by men (Massolo, 2007). To give another example, in Mexico, where women are able to run for municipal presidencies, they seem to do so in smaller localities (Vázquez García, 2010). Women also tend to govern municipalities where the presence of services and infrastructure is relatively low (Vázquez García, 2010), and aspect that the present study identified as preliminary evidence for the examination of expenditures.

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If indeed States in general, maintain a bi-dimensional structure, reserving the most coveted positions and offices with more resources to men, then the practical possibility for political women to influence the destiny of society will be diminished. Given this consideration, a line of work with key political implications is the analysis of the power structures of institutions at subnational levels and their relationships with the presence of women in elected office as well as management.

The different trajectories of countries in the region Institutional conditions are different from one country to the next. This study showed that countries within the Latin American and Caribbean region are dissimilar with respect to the inclusion of women in subnational political offices. These differences could be possibly be linked to each countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s constitutional models, electoral rules and/or the presence of equality measures, institutional settings and parties, as well as the activity of womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s movements and pro-gender equality frameworks. A more detailed analysis of the different national conditions would permit the identification of best practices, which could be shared regionally and have a reference and systematization of experiences that promote gender equality in subnational government structures. As such, this analysis could draw on existing networks of councilwomen and women executive power holders in the region. Even before this study, many women politicians have already begun to share their experiences, particularly in the case of political harassment and political violence against women. In addition, a study of national trends should help identify where the biggest obstacles are for women, particularly in respect to their running for subnational positions of executive power which continues to be a front proving difficult to penetrate with their presence.

Indeed, the attributes of municipal executive positions in each country should be further research and whether they are comparable with their function, budget, and political clout in the implementation of public policies. To illustrate, for example, is it probable that the municipalities of Argentina and Uruguay are not similar with respect to their resources and electoral projections, among other reasons, because of differences between a federal and a unitary systems.

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VIII. Conclusions This study began by noting that subnational politics has taken on particular relevance in the process of expanding citizens’ rights. In particular, the presence of women in governmental institutions can promote more just societies, because politics is the sphere in which the destiny of a society and its inhabitants is developed. In Latin American politics, some progress and good news can be reported. For example, the region has had six women presidents.24 Furthermore, the regional average of women legislators as proportion of the total is 22% (and 24% when including the United States and Canada), a number surpassed only by the Nordic countries (with 42%).25 In fact, the Global Gender Equality Index shows that, in 2012, Latin America and the Caribbean has relatively high proportions of women legislators and government officials when compared to other regions. A total of 10 countries in the top 20 for number of female officials as percentage of the total are from Latin America (WEF, 2012). In the index of political empowerment, the Latin American region occupies the third place within the world, surpassing Sub-Saharan Africa, North America, the Middle East/North Africa, and appears to be trending towards further closure of the gender gap.

In spite that women exercise various forms of leadership and participate in the political life of their communities, they still face difficulties in being fully included in formal institutional subnational spheres and elected offices. From the angle of gender justice, some findings of this study are indeed encouraging, but others pose challenges because they reveal that the structures of subnational government, under certain conditions, are often not fully inclusive to women.

The progress made for women in subnational politics since the previous decade are undeniable, but it has been slow and women are still not participating on an equal footing with men for democratically elected offices. Access to government positions is a right women possess but it has not yet been fully exercised. This is an important pending issue, as their inclusion in formal politics is a substantial factor for the existence of a true citizens´ democracy. For Barrera (2007) on the basis of a study of Mexico, the municipal political sphere is one of the “hardest” to access as it combines exclusionary male control mechanisms with authoritative characteristics and exclusive exercise of power. This implies that subnational government can be characterized by two contradictory trends, those of inclusion and exclusion: “the local environment is thus closer for women, but is also the heaviest heavy challenge for gender equality or equal opportunity for men and women” (Barrera, 2007:13).

