Grand Parc Report 2/3

GRAND PA R C

BORDEAUX REPORT 2/3

TEXT BY E M m A N U E L L E P O U C H E T

9 729 in h a b ita n ts 60 h a s 162 . 15 IN H A B/H A 2 .37 IN H A B/dw ellin g 53. 5% socia l h o usin g e x a m p l e o f p u b l i c s pac e i n

17% U N EM PLOY ED

grand

p a r c ( l e f t, p h o t o b y a n n e -

22% yo u n gs t er (0-20)

c éc i l e pa r e d e s )

34 % Eld er ly (+ 60)

g r a n d pa r c W I T H I N B O R D E AU X ( TO P ) OVERVIE W OF ITS MAIN

45 % m o n o pa r en ta l fa milie s

F E AT U R E S A N D L A N D M A R K S

30% b elow pov ert y lin e

le t ter code assig n ed to e ach h ousin g b uildin g (B OT TO M).

Mairie-Quartier Local representation of the Municipality

F O R A M O R E D E T A I L E D L I S T, R E F E R t o t h e g u i d e at t h e e n d o f t h i s c h a p t e r .

Policlinic

Elementary school Shopping centre K

L N R O’ O

M O’ O’

T

J

Social/ cultural centre

A

High school

U

I

V

H

D E G

F

Municipal swimming pool

Public library

W S2 S3

X

Middle school

P S1

C

B

Animation centre

O’

Shopping centre

Residence for the elderkly

S

Y

Salle de fetes (closed)

Z

S

ä g r a n d pa r c

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INTRODUCTION TO THE TERRITORY The Gr and Parc is a 'gr and ensemb le' (large housing complex) located in the nor th-west of Bordeaux, less than a kilometre from the cit y centre. It covers a total area of 60 hec tares/50 ac r e s h o u s i n g i n i t s m o r e t h a n 4 ,0 0 0 h o u s i n g u n i t s 9,7 2 9 i n h a b i ta n t s (20 0 6 es t i m at e). 1 T h e G r a n d Pa r c wa s es ta b li s h ed o n an o ld marsh l an d occupied by g r assl an d an d watercr ess b eds. The area was recognised as the Luze marshland and the palu de Bordeaux. A few insalubrious dwellings clustered in the shant y-like Cité des Cressonnières, which used to house a poor population that made a living by sorting waste accumulated in the area. 2 According to a resident: “If I had lived in the Grand Parc as a boy or teenager, I would have found areas of wasteland, pl aces fo r r a i s i n g cows, s m a ll c a b i n s co n s t r u c t e d w i t h o u t building permits on a huge territory that b elonged to the Luze fa m i ly, s t r e tch i n g fr o m t h e Pa r c R i v i è r e to way ov e r t h e r e , b eyond the present-day Parc des Expositions/Exhib ition Centre.

That’s what I would have seen…” 3

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G r a n d pa r c i s n o t a n

BORDEAUX NORD

a d m i n i s t r at i v e u n i t i n i t s e l f, i t i s pa r t o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f g r a n d pa r c- pa u l d o u m e r . e v e n i f i t s i n h a b i ta n t s c h o o s e

g eo g r a p h y ', b u t a l e v e l b e low t h e z u s ( u r b a n s e n s i b l e zo n e ).

CENTRE

GRAND PARC PAUL DOUMER

Michèle Delaunay Conseillere générale General chancellor (PS)

it i n to t h e so - c a lled ' pr io r it y

Conseil General General council

n ei g h b o u r h o o d), w h i c h p l ac e s

Anne Marie CAZALET Local mayor

( R i g h t w i n g ) . G r a n d pa r c i s a ' q u a r t i e r p r i o r i ta i r e ' ( p r i o r i t y

Alain JUPPÉ (UMP) Mayor of Bordeaux

DSU Urban Redevelopment Mairie de Bordeaux Municipality of Bordeaux

m ay o r a n d a l s o p e r ta i n s t o u m p

Departmental level: GIRONDE

a p p o i n t e d d i r e c t ly b y b o r d e a u x ' s

Federal Government

c a n to n n u m b e r 2 ), t h e lo c a l m ay o r ( a n n e m a r i e c a z a l e t ) i s

Quartier Prioritaire (CUCS) Priority Neighbourhood

i n t h e c a n to n a l e l ec t i o n s ( g r a n d pa r c- pa u l d o u m e r i s t h e

Maire-adjoint du quartier Local mayor

a l e f t w i n g r e p r e s e n ta n t

In the 1940s, the government of Bordeaux envisioned the urbanisation of this territory. It purchased the total land between 1947 and 1954. It took four years to drain the marshland and another 9 years, from 1959 to 1968, for the construction work. The project of Grand Parc was an important part of a larger plan by Jacques Chaban-Delmas – then mayor of Bordeaux. It was designed and envisioned to modernise the city’s housing stock and to ameliorate the housing crisis.4 A resident remembers: “At the beginning, when we arrived, Mr. Chaban-Delmas, the mayor of the day, was proud of saying that the Grand Parc was his little city in his big one.

