CPR Fall 2021 (XX,3) by Columbia Political Review

COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW

INSIDE:

Workers’ Rights and Agricultural Prosperity: The Necessity of Legalizing the American Agricultural Workforce [Pg. 12]

TAXING THE INTANGIBLE: AN AMERICAN CARBON BORDER TARIFF [PG. 15]

Vice President Kamala Harris’S First Visit to Guatemala Reveals a Legacy of Hypocrisy [pg. 35]

2021 VOLUME

NO. 3

FALL

MASTHEAD

EDITORIAL BOARD

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF

Olivia Choi

PUBLISHER

Rachel Barkin

MANAGING EDITORS

Heather Loepere

Sarah Howard

Daniel Kang

Serena White

Leena Yumeen

CHIEF-OF-STAFF

Chloe Lowell

pITCH MANAGER

Caroline Mullooly

POLICY 360 EDITOR

Ashley Tan

DESIGN EDITOR

Blake Jones

PUBLICITY EDITOR

Eleanor Yeo

DIRECTOR OF OUTREACH

Adam Kluge

DESIGN TEAM

LAYOUT EDITORS

Anand Chitnis

Christina Su

Eli Knodell

Elizabeth Cristina Olcese

Gelila Negesse

Helena Busansky

Khahn Doan

Mimi Broches

Olivia Mitchell

TECH EDITOR

Skylar Wu

STAFF

SENIOR EDITORS

JUNIOR EDITORS

STAFF WRITERS

Young-Stoner | Avery Lambert | Betel Tadesse | Caidan Speth-McCrary

| Caitlin Hamilton | Caroline Mendoza | Carsten Barnes | Catherine Li

Evelyne Williams | Gabriella Frants | Ghazwa Motamed Khalatbari | Giselle

Williams | Hannah Walsh | Harrison Gerson | Henry Petrillo | Ian Springer

Lara Geiger | Lara Yener | Lauren Winkleblack | Layne Donovan | Lochlan

| Liyuan Zhang | Lucie Pasquier | Luiza Diniz Vilanova | Luke Seminara

Saniya Gaitonde | Sarah Doyle | Sebastian Preising | Sofía Prado Arenzana

DISCLAIMER: The views and opinions expressed in this magazine belong to the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Columbia Political Review, of CIRCA, or of Columbia University. Cover photo credit: U.S. Department of Agriculture.

As Columbia students return to campus, it has been incredibly rewarding to see our staff together once again, in full force. After months behind screens, Columbia Political Review staff members have coalesced from across the country and various corners of the globe.

Throughout these changes, CPR has remained a community that is dynamic, insightful, and committed to intellectual inquiry. I am happy to say that this fall our team has been joined by many new faces in addition to returning ones.

This issue’s pages feature the work our brilliant new class of writers, made possible through the diligent behind-the-scenes efforts of our editorial staff.

As our team welcomes new voices this semester, CPR's political analysis has been enriched by a complex diversity of thought.

In the cover story for this issue, Claire Burke provides a poignant critique of labor abuses against migrant agricultural workers within our borders. Additionally in the labor arena, Daniel Kim advocates for a quantitative approach in adjustments towards a living wage. Micah Weese analyzes newly elected New York Mayor Eric Adams’ policing policy—an issue with a long and fraught history now reaching climax in New York City.

Zachary Masone unpacks a U.S. carbon border tariff as an opportunity for global leadership in climate change, while Harrison Gerson turns

to citizens’ assemblies as an underexplored instrument in mobilizing climate action. Evelyn Yu assesses social justice organization efforts in the wake of rising violence against Asian Americans.

This issue’s edition of Policy 360 features a new cohort of writers who have joined the expanding Policy 360 team. Melissa Yu, Carsten Barnes, Claire Schnatterbeck, Michelle Brucker, and Zadig Perrot discuss contentious disputes for power in the South China Sea.

Looking abroad, Jesse Levine explicates legal struggles towards abortion access in Colombia. Caroline Mendoza analyzes youth activism as an avenue for peace in Myanmar, and Isaiah Colmenero highlights the historical legacy which undergirds American immigration policy today.

Lochlan Zhang dismantles the notion of Canada’s “angel complex,” providing a trenchant critique of the nation’s residential boarding schools. Caitlin Hamilton analyzes tensions which arise in China’s coal transition.

Each of these pieces in one way or another calls upon us to examine our existing institutions, norms, and ideologies with a critical lens. I am grateful for the hard work of our staff in bringing these issues to light.

CIRCA Columbia International Relations Council and Association — OLIVIA CHOI, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF TheColumbiaPoliticalReviewpublishesbothprintandonlinecontent.Writersmaycontributeas staffwritersorbysubmittingafreelancepitch.Tofindmoreinformation,visitcpreview.org.

EDITOR’S NOTE

DOMESTIC POLITICS

OUTPACED AND OUTMATCHED: THE $15 MINIMUM WAGE’S FUTILE MISSION

Daniel Kim CC '24

ERIC ADAMS AND THE QUALITATIVE CRITIQUE OF POLICING

Micah Weese CC '22

WORKERS' RIGHTS AND AGRICULTURAL PROSPERITY

Claire Burke BC '25

TAXING THE INTANGIBLE: AN AMERICAN CARBON BORDER TARIFF

Zachary Masone CC '24

EXPERIENTIAL DIVERSITY THROUGH CITIZENS’ ASSEMBLIES: A PATH TOWARDS BETTER CLIMATE POLICY

Harrison Gerson CC '25

SOCIAL JUSTICE IS LEAVING ASIAN AMERICANS BEHIND

Evelyn Yu CC '25

CHINA’S POWER GRAB FOR REGIONAL HEGEMONY: MILITARY AGGRESSION IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA

Melissa Yu CC ' 25

Countering China: United States Foreign Policy in the South China Sea

Carsten Barnes GS '23

WALKING A THIN LINE: VIETNAM’S STRIVE FOR DEFENSE CAPABILITIES AND ECONOMIC INTERESTS

Claire Schnatterbeck CC '24

AUKUS PACT PAVES WAY FOR AUSTRALIA’S NEW MULTILATERAL ROLE

Michelle Brucker GS '23

BETRAYED AND PULLED BY COMPETING INTERESTS: FRANCE NAVIGATES DISPUTES IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA

Zadig Perrot GS '22

EXPANDING LEGAL ACCESS TO ABORTION IN COLOMBIA

Jesse Levine BC '25

GAINING PEACE IN MYANMAR: INVEST IN YOUTH TO END THE COUP

Caroline Mendoza CC '24

HARRIS’S FIRST VISIT TO GUATEMALA REVEALS A LEGACY OF HYPOCRISY

Isaiah Colmenero CC '24

CANADIAN INDIGENOUS GENOCIDE: RAMIFICATION OF THE "ANGEL COMPLEX"

Lochlan Liyuan Zhang CC '25

Caitlin

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS 5 9 12 15 17 20 CONTENT 23 24 25 26 27 29 32 35 38 41

CAN CHINA HAVE IT ALL IN A COAL TRANSITION?

Hamilton CC '24

POLICY 360: THE SOUTH CHINA SEA

OUTPACED AND OUTMATCHED: THE $15 MINIMUM WAGE’S FUTILE MISSION

The U.S. economy's post-pandemic return has not been the fanfare-inducing comeback Americans had hoped for. Rather, its progress has been notably slowed by a pervasive labor shortage, supply-chain bottlenecks, and elevated consumer demand due to a COVID-driven accumulation of savings, culminating in a 5.4% annual increase in consumer prices in September 2021.

Though the U.S. economy is far from experiencing hyperinflation (a monthly inflation rate above 50%), higher inflation itself is still extraordinarily damaging to an economy due to its erosion of savings and diminishing of purchasing power. However, it is minimum wage workers that truly bear the brunt of inflationary fallout.

Minimum wage workers, who already have little to no savings, rely on the lowest level of fixed income in the nation and must spend virtually all earnings on living necessities. When

the price of goods and services rise, minimum wage workers must revert to an even lower level of sustenance to afford a sufficient living standard. Given that Americans pay more for essential goods (e.g. healthcare, pharmaceuticals, broadband) than any other developed nation, a rise in consumer prices adds even more pressure to minimum wage earners, a demographic of over 1.5 million workers already subjected to higher rates of depression, anxiety, malnutrition, and mortality. Notably, since the last increase in the minimum wage to $7.25 in 2009, consumer prices in U.S. cities have risen by 28%; it’s clear that the current predicament of workers is dire.

In a similar moment of crisis, the federal minimum wage itself was implemented nearly a century ago as American workers continued to struggle in the post-Depression era. The first federal minimum wage was established at $0.25 an hour in 1938 under the Fair Labor Standards Act,

one of many pieces of FDR New Deal legislation. In response to the abject poverty that pervaded the economy, U.S. society agreed that American workers should be guaranteed a certain level of income to ensure a sufficient standard of living.

However, given that inflation is necessary for a healthy economy, consumer prices must and will always increase. In fact, the Federal Reserve, the United States’s monetary authority, even sets an inflation target rate (2% since 2012) that most corresponds to its mandates of price stability and maximum employment. Although consumer prices will always rise, the same cannot be said about the federal minimum wage.

Since its inception, the federal minimum wage has been raised on numerous occasions. However, the method through which the minimum wage is incrementally increased has been historically inefficient. Though consumer prices continuously rise, any current increase in the federal

5 DOMESTIC POLITICS FALL 2021 // COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW DOMESTIC POLITICS

Daniel Kim // Columbia College ’24 November 3, 2021

minimum wage remains contingent upon who wields power in the presidential office and both chambers of Congress, all of which become notably mired in the oscillating opinions of the public and the all too pernicious effects of lobbyists. Such variables prove demonstrably irrelevant to the rising consumer prices faced by workers, resulting in a staggeringly erratic increase in the minimum wage that is wholly incongruous with the ever rising cost of living.

In a democratic society, the conventional method of resolving such

predicament is through legislative action. However, the current political landscape presents a bleak outlook for American workers. Though the Republican party has historically remained apathetic to the plights of labor movements and the workers they represent, the Democratic party has also been undeniably self-serving in its advocacy.

The rhetorical mantra of a $15 minimum wage has been a progressive slogan since 2012. Though promoting an increase in the minimum wage is certainly not a senseless endeavor,

given that a raise of the federal minimum wage last occurred in 2009, it is senseless to believe that a temporary policy solution is fit for a perpetual economic phenomenon. However, the policy directives of Democrats are grounded in such senselessness.