In the election of subnational government offices, there exist affirmative action mechanisms including, in some cases, the governing principals of gender equality in political representation. These measures have generally promoted the election of women, especially when implemented in certain electoral 24

Violeta Chamorro in Nicaragua (1990-1997), Mireya Moscoso in Panamá (1999-2004), Michelle Bachelet in Chile (2010-2010), Cristina Fernández in Argentina (2007-2011, re-elected for 2011-2015), Laura Chinchilla in Costa Rica (2010-2014) and Dilma Rousseff in Brazil (2011-2014). To this should be added female presidential candidates such as Josefina Vasques Mota of the National Action Party for the 2012 Mexican elections.

25 Data from the Americas and Nordic countries were taken from http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm (consulted in February of 2013)

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systems, and are a significant factor accounting for the increase in the proportion of councilwomen.

However, the percentage of female officeholders in formal government bodies remains below the proportion of the greater population that is female. Thus it can be argued that the presence of women in politics is only partial (Astelarra, 2004). Moreover, in no cases does this number exceed the 30% needed to reach the critical mass necessary to initiate the process of change in reforming power structures to be more egalitarian. Once women do manage to reach the critical mass in subnational executive and legislative governments, they will more easily exert influence in debates, political agendas and courses of action.

Municipal deliberative bodies have been more open to the presence of women but the governmental structure is still segregated in that executive offices of political power are generally “reserved” for men.

These are the most coveted positions in electoral and party races and more competitive than legislative ones. The preponderance of males in executive offices (municipal and intermediate level) permits men to participate decisively in the design and instrumentation of public policies and enjoy greater access to the resources derived from political power. This is problematic given that subnational elected positions have gained unprecedented levels of political and fiscal authority within the region (Montero and Samuels, 2004). It is precisely in the instances of more state power that women tend to encounter more salient obstacles.

This segregation could lead to a genuine process of gendering, as countries that allocate more resources to subnational governments, in turn, have also a higher proportion of male legislators. In short, the power structure is clearly segmented by sex and the institutions and offices with greater resources and decision-making potential are occupied, essentially, by men. Subnational politics does not escape a social structure of power which amplifies inequality between women and men.

In 1995, Alejandra Massolo described the exclusion of political women in democratic municipal government as “unacceptable” and “inconsistent.” A decade and a half later, barriers to full inclusion remain. In short, the primary message of this study is that the persistence of inequalities in subnational governments is an obstacle to true democratic governance in Latin America and the Caribbean. The expansion of political citizenship for women necessarily implies the elimination of exclusionary practices rooted in the political culture, in traditional democratic governance structures, in political parties and in the day to day functioning of the state at different levels of government. Efforts to build state and political structures that facilitate gender equality ought to take a place of prominence at subnational levels. The monitoring of the dynamics in these levels of government requires a much more prominent position in the global gender agenda (in State party reports to the CEDAW Committee) as well as in the Latin America and the Caribbean’s regional agenda. From a normative approach, a key pending issues is an institutional design for subnational governments with gender justice.

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Annexes Annex I: Building the Database General criteria for the coding of the offices: The absolute and relative numbers for women in offices (as well as the total number of executive and legislative offices for the 2nd or intermediate and 3rd or municipalities tiers of government) only consider primary positions. Alternate or substitute positions (in the case of legislatures) or vice mayors and/or vice governors and/or alternate offices (in the case of executive positions) were not considered.

The methodological approach used for this study does not account for all parts of the subnational executive and legislative system, such as regional deliberative bodies and smaller-scale legislative levels (such as parishes). For subsequent studies, our suggestion is to expand the categories employed to capture the whole structure of state government.

General characteristics of the created database: The database captured information for 18 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean. English-speaking countries were not covered in the database. Nor was Cuba, due to a lack of information. Information relative to 2nd tiers (or intermediate level like states, departments and provinces) of government for the year of 2012 was collected from official sources. 3 rd tier governments (mainly Municipalities) have chronological information available from 1998 up to and inclusive of 2012. In the database new elected positions were not included as the focus is on elected officials already in power.