We had everything we needed.”5 The project provided modern housing units designed to accommodate about 16,000 people, in particular the inhabitants of the Mériadeck district, which was scheduled to be entirely demolished.

In 1955 Jean Royer, the consultant urban planner of Bordeaux with the assistance of Claude Leloup, got in charge of the overall plan of the housing complex. Like the Cité de la Benauge, which they had completed not long before, the Grand Parc referred to the functionalist principles of modern housing projects championed by the Athens Charter. The housing project was designed around 8-hectare of land where high-rise and low-rise buildings were erected. The buildings were arranged parallel and perpendicular to the orthogonal east-west and north-south axes. The narrow buildings, oriented towards the sun, offered mainly large housing typologies, from T3 to T5. They were organised wall-to-wall through the buildings, offering uninterrupted views and plenty of light. The homogeneous façades were G r a n d pa r c i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h e t e r r i to r y

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punctuated by successive spans of windows, loggias, and trellised screens around the stairwell. The public amenities – city hall annex, community centre, schools, cultural and commercial centres– were built in the heart as well as in the edge of the housing complex.6 In order to develop and construct this housing project the city of Bordeaux created in 1957 a Mixed Economy Company (SEM), the SBUC (renamed InCité in 2003), which would be the principal contracting authority for Grand Parc together with the city’s Office d’HLM/Low Rent Housing Office (today called Aquitanis).

The construction of the Grand Parc was undertaken in three phases involving the following architects; Jean-Jacques Prévot, Paul Daurel, André Conte, François Brochet, Robert Bedout, Claude Ferret and Serge Bottarelli.

The first phase, from 1959 to 1963, began with the north-east quarter of the territory comprising residential buildings as well as two commercial centres, Counord and Europe. The latter would not be finished until 1968.

In the second phase, from 1962 to 1964, the initial plans to accommodate people repatriated from Algeria were altered to comply with the housing demands of ministerial directives. Thus, the south-west quarter of the housing estate was densified. It provided not only one but four low-rise structures and a high-rise tower. Between 1964 and 1968, the last phase of the building construction was completed in the north-west quarter of the estate alongside public amenities. The number of these amenities exceeded the number of the ones initially projected in the urbanisation plan in order to fulfil the necessities of the new ministerial directives. Many of these facilities gradually encroached upon the park. The constructions were P a g e

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rounded off by the Mozart Tower (1979) and the Maryse Bastié Residence for elderly persons (1993).7¶ The Grand Parc may have represented an utopia of modern urbanisation, but its heyday only lasted a few years. In fact, its construction was completed at the time when the urbanisation of large housing estates was called into question and brought to a standstill in France. The Grand Parc gradually lost its dynamism, effect mainly marked by the closure of major facilities such as the community centre and the Olympic swimming pool.

After a long ‘inactive period’ this housing estate has experienced a new dynamic – urban regeneration – mainly since it was listed as a priority neighbourhood (level 2) in the Urban Social Cohesion Contract (CUCS), which was signed by the city of Bordeaux.

This housing complex is particularly well equipped since its creation with shops, facilities and public services. It has been recognised as a ‘city within the city’. Its diverse and functional housing stock has prevented its association with a ‘sleeping city’. A resident explains: “We are in Grand Parc, we are in Bordeaux. It’s a city within the city. You don’t need to leave Grand Parc… practically everything is there!”8 But this semi-autarkic life, proposed and appreciated by the inhabitants – “at Grand Parc, there’s everything you need” – also has adverse effects of withdrawal and people sticking together, operating on the basis of village codes. This situation is heightened by a specific kind of urbanisation that raises issues of porosity between the neighbourhood, its environment and the city of Bordeaux.

The previous image of this housing complex, and the representations G r a n d pa r c i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h e t e r r i to r y

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i m ag e s o f g r a n d pa r c ( p h oto s b y a n n e- c éc i l e pa r e d e s ). t h e u r b a n l a n d s c a p e o f g r a n d pa r c i s t h at o f t h e f u n c t i o n a l i s t c i t y, a n a r c h i t e c t u r e o f s l a b s a n d tow e r w i t h b i g o p e n s pac e s between them, and extensive public gardens 1 //, 2 //, 3 //. m o s t o f t h e d w e l l i n g s a r e social housing an d are managed by t wo l a r g e c o m pa n i e s : A q u i ta n i s a n d i n c i t é . its prices range from 4,8 €/m2 per month f o r i n c i t é t o 2 , 5 -3 , 2 € / m 2 p e r m o n t h f o r a q u i ta n i s ( a r e n ta l o f n o n - s o c i a l h o u s i n g in th e centr e r ang es from 10 to 1 5 €/m2 per m o n t h). o n e o f t h e d efin in g ch a r ac t eris tics of the neighbourhood is the aging of i t s p o p u l at i o n : o v e r o n e t h i r d o f i t s i n h a b i t a n t s a r e o l d e r t h a n 6 0 . 4 //

associated therewith, mean that Grand Parc is negatively perceived, whereas paradoxically enough, its everyday life is reckoned by its inhabitants as pleasant – older residents in particular feel a genuine attachment to the neighbourhood.