Truly, raising the minimum wage to $15 would do very little to alleviate the financial situations of minimum wage earners after inflation has functionally eroded the buying power of $15. Though such an inconsistent increase of the minimum wage fails to provide an extensive policy solu-

DOMESTIC POLITICS COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW // FALL 2021 6

A flyer in Minneapolis advocating for the Fight for $15 labor movement. Photo by Tony Webster.

tion in the long run, it does serve useful towards campaign prospects in the short-term.

Indeed, Democrats’ usage of the $15 minimum wage’s emotional appeal to desperate workers merely satisfies a transient political victory. Eventually, consumer prices will rise again, the minimum wage will need to rise again, and Democrats will

choose a new, arbitrary number to appeal to the masses with for re-election purposes. Given that the only alternative is an indifferent GOP committed to fanatical economic libertarianism, minimum wage earners must be resigned to re-elect officials with no interest in solving the issue in the long run, but willing to provide a temporary relief from inflation in the

now.

The U.S.’s method of increasing the minimum wage has been an inefficient failure since its inception. Lawmakers in 1938 formulated no contingency plans for the inevitable rise in consumer prices, leaving workers at the mercy of the ever-volatile political theatre of Washington. The time has come, then, to rectify the

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Consumer price index for all urban consumers. Graph by the Federal Reserve of Economic Data (FRED) Research Department at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Federal minimum hourly wage for nonfarm workers for the United States. Graph by the Federal Reserve of Economic Data (FRED) Research Department at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.

oversights of our predecessors and the derangement of our current leaders.

Instead of the left’s self-serving practice of inconsistently raising the minimum wage and the right’s puerile conviction of stagnation, the entire process must become objective

and quantitative in nature and wholly isolated from the whims of elected representatives. The adjustment of the minimum wage must become a simple, mathematical correlation overseen by an independent regulatory body and be necessarily reliant on

the price of consumer goods; when inflation rises, so too does the minimum wage rise in tandem.

In fact, as many as 17 states have instituted policies linking minimum wage to inflation, a practice termed “inflation indexing”. Within these states, minimum wage earners can rest in knowing that when prices rise, their wages are guaranteed a proportional rise as well.

In a time when workers are forced to choose between feeding their children and obtaining life-saving insulin, it becomes abundantly clear that our minimum wage, and the ways through which we raise it, is not working, it's killing.

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Protesters gathered outside the McDonald's restaurant at Lake Street and 3rd Avenue in Minneapolis. They called for a $15-per-hour minimum wage, paid sick days, and union rights. Photo by Fibonacci Blue.

"Democrats’ usage of the $15 minimum wage’s emotional appeal

desperate workers merely satisfies a transient political victory."

ERIC ADAMS AND THE QUALITATIVE CRITIQUE OF POLICING

November 2, 2021

Whether revered by conservatives as the savior of a crime-plagued city or reviled by progressives as a law-and-order strongman, Eric Adams has become the face of pro-police politics. Amid amplifying calls to defund the police, Adams climbed the polls in New York City’s mayoral primary with a tough-on-crime platform. As he surpassed less police-friendly candidates to secure the Democratic nomination, progressives prophesied the return of Rudy-Giuliani-era over-policing. Meanwhile, conservative commentators declared his election a vindication of traditional law enforcement. But the seemingly bipartisan consensus that Adams is a pro-cop hard-liner obscures the nuance of his message. Recognizing both the promises and perils of policing, Adams argues that law and order can be maintained without bias and brutality. This qualitative critique of policing is a reflection of his complicated history with the New York

City Police Department.

As a teenager, Adams was involved in Queens’ criminal underbelly as a bookkeeper for the 7-Crowns gang. At fifteen, he was sentenced to probation for stealing a money order. During his arrest, two white cops subjected Adams to a “beatdown” until a Black officer intervened. As the NYPD began soliciting minority applicants in the 1980s, he saw an opportunity to serve

for the department and the city. Record-high murder rates propelled Giuliani to the mayoralty in 1994, and his administration began a crackdown on petty crime. This initiative targeted Black adolescents, who, like a young Adams, resorted to crime in the absence of quality education. Adams knew the dangers of this lifestyle and the propensity for petty crime to metastasize into outright lawlessness.

policing’s more ethical ends, much like the officer who intervened on his behalf ten years prior.

Adams rose through the ranks quickly, moving from transit cop to sergeant in under a decade. His ascendance came at a pivotal moment

But he also knew the trauma of being mistreated by officers given free rein to arrest at will. Adams leveraged his newfound status to advocate responsible policing, attempting a balance between public safety and social justice. He backed the focus on “gateway”

Micah Weese // Columbia College ’22

DOMESTIC POLITICS FALL 2021 // COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW DOMESTIC POLITICS

"ADAMS LEVERAGED HIS NEWFOUND STATUS TO ADVOCATE RESPONSIBLE POLICING, ATTEMPTING A BALANCE BETWEEN PUBLIC SAFETY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE."

crimes, but not the disproportionate targeting of Black offenders; he supported stopping, but not frisking.

As New York faces another crime spike, Adams has attempted a similar balancing act in his mayoral platform. Even as calls to defund the police sweep the country, Adams holds fast to his belief in the necessity of law enforcement. Arguing that “Defund” jeopardizes public safety, he makes the case that New York can both invest in and reform the police. Hardly an apologist for dirty cops, Adams plans to release the names of officers on notice for bad behavior. But, by the same token, he intends to empower upstanding officers, moving cops off desk duty and onto beat patrol. Refusing the forced choice between more or less law

enforcement, Adams argues for a shift in who polices and how they police. This position constitutes a qualitative critique of policing that finds fault not in the size of the NYPD but in the tactics it deploys and people it employs. Meanwhile, prominent figures in the Defund movement have advanced

a quantitative critique of policing. In this view, a police department’s malfeasance can be remediated through budget cuts. Defund defenders reason that public funds may be better served “addressing budget shortfalls.” These critics view policing as a poor return on investment given its high

"As a teenager, Adams was involved in Queens’ criminal underbelly as a bookkeeper for the 7-Crowns gang.

At fifteen, he was sentenced to probation for stealing a money order. During his arrest, two white cops subjected Adams to a beatdown.”

DOMESTIC POLITICS COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW // FALL 2021

Before his election, Adams served as Brooklyn Borough President since 2014. Photo by Wikimedia Commons.

costs, low clearance rates, and propensity for brutality. The language of the movement—“reallocate,” “disinvest,” “defund”—is technocratic, rendering police reform an exercise in money management. Fixating upon a police department’s top-line budget rather than its on-the-ground conduct risks reducing the lived experiences of civilians and officers to a line-item in a budget. It is no surprise that the Defund movement has its roots in academia, where scholars often deal in abstraction rather than experience. But activists and academics’ preoccupation with budget cuts left an opening for Adams’ qualitative critique, which aims not for more cops or fewer cops but better cops.

Regardless of its power as an activist slogan, “Defund the Police” proved electorally damaging in New York’s mayoral primary. A pre-election poll showed cuts to police funding polling poorly, particularly among those most at risk of violent crime. On election day, Adams and runner-up Kathryn Garcia, who also did not heed calls to defund the police, bested competitors who did. The communities that broke for “Defund” candidates skewed affluent and white. Maya Wiley, who called for divesting one billion dollars from the NYPD, performed best with white voters in waterfront Brooklyn. Dianne Morales, the most ardent “defunder” of the bunch, found her strongest support in rapidly-gentrifying Bushwick.

In New York, the Defund movement found its core constituency in hipster havens home to a college-educated professional class. Working at NGOs, startups, and consultancies, these young professionals have a managerial disposition that emphasizes budgeting, making them receptive to the quantitative critique of policing. But these privileged progressives also have the least stake in conversations around policing, experiencing relatively little mistreatment at the hands of law enforcement.

Meanwhile, Adams swept East Brooklyn, South Queens, and the Bronx—the Black and brown neighborhoods most at risk of both violent

crime and police brutality. Like Adams, these communities have seen police at their best—preventing street crime—and their worst—harassing minorities. While the quantitative critique of policing speaks the language of professionals and academics, Adams speaks the language of his constituents, for whom police have been a source of both justice and injustice. Polls have shown that Black and Hispanic Americans are most likely to want increased police presence and most likely to expect negative police encounters. Adams’ qualitative critique of policing succeeded by reconciling these seemingly contradictory viewpoints, promising both more police and better police. While “Defund the Police” appeared to sacrifice public safety for social justice, Adams promised both. If he can make good on this promise, Adams may succeed in paving a third way between “Back the Blue” conservatism and “Defund the Police” progressivism.

"THE LANGUAGE OF THE MOVEMENT— 'REALLOCATE,' 'DISINVEST,' 'DEFUND' —IS TECHNOCRATIC, RENDERING POLICE REFORM AN EXERCISE IN MONEY MANAGEMENT."

DOMESTIC POLITICS FALL 2021 // COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW DOMESTIC POLITICS Maya Wiley was the most successful candidate supporting the Defund movement. Photo by UN Women.

WORKERS’ RIGHTS AND AGRICULTURAL PROSPERITY: THE NECESSITY OF LEGALIZING THE AMERICAN AGRICULTURAL WORKFORCE

For decades, migrant farmworkers have been the backbone of the American agricultural system. Making up an estimated 73% of agricultural workers, migrant workers face a reality of suppressed wages, long days in worsening climate conditions, inadequate access to health care and housing, and high rates of injury and illness. These conditions in combination with the tightening of immigration restrictions during the Trump administration and the pandemic have exacerbated the chronic labor shortage that left 56% of California farmers in 2019 unable to meet employment needs. As farmers become more desperate to find labor, it becomes clear that reform to the current agricultural labor model and a more direct path to citizenship for migrant workers is essential in responding to worker’s rights violations and the impacts of climate change in the agricultural sector.

The brutal conditions implicit in laboring in the modern American agricultural sector have direct ties to the

systems of oppression America has long relied on for cheap agricultural labor. From slavery to the bracero program, American agriculture has a history of importing migrant labor to perform punishing agricultural work for little-to-no compensation. While the groups comprising the majority of this labor force have changed over time, America’s agricultural labor market has continuously hired vulnerable groups to eschew workers’ rights and produce the greatest profit.

The severity of the worker’s rights crises facing migrant workers in America has only heightened in the last few years as rising temperatures and the changing climate have made the working conditions for these laborers increasingly dangerous. This is most clearly represented in the plight of migrant workers in California, where long hours in brutal heat and subpar living conditions have been highly detrimental to workers’ health. The record-setting heat of July 2021 exemplifies a long-term trend of intensifying heat waves in Southern California.

