Brewerytown, Philadelphia

Neighborhood Change in Brewerytown, Philadelphia

University of Michigan URP 582 - Neighborhood Planning, Fall 2017 Colin Brown, Sarah Magnelia December 2017

Table of Contents I. II.

Executive Summary List of Figures

A. Graphs 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

B. Maps 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

C. Photos

Table of Contents 10.

Race Riots, Columbia and 15th Streets. Photo Credit: Temple University

Urban Archives, August, 1964.

11.

“We Build Houses - Fast Cash” and “We Build Ourselves Together,” Street

Signs at 28th Street and West Stiles Street, Brewerytown. Photo

Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

12.

Changing Housing Stock, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017 13.

Vacant Homes, Brewerytown. 2900 Block of W Thompson Street Photo

Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017 14.

Rowhouses, Newkirk Street and W Thompson Street, Brewerytown. Photo

Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017 15.

“Luxury Apartments,” Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017

4

Population Totals in Brewerytown and Philadelphia, 1940-2015 Racial Characteristics in Brewerytown, 1940-2015 Age Structure in Brewerytown, 2000-2015 Educational Attainment in Brewerytown, 2000-2015 Median Home Value in Brewerytown, 2000-2015 Types of Vacancy in Brewerytown, 2015 Median Household Income by Race in Brewerytown, 2000-2015 Labor Force Participation in Brewerytown, 2015

12 13 14 15 17 20 23 24

Overview of Brewerytown, 2017 Construction Permits in Brewerytown, 2017 Commercial Land in Brewerytown, 2014 Vacant Land in Brewerytown, 2014 Median Family Income in Brewerytown and Surroundings, 2015 Employment Destinations of Brewerytown Residents, 2002-2015 Crime in Brewerytown, June - November 2017 Crime in Fairmount, June - November 2017

7 18 21 21 22 25 26 27

1.

West-Bound Girard Avenue Trolley and One+One Hardware Store, 27th Cover

Street and Girard Avenue, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

2.

Freedom School Mural and Girard-Dream Garden, 31st Street and Girard Cover

Avenue, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

3.

Development on Girard Avenue: Le Cat Cafe, Crime and Punishment, Cover

and North Abbey Apartment Building, 2700 block of Girard Avenue,

Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

4.

Skyline View from 27th Street and Girard Avenue, Brewerytown. Photo 5

Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017 5.

Girard Avenue Trolley, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Philadelphia Free 8

Library Archives, circa 1870.

6.

Strawberry Mansion Bridge, Schuylkill River, Strawberry Mansion. Photo 8

Credit: Philadelphia Free Library Archives, circa 1880.

7.

F.A. Poth Brewery, 31st and Jefferson Streets, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: 9

Philadelphia Department of Records, circa 1900.

8.

Girard Avenue Bridge, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Philadelphia Free 9

Library Archives, circa 1876.

9.

North Philadelphia Aerial, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Philadelphia Free 10

Library Archives, circa 1920.

2

III.

Introduction

A. Defining Neighborhood Change B. Hypothesis

IV.

Neighborhood Overview

V.

Current State

A. Geographic Context B. History C. Institutions

A. Demographics B. Educational Attainment C. Built Environment a.

Housing Characteristics b.

Construction c.

Vacancy D. Income and Poverty E. Employment F. Crime

VI. VII.

Conclusions References

10 19 19 20 20 27

4 4 5

6 6 7 10

11 11 14 16 16 18 19 21 23 26

28 30

3

Executive Summary

This report examines the Philadelphia neighborhood Brewerytown through the lens of neighborhood change. Commonly referenced theories on neighborhood change, along with practical indicators of such change, are used to gauge past and recent shifts in the neighborhood. We begin by reviewing the geographical, historical, and institutional context of Brewerytown and, to a lesser extent, Philadelphia. This foundational backdrop leads to a descriptive analysis of Brewerytown’s shifting neighborhood dynamics. Leveraging census and city data, we examine an array of variables related to neighborhood change (e.g., demographics, household structure, employment and income, education, housing, construction, land use, and crime). Analysis of these variables leads us to conclude that Brewerytown is undergoing neighborhood change, particularly when one looks at demographics, home values, educational attainment, and construction. Moreover, these changes appear to be affecting residents disparately.

We also find that Brewerytown faces significant challenges, among them high poverty and vacancy. We end the report with a consideration of what such change means for the neighborhood, its incumbent residents, and practitioners working therein.

Introduction Defining Neighborhood Change

When examining changing neighborhoods it is important to define “change.”

Inherently, conditions of change are highly subjective. One person may see wholesale restructuring of an area where others will not perceive any change at all. Multiple perspectives of change – both theoretical and practical – are helpful when framing such a discussion.

Sociologist Kent Schwirian, in his review “Models of Neighborhood Change,” outlines several theoretical views of change (1983). Historically, two models – invasionsuccession and life cycle – have dominated perspectives on changing neighborhoods (Schwirian, 1983). These models, used in a complementary fashion, suggest that change is ecological; it entails groups competing over territory – territory that naturally progresses through cycles of growth and decay. More recently, frameworks based on demographics, social relations, political and economic dynamics, and social movements have emerged; they suggest that neighborhood change can be marked by shifting demographics, a loss of community, political and economic factors, and heightened citizen participation, respectively. As such, Schwirian provides a multiplicity of perspectives with which to examine neighborhood change (Schwirian, 1983).

Alan Mallach, in a 2008 National Housing Institute (NHI) report entitled “Managing Neighborhood Change,” outlines what changing dynamics in a neighborhood may look like in practical terms, especially in relation to the built environment. Specifically, Mallach

4

points to the centrality of a neighborhood’s housing market as a marker of change (2008). Continual change in neighborhoods, resulting from real estate speculation, consumer preferences and neighborhood revitalization, creates a spectrum of housing stock conditions that, to a large extent, determine the stability and desirability of a neighborhood (2008). To be sure, Mallach notes that housing is a narrow scope with which to determine neighborhood change. Nevertheless, he also argues that housing conditions often work as a proxy for other features of change, thus acting as a reliable indicator of overall shifts.

Hypothesis

Prior to engaging descriptive data, we outlined a general hypothesis that neighborhood change was occurring in Brewerytown. Drawing on second-hand sources, anecdotal evidence, and prior evidence of change in similar Philadelphia neighborhoods, we hypothesized Brewerytown has been experiencing: • • •

An increase in younger, more affluent, highly educated, single, white residents, A concurrent loss of older, poorer, less educated, black families, and A shifting housing stock, as indicated by increasing home values.

Newspaper headlines like ““Brewerytown, set to be Philly’s next hot neighborhood, experiences growing pains” and “In Philadelphia’s rapidly changing Brewerytown, a neighborhood’s gain is one resident’s loss” also informed our hypothesis (John-Hall, 2017; McCabe, 2017).

This hypothesis draws upon the theoretical and practical frameworks of neighborhood change outlined above. We hypothesize that demographics, home values, and incomes in the neighborhood are changing. Moreover, our hypothesis that new and incumbent residents vary according by race, educational attainment, and income aligns with the invasion-succession model.

Photo 4: Skyline View from 27th Street and Girard Avenue, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

5

Neighborhood Overview

of Pennsylvania, 2017). Drexel University, where enrollment was over 24,000 in 2017-18, is also in West Philadelphia, just north of Penn (Drexel University, 2017). Finally, Temple University, which had over 8,000 employees and nearly 40,000 students in 2016-17, is directly northeast of Brewerytown (Temple University, 2017).