One key source for the building of the database was the Gender Equality Observatory of Latin America and the Caribbean, administrated by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

This data was verified and validated with other sources of information. In this effort, primacy was given to official information obtained from the electoral bodies themselves. The information received from these bodies was tracked for each of the 18 countries in the study.

In the cases in which it was not possible to use data from the Gender Equality Observatory, information was reconstructed from official sources. For several countries (Argentina, Mexico, Colombia, Uruguay, Bolivia, etc.) information variable by â&#x20AC;&#x153;sexâ&#x20AC;? was constructed from complete listings provided by authorities using the title-holders personal names.

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Table 1: Municipal Executive Power Holders: Data Sources and Coverage Period by Country Country Comments - Figures from the Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) were used for the period between 1998 and 2007.

- Figures were reconstructed for 2012 using the names of officeholders, using information provided by the webpage of the Ministry of the Interior for municipalities in each Argentina province.

- Both municipal/intendencias and communal executive power holders were classified as municipal executive power holders.

Bolivia

Brazil

Chile

Colombia

Costa Rica

- Figures were used from the Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) from 1998 to 2009.

- Information differentiated by sex for municipal executive officeholders for 2010-2012 was obtained from a list of the names provided by the Federation of Municipal Associations of Bolivia (with a date of August, 2012). The classifications were of the author’s own calculation. This information was cross-referenced with percentages provided by the NGO Coordinadora de las Mujeres: http://www.coordinadoradelamujer.org.bo/observatorio/index.php/general2niv/mostrar /boton/2/sub/17/id/10/tem/2 (which cites official sources).

- Figures were used from the Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) from 1998 to 2009.

- For the years 2010-2012, figures were used from José Eustaquio Diniz Alvez’s study, “O aumento de mulheres eleitas em 2012” and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal. Diniz holds a Doctorate in Demographics and is a professor at ENCE/IBGE. - Figures were used from the Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) for the period of 1998 up to and including 2009 but the data was extended to 2012 as in October of 2012 new municipal elections were held and their elected officeholders had not yet assumed office at the date of the calculations of this study.

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides figures from 1998 up to and including 2009 but not for the years 1999, 2000, 2002 or 2003.

- Massolo (2007) provides figures for 2002: 1091 municipalities and 7% female mayors, and for 2002 these statistics are used.

- No data is available for 2003 from any source.

- For the year of 2010, information from 2009 was employed as in this year elections were held and the authorities elected assume their positions in 2011 (as 2010 conforms to the political-administrative period of 2009).

- The figures for 2011 were elaborated by the authors of the study, captured from the results of the elections held in October of 2010 using the official names provided in the National Registry of Civil States (ballots of male and female mayors elected for the entire country, by municipality). It was possible to differentiate the local executive officeholders by sex into percentages using their total numbers and the numbers of men and women.

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) offers data from 2002 up to and including 2009.

- Information was supplemented by figures from Massolo (2007) for 1998: out of a total of

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81 municipalities, there are 12.3% female mayors out of the total.

- The figures corresponding to the years 2010-2012 is official information, provided in processed form by the Supreme Elections Tribunal (available at http://www.tse.go.cr/elecciones.htm).

Ecuador

El Salvador

Guatemala

Honduras

Mexico

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides data from 1998 up to and including 2010.

- The data from 2010 correspond to the results of the municipal elections held in 2009, and that information is valid for the years of 2011 and 2012 (the next elections will be held in 2013). These statistics are taken from AECID’s publication, “Plan de acción de género en desarrollo de la cooperación española en Ecuador 2011-2014”.

- These figures were crossed with the information presented by the Association of Women in Rural Parochial Boards of Ecuador (AMJURE) in the publication, “Fortaleciendo la participación y la incidencia política de las mujeres autoridades electas de gobiernos locales de las regiones Andina y Centroamérica (2010),” with converging results.