Amid these heat waves, California’s summer harvest is putting workers at an increased risk of heat-related illnesses such as heat exhaustion or stroke, and an even higher risk of kidney disease from dehydration and unsanitary water. Furthermore, with workers being paid a piece rate, there lacks an incentive for them to take breaks to cool down or hydrate, a necessity for the many workers who have to be fully covered by clothes to avoid dangerous herbicides and pesticides or other harm from the produce being picked.

In 2005, the California government responded to a string of heat-related deaths with emergency safety regulations that require farmworkers to be provided with shade for breaks and cool, clear water for drinking. However, these regulations are rarely followed to a safe extent and are enforced with little frequency. The United Farm Workers, a union representing the rights of farmworkers, has filed multiple lawsuits alleging that employers are intentionally taking advantage of the vagueness in regulations to provide

DOMESTIC POLITICS COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW // FALL 2021

Claire Burke // Barnard College ’25 October 6, 2021

as little support as possible while maximizing their profit. California is one of three states that has heat illness-based regulations for farmworkers. The issues these farmers face from heat are further compounded by cramped and often exposed living spaces, a lack of protection, quality food, and decent sanitation plaguing a working group already struggling with health and safety issues.

Facing these conditions, undocumented migrant workers have very few options through which to better their situations. Without information about or access to government institutions, possible routes for complaint, or information about the illegality of certain living and working conditions, these migrant workers face unmitigated injustices. Certain protections such as migrant health care centers and unions

exist to provide workers with resources such as access to health care and better prevention of abuse from employers but are often limited in their availability to workers. Without access to the organized protections of citizenship, the safety of these workers will be perpetually at risk.

In March 2021, the Farm Workforce Modernization Act (H.R. 1603) proposed a reform to the current agricultural labor system after passing in the House of Representatives for the second time with support from President Biden. Its ratification would create instrumental reforms for the H-2 visa program and provide clearer, more efficient paths to citizenship for agricultural workers.

The current H-2 visa program represents the most open path to citizenship for migrant workers in

the US. By allowing US farmers to sponsor workers for a temporary visa if there are insufficient domestic workers available to do the job, the H-2 visa system creates a narrow path to citizenship. This system is full of flaws, with a minuscule number of workers able to gain sponsorship, exclusion of year-round workers, and a lack of guarantee for basic rights. The Farm Workforce Modernization Act would modify the current H-2 program in many ways, including by adding important new worker protections and allowing farm workers to apply for a “Certified Agricultural Worker” status which would provide legal employment and an easier path to citizenship for farm workers and their families.

Ratification of the Farm Workforce Modernization Act would be

DOMESTIC POLITICS FALL 2021 // COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW DOMESTIC POLITICS

Farmworkers pick strawberries at Lewis Taylor Farms, which is co-owned by William L. Brim and Edward Walker who have large scale cotton, peanut, vegetable and greenhouse operations in Fort Valley, GA. Photo by U.S. Department of Agriculture.

a step in the right direction of protecting the safety and security of agricultural workers. Even as further work must be done to recognize the humanity and rights of immigrants in the agricultural sector, the bill is encouraging in the cooperation and compromise it represents in reforming a broken immigration system. After its first passage, the act was not considered in the Senate. As of the second passage in March, the bill has been read and received in the Senate and is currently awaiting action after being referred to the Senate Committee on the Judiciary.

In the current system, an absence of a stable agricultural workforce creates a shortage of labor, an inability to ensure rights are protected, and increased food and production costs. While farmers and states attempt to

entice domestic citizens towards farm work with perks such as 401(k)s and above minimum-wage pay or search

Modernization Act and further reform to allow migrant farmworkers a simple path towards legal status.

for alternative sources of labor, the benefits of providing citizenship to workers already skilled in the field abound. To combat the labor shortages and crises the agricultural sector will face as the climate worsens, the US must adopt the Farm Workforce

This adjustment of status would not only benefit the federal budget and the economic output of US workers but would allow migrant workers to earn a living wage in a sustainable labor model devoid of exploitation and abuse.

"In the current system, an absence of a stable agricultural workforce creates a shortage of labor, an inability to ensure rights are protected, and increased food and production costs."

DOMESTIC POLITICS COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW // FALL 2021

Migrant worker farm potatoes in Virginia. Photo by U.S. Department of Agriculture.

TAXING THE INTANGIBLE: AN AMERICAN CARBON BORDER TARIFF

Zachary Masone // Columbia College ’24 October 12, 2021

As thousands evacuate California to escape annual wildfires, deadly flooding due to extreme rain threatens central China and Europe, and Canada records temperatures of 120 degrees Fahrenheit, coherent and efficient climate legislation becomes increasingly necessary. Earlier this month, the European Union took the first step: a proposal for a tax on carbon emissions, also known as a carbon border tax. This tax would act as a tariff on imports from other countries that directly corresponds to the amount, in tons, of carbon emitted by the production of those goods. Though the idea of a carbon border tax on goods imported from countries that emit high amounts of greenhouse gases, like carbon dioxide, is not a new idea, this would be the first real implementation. It comes at a dire time, as climate scientists predict that Earth’s temperature will cross the deadly threshold for dangerous global warming, an increase of 1.5 degrees Celsius, as early as 2027. As small as 1.5 degrees seems, it actually serves as a point of no return, in which once the average temperature crosses it, the effects of global climate change would be implacable and irreversible.

The EU hopes that this carbon border tax will help alleviate the consequences of domestically-pro-

duced goods’ prices increasing due to their adaptations to become more climate-conscious. This includes the recent experimentation the European steel industry is conducting, using hydrogen as a fuel source instead of the conventional fossil fuels. This is more costly than using traditional sources of energy, thus potentially increasing the cost of the steel and causing consumers to purchase from international industries that do not take into account the effects of cheaper fossil fuels on the environment. The tax would charge international companies a carbon tariff on certain goods, including steel, aluminum, fertilizers, cement, and electricity, based on the emissions released by the production of said goods. These companies would need to monitor and verify their emissions with the EU, which would set the price per ton of carbon dioxide released.

Following the pattern of the modern age, Europe has once again proved itself to be the world leader in tackling climate change. The United States, once a leader itself, has fallen behind into a pit of partisanship and climate legislation stagnation. With the new presidential administration and a switch-up in political power in Congress, however, things may be poised to change. Democrats, on the same day as the EU carbon border tax initiative, also proposed a similar tax

that would help fund a new $3.5 trillion spending package (which would be used to fund a multitude of different policies like universal childcare and an expansion of public healthcare benefits). Part of the funding would come from a tariff imposed on goods with heavy carbon emissions coming from international sources. If ever passed into legislation, this tax, similarly structured to the EU’s tax, would position the United States in the forefront of leadership in the climate crisis, as well as incentivizing U.S. trading partners to cut carbon emissions to stay competitive in the largest economy in the world and encouraging American businesses to keep production domestic.

Environmental regulations, especially in the U.S., can be tricky and divisive. 20% of Americans still believe that “human activity plays not too much or no role at all in climate change.” However, climate legislation does work in reducing the overall emissions of the countries that enact them. Harvard Business Review found that global emission levels are, in fact, lower for countries with more rigid environmental regulations at home. This does have the negative consequence of companies exporting their emissions to what economists call pollution havens or places that adopt less tight regulations in order

DOMESTIC POLITICS FALL 2021 // COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW DOMESTIC POLITICS

to bring in companies from abroad, so much so that “a tightening in regulation [at home] results in 43% higher emissions abroad.” The carbon border tax would help alleviate this issue, as it would nullify the incentive to move outside of the U.S. in order

the EU initiative and the Democratic proposal across the Atlantic, there may be a possibility for the two to cooperate and work together to get both passed respectively. European officials even hoped that “the Americans would collaborate and work

er world superpowers. The EU is also ensuring that the tariff does not interfere with the World Trade Organization and would be able to withstand legal objections. This manifests in the tariff technically being known as the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, and not a tax, though it functions like one. The United States would need to operate within the constraints of the WTO, as well, if a carbon tariff was to be implemented.

to pollute elsewhere and cut costs associated with reducing emissions. The tariff would take into account the number of emissions accompanying those goods and adjust the price accordingly, therefore helping to keep companies within the U.S. and providing employment to Americans.

Additionally, because the United States is the largest economy in the world, foreign companies and industries are continually motivated to maintain strong trade connections with the country and keep up competitively with other producers in the market. If the U.S. was to enact a carbon border tax, the companies with fewer emissions released would have to pay less to compensate for their pollution and allow them to keep their goods and products at a lower price to sustain an edge over the competition. A carbon border tariff in the U.S. has the potential to cause change internationally and help lower the emissions produced by other corporations around the world. It would be a large step forward for the U.S., which has completely stagnated in its environmental leadership and policies. Because of the timing between

with the EU”, according to the Financial Times. A message of international solidarity to combat climate change would introduce a powerful message to the rest of the world that no country would fight against global warming alone.

The American carbon border tax, though, is far off. The spending package, which the tariff would help fund, has yet to be drafted. Moreover, the Biden administration's climate envoy, John Kerry, expressed concern over the carbon border tax adjustment and especially for the EU’s plan to utilize the mechanism. His anxiety may be justified, as the move is completely unprecedented and has the potential to cause sizable issues with the EU’s trading partners. The Center for European Reform found that the countries most affected by the European carbon border tariff would be Russia, Turkey, China, Britain, and Ukraine, all large partners and economies. These countries, especially Russia and China, all have the potential to be upset over this tax, as it would negatively affect their trade with European markets, which could cause rifts between the EU and oth-

Furthermore, there is concern over whether such a tariff would negatively affect developing nations, which may lack the massive infrastructure necessary to overhaul their production of goods to be more environmentally conscious. If the U.S. was to adopt the tariff, politicians would need to address this valid apprehension towards the legislation. Companies within developing nations should not be expected to carry the full weight of the tariff when they have contributed so little to global emissions compared to other countries, and this may take the form of less taxation or a full waiver from the tariff. Currently, the EU has not proposed any exemption for certain countries based on historical emission rates.

The present-day is the best time for the U.S. to step into the forefront of the fight against climate change. Any later, and it may be too late. The U.S. has great international influence, and if a carbon border tax is implemented here, as well as in the EU, it may set the worldwide tone and set off a ripple effect around the globe. It would be an important step forward for a country that has taken many steps back in regards to climate and the future of our planet.

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"A carbon border tariff in the U.S. has the potential to cause change internationally ."

EXPERIENTIAL DIVERSITY THROUGH CITIZENS’ ASSEMBLIES: A PATH TOWARDS BETTER CLIMATE POLICY

September 10, 2021

Empirical briefing sheets—not community experiences—often mold the decisions of policymakers. On the issue of climate change in particular, numbers and data dominate conversations. These quantitative fact sheets are just apathetic words on paper; they cannot reflect the qualitative experiences of 300,000,000 individual Americans.