Geographic Context Brewerytown lies in the southwest corner of what the Philadelphia City Planning Commission (PCPC) refers to as Philadelphia’s “Lower North District,” just north of the city’s “Metropolitan Center” (City of Philadelphia, 2014). The neighborhood is bordered to the west by East Fairmount Park, a 358-acre park commissioned by the city in 1868 (City of Philadelphia, 2014). The Schuylkill River, which divides Philadelphia in western and eastern sections, and Interstate 76, a major thoroughfare connecting Philadelphia to its western suburbs, also run alongside Brewerytown’s western edge (City of Philadelphia, 2014; see Map 1).

On all other sides, Brewerytown is bordered by residential neighborhoods.

Strawberry Mansion, a historically Jewish neighborhood that is now one of Philadelphia’s most impoverished, lies to Brewerytown’s north; Sharswood and Cecil B. Moore, home to Temple University and the city’s 1964 race uprisings, are to the neighborhood’s north and east; and Fairmount, an increasingly affluent area that is home to cultural institutions including the Philadelphia Museum of Art and Eastern State Penitentiary, is to Brewerytown’s south (City of Philadelphia, 2014; Conn, 2014; Janofsky, 1998; McGovern, 2006). While this report will not fully consider the state of these neighborhoods, we will sometimes highlight them for comparative purposes. Indeed, while it is difficult to assert that changes in Brewerytown are the result of changes in the surrounding area, developers like MMPartners are active in both Fairmount and Brewerytown, and much of the development in Brewerytown is concentrated on the neighborhood’s southern edge (Blackmer, 2015; McGovern, 2006; MMPartners, 2017).

Brewerytown’s proximity to city amenities, including Interstate 76, East Fairmount Park, and the city’s Metropolitan Center – called Center City locally – must also be considered when analyzing the neighborhood. Brewerytown offers easy access to the Interstate, and by bus or car, Brewerytown is 10-20 minutes from Center City (City of Philadelphia, 2014; Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority, 2017). Additionally, in 2005, the Philadelphia-area public transit provider, the Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority (SEPTA), restored trolley service to Girard Avenue, a change that some have suggested has spurred development in the area (American Public Transit Association, 2005; Saffron, 2004). Furthermore, while pedestrian access to East Fairmount Park from Brewerytown is limited, the park is one of the country’s largest, and in recent years, groups like Fairmount Park Conservancy have put significant resources into making the park a more desirable amenity (Fairmount Park Conservancy, 2014).

Map 1: Overview of Brewerytown, 2017. Created by Colin Brown.

History

Brewerytown also offers relatively easy access to several Philadelphia universities, potentially making the area attractive to students and university employees. The University of Pennsylvania (Penn), home to over 24,000 students and 39,000-plus university and hospital system employees, is in West Philadelphia, which is a 10-15 minute drive and 20-30 minute transit ride from Brewerytown (City of Philadelphia, 2014; University

In the post-Civil War era, Philadelphia became a burgeoning economic force – known as the “Workshop of the World” for its diverse output of textile and manufacturing products (Scranton, 1990). Brewerytown benefited from, and contributed to, this economic vitality. During this period, the eponymous industry of the neighborhood took root, as dozens of breweries – including Bergner and Engel, F.A. Poth, and Eisner – established production facilities along Fairmount Park (Feitz, 2015; see Photo 7). The location was ideal for brewers: directly adjacent to the Schuylkill River for water supply and the railyards for regional transport. Additionally, German immigrants in the area, who were familiar with the brewing process, served as a strong manufacturing base (Pennsylvania Department of Transportation, 1990). Fairmount Park hosted the Centennial Exposition in 1876, for which Brewerytown’s industrial-sized malthouses and newly reconstructed Girard Avenue Bridge were major attractions (see Photo 8). Brewerytown’s prosperity however was curtailed sharply with the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1920, as prohibition effectively shut down the cornerstone base of employment for the neighborhood. While some breweries shifted production to other products, none of the

6

7

original brewhouses remained open when prohibition was repealed in 1933 (Pennsylvania Department of Transportation, 1990). The remnants of this loss of employment are evident in the neighborhood today in the form of shuttered factories and abandoned rail yards.

Photo 5: Girard Ave Trolley. Photo Credit: Philadelphia Free Library Archives, circa 1870.

“redlining,” in which neighborhoods were denied investment and loan options based largely on racial composition, impacted Brewerytown heavily (Brewer, 1934). Lower North Philadelphia, along Ridge and Columbia Avenues, was the site of the city’s major race riots in August of 1964, during which tension between black residents and police came to a head (Bunch, 2014; see Photo 10). These events, in part, contributed to the political rise of former police chief Frank Rizzo to mayor in 1972, whose hardline – and often discriminatory – policies on crime and the city’s minorities further alienated neighborhoods like Brewerytown from City Hall (Blumgart, 2015). Increasing unemployment, poverty, vacancy, and crime emerged throughout the neighborhood and surrounding areas from 1960–1990 (Greater Brewerytown Community Development Corporation & Fairmount Community Development Corporation, 2010). Girard Avenue, once the centerpiece commercial corridor of the area, experienced acute disinvestment and dissipation of businesses, especially in critical uses like grocery stores (Newhouse, 2015).

Photo 6: Strawberry Mansion Bridge, Schuylkill River, Strawberry Mansion. Photo Credit: Philadelphia Free Library Archives, circa 1880.

In Philadelphia – as with many major U.S. cities – the period following World War II and extending for most of the 20th century was characterized by dramatic economic restructuring, as well as demographic shifts (Greater Brewerytown Community Development Corporation & Fairmount Community Development Corporation, 2010).

Several factors contributed to these shifts. The post-war boom in subsidized suburban housing construction, coupled with massive federal spending on the Interstate Highway System, allowed entire industries to decentralize their businesses from the perceived crowding and costs of cities (Hayden, 2004). The migration of southern blacks to northern industrial centers coincided with mass suburbanization and “white flight” of middleclass white families out of cities. Black families – through loan discrimination, restrictive residential covenants, real estate steering, and neighborhood intimidation – were almost universally barred from moving into these suburban communities, as highlighted in several well-documented cases such as the model suburban enclave of Levittown, outside of Philadelphia (Gotham, 2000). The confluence of economic and demographic changes resulted in a “spatial mismatch” for many urban workers – who by 1960 were disproportionately black in many northern cities – that physically separated laborers from emerging industries and compounded negative effects of concentrated poverty (Sugrue, 2005).

Brewerytown was, in many ways, indicative of the wider societal shifts in Philadelphia (and the United States) during the mid-20th century. Loss of stable industries and population density left large swaths of the community unused. The economic infrastructure of the neighborhood – largely concentrated on the western edge near the river – fell into disrepair. The racial makeup of the community changed as well; a largely white population (nearly 60 percent in 1940), shrunk to only 7 percent by 1990 (Census, T1; American Community Survey, T1). Federal Housing Administration (FHA) policies of

8

Photo 7: F.A. Poth Brewery, 31st and Jefferson Streets, Brewerytown. Photo Photo 8: Girard Avenue Bridge, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Philadelphia Free Credit: Philadelphia Department of Records, circa 1900.

Library Archives, circa 1876.