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) offers information from 1997 to 2009. The figures from the election of 2009 provided by the Observatory are used for the years 2010 and 2011.

- The figures for 2012 are the result of the elections of March of that same year. They are products of the author’s own calculations using the list of the names of the people elected into mayoral positions available on the website of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (http://www.tse.gob.sv/index.php/elecciones-2012/resultados-finales).

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides data from 1998 up to and including 2009 (with the data from 2009 being used for 2010 as it relates to the same politicaladministrative period), - The figures for 2011 were taken from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (Publication: Memoria de elecciones generales y al Parlamento Centroamericano 2011, Book I).

- For the year of 1998, the Observatory at ECLAC and Massolo (2007) provide conflicting data which was unable to be resolved. The data from ECLAC was used. (Massolo provides that in a total of 30 mayoral offices, there are no women while ECLAC claims that, for 331 offices, there are two female mayors).

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) offers figures from 1998 up to and including 2009.

- For the years of 2010 and 2012, data was taken from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal which utilizes the results of the 2009 elections (“Analysis of the evolution and participation of women in popularly elected offices”).

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides figures from 1998 up to and including 2010.

- Figures were updated for 2012 with information taken from each municipality’s official site containing the names of the male and female mayors. The source is the National Institute for Federalism and Municipal Development/SEGOB: http://www.snim.rami.gob.mx/.

- These figures are updated to August 2012, as they are the product of the municipal

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elections realized between 2010 and 2012.

- Notwithstanding, there are a total of 275 municipalities for which there is no updated information. For the total of 2067 valid cases (municipalities with information) there are 148 female municipal presidents and 1919 male ones (out of a total of 2342 municipalities found in Mexico).

- No figures were available for 2011 and, as there were elections for some municipalities that year, it is not possible to utilize the data provided by the Gender Observatory at ECLAC for 2010.

Nicaragua

Panama

Paraguay

Peru

Dominican Republic

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides data from 1998 up to and including 2009.

- For the years of 2010 and 2011, it was not possible to identify numbers. (The Supreme Electoral Council does not provide information and no studies of another type with updated statistics were found) - For the year 2012, the names of male and female mayors were obtained from the official site of the Nicaraguan Institute for Municipal Development: http://www.inifom.gob.ni/contactenos/Alcaldes%20Municipales.html#reg1 and from that the statistic by sex was obtained from the title-holding names of the mayors.

- Tello (2009) provides slightly different data from that of the Gender Observatory at ECLAC for 2007. Figures from the Observatory were used as the official ones.

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) has figures from 1998 to 2009.

- The figures for 2009 coincide with those provided as results from the mayoral elections of that year by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (National Electoral Department, Division of Electoral Statistics) (http://www.tribunal-electoral.gob.pa/).

- The most recent municipal elections were held in 2009 and the next will be held in 2014.

- Figures obtained for 2009 were used for 2010-2012 as the indigenous elections of 2010 were not applicable.

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides data from 1998 up to and including 2010.

- Given that in November of 2010, municipal elections were held, the processed, official electoral results were obtained from the Electoral Justice of the country and applied to the years 2011 and 2012 as pertaining to the same political-administrative period.

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) offers figures from 1998 up to and including 2009.

- This data was cross-validated to verify its consistency with that provided by the Supreme Electoral Court of Peru (for the elections of 2002 and 2006).

- The figures for 2010 come from the authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s research of the ballots of the title-holders of the mayoral positions provided by the website of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal of Peru.

These figures extend to 2011 and 2012 as they apply to the same political-administrative period.

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) offers figures from 1998 up to and including 2009.

- The figures for 2010 (for the elections held that year for all municipalities) were obtained

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from official sources (with total and absolute, processed numbers): Central Electoral Board, congressional and municipal elections of 2010.

Link: http://www.jce.gov.do/ELECCIONES2010.aspx.