Staggering figures on climate change regularly circulate through social media and sustainability campaigns as well. Policymakers, for their part, have long been aware of terrifying predictions about climate change. Yet it has become clear that sending more science statistics to politicians and constituents who are skeptical of science in the first place does little to change minds and a gridlocked government. Climate change, however, cannot wait: it demands action now.

How, then, should we approach the challenge of persuading policy-

makers to support new climate policy? One approach is to supplement policymakers’ briefings with more experiential diversity, provided by personal interactions with their constituents. Speaking to how people’s day-to-day experiences shape their perspectives, experiential considerations can ensure that policies speak to the specific needs of communities. Although data-based policies may still achieve results, what may hasten progress is an approach through citizens’ assemblies, an experience-oriented policymaking strategy that

brings in both constituents and policymakers. Citizens’ assemblies are uniquely situated to address urgent climate issues, as constituents’ informed opinions on climate policy are often nonpartisan. Helping both constituents and policymakers better understand the stake of a policy debate, citizens’ assemblies allow policymakers to hear their constituents’ diverse viewpoints to inform their policy decisions. The concept was developed by Ned Crosby in 1971, as he sought to “enhance reason and empathy among citizens as they discussed a public policy

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“For constituents, climate policy is not necessarily partisan, which is why citizens’ assemblies are uniquely equipped to create better policy.”

Harrison Gerson // Columbia College ’25

matter” in Minneapolis. His meetings created dialogue and action for local issues, such as water quality, healthcare, and budget priorities. The process has since grown worldwide; in 2016, for instance, the Irish government utilized a citizens’ assembly to recommend abortion policies— policies that were later accepted by a general public referendum, indicating that the policy’s support extended

well beyond the citizens’ assembly to the population as a whole. The same group met again to be educated on and vote on climate policy recommendations, prompting Ireland’s growth as a sustainability leader. Although climate change affects many communities, it impacts each community in markedly different ways. For farmers, more unpredictable weather patterns have under-

mined agricultural production in areas like the San Joaquin Valley of California. If a citizens’ assembly is held, a participating grape grower may suggest more irrigation and hydroelectric power may promote their work sustainably and economically. Meanwhile, in underprivileged communities across the country, climate change is exacerbating health challenges like asthma; bringing in an

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A June 2021 climate protest in Washington, D.C. Photo by Victoria Pickering.

asthmatic constituent recently affected by the introduction of a nuclear power plant in their neighborhood would widen the lens of policymakers about how the location of energy sources affects their community. These community members are far more likely to persuade their representative than is an empirical fact sheet.

Furthermore, since citizens’ assemblies draw from a randomly se-

lected portion of the constituency, they reach across party lines, acting of the people, by the people, for the people. For constituents, climate policy is not necessarily partisan, which is why citizens’ assemblies are uniquely equipped to create better policy.

Rural communities in the United States, for example, who tend to vote for the Republican party, believe that the government should do more to reduce the effects of climate change

than Republicans in general. When these rural Americans share their perspectives and relate to a specific policy on which they have been educated, their politicians may be more eager to hear them. Communities of farmers, energy workers, and business owners can come together to impact the government. When policymakers listen to these constituents, they hear real stories, not sheer statistics.

Nonetheless, opponents of citizens’ assemblies may argue that listening to these individual perspectives strays from being politically objective; that small constituent samples may elevate niche concerns that obscure the larger problem; and that experts, not general citizens, are the best people to advise policymakers on complex decisions. However, randomly selected participants, as in any scientific investigation, provide a representative perspective that can be extrapolated to the general population. Plus, during citizens assemblies, certified expects are not removed from the policymaking process; their analyses can still inform policymakers, as well as the opinions of constituents.

Only 36 of U.S. adults believe that elected officials act in the best interests of the government, and the majority of Americans believe the government should do more to combat climate change. The government needs to listen more. As President Biden noted in his inaugural address, “This is the time to heal in America.” With such detachment between the governing and the governed, citizens’ assemblies present a way for people to engage directly with the government, rebuilding overall trust.

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SOCIAL JUSTICE IS LEAVING ASIAN AMERICANS BEHIND

Evelyn Yu // Columbia College ’25 September 7, 2021

Since the Atlanta spa shooting in mid-March, the hashtag #StopAsianHate went viral, spurring thousands of activism posts on various social media platforms. However, the #StopAsianHate hashtag trend not only faded within weeks but was only instigated because of a shooting. Should peaceful protests and activism be reserved only for when extreme physical violence takes place?

Unlike the mass movements towards racial justice and calls to defund the police that have persisted from last summer to today, this

social justice trend of continuous social media reposts and company statements has not carried over to other covert issues Asian Americans face.

This year, the media has highlighted the effects of COVID-19 on Asian hate crimes. Just a few weeks ago, on July 20, the staff at Ramen Lab Eatery, a ramen restaurant in Delray Beach, Florida, were a target of anti-Asian hate when a group of men hurled racist insults at them. In fact, according to an analysis released by the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at California

State University, San Bernardino, anti-Asian hate crimes rose by nearly 150% in 2020.

While social justice and activism have good intentions, they are not fully inclusive of Asian American struggles. The goal of social justice is to provide everyone with equal economic, political, and social rights. However, the socioeconomic struggles and workplace discrimination of Asian Americans are rarely highlighted in the social justice world.

Many activists have shined a light on the income inequality among Black Americans versus white Americans. Indeed, the socioeconomic disparity faced by Black Americans cannot be understated, as, in 2019, median annual earnings reached just $45,644 for Black men and$41,098 for Black women. In contrast, the median annual income of white men and women was $60,107 and $48,845, respectively.

Data from the U.S. Department of Labour shows that, in 2019, Asian American men earned a median annual income of $75,671, exceeding that of both Black and white Americans. While it is true Asian Americans are the overall highest earners for median-income households in the United States, this statistic obscures the data that shows that in some regions, Asian Americans have the highest

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A rally to stop Asian Hate in McPherson Square, D.C. in March 2021. Photo by Victoria Pickering.

income inequality—meaning some Asians thrive while others are severely impoverished.

In New York City, for example, Asians suffer from the highest income inequality compared to any other race. According to the 2019 New York City Government Poverty Measure, around 23.8% of Asians live in poverty by municipal standards. This statistic is the highest rate of income inequality from all racial and ethnic groupings. However, the data remains relatively unknown to people due to both the “model minority” myth and the cherry-picking of certain numbers.

$119,000 and Filipinos generated a median income of $90,400. These numbers strongly contrast with the earnings of other origin groups such as Burmese ($44,400) and Nepalese ($55,000). Clearly, not all Asians succeed financially.

In conjunction with the fight for racial justice, social justice groups have also called for greater representation of Black and brown people in leadership positions across all fields. While it is important to amplify Black voices and representation in leadership positions, Asian Americans—who are also POCs— are constantly being left out of those high-level positions. In

1.5% of corporate officer positions in the Fortune 500. Moreover, in 2018, just 19.5% of Fortune 100 Companies’ board seats were held by minorities, including Asian Americans.

Based on research from Yale Law School and the National Asian Pacific American Bar Association, there is an abundance of qualified Asian Americans for hire. However, the disparity between lower ranks and executive levels suggests that companies may be overlooking Asian American talent and, perhaps under pressure from social justice advocates to promote mostly Black Americans, failing to see a social reason to promote Asian Amer-

Social justice advocates tend to focus their energy on the struggles of Black and brown Americans. Since there is often little to no coverage on Asian challenges, the idea that Asians are hardworking and easily succeed seeps into our society's generalization of Asian Americans. Moreover, cherry-picking certain numbers, such as only emphasizing that in 2019, Asian households in the United States had a median annual income of $85,800, denies the problem that poverty among Asians exists. In fact, according to the Pew Research Center, within the Asian race group, Indians generated a median income of

2018, the Ascend Foundation’s report from “The Illusion of Asian Success” found that Asian Americans are the least likely racial group to be promoted into management and executive levels in Silicon Valley, even though they are the most likely to be hired for high-tech positions. Yet, there is minimal publicity on this disparity.

Asian Americans make up 12% of the professional workforce, yet only 5.6% of the U.S. population. Since Asian Americans are not considered an underrepresented minority in the workplace, they are given little attention in diversity programs. According to 2012 data, Asians represent only

icans. Centering POCs and giving them a fair shot means including all POCs—especially Asian Americans, who are often brushed to the side.

Social justice activism claims to support and include all minorities towards a path of equal treatment and racial justice. Yet, the dearth of reporting and action to mend income inequality within Asian communities and the disregard for the lack of Asian diversity in high-level positions suggest social justice is not only failing to incorporate Asian Americans but also fueling the “model minority” myth and hurting Asian Americans.

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”

“

Centering POCs and giving them a fair shot means including all POCs—especially Asian Americans, who are often brushed to the side.

POLICY 360

THE SOUTH CHINA SEA

The South China Sea. Photo by U.S. Pacific Fleet.

EventsintheSouthChinaSeamaintainanenduringpresenceinworldnews,asnumerouscountriescompeteand utilizetheregionforavarietyofpolitical,economic,andmilitarypursuits.TheSea’sgeo-strategicimportancecannot beunderstated;athirdoftheworld’stradepassesthroughitannually,anditholdstremendousamountsofnatural resources.Forthesereasons,regionalandinternationalstateactorsalikeremaininvestedandincontentionwithone anotheroverthevastterritory.

ThispiecefocusesonthevariedstrategicperspectivesofnationswithsignificantinterestintheSouthChinaSea. Territorialdisputesarisefromconflictingclaims,somebasedontheUnitedNationsConventionontheLawofthe Sea,andothersonhistoricalholdings.WhilemajorregionalpowerslikeChinaandVietnamchallengeoneanother acrosstheSea,WesternnationsliketheUnitedStates,France,andAustralialikewisestrivetoasserttheirinterpretationsofinternationallawthere.AmongstthesetraditionalWesternallies,however,thereisalsotensionandintense disagreementoverpolicy.TheAUKUSdealthatprovidesAustraliawithnuclearsubmarinesfromtheU.S.andU.K. hasstirredupconflictwithFrance,whichpreviouslyhadanagreementtoprovidesuchvesselstoAustralia.Thisrecent developmenthascomplicatedtheSouthChinaSeadisputeevenfurther.