By the time Ed Rendell assumed the Philadelphia mayorship in 1992, Brewerytown was among the most impoverished neighborhoods in the city, with concomitant levels of unemployment and vacancy. The neighborhood lacked quality public schools, was failing to attract private or public investment in infrastructure, and generally was deprioritized in city government expenditures, compared to other areas of the city (Greater Brewerytown Community Development Corporation & Fairmount Community Development Corporation, 2010). While Rendell’s policies were widely lauded for revitalizing Philadelphia’s economy on the regional scale, Brewerytown has continued – through the successive administrations of John Street, Michael Nutter, and Jim Kenney – to exhibit concentrated unemployment and poverty. Having said this, Brewerytown has recently seen increased external development interest. The neighborhood’s location – easily accessible to Center City – and affordable property values have drawn speculative investment in recent years, setting the stage for new dynamics in this historic neighborhood.

9

full scholarships – costs of attendance could be a barrier for potential St. Joe’s students, as the school’s tuition was $22,000 in 2017-18 (Girard College, 2010a; St. Joseph’s Preparatory School, 2017a). St. Joe’s also diverges from the surrounding area demographically; while more than 80 percent of St. Joe’s students identify as Catholic, only 1.1 percent of congregations in Brewerytown were Catholic in 2010 (InfoGroup, 2010; St. Joseph’s Preparatory School, 2017b).

Photo 9: North Philadelphia Aerial, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Philadelphia Free Library Archives, circa 1920.

Photo 10: Race Riots, Columbia and 15th Streets. Photo Credit: Temple University Urban Archives, August, 1964.

Given that they are public, the other schools in the area – Robert Morris and Vaux Big Picture – are more connected to the neighborhood. That said, they do not appear to be drawing residents to Brewerytown. In 2015-16, approximately 20 percent of Robert Morris’ students achieved proficient scores on the Pennsylvania Standard of School Assessment exams (The School District of Philadelphia, 2017). Additionally, though promising, Vaux Big Picture is an untested model. The school – run in a partnership between the Philadelphia Housing Authority, private operator Big Picture Learning, and Philadelphia’s school district – welcomed its first cohort of 9th graders in 2017 (Graham, 2016).

Institutions Brewerytown is home to one major anchor institution: Girard College, a boarding school located at Corinthian and Girard Avenues (Girard College, 2010b). Additionally, St. Joseph’s Preparatory School (St. Joe’s), an all-boys Jesuit high school located at 17th Street and Girard Avenue, is just to Brewerytown’s east (St. Joseph’s Preparatory School, 2017a). There are also two public schools in the area: Robert Morris, a K-8 school serving 300 students, and Vaux Big Picture, a recently opened high school (Graham, 2016; The School District of Philadelphia, 2017). Finally, though not an anchor institution, Philadelphia Nursing Home – a City of Philadelphia-owned nursing home that occupies several blocks just south of Girard College – is a major employer in the area (Philadelphia Nursing Home, 2017).

Founded in 1851, St. Joe’s considers itself a “magnet for boys” from the greater Philadelphia metro area (St. Joseph’s Preparatory School, 2016). Indeed, during the 201718 school year, St. Joe’s students originated from 172 zip codes (St. Joseph’s Preparatory School, 2017b). Similarly, when Girard College was established in 1831, the school was to serve “poor, orphaned, or fatherless white boys” from across the region (Girard College, 2010b). Today, the school – which began admitting students of color in 1968 and female students in the 1980s – serves students in grades 1-12, the majority of them calling the greater-Philadelphia area home (Girard College, 2010b).

While both St. Joe’s and Girard College are prominent institutions – St. Joe’s calls itself “an anchor for a developing neighborhood,” and Girard College’s campus accounts for 43 acres in the heart of Brewerytown – the degree to which these institutions are connected to the neighborhood is unclear (Girard College, 2010b; St. Joseph’s Preparatory School, 2016). Both schools are competitive, admissions-based schools, and physical barriers separate them from the surrounding neighborhood (Girard College, 2010a; St. Joseph’s Preparatory School, 2017a).

Additionally, though not a concern at Girard College – all Girard students receive

10

Current State With the historical context of Brewerytown in mind, we now turn our attention to recent characteristics of the area, with the aim of building a more comprehensive and current neighborhood profile. To do so, we will examine a number of key indicators, drawn from census and municipal city data, which help illustrate existing conditions – and changes underway – in Brewerytown. Census data presented is aggregated from both the Decennial Census and American Community Survey (ACS) 5-year estimates so as to provide a current neighborhood outlook. Within this study, the census tracts of 137, 138, and 139, which run west to east, constitute Brewerytown. This corresponds to the area bounded by 19th Street to the east, Poplar Street to the south, Fairmount Park to the west, and Oxford Street to the north. Though Brewerytown’s census tracts have remained consistent, several adjacent tracts have changed over time; as such, census boundaries for surrounding areas prior to 2010 are normalized to the 2010 census geographies for consistency. Some variables will consider geographies outside of Brewerytown – such as Fairmount, Strawberry Mansion, and Philadelphia as a whole – to better understand recent shifts, but the focus will remain on the neighborhood-level within these census tracts. It is worth noting the scope of this study, as more expansive research could consider a wider range of variables; however, indicators here have been selected for their relevance and importance to examining Brewerytown on a more in-depth level related to neighborhood change.

Demographics Since 2000, Brewerytown’s population has changed considerably. After more than 60 years of population decline, the neighborhood has stopped losing residents.

Additionally, demographics in the neighborhood appear to be shifting. The number of

11

black residents is falling, younger residents are more common, and non-family households are increasing. While these indicators do not provide a full picture of Brewerytown’s current state, they do point to our hypothesis: Brewerytown is undergoing change. Additionally, because Brewerytown’s total population has remained stable since 2000, these trends suggest that new residents are not simply moving in. Instead, while new residents move in, established residents are aging out of or leaving the neighborhood.

Since 2000, Brewerytown’s population has fluctuated around 10,000 people. In 2000, the neighborhood’s population was 10,107, in 2010, it was 10,138, and in 2015, it was 10,376 (Census, T1; Census, T1; American Community Survey, T1; see Graph 1). The recent stabilization in population represents a shift from previous trends; between 1940 and 2000, Brewerytown lost 19,734 residents (Census, T1; Census, T1). During this same period, population density in the neighborhood fell from 50,723 residents per square mile to 17,181 residents per square mile (Census, T3; Census, T3).

Brewerytown & Philadelphia, Population, 1940-2015 35,000

2,500,000

30,000 2,000,000 25,000 1,500,000

20,000

While Brewerytown’s population is no longer in decline, demographics in the neighborhood are shifting. Between 2000 and 2015, the number of black residents decreased, median age decreased, and the number of non-family households increased. Perhaps most telling among these trends is the shift in racial demographics.

While Brewerytown was more than 90 percent black between 1970 and 2000, it is now 76.9 percent black (2015 American Community Survey, T13; see Graph 2). Since 2000, the number of black residents has steadily declined. At the same time, the number of white residents has increased. As of 2015, 18.6 percent of the neighborhood’s population was white (American Community Survey, T13). Given that overall neighborhood population has remained stable, black residents appear to be leaving or aging out of the neighborhood, while white residents are moving in.

Brewerytown, Racial Composition, 1940-2015 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980 % Black

1990

2000

2010

2015 (ACS)

% White

Graph 2: Racial Characteristics in Brewerytown, 1940-2015. Source: Census and American Community Survey.

15,000

1,000,000

10,000 500,000 5,000

0

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

Philadelphia Total Populaiton

1990

2000

2010

2015 (ACS)

0

Brewerytown Population

Graph 1: Population Totals in Brewerytown and Philadelphia, 1940-2015. Source: Census and American Community Survey.