Uruguay

Venezuela

- Figures from the Gender Equality Observatory at ECLAC were used for the period between 1998 and 2009. Data was not used for 2010 because the Observatory registered the 2nd tier of government but not the 3rd tier, which entered into registries that same year.

- The elections of 2010 inaugurated the 3rd tier of government: municipalities headed by a mayoral office and municipal councils. The newly elected authorities took office that same year.

- In order to build this information, the gender variable was differentiated from the ballots of proclaimed candidates both for the offices of mayor and the councillorships provided by the Electoral Court of Uruguay (http://www.corteelectoral.gub.uy/gxpsites/hgxpp001.aspx).

- The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides figures from 1998 to 2009. It is the only data available.

- Massolo (2007) provides figures for female mayors for 2000 slightly different from that of the Observatory, with a number of 4.7% of women instead of the 6.7% provided by the Observatory at ECLAC. Meanwhile, Reveron (2002) reports a number of 7% of mayors being women (23 of 336) for the same year.

- For the year of 2008, the Observatory at ECLAC and GarcĂ­a y Valdivieso (2009) provide identical figures but there are differences between the data supplied for 2009 following the elections of November of 2008. The Observatory at ECLAC reports, for 2009, a total of 61 female mayors (in 335 elected offices) representing a proportion of 18.2% of the total.

GarcĂ­a y Valdivieso (2009) provide for the election of 2008, 59 female mayors which constitute 21.8% of the total elected for such offices. The figures from the Observatory at ECLAC were chosen, which seem to converge with those provided by Reveron, using as a source the Bolivian Directory of Legislative and Municipal Power of Venezuela.

AECID acronym in Spanish: The Spanish Agency for International Cooperation and Development; ECLAC: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

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Table 2: Council Offices (men and women): Data Sources and Coverage Periods by Country Country

Argentina

Bolivia

Brazil

Chile

Colombia

Comments The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) does not have data for councilwomen for Argentina in any year. Nor was it possible to identify official data or processed and/or research information. Municipal associations were consulted, but they were also unable to provide this information.

For the period between 2004 and 2009, Massolo (2007) recorded a total of 337 councilwomen and for the years immediately before, a total of 248 councilwomen. The Sixth Progress Report on the Millennium Development Goals in Bolivia (UDAPE/CIMDM, 2010) confirms that between 2000 and 2004, there were 242 councilwomen and in the election of 2004 that number increased to a total of 337. The information for the period between 2004 and 2008 is used. For years before 2004, The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) is utilized.

The information for the period between 2010 and 2011 (product of the 2010 elections), was provided in a processed form (absolute total and absolute by sex) by the Federation of Municipalities of Bolivia (2010) and by the Sixth Progress Report on the Millennium Development Goals in Bolivia (UDAPE/CIMDM, 2010) These two publications show similar relative and absolute figures (based on different sources). This data is also similar to those presented by the NGO “Coordinadora de la Mujer.” Figures for 2011 will be taken as reference, for 2012, as they correspond to the same political-administrative period.

The data from 1998 to 2009 were taken from the Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC).

Data from the Observatory from 2009 was used for 2010, as they reflected the results of the 2008 elections.

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) offers data from 1998 to 2009. These figures are consistent with those reported in the Human Development Report of the same country in 2010.

These figures are used for 2011 and 2012 and on October 28th, 2012 new elections were held. The new local authorities will assume their functions in 2013 for terms of 4 years (and may be re-elected indefinitely).

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides data from 1998 to 2008, but only for the relative figures. There is not information about the total amount of councilwomen elected or of the number of offices elected for the years 1998-2000 or 2004-2007. It was not possible to identify total figures for these periods.

The data from the elections of 2003 serve to fill the years from 2004 to 2007 and were provided by the “Campaña más mujeres, más política.”

Data before 2003 has to be read with caution because starting that year, political reform took place affecting the rules of the elections.