ThisroundtableseekstounderscorethecomplexitiesofcompetitionintheSouthChinaSeabyanalyzingtheregion fromtheviewpointsofsuchmajoractors.Eachsectionconcludeswithaseriesofpolicyrecommendationsandassessmentsofwhatthenation’sfutureactionsmayentail.However,amidgrowingcontentionandconstantmilitary movements,itmustbenotedthatthesesuggestionsaresubjecttoevolution,muchinthesamewaythattheregion’s politicalsituationis.WithtensionsbetweentheU.S.andChinarising,andtheWest’srelationshipsunderstrain,the lastingeconomicandpoliticalimpactsofeachnation’sactionsremaintobeseen.

CHINA’S POWER GRAB FOR REGIONAL HEGEMONY: MILITARY AGGRESSION IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA AND IMPLICATIONS OF A BREWING CONFLICT

Melissa Yu // Columbia College ’25

The South China Sea, spanning 3.5 million square kilometers, is home to many vital shipping ports, and has an estimated 11 billion barrels of untapped oil and 190 trillion cubic feet of natural gas within its small islands and reefs. Because of its prime geo-strategic location and vast untapped natural resources, contention between countries who each hold their own territorial claims over the land, including the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Taiwan, has resulted in one of today's most complicated in-

ternational political disputes. China claims the largest portion of the territory defined as the "nine-dash line", citing maritime records from dynastic times to claim around 90% of the area. Even after the Permanent Court of Arbitration issued a decision in 2016 rejecting China’s territorial claims, China dismissed the ruling and further displayed its military ambitions, partly because of the Court’s lack of enforcement power and regional countries’ military inferiority and entangled economic interests with China.

In recent years, China has in-

creased its efforts to reclaim land in the South China Sea through the exponential creation of ports, military installations, and airstrips, especially in the Paracel and Spratly islands, where there are a combined 27 outposts. Additionally, the Mischief Reef off the shores of the Philippines and six other nearby reefs have been converted into Chinese military bases. China also maintains that under international law, foreign militaries do not have the right to conduct intelligence-gathering activities in its exclusive economic zone (EEZ), which has been heavily

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disputed by many countries including the United States. The failure of Chinese and Southeast Asian leaders to resolve the South China Sea dispute by diplomatic means is increasingly dangerous to the preservation of international laws that govern maritime disputes, and risks military escalation.

However, it is clear that China will not back down from exercising its military and economic dominance in the region as it has not only disregarded international law, but also expanded the application of its domestic laws internationally. In February 2021, China passed its new Coast Guard Law, which allows the Chinese coast guard to fire on foreign vessels

that enter China’s waters, including the “nine-dash line,” without permission. This law has serious implications on surrounding nations, which are simply too weak to contest China without the support of other nations like the US. The legal dispute reveals the real reason why China has such an aggressive territorial stance on the South China Sea, beyond ancient territorial claims: hegemony. Whoever gains control of the South China Sea has a prime location for military bases and submarines, vital trading routes, and natural resources. Ultimately, the South China Sea is key to China’s attempt to maintain political, economical, and geo-strategic dominance in

the region.

What has made China’s actions possible thus far is other countries' anxieties over potential conflicts, resulting in over 70+ countries publicly supporting China’s position in the South China Sea. However, recent tensions show otherwise: alliances such as the AUKUS pact between the U.S., Australia, and the U.K. threaten to counter China’s aggressive pursuit of the South China Sea. Thus, China should cooperate with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and other countries with stakes in the South China Sea in order to dispel heightening political tensions and maintain peace in the region.

COUNTERING CHINA: UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA AND LESSONS FROM THE COLD WAR PLAYBOOK

Carsten Barnes // School of General Studies ’23

The United States has played an important role in the South China Sea dispute over the last decade, principally as the chief antagonist to China’s expansive claims in the region. Over the last several years in particular, U.S.-China relations have deteriorated and the South China Sea dispute emerged as a key flashpoint between the two countries amid a backdrop of trade disputes and increasing American concern about the “rising power” of China.

What makes the dispute particularly important for the United States has been China’s insistence that the United Nations Convention on the

Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) gives China the right to regulate foreign military activity in its exclusive economic zone (EEZ). This interpretation would give China free reign to dominate the sea and put it in a good position to emerge as a regional hegemonic power, a development which the United States has long wished to avoid.

The dispute became a significant part of U.S. foreign policy in 2013 when China began constructing military outposts and creating artificial islands in disputed areas of the South China Sea. In response to these developments, the United States has increased military cooperation with several of the competing

claimants in the South China Sea, including Vietnam and the Philippines, holding joint military exercises and conducting joint naval patrols. The keystone of the U.S. response has been the conduction of Freedom of Navigation operations wherein the U.S. navy sails through the disputed waters to reinforce the U.S. commitment to UNCLOS, only allowing a country to regulate economic activity—not foreign military activity—in its EEZ.

However, these policies seem to have had limited effectiveness, as they have not prevented China from continuing its aggressive policies in the South China Sea, and in the long run

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repeatedly sending naval patrols into an area where China has a significant military presence could compromise America’s military defense systems.

Instead of relying on its military prowess, the United States must take a page out of its successful Cold War strategy book. It is vital that it focuses first on building a system of alliances in the region with countries whose interests are threatened by China and who share America’s

democratic values. Specifically, the United States should focus its efforts on strengthening and formalizing the Quad Alliance between itself, Japan, India, and Australia. Each of these countries are democracies and have considerable economic and/or military power, and all three have had their interests threatened by China in recent years.

The South China Sea dispute is a problem that will only grow for the

United States, as China is currently in the process of massively expanding its military, and its economy is on track to exceed that of the United States by the early 2030s. In response, the United States should focus on building alliances, as alliances act as a force multiplier and are the only way to prepare for the moment when China becomes a larger economic power and comes closer to military parity with the United States.

WALKING A THIN LINE: VIETNAM’S STRIVE FOR DEFENSE CAPABILITIES AND ECONOMIC INTERESTS

Claire Schnatterbeck // Columbia College ’24

On August 25, 2021, United States Vice President Kamala Harris made a historic visit to Vietnam, becoming the first U.S. V.P. to visit the country. During a speech with Vietnamese President Nguyen Xuan Phuc in the capital city of Hanoi, Vice President Harris called on Vietnam to back the United States against China’s maritime claims to the South China Sea.

Vice President Harris’s visit is significant after the announcement of the AUKUS pact, because Vietnam currently makes claims over the Paracel and Spratly Islands in the South China Sea. China’s claims overlap with Vietnam’s exclusive economic zone, an important trade route in the South China Sea, where Vietnam has an annual $158 billion worth of exports, or 5% of the 3.37 trillions of global trade through the

South China Sea.

Vietnam has been critical of Chinese claims in the region over the past few years, moving to increase its defense forces within the South China Sea. Such defense improvements include expanding its fishing militia in the region and signing a deal with Japan to enable Japanese-made defense equipment to be exported into the country. Vietnam is just one of eleven countries to sign this type of agreement with Japan during this period of tensions in the South China Sea. Vietnam is also a key member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), an intergovernmental organization of ten Southeast Asian countries that seeks to promote economic, political, and security cooperation. The bloc has had difficulty developing a unified counter to China’s actions in the

South China Sea, which is significant because several of its members also have claims to the region.

While Vietnam has not commented on its partnership with the United States, Vietnamese spokesperson Le Thi Thu Hang affirmed in September that Vietnam believes “all countries strive for the same goal of peace, stability, cooperation and development in the region and the world over.” Vietnam appears to be walking the line between maintaining cultural and economic relations with China—which would be advantageous to its national interest—and asserting its defense capabilities.

As the situation progresses, members of ASEAN and other countries in the region will be looking to Vietnam. However, in light of the COVID-19 pandemic, Vietnam’s leaders have more incentive

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to align themselves with the Americans. During her speech, Vice President Harris announced that the U.S. will donate one million more doses of Pfizer’s COVID vaccine to Vietnam, on top of an initial donation of six million doses. Harris is also

launching the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s new Southeast Asia regional office in the city of Hanoi. Moreover, aside from celebrating 25 years of diplomatic relations last year, the U.S. has also become Vietnam’s second largest

trading partner and exporter. To ensure Vietnam’s continued health and security, it would be advantageous for it to align with the U.S. following the AUKUS pact, which may explain the spate of its recent foreign policy decisions.

AUKUS PACT PAVES WAY FOR AUSTRALIA’S NEW MULTILATERAL ROLE IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA

Michelle Brucker // School of General Studies ’23

The last time the United States provided nuclear-propelled submarines to a non-nuclear country like Australia was in 1958. The Five Eyes Alliance, the Quad-Plus, and a $66 billion deal with the French did not bring such material advantage to Australia. AUKUS, however, presents artificial intelligence, cyber, quantum computing, and nuclear-propelled submarines as alternative gains. Although the Australian government was notified in 2016 that nuclear technologies were viable given the country’s large supply of uranium, it still needs about 10 years to install the submarines that it received from the United States. Still, AUKUS marks a new era of trilateral cooperation in expanding the bilateral nuclear partnership between the U.K. and U.S., and engaging Australia in a greater military and defense interface. Throughout this process, Australia will be held accountable for abiding by provisions of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and for proving its compliance to the International Atomic Energy Agency. Moreover, Australia will

need to hold its new strategic partner accountable for sustaining cooperative efforts, where the future of technological development will be a significant measure of AUKUS’ success. Recently, Australia has assumed a more prominent role in the development of technologies which can deter Chinese strategic interests in the South Pacific. Nonetheless, its security officials have reported themselves that its advancements in defense were well behind those of China at large. Still, the Australian government views its partnership with the U.S. as a strategic alliance with the capacity to last long term. Australia will inevitably take note of its long-standing economic engagements with China. Currently, trade with China accounts for over 30% of Australia’s total trade. Experts have also noted that the submarines may not provide qualified strategic authority, as its command of such machinery might prove more limited than that of the UK or the US. Still, the capacity for these submarines to remain in the water for longer lengths of time will be crucial for monitoring apprehensive Chinese

activity throughout the Sea.

One also cannot deny the fact that Australia and the U.S. share a strategic partnership in missile technology. In 2014, the Chinese-Australian ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’ set forth different ambitions to the state’s position against Chinese military expansion in the South China Sea. Whether AUKUS marks an enduring modification of Australian strategic interests or not, the future of Australia’s role will depend upon Australian initiatives and U.S. commitments to growing ingenuity in the field of defense and nuclear technology. Australia’s intentions seem clear enough: it has both the capacity and desire to develop its strength throughout the area. Whether it wishes for the international community to acknowledge its commitment to defending America’s role in this new “Cold War” or not, it has clearly promoted defensive protection of its own territory. This partnership presents Australia with a multilateral role it has not assumed before, maximizing its capacity to bolster defense through developing tools of deterrence against potential Chinese aggression.