Though this trend was not limited to Brewerytown – the entirety of Philadelphia experienced population decline during the 20th century – decline in Brewerytown was especially precipitous. Between 1940 and 2000, Philadelphia lost 21.4 percent of its residents; Brewerytown lost 66.1 percent (Census, T1; Census, T1). Furthermore, while population decline in Philadelphia began to level off in the 1990s, Brewerytown lost nearly 5,000 residents between 1990 and 2000 (Census, T1; Census, T1). Not until 2000 did Brewerytown stop losing residents.

12

Since 2000, Brewerytown’s population has also become younger. In 2015, residents ages 25 to 34 accounted for 20.7 percent of the population; in 2000, they only accounted for 12.3 percent (American Community Survey, T7; Census, T8; see Graph 3).

Similarly, since 2000, the number of residents ages 75 and above has steadily declined, falling from 7.4 percent in 2000 to 4.8 percent in 2015 (Census, T8; American Community Survey, T7). Finally, median age in Brewerytown has declined slightly since 2000, falling from 34 in 2000 to 33.1 in 2015 (Census, T13; American Community Survey, T12). Here again, because Brewerytown’s total population has remained steady since 2000, these demographic changes suggest that new, younger residents are moving to Brewerytown, while older residents are either aging out of or leaving the neighborhood.

Finally, family structure in Brewerytown has changed since 2000. The number of family households has declined, falling from 60.9 percent of households in 2000 to 53.2 percent of households in 2015 (Census, T20; American Community Survey, T17). Among family households, single-parent households are the primary contributor to decline.

Between 2000 and 2015, the number of married-couple families remained relatively steady, yet the number of single-parent households fell 8.7 percentage points (Census,

13

T20; American Community Survey, T17). As such, these families are either leaving the neighborhood or their children are no longer under the age of 18. Similarly, the number of households without children is on the rise; between 2000 and 2015, the number of households without children increased from 60.8 percent to 70.3 percent (Census, T21; American Community Survey, T18). Indeed, in this same period, individuals below the age of 18 went from accounting for 29.5 percent of the population to accounting for 24.4 percent of the population (Census, T8; American Community Survey, T7).

Age, Brewerytown Residents, 2000-2015 100% 90% 80%

7.40%

5.90%

4.80%

15.10%

16.40%

17.10%

26.20%

23.10%

24.20%

70% 60% 50% 40%

12.3% 9.4%

30% 20% 10%

29.50%

13.1%

shows a considerable increase in academic standing within Brewerytown in the last 15 years (see Graph 4). Those holding a bachelor’s degree or higher constituted 7.4 percent of the population in 2000 (Census, T44). As of 2015, that group accounted for 21.3 percent of the population (American Community Survey, T150). This metric must be caveated by the fact that ACS data for 2010 and 2015 is accompanied by a sizable margin of error for this group, as the gross number of degree holders in Brewerytown is relatively low, making the annual survey counts less accurate. Nonetheless, a general upward trend in educational attainment appears to be taking place. As the highly-educated portion of the population has increased, the segment of residents without a high school diploma or GED has shrunk significantly. Making up 43.6 percent of the population in 2000, this percentage had reduced to 21.5 percent by 2015 (Census, T44; American Community Survey T150). Although still slightly higher than the 2015 Philadelphia average (18 percent), this narrowing suggests a clear change in the educational attainment for adults in Brewerytown over the past 15 years (American Community Survey, T150).

Educational Attainment for Population 25 years and older, Brewerytown, 2000-2015 100.00%

20.7%

7.40%

11.30%

11.0%

21.30% 8.9%

30.60%

80.00%

19% 20.90%

24.40%

24.40%

0%

2000 Up to 17 Years

18 to 24 Years

2010 25 to 34 Years

35 to 54 Years

60.00%

2015 55 to 74 Years

30%

75 and Over

41.40%

Graph 3: Age Structure in Brewerytown, 2000-2015. Source: Census and American Community Survey.

40.00%

20.00%

Education Attainment The academic profile of Brewerytown residents has changed significantly since 2000. All indicators point towards an increasingly highly-educated population. Although not indicative of the grade school educational structure available to children in Brewerytown, these findings align with our suspicion that adult residents’ educational attainment has increased in recent years.

A commonly used measurement tool, educational attainment census data – showing the highest level of schooling achieved for residents 25 years old and over –

14

32.85%

43.60% 26.40%

0.00%

2000 Less than High School

2010 (ACS) High School Graduate

Some College

21.45%

2015 (ACS) Bachelors Degree or Higher

Graph 4: Educational Attainment in Brewerytown, 2000-2015. Source: Census and American Community Survey.

15

The breakdown of educational attainment by race tells a more complete story of Brewerytown. Among the black population, only 11.6 percent held a bachelor’s degree or higher, as of 2015 (Census, TS1501). Conversely, nearly 40 percent of the white population possessed such degrees. Keeping in mind that black residents accounted for almost 77 percent of Brewerytown’s population in 2015, the academic attainment data suggests a highly stratified dynamic within the neighborhood (Census, TS1501).

This stratification also aligns with previous data showing an uneven spatial disbursement of educational attainment in Brewerytown – sections further west in the neighborhood exhibit the bulk of degree-holding residents. Taking previously discussed factors into consideration, the educational data supports our hypothesis of neighborhood change. Specifically, it points towards an influx of higher-educated individuals over the past 10-15 years. We expect this growth in the educated population to continue, as current conditions seem primed to attract residents from other neighborhoods and the suburbs.

Value of Owner-Occupied Housing Units, Brewerytown, 2000-2015 100.00% 9.20%

80.00%

36.500% 25.30%

64.90% 60.00%

35.30% 38.40% 40.00%

20.90% 20.00%

Built Environment

16.40%

30.20%

Housing Characteristics

12.10% 8.70%

Housing conditions in Brewerytown are undergoing significant change. Drawing on Alan Mallach’s framework of neighborhood housing market spectrums, we hypothesized Brewerytown to rank fairly low in overall housing quality and stability (2008). Our analysis of several housing-related factors shows a clear shift in the neighborhood’s built environment in recent years, with indicators pointing towards increased housing stock quality and investment.

0.00%

2000

2%

2010 (ACS) Less than $20,000

$20,000 to $49,999

$50,000 to $99,999

2015 (ACS) Over $100,000

Graph 5: Value of Owner-Occupied Housing Units in Brewerytown, 2000-2015. Source: Census and American Community Survey.

One of the most critical indicators of a local housing market are home values.

Focusing on median home values for owner-occupied houses, we found substantial changes underway in Brewerytown. According to census data, the median home value in 2000 was $34,561 (Census, T163). As of 2015, that value had increased to $124,564 – an increase of over 260 percent (Census, T101). Returning to 2000, the data shows under 10 percent of homes were valued over $100,000, whereas by 2015, the majority (64.9 percent) of homes exceeded $100,000 in worth (Census, T162B; American Community Survey, T100B; see Graph 5). Perhaps even more telling, in 2000, the share of owneroccupied homes valued under $20,000 was over 30 percent (Census, T162A; see Graph 5). That number had reduced to 2 percent by 2015 (American Community Survey, T100A).

The drastic shift in home values – at the top and bottom end of the continuum – represents one of the strongest indicators of neighborhood change in Brewerytown. Reduction of low-value housing stock and a concurrent rise in higher-quality units contributes to a more desirable and stable local housing market (Mallach, 2008). It also calls into question the future affordability of the neighborhood for long-time residents – many of whom may have been able to remain in Brewerytown because of its relatively low price point. Given construction in the area, discussed in more detail below, we expect the current trend of Brewerytown’s housing market to continue in the near-term.