As the data for 2008 is from after the elections of 2007 and correspond to the period between 2007 and 2011, they were also used for the years 2009, 2010, and 2011.

On October 30th, 2011, municipal elections were held and the winning authorities assumed office on 1st of January, 2012. For this year, the election’s figures were used. The

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figures for councilwomen were provided by the publication of the Gender Coordination Board for International Cooperation (2012), Colombian women in local political power.

Women elected to office for the period 2012-2015. This publication shows a 16.98% of councilwomen, based on calculations using information from the National Registry of Civil Status.

Costa Rica

Ecuador

El Salvador

Guatemala

Honduras

Figures for Costa Rica were taken from the Supreme Electoral Tribunal which presents information disaggregated by sex from 1986 through the most recent elections of 2012 (available at: http://www.tse.go.cr/elecciones.htm).

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides relative and absolute figures from 1998 to 2008.

For the years 2009 to 2012, results from the elections of 2009 were used and as a source, information from AMUME (Association of Municipal Women of Ecuador) The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) does not provide information for El Salvador.

Massolo (2007) provides data for municipal councilors and mayors for the period between 2003 and 2006 which are convergent with those provided by UNDP. Those of UNDP were used for the years up to 2012. There is nothing available on the webpage of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal of El Salvador. The webpage of the Tribunal contains the final results of the municipal councils from 2012 but the results are not disaggregated by sex.

The office of municipal councilor and mayor were both coded as municipal councilors.

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides information from 1998 to 2008 but does not register absolute figures for the total offices elected for 1998 or 1999. The total officers were calculated based on the total percentages of women elected provided by the Observatory as no corroborative data was found in other sources. (The Supreme Electoral Tribunal provides information on the 1999 elections, whose newly-elected officials took office in January 2000, so it is not possible to use this information “backwards”, that is, for 1999.)

Figures for 2008 were used for 2009, 2010 and 2011 as well to correspond to the same political-administrative period.

In view of the elections held in November of 2011, for 2012 the absolute and relative figures provided by the general elections and by the Central American Parliament (2011) of Guatemala’s Supreme Electoral Tribunal.

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides data between n1998 and 2008 but does not have information on the total elected offices between 1998 and 2005. The percentages match those presented by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal of Honduras (which for those years did not provide total elected office data, either). The total number of offices was calculated from the recorded figures.

Data on mayors for 2010 and 2012 were provided by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal of Honduras (PPT presentation: “Political Participation of Women in Honduras”, from the Office for Gender Equality of the Tribunal). (There were elections in 2008 and the authorities elected assumed office in 2010). These figures were contrasted with those of

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Table 20 (page 40) of Schneider et al. (2011) and the data was convergent.

Mexico

Nicaragua

Panama

Paraguay

Peru

Various gaps of information exist for this country.

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) has figures of mayors for the years 2004, 2005 and 2006. Based on Massolo (2007) data was used for 2001 (14.8%) and based on Verónica Vázquez García (2010) councilor data was used for 2002 (15.9%), but the latter author provided only percentages and not total figures. Based on Ra Ximhai (2012) data was used for councilors in 2009 (citing data of women).

Information on the total number of male and female councilors was reconstructed in the year 2012 thanks to a database of the Mexican government which provides information on those in by political office (by first and last name) for all of the municipalities in each of its federation states. This database has information drawn from the list of elected names provided by the official organization The National Institute for Federalism and Municipal Development – SEGOB, on its website: http://www.snim.rami.gob.mx/.

The information in this database covers only 1170 municipalities as 1172 are updating their data due to recent elections. That is to say, although information was surveyed for 2342 municipalities in the federation, updated data for 2012 is available in only 1170 of them. This constitutes a total of 9334 councilors (elected by relative majority as well as proportionally) The only available data is that of The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) from 2005 to 2008. No other source of information was found.

Figures from the Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) were used with information available from 1999 to 2008.