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BETRAYED AND PULLED BY COMPETING INTERESTS:

FRANCE NAVIGATES DISPUTES IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA WITH HEIGHTENED DISTRUST AND CAUTIOUS PASSIVITY

Zadig Perrot // School of General Studies ’22

France was quick to show its ire over the formation of AUKUS and the American co-optation of the Australian nuclear submarine deal. The announcements were made only a few hours before Josep Borrell, the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security, was set to announce the European Union (E.U.)’s Indo-Pacific strategy. The strategy is a multidimensional plan that proposes the multiplication of Partnership and Cooperation Agreements and the strengthening of the E.U. Common Security and Defense Policy through further cooperation with local players. Outrage was so great that it led French Foreign Minister Jean Yves le Drian to call it a “stab in the back,” declaring that when it came to Australia, the “trust was betrayed.”

It is a major reality check for a country that wishes to position itself as a significant military actor in the region, notably due to its overseas territories in the Pacific: Wallis and Futuna, French Polynesia, and New Caledonia. France was the first E.U. country to adopt an official Indo-Pacific strategy in 2018, before Paris convinced other member states that an E.U.-level coordinated approach was necessary. A 2019 report from the defense ministry revealed that more than 1.6 million French citizens lived in the region.

The blow was particularly bitter

due to France’s intermittent naval presence in the South China Sea as the country contests the legality of Chinese territorial claims. France’s presence had already provoked Beijing’s anger in 2019, calling it an “illegal” violation of national maritime “sovereignty.” On February 8, 2021, the minister of the Army Florence Parly revealed that the nuclear submarine SNA Emeraude, along with another support vessel, had been deployed in the South China Sea to show France’s support for its Australian, American, and Japanese partners. Later this year, France also partook in a joint military exercise with the U.S. and Japan, simulating the defense of remote islands and the interception of enemy vessels.

This heightened presence is consistent with former defense minister Le Drian’s promise to sail through the South China Sea at least twice a year. Along with such aspirations comes the logistical necessity of creating or deepening ties with local powers, especially Vietnam and Indonesia.

Nevertheless, such military maneuvering should not be overestimated. France walks a much more subtle line than the U.S. when it comes to the South China Sea dispute. It must cater to its trading and economic interests, striving to preserve the EU-China investment deal, while also coordinating closely with

its European partners. “A situation to join all together against China, this is a scenario of the highest possible conflictuality. This one, for me, is counterproductive,” Macron declared during a discussion with the Washington-based Atlantic Council. France cannot speak softly to China without the American big stick, nor can it deliver on its promises of renewed industrial sovereignty while multiplying disadvantageous trade deals. It would thus be good to remind the French President that his favored technique of the “en même temps,” which translates to “at the same time,” does not translate well to realpolitik.

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"France cannot speak softly to China without the American big stick, nor can it deliver on its promises of renewed industrial sovereignty while multiplying disadvantageous trade deals."

A Colombian woman in her home in El Tablón de Gómez, in the southeast of Nariño territory, Colombia. Photo by U.N. Women.

REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN COL0MBIA: EXPANDING LEGAL ACCESS TO ABORTION ON THE BASIS OF HUMAN RIGHTS

In 2006, the Constitutional Court of Colombia heard case C-355/06, an appeal for legal protection brought by Monica del Pilar Roa López and a group of lawyers and social activists seeking the expansion of reproductive rights in Colombia. López, the project director of Women’s Link Worldwide, an NGO committed to using the law to advance the rights of women around the world, spearheaded the fight for reproductive rights in the country. At the time, abortion in Colombia was illegal, without any exceptions. The claimants based their argument on the rights promised to them in the 1991 Colombian Constitution and requested that the Court declare the current strict abortion restrictions unconstitutional. These rights included the basic principles of human dignity, autonomy, and equality; such principles are highlighted by international human rights doctrines such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

First, the claimants argued that matters solely concerning a person must be decided only by him, her, or them. To take this right away from

mothers would strip them of autonomy and dignity, especially if the fetus in question was conceived from criminal acts. The criminalization of a medical practice unique to women violates the right to equality and disregards the impacts that an unwanted pregnancy can have on the lives of young, low-income women. Additionally, based on a United Nations Human Rights Committee decision, not guaranteeing the possibility of a legal and safe abortion when there are serious fetal malformations is a violation of the mother’s right to be free from torture and cruel treatment.

Equitable and free access to safe abortion is a human right, as outlined in Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.” Therefore, reproductive justice is a subject that falls within the realm of human rights. C-355/06 was the first judicial decision to rule on the constitutionality of abortion within a human rights framework. The Court’s ruling distinguished between the legal right to life and the constitutional value

of life. This distinction means that the Court has the right to protect the constitutional value of prenatal life but can only do so in a manner that respects the human rights of the mother. The ruling of case C-355/06 allowed women in Colombia to seek legal abortions under three circumstances: if the continuation of the pregnancy was certified to constitute a danger to the life or health of the mother, if the fetus had serious malformations causing the life of the fetus to be inviable, or if the pregnancy was a result of criminal acts such as rape or incest.

Since Colombia’s movement toward reproductive rights from a human rights standpoint, there has been a clear international trend towards expanding legal access to abortion. Tysiąc v. Poland (2007), a case from the European Court of Human Rights, found that the applicant’s rights under Article 8 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights had been violated. The applicant had experienced severe myopia during her two prior pregnancies but was refused a therapeutic abortion after a 5-minute consultation without any

DOMESTIC POLITICS FALL 2021 // COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

Jesse Levine // Barnard College ’25 October 2, 2021

ophthalmologic consideration by a doctor at the state hospital. As a result, the applicant suffered an almost complete loss of eyesight. Such cases demonstrate that arguing for reproductive rights as human rights is an effective and efficient way to expand access to abortions. Additionally, general comments and recommendations released by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, the Human Rights Committee, and the Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights have established a powerful precedent for using human rights to protect the reproductive rights of women around the world.

After C-355/06, the Colombian Ministry of Health issued new regulations specifying conditions for the implementation of lawful abortion by public and private healthcare service providers. These regulations included the adoption of the World Health Organization’s Safe Abortion: Technical and Policy Guidance for Health Systems. Additionally,

abortion on the grounds allowed by the C-355/06 were incorporated as part of the services provided by the public health system in Colombia. Unfortunately, numerous issues persist, including a lack of information about the new legal framework,

dom, including the risk of criminal prosecution, jail time, and increased subjugation to discrimination.

It’s clear that only decriminalizing select cases where abortion is permitted is not an effective means to end the epidemic of unwanted

the use of collective or institutional conscientious objection by health care providers, the disregard of the autonomy of young girls to make decisions, and unjustified waiting periods that prevented women from obtaining abortions in a timely fashion. Women in Colombia continue to face structural roadblocks on their journeys to reproductive free-

pregnancies that result in unsafe and illegal abortions in Colombia. Prior to the 2006 ruling, 24 percent of all pregnancies in Colombia resulted in abortion and 26 percent were unwanted pregnancies. In 2008 alone, 400,400 induced abortions were performed in Colombia—only 322 were reported as legal procedures. An attempt to remedy the lasting negative impacts of Colombia’s widespread criminalization of abortion was shut down in March 2020, when the Constitutional Court declined to make any ruling in cases that permit abortion during the first months of pregnancy.

The Causa Justa movement, an organization that seeks to allow women to make autonomous decisions in a free and informed manner and recognize abortion as a true fundamental right, now leads the fight for the expansion of reproductive rights in Colombia and throughout South America. On September 16th, 2020, the Causa Justa movement, joined by 134 activists and 91 organizations,

A pro-choice protest in Colombia. Image by Alberto Alonso.

“Women in Colombia continue to face structural roadblocks on their journeys to reproductive freedom.”

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filed a joint lawsuit in the Constitutional Court of Colombia pushing to entirely declassify abortion as a crime in the Penal Code on the basis that the harsh regulation violates the fundamental rights of women. The claims include violation of the right to voluntary termination of pregnancy, violation of the right to health, violation of the right to freedom of profession or trade of health personnel, violation of the right to equality of migrant women in an irregular migratory situation, violation of the right to freedom of conscience and the principles of the secular state, and violation of various constitutional principles of criminal law. Causa Justa argues that since C-355/06, a large number of laws and decrees have changed the legal scenario sur -

rounding abortion and the current charges are different than those examined by the Court in 2006.

Based on the precedent they set in 2006 with case 355/06, and numerous international rulings that have expanded access to reproductive rights on the basis of human rights, the Constitutional Court of Colombia should rule in favor of the expansion of reproductive rights and eliminate the crime of abortion as it is unfair to the most vulnerable women in Colombia. The Causa Justa group also hopes to ameliorate the situation in Colombia through legislative action. They seek to replace the criminal law surrounding abortion with better health policies that help prevent deaths and complications from unsafe abortions and unwanted pregnancies, includ-

ing comprehensive sex education programs, information, access, and availability of contraceptive methods. When reproductive rights are restricted, as seen in Colombia, abortion rates don’t decrease; rather, safe abortion rates decrease, especially among uneducated, low-income women. By implementing these changes on a national level, both through the court system and the legislative process, the number of unsafe, illegal abortions taking place among women in Colombia will decrease across the board, leading to the critical destigmatization of abortion and other reproductive services. Wealthy or impoverished, educated or uneducated, women around the world must have rights to autonomy and human dignity.

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Colombian Supreme Court of Justice. Photo by Bernard Gagnon.

GAINING PEACE IN MYANMAR: INVEST IN YOUTH TO END THE COUP

Caroline Mendoza // Columbia College ’24 October 1, 2021

On March 3, 19-year-old Angel, also known as Kyal Sin, was shot and killed by the Burmese military while participating in pro-democracy protests. While Angel’s death was the first documented murder of a young person since the start of Myanmar’s military coup, hundreds more youths have been killed and arrested.

Youth in Myanmar (defined as age 15-35) are leading anti-coup protests and efforts to bring security to their country. Many of those on the frontlines of protests, infamous for their amount of bloodshed, are in their late teens and early twenties, and playing key roles in unifying labor, teacher, and student unions to organize against the military. The symbolic banging of pots and pans each night in solidarity against the coup is also largely attributed to the work of youth activists, many of whom were encouraged by protestors in their 20s.

Conversations on current youth contributions to Myanmar’s peace and security would not be complete without understanding the efforts of

young peacebuilders in the years before the coup. Notably, youth began Myanmar’s 1988 uprising. In 1988, after several university students disagreed with government officials in a tea shop, the nation launched into strikes and marches that would eventually end in violence instigated by the Burmese military.