The percentage of renters versus homeowners, over the same period, is also indicative of neighborhood change. Looking at housing tenure by renter and owneroccupied status, renters constituted 53 percent of residents in 2000 (Census, T156). By 2015, the renter rate had risen to 66.2 percent (American Community Survey, T94). Initially, we expected to see owner-occupied (and not renter) rates increase over the past 15 years, as they have in more affluent adjacent neighborhoods like Fairmount. However, closer analysis of the types of development proceeding in Brewerytown reveals a large portion of new investment has been in the form of higher-end condos and apartments, aimed at renters. Therefore, the rise in the percentage of renters in the neighborhood is not entirely inexplicable.

16

17

Importantly, as with other variables, the spatial distribution of housing changes within Brewerytown is uneven. Home values are increasing fastest along the western edge of the neighborhood, adjacent to Fairmount Park and the west Girard commercial corridor. Accordingly, new housing developments are concentrated in the same area.

This uneven growth distorts the overall increase in neighborhood home values, although all census tracts within Brewerytown show some degree of increase in their housing price over the past 15 years.

Construction Brewerytown has also experienced a noticeable increase in development recently.

Investment in the built environment has increased over the last 15 years, contributing to further external speculation. Construction, in the form of new structures and rehabilitation projects, is evident in Brewerytown, especially along key commercial corridors. This activity provides valuable insight into the changing dynamics of the neighborhood, which, for long stretches of its recent past, has been unable to generate sustained physical development, either internally or from outside investors (McGovern, 2006).

Although changes to the built environment are often qualitative in nature (the look and “feel” of a place), one important metric that can be used to quantify this activity is permitting. The City of Philadelphia maintains records of construction permits, recent to the past month, that give a sense of development across the city. In 2017 (as of November) Brewerytown had logged a total of 1,591 total permits (City of Philadelphia). This outpaced many adjacent neighborhoods, including Fairmount to the south (1,268) (City of Philadelphia, 2017). Although not comprehensive, these permits – which encompass everything from building, zoning, electrical, and plumbing construction – provide a good barometer with which to measure current investment in the neighborhood (see Map 2).

the 1,591 total permits in the neighborhood, census tract 137 (adjacent to Fairmount Park) accounts for the vast majority – 1,040 (City of Philadelphia, 2017). This echoes our other findings of disparate investment within Brewerytown. Overall, the recent boom in construction appears to be incrementally changing the built environment of the neighborhood as outside developers take interest. A number of projects, including projects completed by Westrum Development and Pennrose Properties in 2005, McSpain Properties in 2015, and MMPartners in 2017, provide evidence of this investment (Blackmer, 2015; McGovern, 2006; MMPartners, LLC, n.d.). We expect to see continued external attention, especially along the western edge, as new housing and businesses attract residents with no former connection to Brewerytown.

Photo 11: “We Build Houses - Fast Cash” and “We Build Ourselves Together,” Street Signs at 28th Street and West Stiles Street, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

Photo 12: Changing Housing Stock, 3000 block of W Thompson Street, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

Vacancy Map 2: Construction Permits in Brewerytown, 2017. Source: City of Philadelphia via OpenDataPhilly.

Building activity is heavily concentrated in the west side of Brewerytown, primarily along the commercial frontage of Girard Avenue and Poplar Street (see Map 3). Of

18

Vacancy, although decreasing, remains a critical challenge in Brewerytown.

Household vacancy is an important component in Alan Mallach’s framework of local real estate markets and neighborhood stability; as such, it is valuable to examine here (2008). Additionally, total vacant land within Brewerytown is worth noting, given the area’s industrial beginning and past population decline.

19

Brewerytown’s household vacancy rate in 2000 was 29.1 percent; by 2015 it had fallen to 23.2 percent (Census, T157; American Community Survey, T95). Although a considerable decrease over the intervening 15 years, this vacancy rate still far exceeded Philadelphia’s vacancy rate (13.3 percent) as of 2015 (Census, T95). Fairmount, for comparison, experienced a decrease in vacancy from 11.4 percent to 8.4 percent over the same timeframe (Census, T157; American Community Survey, T95). Also interesting to note is the breakdown of vacancy types. As of 2015, Brewerytown’s household vacancy was divided as follows (American Community Survey, T95; see Graph 6): • For Sale: 1.1% • For Rent: 8.6% • Other Vacancy: 90.3% This suggests much of the vacant housing in the neighborhood is stagnate. Here it is useful to look at the spatial distribution of vacancies – both household and land – across Brewerytown (see Map 4). By doing so, we are able to see a strong concentration of vacant property in the northern and eastern edges of the neighborhood. Areas closer to commercial corridors (Girard Avenue, Poplar Street), and on Brewerytown’s southern border with Fairmount, exhibit much less vacant land. This observation supports a portion of our initial hypothesis that the “creep” of neighborhood change from Fairmount is crossing over into Brewerytown in an incremental fashion, based largely on proximity.

Given the heightened real estate interest Brewerytown has received recently, we were surprised to see the household vacancy rate remain so high as of 2015. A possible explanation bridging these two realities is the spatial distribution of vacancies to the north and east of the neighborhood, while much of the new development has occurred along the southern and western borders. Additionally, a majority of new construction appears to be denser, mixed-use residential development, which achieves a higher occupancy rate with lower property footprint.

Photo 13: Vacant Homes, 2900 block of W Thompson Street, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

Types of Vacancy, Brewerytown, 2015 (ACS)

Map 3: Commercial Land in Brewerytown, 2014. Source: City of Philadelphia via OpenDataPhilly.

1.1% 8.6% 90.3%

For Sale

For Rent

Other Vacancy

Graph 14: Types of Vacancy in Brewerytown, 2015. Source: Census and American Community Survey.

Map 4: Vacant Land in Brewerytown, 2014. Source: City of Philadelphia via OpenDataPhilly.

Income and Poverty Photo 14: Rowhouses, Newkirk Street and W Thompson Street, Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

While median home values and levels of construction in Brewerytown are changing, income in the area remains stagnant. Incomes today are almost identical to what they

20

21

were in 2000, and in 2010 – likely as a result of the 2008 recession – incomes in the area took a considerable hit. Additionally, poverty rates in the area remain high, particularly for children, and disparities in income across race and geography persist. As such, questions about who is benefitting from changes in Brewerytown remain. While indicators like median home value and educational attainment suggest that residents’ livelihoods are on the rise, stagnant incomes and poverty levels suggest that some in Brewerytown have not seen their fortunes improve.

Since 2000, Brewerytown’s median household income has remained below $30,000 (see Map 5). Median annual household income in the neighborhood was $27,819 in 2000 (adjusted for inflation to 2015 dollars), and in 2015, it was $27,757 (Census, T93; American Community Survey, T57). In comparison, Fairmount, the neighborhood to Brewerytown’s south, had a median household income of over $70,000 in 2015 (American Community Survey, T57). Similarly, poverty in the area is high – and has been since 2000.

In 2000, 32.6 percent of residents ages 18 to 64 were living below the poverty line, and in 2015, 34.4 percent were living in poverty (Census, T181; American Community Survey, T115). Moreover, the Great Recession in 2008 severely affected Brewerytown residents’ livelihoods. In 2010, median household income in Brewerytown dropped to $18,392, and poverty spiked, reaching a high of 42.7 percent for individuals ages 18 to 64 (American Community Survey, T57, T115). Number of households with no wage or salary income also increased, increasing 3.3 percentage points from 2000 levels (American Community Survey, T75; Census, T137).