This working-class complex, where problems of security and incivility do exist, is quite well preserved as compared with other large housing estates in the city. The quality of life described by most inhabitants should not, however, conceal the real social problems of people residing within the estate. The ageing population and the over-representation of single parent families have been raising questions for several years in regard with precariousness, social and inter-generation diversity, and the neighbourhood’s future development.

P O S I T I V E A N D N E G AT I V E S PA C E S A S P E R C E I V E D b y

avo i d t h e lo o k s a n d co m m e n t s o f t h e c r ow d

t h e i n h a b i t a n t s ( T O P. S O u r c e : a ' u r b a ) a n d

g at h e r i n g a r o u n d t h e b u i l d i n g . t h e s h o p p i n g

b o n d i n g a n d s e g r e g at i n g e l e m e n t s ( b o t t o m ) .

centre and the public services near the

t h e s p a c e s w h i c h a r e m o r e n e g a t i v e ly

m a i r i e- q ua r t i e r a r e s e e n a s t h e m o s t p o si t i v e,

perceived are the buildings g, h and i, which

in addition to th e centr al garden.

a r e r e g a r d e d a s t h e m o s t p r o b l e m at i c ,

t h e p u b l i c s pa c e s t h at a r e m o s t a p p r o p i at e d

h o u s i n g t h e i n h a b i ta n t s w i t h l o w e r

are, howe ver, those of a smaller scale. while

resources. the social centre is also perceived

some elements of the original plan persist

n e g a t i v e ly, p r o b a b ly b e c a u s e t h e s u r r o u n d i n g s

[ b o t t o m ] , l i k e t h e c e n t r a l s h a r e d h e at i n g

a r e a g a t h e r i n g p o i n t f o r y o u n g s t e r s . i n f a c t,

n e t wo r k , s o m e a r e a s h av e b e e n f e n c e d o r

Y o u n g w o m e n w h o v i s i t t h e C A C I S ( F a m i ly

e n c l o s e d b y v e g e tat i o n , c o n t r a d i c t i n g t h e

p l a n n i n g c e n t r e ) , a t t a c h e d t o i t, c h o o s e t o

o r i g i n a l n at u r e o f t h e p r o j e c t o f a n o p e n ,

go through an internal door in the social

p u b l i c g r e e n s pac e .

c e n t r e a n d n o t u s e t h e m a i n g at e , t r y i n g t o

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SEEN AS POSITIVE BY THE INHABITANTS

SEEN AS NEGATIVE BY THE INHABITANTS policlinic GATHERING SPACES

‘APPROPIATED’ COLLECTIVE SPACES

A, B buildings

is of ain ax

m

residence

tion

unica

comm

social centre

church

shopping centre G, H, I buildings library

public services

BONDING ELEMENTS (SHARED HEATING)

SEGREGATING ELEMENTS (RÉSIDENTIALIZATION, FENCING)

G r a n d pa r c i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h e t e r r i to r y

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AQUITANIS

INCITE

DIOCESAN ASSOCIATION OF BORDEAUX

CILOF/CIVIL SERVANT HOUSING

BORDEAUX COMMUNE

CUB

CO-OWNERSHIP

STATE

GIRONDIN COMMITTEE

URBAN FORM The cit y of Bordeaux is divided into eight institutional distric ts, o n e o f t h e m i s fo r m e d by t h e G r a n d Pa r c a n d Pau l D o u m e r ag g lo m e r at e . E ac h o f t h e s e d i s t r i c t s h a s a t ow n h a ll r u n by a d epu t y m ayo r a ssi s t ed by a loc a l, h a n ds- o n t e a m. I n t h e distric t of Gr and Parc people tend to vote for the lef t. However, t h er e i s cu r r en t ly po lit ic a l o pposit i o n i n pu b lic i n s t it u t i o n s b e t w een t h e di s t r ic t m ayo r ess M r s. C a z a le t o f t h e U M P (r ig h t ) a n d t h e G en er a l Coun ci l, t h e R eg io n a l Coun ci l, a n d t h e Ur ba n Com munit y of Bordeaux (CUB), all run by people affiliated with the Socialist Part y (lef t ). Tensions rise when elec tions are held.