In more recent years, peace process frameworks have largely relied on the skills of young people, many of whom aid in documentation and facilitation efforts and hold technological proficiency that adults do not.

many of these efforts are informal and on a small scale. This gap is telling of the need for formal avenues to youth inclusion, as until now, much, if not all, of youth participation has been through informal tracks with many barriers to recognition and documentation. Cultural and socio-economic barriers, ageism, a lack of education, and little to no monetary support from international donors stifles the potential of young activists. Moreover, youth are generally viewed as victims or burdens as opposed to the changemakers and peacebuilders they have proven to be.

Reports from the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation note that numerous active youth networks are present in Myanmar and involve their young participants in interfaith dialogue, awareness campaigns, local organizing, and community mobilization.

Despite the notable work and leadership of youth in Myanmar,

The ongoing Rohingya genocide and persecution of ethnic minorities increases the necessity for opportunities for formal youth input, as young people from ethnic groups historically discriminated against hold perspectives vital to many social and political issues. Additionally, girls and young women suffer unique and disproportionate effects of conflict, similarly displaying need for representation and inclusion in conflict resolution efforts.

Beyond the demonstrated urgency for formal channels to youth

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"STRIDES TOWARDS PEACE IN MYANMAR WOULD BE SIGNIFICANTLY MORE EFFECTIVE, INCLUSIVE, AND SUSTAINABLE IF YOUNG PEOPLE WERE INSTITUTIONALLY SUPPORTED IN THEIR NEW AND EXISTING EFFORTS."

inclusion, young people make up one-third of Myanmar’s population, a country with a median age of 27, and are arguably the most prominent stakeholders in the nation’s future. Strides towards peace in Myanmar would be significantly more effective, inclusive, and sustainable if young people were institutionally supported in their new and existing efforts. The U.S. has an opportunity to provide such support given the recently introduced Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS) Act of 2021, a House of Representatives bill based on a U.N. resolution of the same name.

If passed, the YPS Act will open formal opportunities to in -

clude youth in peace and security efforts by encouraging youth policies across multiple U.S. federal agencies and providing American financial support to youth-led initiatives abroad. Representative Grace Meng, who led the introduction of the YPS Act, included that the bill will also form a Youth Coordinator position at USAID to manage relevant projects in the U.S. government. The act also holds language to protect youth at risk of violence, an extremely crucial point as civilian deaths in Myanmar increase with each day.

The YPS Act would aid in ensuring a greater likelihood of sustainable peace, as excluding youth means

pursuing peace processes that do not meet the needs of a large portion of the population. From an economic perspective, the act offers more effective conflict prevention efforts, as investing in prevention is always cheaper than intervention.

Myanmar’s youth demand assistance that they have long deserved, and showcase a history of powerful mobilization for a country currently entrenched in violence and political unrest. Youth in the present have proven vital to strides towards democracy and will continue to be vital to peace and security efforts, extending a chance for the U.S., and the YPS agenda, to contribute to lasting systems change.

Protestors marching in February 2021 against the recent military coup.

DOMESTIC POLITICS FALL 2021 // COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

Photo by Htin Linn Aye.

Border Patrol apprehends migrants attempting to cross the U.S.'s southern border near McAllen, Texas. Photo by U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

VICE PRESIDENT KAMALA HARRIS’S FIRST VISIT TO GUATEMALA REVEALS A LEGACY OF HYPOCRISY

Isaiah

September 15, 2021

"Do not come” were the three carefully chosen words Vice President Kamala Harris spoke, when addressing the nation of Guatemala and prospective Guatemalan migrants in June 2021. Harris’ visit to the Central American country was the premier part of her first overseas trip as Vice President. Though Vice President Harris is a first-generation American herself, a personification of the American dream achieved, her message to Guatemalan migrants seeking entrance to the United States was a prevailing echo of exclusion. The U.S. continues to discourage Guatemalan migrants even after President Donald Trump, who was notorious for his anti-immigrant rhetoric, has left the oval office.

Before the Biden administration, the Trump administration led a ruthless campaign to thwart migrants and asylum-seekers. Unfortunately, many of Trump’s policies (like Title 42, which expedites family deportations) and negative dialogues around Central American migrants remain. For the first several months of the Biden presidency, U.S. immigration policy has remained startlingly similar to

the previous administration, despite Biden’s pro-immigrant tone on the campaign trail and Vice President Harris’ first-generation background.

It is crucial to question whether Vice President Harris and the Biden administration would need to discourage potential Guatemalan migrants if not for the lasting perils of

gration and establish a comprehensive pathway to citizenship for Guatemalan migrants.

Laura E. Gómez, author of Inventing Latinos: A New Story of American Racism, writes how the United Fruit Company dominated Central American railroads and land in the early 20th century to maintain

U.S. destabilization in the region. The political instability, poverty, and violence that force Guatemalans to emigrate have close ties to American interests, particularly the State Department and the United Fruit Company, now known as the Chiquita Brands International. To create a more just immigration system, the United States must own up to its history of destabilization in Guatemala that has led to contemporary immi-

its fruit markets in the United States. Their presence in Central America allowed them to establish significant capital and political power. It even led to the term “Banana Republic,” a phrase used to denote a country whose politics and economy are controlled by a single export or company. Coinciding United Fruit’s rise to power, Guatemala’s anti-labor dictator, Manuel Estrada Cabrera, exacerbated and upheld racism and severe

Colmenero // Columbia College ’24

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“Instead of telling guatemalans not to come to our southern border, the biden administration must create a path to american citizenship.”

class divides in the nation through federal deals with the company and its racially divided workforce.

Consequently, in 1920, the Guatemalan Unionist Party overthrew Cabrera, holding an election where the Unionists elected Carlos Herrera as president. However, Herrera’s victory was short-lived after a U.S.backed military coup ousted him, supporting anti-labor efforts and limiting the Unionist Party’s attempt to

eradicate national inequalities. However, the fight against United Fruit and extortion did not end there.

In 1944, Jacobo Árbenz, a pro-labor reformer, became the Guatemalan Minister of National Defense and developed a land reform bill, which intended to have United Fruit release its hold on Guatemalan land for popular redistribution. Árbenz was praised by Guatemalans, and in 1951, he became the second demo-

cratically elected president in the nation. Three years later, President Eisenhower ordered a CIA coup d’etat to overthrow Árbenz, undermining Árbenz’s attempted demands for land reform and reparations from United Fruit. The U.S. justified its political intervention by labeling Árbenz as a ‘communist’ threat to Latin America. Nevertheless, the upheaval of Guatemala’s young democracy undermined the maturing stability of the nation.

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Vice President Kamala Harris in Guatemala in June 2021. Photo by the Office of the Vice President of the United States.

United Fruit heavily campaigned for this intervention. They convinced Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, who had served as United Fruit’s former attorney, that President Árbenz was dangerous and radical. John Foster Dulles and his brother Allen Dulles, who was serving as CIA director, compelled President Eisenhower to act and stand with United Fruit. All the while, the United States hid its actions from the American public, as CIA involvement in the coup was not

revealed publicly until 1999.

President Árbenz’s removal resulted in succeeding military and authoritarian governments, often funded by the United States, after the short-lived Guatemalan democracy. Additionally, it ignited the tensions that led to the Guatemalan Civil War, which lasted from 1960 to 1996 and killed over 200,000 civilians. According to a study completed by the Commission for Historical Clarification, 83 percent of those killed were Maya, indigenous peoples of Guatemala, and many consider the war an indigenous genocide.

Among the war militants were officers who had been funded or even trained by the United States. The same study from the Commission for Historical Clarification found U.S. military assistance to Guatemala had a “significant bearing on human rights violations during the armed confrontation.” Consequently, in 1999, President Bill Clinton apologized to Guatemala for the United States’ role in the civil war. However, an apology does not amend the harm done.

Despite the violence and destabilization the United States and the United Fruit Company caused, we have yet to see the necessary action and reparations to bring justice to Guatemala. The continual political instability, poverty, and gang violence—symptoms of the Guatemalan Civil War and a century of exploitation—in the region force some Guatemalans to emigrate. Today, around 49.3 percent of Guatemalans live in poverty, and the Northern Triangle countries—El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala—continue to have the highest intentional homicide rates in the world.

When addressing Guatemalan migration, Vice President Harris framed the issue like a Guatemalan

domestic issue when, in reality, the United States played an irrevocable role in creating the conditions that continue to cause Guatemalans to emigrate. In light of the history of the United States’ involvement in Guatemala and Central America, continuously destabilizing the region in self-interest, the hypocrisy of Vice President Harris’ statement, “do not come,” is harshly underscored by the lack of acknowledgment and responsibility. Our current presidential administration must recognize the role the United States plays in contributing to the migration from Guatemala and Central America we see now.

Instead of telling Guatemalans not to come to our southern border, the Biden administration must create a path to American citizenship, specifically for Guatemalans, who the U.S. has historically exploited and marginalized for capital gain. If the Biden Administration developed a path to citizenship for Guatemalan migrants, including benefits like welfare, resettlement assistance, English-language courses, and health benefits, all of which Cuban refugees received, the U.S. could save Guatemalan lives and protect those migrating from exploitation once they enter the country. The United States must also work with Guatemala to correct systemic issues such as political instability, violence, and poverty. To fund these efforts, the U.S. should demand that Chiquita Brands International make reparations for their extortion of Guatemala. Not only must the U.S. own up to its past mistakes, but it must also enfranchise those who seek entry into our nation today as they escape the inhumane realities that the U.S. has created.

DOMESTIC POLITICS FALL 2021 // COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

CANADIAN INDIGENOUS GENOCIDE: RAMIFICATION OF THE “ANGEL COMPLEX”

Lochlan Liyuan Zhang // General Studies ’25

August 27, 2021

Memorial for the discovery of 215 bodies in Kamloops Indian Residential School. Photo by GoToVan.

In 2016, journalists Denise Balkissoon and Hannah Sung first coined the term “angel complex” in a podcast episode of “Color Code.” This term is used to broach the fact that Canadians constantly compare their country to the United States on the grounds of social issues (i.e., racism and healthcare) to create a sense of smug superiority on national evaluation indicators. The “angel complex” ideology is an inveterate belief that causes Canadians to inadvertently neglect to improve the regulation of domestic social issues, engendering a history of denial regarding the unfair treatment of Indigenous communities.