Income inequality in Brewerytown also remains high. Across geography, race, and age, there are large gaps in income and poverty rates. For instance, in 2015, median annual household income for black residents was $22,086 (American Community Survey, T58; see Graph 7). Among white residents, it was $62,757 (American Community Survey, T58). Similarly, while median income in census tract 137 – the tract on Brewerytown’s west side, where much of the neighborhood’s development has been concentrated – was $35,033 in 2015, it was $14,975 in census tract 139, the tract on Brewerytown’s east side (American Community Survey, T57). When looking at poverty rates, disparities across age also exist. Brewerytown’s children are by far the most likely to live in poverty; in 2015, the poverty rate was 50.2 percent among children, 34.4 percent among adults ages 18 to 64, and 11.5 percent among adults over the age of 65 (American Community Survey, T114, T115, T116). Additionally, as with income, poverty rates shift when moving across Brewerytown from west to east. In census tract 137, the poverty rate was 31.4 percent among adults ages 18 to 64 in 2015 (American Community Survey, T115). In census tract 139, it was 44.1 percent (American Community Survey, T115).

Median Household Income by Race, Brewerytown, 2000-2015 $70,000 $60,000 $50,000 $40,000 $30,000 $20,000 $10,000 $0

2000

2010 White Alone, Not Hispanic of Latino

2015 Black Alone

Graph 7: Median Household Income by Race in Brewerytown, 2000-2015. Source: Census and American Community Survey.

Employment Like income and poverty, employment data suggests that many of Brewerytown’s residents continue to struggle economically. More than half of the neighborhood’s residents are not in the labor force, and among those in the labor force, unemployment is high when compared to national trends. Additionally, as with income and poverty data, employment rates reveal disparities in unemployment across geography, race, and gender. Employment data also helps reveal the appeal of Brewerytown for residents.

Many Brewerytown residents are traveling to Center City and West Philadelphia for work, suggesting the neighborhood’s proximity to these areas makes Brewerytown desirable.

Since 2000, labor force participation for Brewerytown residents 16 years and over has increased, rising from 49.1 percent in 2000 to 53.1 percent in 2015 (Census, T69; American Community Survey, T33). Nevertheless, labor force participation remains below that of the city; in 2015, Philadelphia’s labor force participation was 59.7 percent (American Community Survey, T33; see Graph 8). Similarly, though Brewerytown’s unemployment

Map 5: Median Family Income in Brewerytown and Surrounding Neighborhoods, 2015. Source: American Community Survey via Social Explorer.

22

23

rate has fallen since 2000 – unemployment was 17.5 percent in 2000, spiked to 21.3 percent in 2010, and dropped to 13.3 percent in 2015 – it remains high when compared to national trends (Census, T69; American Community Survey, T33; American Community Survey, T33). Indeed, the whole city of Philadelphia struggles with unemployment. While the U.S.’s unemployment rate was 5.2 percent in 2015, it was 13.9 percent in Philadelphia (American Community Survey, T37).

Brewerytown, Labor Force Participation, 2015 (ACS)

47.96

% In Labor Force (civilians aged 16+)

Employment data also sheds light on the types of employment opportunities available in Brewerytown. While a majority of Brewerytown residents travel outside of the neighborhood for work – between 2002–2015, only 2.5 percent of residents both lived and worked in Brewerytown – individuals are traveling into Brewerytown to work (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). Among those individuals who worked in Brewerytown between 2002–2015, 50.2 percent worked in health care and social assistance, while 24.8 percent worked in educational services (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). This suggests Girard College and the Philadelphia Nursing Home are major employers in the area.

52.04

% Not In Labor Force (civilians aged 16+)

Graph 8: Labor Force Participation in Brewerytown, 2015. Source: American Community Survey via Social Explorer.

Disparities in labor force participation and unemployment by geography, race, and gender are also apparent. Residents living on the east side of Brewerytown, in census tract 139, are the least likely to participate in the labor force. In 2015, labor force participation for individuals 16 years and over was 57.6 percent in census tract 137, 54.1 percent in census tract 138, and 44.5 percent in census tract 139 (American Community Survey, T33). Furthermore, black and female residents are more likely to be unemployed.

In 2015, the unemployment rate among females living in Brewerytown was 18.9 percent (American Community Survey, T38, T39). For males, it was 6.5 percent (Census, T38). Similarly, large disparities in employment across race exist, with black residents experiencing unemployment at a rate 12.2 percentage points higher than whites in 2015 (American Community Survey, T41, T48).

Employment data also helps reveal the appeal of Brewerytown to residents.

Between 2002–2015, 25.4 percent of Brewerytown residents worked in Center City, while another 5.8 percent worked in the zip codes immediately north of Center City (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). West Philadelphia and North Philadelphia are also common workplace destinations for Brewerytown residents (see Map 6). A combined 7.8 percent of Brewerytown residents work in zip codes 19104 and 19131, both in West Philadelphia, and a combined 4.2 percent work in zip codes 19121 and 19140, located in North Philadelphia (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). Indeed, it seems Brewerytown’s proximity to Center City, to the University of Pennsylvania (Penn) and Drexel University in West Philadelphia, and to Temple University in North Philadelphia is a pull for residents. Over six percent of Brewerytown residents work in the zip code where Penn and Drexel are located, while 1.8 percent work in the zip code home to Temple University Hospital (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017). Employment data for Brewerytown residents further supports this assertion. Of those Brewerytown residents employed in 2015, 27.2 percent worked in educational services, health care, or social assistance (American Community Survey, T49).

Map 6: Employment Destinations of Brewerytown Residents, 2002-2015. Source: Census and American Community Survey via OnTheMap.

24

25

Crime Although difficult to measure definitively, data suggests crime in Brewerytown has decreased slightly in recent years. However, relative to Philadelphia as a whole, the 22nd district – which contains Brewerytown and Strawberry Mansion to the north – continues to see higher-than-average levels of violent crime (PPD, 2010-2016). Long considered a high-priority area for police, crime in the area continues to garner media attention and remains a key issue for local residents (Greater Brewerytown Community Development Corporation & Fairmount Community Development Corporation, 2010).

Because the 22nd district encompasses both Brewerytown and a large portion of Strawberry Mansion, measuring district-level crime statistics provides a skewed picture of Brewerytown. However, since proximity contributes to crime rates – and violent crime, such as shootings, provides an indication of neighborhood stability – it is worth noting general trends in the area. The 22nd precinct had the highest rate of gun violence in 2010, with a recorded 182 shooting victims (PPD, 2010). By 2016, the number of victims had dropped to 145 (PPD, 2016). Although the rate of shootings in the 22nd district in 2016 still exceeded the city-wide average, the area has also experienced a sustained downward trend in overall crime since 2010, suggesting some positive changes in the area. Furthermore, given the association between crime and factors that are even more pronounced in Strawberry Mansion – unemployment, poverty, vacancy, etc. – it would make sense that a majority of crime in the 22nd precinct is concentrated north of Brewerytown.

Looking at crime data from the past six months – which unlike annual data, is aggregated down to the neighborhood level – further supports the hypothesis that Brewerytown, while still experiencing a relatively high crime rate, has seen an overall decrease in crime recently. From June to November 2017, 277 total crimes were reported in Brewerytown. More affluent Fairmount, which is roughly the same size as Brewerytown, experienced 325 crimes during the same period (see Maps 7 and 8). Here, we have to note that a larger portion of crimes reported in Brewerytown were of a violent nature, whereas Fairmount experienced a greater degree of property crime (PPD, 2017).

Map 8: Crime in Fairmount, June - November 2017. Source: Philadelphia Police Department CrimeMapper.