From the year 2010 onwards, the electoral results from May of 2009 provided by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal were used. In 2011, municipal elections were held in some communities.

The Supreme Electoral Tribunal provides information on district representatives (623 local offices) for the elections of 2009: http://www.tribunalelectoral.gob.pa/html/index.php?id=241. This data was used for 2009 to 2012.

To calculate the legislative offices of Municipal Councils, district representatives were added to the female councilors who are elected figures in districts with less than 5 subdivisions. This information was provided by the National Director of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal by e-mail communication. For the purposes of this study, results from indigenous regions were not considered as they follow separate rules.

The Gender Unit of the Electoral Justice in Paraguay presents different figures for the periods 2001-2005 and 2006-2009.

Data for the municipal elections of November 7th, 2010 (numbers of female councilors elected by Municipal Boards) were obtained from the Electoral Justice of Paraguay (http://www.tsje.gov.py/) which offers processed figures.

This data added to the years of 2011 and 2012. (Officials elected in November of 2010 assume their offices between the 1st of December of that year and April of 2011).

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) provides data from 1998 to 2008 (the female

79

councilors are district and provincial ones). The data for 2008 is used for 2009 and 2010 as these subsequent years correspond to the political-administrative period inaugurated then, similarly for 2003 of the elections of 2002.

Towards the end of 2010 municipal and regional elections were held. The information on the number of female councilors elected in municipal and regional elections in 2010 comes from the National Election Department (http://www.jne.gob.pe/), divided by sex for this database using the names of the candidates.

The calculation of the number of female councilors combines district and regional councils with the purpose of data comparable with that of the Observatory (ECLAC).

Figures organized in this database coincide with the aggregate data published by the Ministry of Social Development and Women of Peru (2011), and Regional and Municipal Electoral Results of 2010. Electoral document quotas.

The data from 2010 was used for the years 2011 and 2012.

Dominican Republic

Uruguay

Venezuela

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) offers data from the elections of 2006, which applies through 2010.

The results figures from the elections of 2010 were taken from the Central Electoral Board of the Dominican Republic which provides aggregate information (percentages and total numbers of men and women elected). Only the total number of councilors was used (not corresponding to the coding of the positions of Municipal Districts).

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) has data for the period between 1994 and 2009.

In 2010, for the first time, 3rd tier government municipal elections were held for mayors and councilors (elected authorities who assume their offices the same year).

Information on the results of these last elections comes from the names of the people elected, available on the website of the Electoral Court of Uruguay (http://www.corteelectoral.gub.uy/).

Gender-variable data was produced with the names of the 348 councilors provided by the 87 municipalities of the country.

The Gender Equality Observatory (ECLAC) has figures from 1998 to 2006. In August of 2005, elections were held whose absolute numbers do not seem to have been collected by the Observatory for the year of 2006.

The studies of Garcia and Valdivieso (2009) present data on female councilors for the election of 2005: 414 women (18%) in 2298 offices. For 2005, this information was used.

ECLAC: Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

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Annex II. Additional figures and tables Table 3: Differences in the Number of Councilwomen Elected as % of Total between Proportional Representation and Majority Systems Year Majority Proportional Percent difference Average (in Average (in percentage) Period average: 2.2 percentage) 1998 11.2 (2) 14.3 (9) -3.1 1999 11.8 (3) 14.7 (10) -2.9 2000 18.5 (4) 17.4 (10) 1,2 2001 17.8 (5) 18.0 (11) -0.2 2002 18.0 (5) 20.0 (10) -2.0 2003 19.2 (4) 20.0 (10) -0.8 2004 19.6 (5) 21.1 (11) -1.5 2005 21.1 (5) 21.7 (11) -0.6 2006 20.6 (5) 21.8 (11) -1.2 2007 19.0 (4) 21.8 (11) -2.8 2008 19.0 (4) 22.1 (11) -3.2 2009 20.2 (4) 21.8 (10) -1.6 2010 19.8 (4) 25.5 (10) -5.7 2011 19.8 (4) 25.6 (10) -5.9 2012 23.6 (5) 25.8 (10) -2.2