The “angel complex” mentality focuses on the gap between Canada and the United States in terms of the healthcare and social welfare systems while ignoring the importance of constantly improving Canada’s own healthcare system. During the Trump Administration, Canadians stayed aloof and compared the impact of the COVID-19 between the two countries and slammed the U.S. government for its failure to control the virus’ infection rate. After the comparison, Canadians became complacent with their health care system and touted its success to the world. But the truth is that Canadians’ boasting about their MediCare system has caused them to overlook internal problems, thus causing the system to become sclerotic, owing to a chronic lack of federal funding to support its operations. Because of the obsession with comparing and criticizing, Canadians failed to pay attention to how to deal with the pandemic in a timely manner, resulting in local infection rates sur -

passing those of the United States, with irreversible consequences.

Canadians with an “angel complex” mentality often compare the issue of racial discrimination between the two countries. They untruthfully believe that Canada is a superior place on racial issues when compared to their southern neighbors. This mentality makes it easier for Canadians to be ignorant of racial discrimination within their society. Canadians are familiar with the story of Rosa Parks and the Montgomery Bus Boycott, but may not know much about Viola Irene Desmond, a parallel civil rights activist from their country who challenged racial segregation at a cinema in New Glasgow and pioneered

gained the scrutiny of the global public. With the discovery of these bones, a forgotten and denied history of racism was brought back to the forefront. From the 1880s to 1997, there were 139 compulsory residential schools in Canada. These schools were funded by the Canadian government and administered by Christian churches to assimilate Indigenous people into white society and force them to discard their ethnic history in the process.

Previous investigations by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada revealed that approximately 150,000 Indigenous children (i.e., Métis, Inuit, etc.) were removed from their families

the racial equality act in Canada. In 2020, just as Canadians were condemning the social unrest and entrenched discriminatory practices in the United States, their country was also beset by similar problems. Recent world-shattering investigations brought attention to Canada’s history of unfair treatment towards Indigenous communities. In June 2021, more than 1,100 skeleton’s of Indigenous children were found across territories of Canada. Such news has

and sent to residential schools. There, they received a basic education in reading, writing, and math, but they were not allowed to speak their own languages or maintain their traditions. Approximately 3,000 children died while attending school due to poor sanitation and prolonged exposure to physical and sexual violence, as well as verbal and emotional abuse. Other children ran away due to hunger and exertion but eventually died while fleeing the schools.

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“CANADIANS PERSISTENTLY COMPARE THEMSELVES TO THE UNITED STATES IN TERMS OF RACISM WHILE IGNORING DOMESTIC MATTERS, NAMELY THE INJUSTICE OF INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES.”

In the wake of the discovery of the children’s skeletons, the brutal history was resurrected, igniting popular outrage in Canada and around the world. These revelations raise the question as to how such atrocities were ignored: understanding the “angel complex” mentality may provide an answer. Canadians persistently compare themselves to the United States in terms of racism while ignoring domestic matters, namely the injustice of Indigenous communities. The failures of Canada to overcome racial discrimination, the history of the slaughter of countless children, and the fact that Indigenous communities, especially women, are still being victimized today are behind Canada’s inadequate inter-country comparison of superiority.

Canada’s Indigenous population is about 1.67 million, accounting for 4.9 percent of Canada’s total population. However, they face more poverty and violence than any other ethnic group. The unemploy -

ment rate for the Indigenous population in Canada was about 10.1 percent, compared to 7.0 percent for whites. In Ontario, the unemployment rate for Indigenous people in 2020 was 12.5 percent, while for non-Indigenous groups, it was

da, but Indigenous voices present more compelling evidence. A survey released by the Angus Reid Institute shows that about 30 percent of Indigenous people feel they are seen as outsiders in Canada and about 36 percent of Indigenous people say that Canada is a “racist country.”

Canadian racism is ever-present. It is time to realize that claiming “Canada is not as racist as America” is not a solution to Canada’s internal social disparity. The “angel complex” only makes people ignore the problems that damage society and delay the implementation of widespread improvements. Such deep-rooted injustices against Indigenous people would not have continued for a century if not for beliefs like the “angel complex” hindering social justice reform. Racism in Canada is “more insidious and covert,” according to Charmaine Nelson, a professor of art

9.5 percent. Indigenous people economically suffer from the inability to receive higher education and are forced to acquire more skills and perform more labor to obtain equal treatment. Urban migration also plays a negative role in the comparatively low economic status of the Indigenous population, as 41 percent had migrated from their hometown to a new place.

The statistics presented above reveal the social injustice in Cana -

history at McGill University. But I do not presume that Canadian racism is covert in nature; it’s because the linchpin of the social concerns is not on racial discrimination, and thus it goes unaddressed. Every country should have legitimate national pride, but Canada’s distorted nationalism and its “compared to America, we are angels” mindset has led it to focus too much on intercountry comparison, thereby disregarding domestic issues.

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"IT IS TIME TO REALIZE THAT CLAIMING 'CANADA IS NOT AS RACIST AS AMERICA' IS NOT A SOLUTION TO CANADA’S INTERNAL SOCIAL DISPARITY."

Mourners visit a memorial for the Kamloops Indian Residential School. Photo by GoToVan.

CAN CHINA HAVE IT ALL IN A COAL TRANSITION?

HOW THE CCP WILL STRUGGLE TO BALANCE CLIMATE REFORM WITH LABOR CONCERNS

In 1922, coal miners in Southeast China orchestrated a labor strike that would become the backbone of the early Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) labor politics. In 2016, coal miners from that same area gathered again to protest wage cuts. The difference? The 2016 min-

ers were protesting the CCP. The protests highlight a stark difficulty China is facing as it begins to feel the effects from both climate change and a coming transition away from coal: the fate of fossil fuel industry workers. China is currently the world’s largest producer and consumer of

coal, but recent, lofty policy proposals to move away from fossil fuels, such as reaching peak carbon (greatest level of carbon emissions) by 2030 and being carbon neutral (no net emissions) by 2060 have made the challenges of a Chinese coal transition clear. One often overlooked aspect of such a transition is the effects on workers who are currently employed in the coal industry, particularly on those working in towns where coal is the primary industry or who are close to retirement. As of 2015, approximately 3.7 million people were employed in the Chinese coal industry. As the country transitions away, China has begun to reduce coal em-

Caitlin Hamilton // Columbia College ’25 October 8, 2021

41 DOMESTIC POLITICS FALL 2021 // COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW INTERNATIONAL POLITICS

A coal miner in Xingtai, China, Photo by Wikimedia Commons.

ployment and, without a comprehensive plan to account for laid-off workers, the cracks are beginning to show. A number of workers have gone on strike against former employers, making the path to a coal transition more complicated.

While anti-imperialist protests like the May Fourth Movement helped provide the impetus for the establishment of the CCP and China as an independent nation, the government itself has worked to quash collective action. In the wake of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, which became a national turning point, the CCP was increasingly harsh on protestors, leading to events like the Tiananmen Square Massacre, estimated to have killed over 10,000. However, in order to maintain regime stability, the government allows some degree of protest and will often negotiate heavily with activists in or-

der to prevent a local movement from going national. For example, China’s feminist movement has faced significant state repression, leading it to go almost entirely online. UCLA’s Professor Ching Kwan Lee and Yonghong Zhang, of Sun Yat-sen University calls this concept “bargained authoritarianism,” or the idea that the CCP has to make some concessions on the local level in order to maintain control on the national level.

With regards to coal miners, bargained authoritarianism became relevant in the wake of 2013, when the price of coal rapidly fell due to overcapacity, forcing the Chinese coal industry to lay off workers. Moreover, the 2016 decapacity policy led to the closures of several state-owned mines, inciting further layoffs. While there has been no national labor movement by coal miners, thousands of miners in Heilongjiang, Shandong, and oth-

er regions, some of whom had been laid off, have gone on strike for back pay. Many regions where miners went on strike were historical producers of coal, and affected towns often used coal as the main economic driver. These regions also tended to be less developed than other parts of China, making the loss of their economic backbone debilitating. The government put an end to these protests by creating a $15 billion assistance fund for laid off coal miners and increasing police presence. Ultimately, while individual strike movements did not go national, the CCP likely perceives them as a huge threat. Over the course of a climate transition, millions of people in China will lose their jobs. Workers in Shuangyashan, a coal city in Heilongjiang, have stated that the new jobs they have found, if any, pay significantly less. Without a comprehensive plan for moving away from

42 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS COLUMBIA POLITICAL REVIEW // FALL 2021

Chinese Coal Production with Mining and Energy Sector Employment over time, data compiled by Caitlin Hamilton. Data provided by the Chinese Statistical Yearbook.

coal while supporting coal miners, the Chinese government will face more protests from those who lose their livelihood. Fear of these protests going national or of the coal miners organizing as a collective group will likely delay the coal transition.

However, even in the absence of a climate transition, China is facing a significant loss of coal employment that could create a crisis in provinces which are heavily reliant on coal. After the aforementioned 2013 pricing crisis, there has been a significant decrease in the number of mining employees,60-70% of whom are coal miners in China. While coal production is appearing to increase, mining employment has dropped from a high of 6.4 million in 2013 to 4.1 million in 2018. This is likely due to an increase in efficiency—one of the core goals of the capacity policy was eliminating old and inefficient mines, while promoting those that are more efficient and require fewer workers.

This trend is more pronounced in specific provinces. For example, Inner Mongolia, one of the top coal producers in China, experienced a 38% decrease in mining employment—from approximately 214,700 employees to 135,600 employees— from 2013 to 2018. These numbers, in conjunction with the goals of

the capacity policy, demonstrate a trend in Chinese coal: regardless of whether or not the Chinese government transitions away from coal, jobs in coal will continue to be lost, likely leading to the same kinds of social instability previously discussed.

How can the Chinese government move forward while attempting to balance the interests of the environment with the interests of the people? China needs to transition away from coal, but a fraught relationship with political protest and social pressure from coal miners could prove to be a stumbling block in a successful coal transition. Moving too far in either direction is untenable—it is unwise to sacrifice the environment for social stability or vice versa. With this in mind, it is imperative that China constructs

a plan for a coal transition that heavily considers the needs of those employed in fossil fuel industries. While China has proposed some policies, like a nebulous $15 billion coal miner relief fund, many coal miners have found themselves unable to find employment that pays a similar amount as coal. China could potentially provide job retraining, relocate miners, or promote green industry in the area to help miners find satisfactory jobs. There will likely be more labor protests in China, just as there have been labor protests in other countries looking to move away from coal. In order to maintain regime stability, China must face the short term problem of coal unemployment in order to mitigate the long term problem of climate change.

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Inner Mongolian Coal Production and Mining Employment over time, data compiled by Caitlin Hamilton. Data provided by the Chinese Statistical Yearbook.

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