The gradual decline in crime rates in Brewerytown over the past seven years suggests some degree of neighborhood change. While crime rates, especially crimes against persons, remain high in Brewerytown relative to Philadelphia as a whole, Brewerytown’s sustained decline could be, at least in part, a result of shifting dynamics within the neighborhood (PPD, 2017). Nevertheless, because Brewerytown’s crime rates remain comparatively high – and the neighborhood is bordered to the north by a high crime area, Strawberry Mansion – crime may be contributing to a slower rate of change in Brewerytown, especially when compared to neighborhoods such as Fishtown, Graduate Hospital, and sections of West Philadelphia. Indeed, the relationship between neighborhood change and crime appears nuanced; while neighborhood change appears to be contributing to a decrease in crime, high crime rates could also be slowing down the rate of change.

Photo 15: “Luxury Apartments,” Brewerytown. Photo Credit: Sarah Magnelia, 2017.

Map 7: Crime in Brewerytown, June - November 2017. Source: Philadelphia Police Department CrimeMapper.

26

27

Conclusions

Our analysis supports our hypothesis: Brewerytown is undergoing change. Since 2000, population in Brewerytown has stabilized, yet demographics have shifted, with the percentage of black residents decreasing, the age of the population trending younger, and the number of non-family households on the rise. Furthermore, Brewerytown residents are more highly educated today than they were in 2000. Much of Brewerytown’s built environment has also changed since 2000. Median home values have skyrocketed, and construction permits are high when compared to Philadelphia at large. Moreover, crime rates in the area are declining. All told, much of our analysis suggests a new type of resident – younger, more highly educated, with a higher tendency to rent, and with more income to spend on housing – is moving to Brewerytown.

Brewerytown is at the precipice of increasing neighborhood change, but it is unclear how said change will affect all residents in the neighborhood. While neighborhood change seems to be having a positive impact on some areas of Brewerytown, bringing in much needed investment and resources, it is unclear if the changes underway are causing all tides to rise.

Our analysis also reveals that Brewerytown continues to face significant challenges.

Median income in the area has not shifted since 2000, and poverty rates in the area remain high. In 2010, poverty in Brewerytown spiked to over 40 percent. Children living in Brewerytown are especially likely to be living in poverty. Similarly, labor force participation in Brewerytown is low when compared to Philadelphia at large; more than 50 percent of the population is not in the labor force. Unemployment is also high, especially for women and black residents. Additionally, vacancy rates in the area remain over 20 percent, and violent crime remains high when compared to areas like Fairmount. As such, questions about who is benefiting from Brewerytown’s change – and whether changes in housing prices, for instance, are benefitting all residents – remain.

Additionally, change in the neighborhood varies across geography. Median income in west Brewerytown is considerably higher than it is in east Brewerytown. Similar disparities exist when one looks at employment rates, labor force participation, and educational attainment rates. On average, residents in west Brewerytown are more highly educated and more likely to be employed than residents in east Brewerytown.

Construction and development are also concentrated along the neighborhood’s western and southern edges, areas that are likely appealing to developers given their proximity to Fairmount and amenities like Fairmount Park. Meanwhile, vacant plots of land remain prominent along Brewerytown’s eastern edge. Disparities across race and gender are also evident when analyzing employment and income data. On average, black residents earn less than their white counterparts, and women in Brewerytown are more likely to experience unemployment. As such, questions about equity remain; it is unclear if all Brewerytown residents, no matter their race, gender, or location within the neighborhood, are benefitting from the neighborhood’s change.

In order to better understand these changes, further qualitative research is needed. Talking to residents in order to better understand their perspectives on neighborhood change could prove especially useful. Measuring displacement rates and further analyzing income inequality – particularly across number of years spent in the neighborhood – could also be worthwhile. Nevertheless, moving forward, practitioners working in Brewerytown should keep the findings of this report at the forefront of their work.

28

29

References Gotham, K. F. (2000). Urban Space, Restrictive Covenants, and the Origins of Racial Residential

Segregation in a US City, 1900-50. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 24(3), 616–633.

American Public Transit Association. (2005). SEPTA Returns Historic PCC Trolleys to Service.

Retrieved from http://www.apta.com/passengertransport/Documents/archive_2065.htm Atlas of the City of Philadelphia, 1910 - Plate 11. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.philageohistory.org/

rdic-images/view-image.cfm/BRM1910.Phila.013.Plate11 Blackmer, L. (2015). Soon in Brewerytown: Apartments with roof pool, dog park. Retrieved from http://

www.phillyvoice.com/development-roof-pool-dog-park-open-spring/ Blumgart, J. (2017). How Redlining Segregated Philadelphia. Next City. Retrieved from https://nextcity.

org/features/view/redlining-race-philadelphia-segregation

Graham, K. A. (2016). Phila. School District, PHA partner up to reopen Vaux High. Retrieved from

http://www.philly.com/philly/education/20161216_Phila__School_District__PHA_partner_up_

to_reopen_Vaux_High.html Greater Brewerytown Community Development Corporation, & Fairmount Community Development

Corporation. (2010). Brewerytown Neighborhood Plan 2010 Update. Retrieved from

http://www.phila.gov/CityPlanning/plans/Independent%20Community%20Based%20Plns/ BrewerytownNeighborhoodPlan2010.pdf Hayden, D. (2004). Building Suburbia: Green Fields and Urban Growth, 1820-2000 (Reprint Edition). New

York, N.Y: Vintage.

Blumgart, J. (2015). The Brutal Legacy of Frank Rizzo, the Most Notorious Cop in Philadelphia History.

Vice. Retrieved from https://www.vice.com/sv/article/kwxp3m/remembering-frank-rizzo-the- most-notorious-cp-in-philadelphia-history-1022

InfoGroup. (2010). Religion 2010 Documentation. Data organized by the Association of Religion

Data Archives and tabulated and processed by Social Explorer. Retrieved from https://www.

socialexplorer.com/tables/Religion_InfoUSA10

Brasuell, J. (2017). Philadelphia to Consider Bus System Redesign. Planetizen – Urban Planning News,

Jobs, and Education. Retrieved from https://www.planetizen.com/node/93931/philadelphia- consider-bus-system-redesign

Janofsky, M. (1998). Philadelphia Neighborhood Reborn. The New York Times. Retrieved from

https://www.nytimes.com/1998/02/24/us/philadelphia-neighborhood-reborn.html

Bunch, W. (2014). Gathering storm: The Philly Riots of ’64. Philly.Com. Retrieved from

http://www.philly.com/philly/news/Gathering_.html

J.M. Brewer. (1934). Philadelphia Appraisal Map. Retrieved November 16, 2017, from

http://www.philageohistory.org/tiles/viewer/?SelectedLayers=Overlay,JMB1934

City of Philadelphia. (2017). Licenses and Inspections Building Permits Dataset. Retrieved from

https://www.opendataphilly.org/dataset/licenses-and-inspections-building-permits

John-Hall, A. (2017). In Philadelphia’s rapidly changing Brewerytown, a neighborhood’s gain is one

resident’s loss. WHYY. Retrieved from https://whyy.org/articles/in-philadelphias-rapidly-

changing-brewerytown-a-neighborhoods-gain-is-one-residents-loss/

City of Philadelphia. (2014). Lower North District Plan 2014 (Philadelphia 2035). City of Philadelphia.