Box 1: Pearson Correlation Coefficients between % of Councilwomen and % of Women in Positions of Municipal Executive Power R(Percentage of female councilors 1998, Percentage of women in positions of Executive Power 2006)= 0.60, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (11 cases) R(Percentage of female councilors 1998, Percentage of women in positions of Executive Power 2007)= 0.60, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (11 cases) R(Percentage of female councilors 1999, Percentage of women in positions of Executive Power 2006)= 0.58, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (13 cases) R(Percentage of female councilors 1999, Percentage of women in positions of Executive Power 2007)= 0.58, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (13 cases) R(Percentage of female councilors 1999, Percentage of women in positions of Executive Power 2008)= 0.56, p < 0.5% (2nd degree) (13 cases)

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Table 4: Regional Average of Councilwomen and National Legislators as % of Total, 1998-2012 Year Female Councilors National Legislators Percent Difference (percentage) (percentage)* 1998 13.7 (11) 13.4 (14) 0.3 1999 14.0 (13) 12.8 (17) 1.2 2000 17.7 (14) 12.1 (17) 5.6 2001 17.9 (16) 12.5 (17) 5.4 2002 19.3 (15) 14.5 (17) 4.8 2003 19.8 (14) 15.5 (17) 4.2 2004 20.6 (16) 16.3 (17) 4.3 2005 21.5 (16) 17.8 (17) 3.7 2006 21.4 (16) 19.0 (17) 2.4 2007 21.0 (15) 19.8 (17) 1.2 2008 21.3 (15) 19.9 (17) 1.4 2009 21.3 (14) 20.2 (17) 1.1 2010 23.9 (14) 20.8 (17) 3.1 2011 24.0 (14) 21.5 (17) 2.5 2012 25.1 (14) 22.5 (17) 2.6 Source: Own elaboration by the study (*) Single or Lower House. Number of countries studied are in parenthesis.

Table 5: Average Number of Councilwomen as % of Total by Country, 1999-2012

Argentina Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Honduras Mexico Nicaragua Panama Paraguay Peru Dominican Republic Uruguay Venezuela

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

n/d 8 11 14 10 34 8 n/d 5 12 n/d n/d 13 n/d 9

n/d 15 11 14 10 34 30 22 4 12 n/d n/d 13 n/d 24

n/d 15 12 17 13 34 30 22 4 12 15 n/d 13 18 24

n/d 15 12 17 13 47 30 22 4 17 16 n/d 13 18 24

n/d 15 12 17 13 47 30 22 4 17 n/d n/d 13 18 26

n/d 20 12 17 14 47 30 22 6 17 24 24 10 18 26

n/d 20 13 21 14 47 32 22 6 17 30 24 10 18 26

n/d 20 13 21 14 45 32 22 6 18 27 24 10 21 26

n/d 20 13 21 14 45 32 21 6 18 n/d 24 10 21 28

n/d 20 13 21 15 45 32 21 9 18 n/d 24 10 21 28

n/d 20 13 23 15 45 28 25 9 18 33 n/d 11 21 28

n/d 43 13 23 15 49 28 25 9 23 n/d n/d 11 21 27

n/d 43 13 23 15 49 28 25 9 23 n/d n/d 11 22 27

n/d 43 13 23 16 49 28 26 8 23 37 n/d 11 22 27

26

26

26

28

28

28

28

27

27

27

27

33

33

33

14 18

15 18

15 18

15 n/d

15 n/d

15 n/d

17 2

17 n/d

17 n/d

17 n/d

17 n/d

16 n/d

16 n/d

16 n/d

Source: Own elaboration by the study. Percentages have been rounded. â&#x20AC;&#x153;n/dâ&#x20AC;? signifies no data is available.

82

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