Retrieved from http://www.phila.gov/CityPlanning/plans/District%20Plans%20Library/DP_

Lower20North%20Book_FINAL%20POST%20PROOFREADER.pdf

Kopp, J. (2015). Bottom Dollar Closures Leave Food Accessibility in Doubt. PhillyVoice. Retrieved from

http://www.phillyvoice.com/closures-leave-food-accessibility-doubt/

Conn, S. (2014). Ferguson, Philadelphia and the Changing Geography of Race. Retrieved from

https://www.huffingtonpost.com/steven-conn/ferguson-philadelphia-and_b_5712801.html

Mallach, A. (2008). Managing Neighborhood Change: A Framework for Sustainable and Equitable

Revitalization. Montclair, NJ: National Housing Institute.

Drexel University. (2017). Key Drexel Facts: Enrollment, Student Population, & More. Retrieved from

http://drexel.edu/about/glance/fast-facts/

McCabe, C. (2017). Brewerytown, set to be Philly’s next hot neighborhood, experiences growing pains.

Philly.com. Retrieved from http://www.philly.com/philly/business/real_estate/residential/ Brewerytown-set-to-be-Phillys-next-neighborhood-to-experience-growing-pains.html

Fairmount Park Conservancy. (2014). The New Fairmount Park. Retrieved from

http://planphilly.com/uploads/media_items/thenewfairmountpark.original.pdf Feitz, M. (2015). The Jewel of Brewerytown: Past, Present, and Future at The Poth Brewery. University of Pennsylvania. Retrieved from

http://repository.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1583&context=hp_theses

McGovern, S. J. (2006). Philadelphia’s neighborhood transformation initiative: A case study of

mayoral leadership, bold planning, and conflict. Housing Policy Debate, 17(3), 529–570.

Girard College. (2010a). Application & Eligibility. Retrieved from

http://www.girardcollege.edu/page.cfm?p=1290

MMPartners, LLC. (n.d.). History. Retrieved from http://www.pyramidliving.com/history/

MMPartners. (2017). Projects | MMPartners. Retrieved from http://mmpartnersllc.com/projects/

Newhouse, S. (2015). Brewerytown Residents Positive on New Aldi Grocery Store. Metro Philadelphia.

Retrieved from https://www.metro.us/philadelphia/brewerytown-residents-positive-on-new-

aldi-grocery-tore/zsJoht---9UTzMxyUaC96

Girard College. (2010b). Girard College: Girard at a Glance. Retrieved from

http://www.girardcollege.edu/page.cfm?p=358

30

31

Temple University. (2017). Temple University at a Glance 2016-2017. Retrieved from

https://www.temple.edu/ira/documents/data-analysis/at-a-glance/Temple-At-a- Glance-2016-2017.pdf

Pennsylvania Department of Transportation. (1990). Brewerytown Historic District. Retrieved from

http://www.dot7.state.pa.us/CRGIS_Attachments/SiteResource/H096763_01H.pdf Philadelphia Nursing Home. (2017). About | Fairmount Long Term Care. Retrieved from

http://fltcpnh.org/about/ Philadelphia Police Department. (2010). Murder Analysis: 2007-2010. Retrieved from

https://www.phillypolice.com/assets/crime-maps-stats/PPD.Homicide.Analysis.2007-2010.pdf/ Philadelphia Police Department. (2016). Annual Murder and Shooting Victim Report: 2016. Retrieved

from https://www.phillypolice.com/assets/crime-maps stats/2016-Homicide-Report.pdf

Terruso, J. (2017). A Neighborhood Clash in Changing Brewerytown. Philly.Com. Retrieved from

http://www.philly.com/philly/news/gentrification-brewerytown-steelworks-20170619.html The School District of Philadelphia. (2017). Dashboard Robert Morris School. Retrieved from

https://dashboards.philasd.org/extensions/philadelphia/index.html#/ University of Pennsylvania. (2017). Facts | University of Pennsylvania. Retrieved from

https://www.upenn.edu/about/facts

Philadelphia Trolley Tracks. (n.d.). Route 15 - Girard Avenue. Retrieved from

http://www.phillytrolley.org/route15/girardavenue.html

U.S. Census Bureau (1940). U.S. Decennial Census, 1940. Retrieved from

https://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/C1940CompDS

Polaneczky, R. (2017). Let’s Take a Closer Look at that Brewerytown Clash. Philly.Com.Retrieved from

http://www.philly.com/philly/columnists/ronnie_polaneczky/lets-take-a-closer-look-at-tha -brewerytown-clash-20170622.html

U.S. Census Bureau (1950). U.S. Decennial Census, 1950. Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.

com/tables/C1950CompDS

Romero, M. (2017). First Brewers Mill Townhome in Brewerytown Hits the Market for $425K. Curbed

Philly. Retrieved from https://philly.curbed.com/2017/3/27/15072350/brewerytown-home-for- sale-brewers-mill Saffron, I. (2004). Welcome back, Girard Avenue: A street reborn Girard Avenue revival. Philadelphia

Inquirer.

U.S. Census Bureau (1960). U.S. Decennial Census, 1960. Retrieved from

https://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/C1960CompDS U.S. Census Bureau (1970). U.S. Decennial Census, 1970. Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.

com/tables/C1970CompDS U.S. Census Bureau (1980). U.S. Decennial Census, 1980. Retrieved from

https://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/C1980CompDS

Schwirian, K. P. (1983). “Models of Neighborhood Change,” Annual Review of Sociology, 9, 83-102.

U.S. Census Bureau (1990). U.S. Decennial Census, 1990. Retrieved from

https://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/RC1990

Scranton, P. (1990). Philadelphia’s Industrial History: A Context and Overview. Retrieved from

http://www.workshopoftheworld.com/overview/overview.html Smith, S. (2016). Hard Hat Tour: The Fairmount @ Brewerytown. Philadelphia Magazine. Retrieved from

http://www.phillymag.com/property/2016/09/29/hard-hat-tour-the-fairmount-brewerytow/ Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority. (2017). SEPTA | Route 10, 11, 13, 15, 34 & 36

Trolley Line Map. Retrieved from http://www.septa.org/maps/trolley/city.html St. Joseph’s Preparatory School. (2016). 2016 Economic and Community Benefit Profile. Retrieved from

http://www.sjprep.org St. Joseph’s Preparatory School. (2017). About Us. Retrieved from http://www.sjprep.org St. Joseph’s Preparatory School. (2017a). Application Process. Retrieved from http://www.sjprep.org

U.S. Census Bureau (2000). U.S. Decennial Census, 2000. Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.

com/tables/RC2000 U.S. Census Bureau (2010). American Community Survey, 5-year estimates, 2006-2010. Retrieved from

https://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/ACS2010_5yr U.S. Census Bureau (2010). U.S. Decennial Census, 2010. Retrieved from https://www.socialexplorer.

com/tables/C2010 U.S. Census Bureau (2015). American Community Survey 5-year estimates, 2011-2015. Retrieved from

https://www.socialexplorer.com/tables/ACS2015_5yr U.S. Census Bureau (2017). LEHD Origin-Destination Employment Statistics (2002-2015) [computer

file]. Washington, DC: U.S. Census Bureau, Longitudinal-Employer Household Dynamics

Program [distributor], accessed on December 14, 2017 at https://onthemap.ces.census.gov.

LODES 7.3 [version]

St. Joseph’s Preparatory School. (2017b). Top Ten Myths about St. Joseph’s Prep. Retrieved from

http://www.sjprep.org/uploaded/Admissions/General_Files/2017-18_School_Year/2017-18_

Myths_Brochure.pdf Sugrue, T. J. (2005). The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (2nd ed.).

Princeton University Press. Retrieved from https://press.princeton.edu/titles/10233.html

32

33