Gr an d Parc som etim es fin ds it self at th e core of contr adic tory po litic a l ch a llen g es.

G r a n d pa r c i s n o t a n a d m i n i s t r at i v e u n i t i n i t s e l f, i t i s p a r t o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f g r a n d pa r c- pa u l d o u m e r . e v e n i f i t s i n h a b i ta n t s c h o o s e a l e f t w i n g r e p r e s e n ta n t i n t h e c a n t o n a l e l e c t i o n s ( g r a n d pa r c- pa u l d o u m e r i s t h e c a n t o n n u m b e r 2 ) , t h e l o c a l m ay o r ( a n n e m a r i e c a z a l e t ) i s a p p o i n t e d d i r e c t ly b y b o r d e a u x ' s m ay o r a n d a l s o p e r ta i n s t o u m p ( R i g h t w i n g ) . G r a n d pa r c i s a ' q u a r t i e r p r i o r i ta i r e ' (p r io r it y n eig h b o u r h o o d), w h ich p l ace s it i n to t h e so - c a lled ' p r io r it y g eo g r a p h y ', b u t a l e v e l b e low t h e z u s ( u r ba n s e n si b l e zo n e ).

G r a n d pa r c u r b a n f o r m

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owns/ manages

park public space social housing

AQUITANIS also owns the surrounding ground areas

wage

guardian: solves local problems, takes care of building/ surrounding areas.

manages

MAIRIE DE BORDEAUX AQUITANIS public social housing company

JURISDICTION AND LANDLORDS

This condition tends to slow projects down. The political divergence between the different parties are expressed by conflicts involving the management and development of Grand Parc. In fact, one of its features is that it has a state-owned division divided between 12 proprietors; institutions, landlords/management companies or moral persons. If the distribution of the territory is not always clearly identified and legible, it is conveyed by the presence of enclaves, enclosures and differences of quality in treatment, which gives rise to a feeling of parcelling and juxtaposition of public places.

Boundaries, which are often ill-defined and not very visible, also sometimes end in conflicts of use (e.g. the areas at the foot of buildings), and a lack of responsibility on the part of managers.

The two housing management companies of Grand Parc are Aquitanis and InCitĂŠ. Aquitanis (low rent housing office) is a social housing company present throughout the CUB. It manages 2,326 housing units in Grand Parc, which means that the 61% of the total rental housing stock is social housing.9 InCitĂŠ (SEM) is a housing management company which functions also as a developer and construction company. Part of its housing stock is social, while the other part is private. In Grand Parc it manages 1,001 private rental-housing units, the 26% of the rental housing stock.10 P a g e

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o p e n s pac e s u r r o u n d i n g t h e b u i l d i n g s i s a c t u a l ly o w n e d b y t h e ' b a i l l e u r s ' ( s o c i a l h o u s i n g a d m i n i s t r at o r s ) , u n l i k e t h e p u b l i c s pac e o f t h e g a r d e n s , w h i c h i s a r e s p o n s a b i l i t y o f t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y.

E V E n t h o u g h t h e r e h a s b e e n at t e m p t s t o f e n c e a n d ' p r i vat i z e ' t h i s s pa c e , a q u i ta n i s , t h e m a i n ' b a i l l e u r ' i n v o lv e d i n g r a n d p a r c has refused the plans proposed by some neighbours. the 'gardian' is a neighbour e m p l o y e d b y t h e ' b a i l l e u r ' w h i c h ta k e s c a r e o f c e r ta i n b u i l d i n g s a n d t h e i r s u r r o u n d i n g a r e a s . t h e r e a r e 1 2 ' g a r d i a n s ' i n g r a n d pa r c , w h o k n o w a l l t h e f i r s t- h a n d i n f o r m a t i o n o f t h ei r r e s pec tiv e b u i ld i n gs.

These two companies have an office giving service to tenants in the Grand Parc. They employ residents to work in the maintenance of the building (12 with Aquitanis and 8 for InCité). In addition to this work and the maintenance of shared premises they have other functions, including the up keeping of dwellings’ interior. The day-to-day presence of these employees provides social mediation among neighbours – “they are a bonding agent, an element of social cohesion”11.

Four buildings in the Grand Parc are in the private sector; building D, historically designed for housing local officials and today managed by SNI-CILOF (i.e., 8% of the rental stock), the Mozart, Condorcet and Montesquieu residences (i.e., 300 housing units are jointly owned by private proprietors). Lastly, a residence for elderly people (RPA) houses 43 persons and the hospital for dependent elderly persons (EHPAD) accommodates 63.

Urbanisation and Neighbourhood Architecture

The Grand Parc is constituted by 24 low-rise and four high-rise buildings, plus four residential blocks and 25 buildings housing services, shops and public amenities. New constructions (essentially residential accommodation and offices) have been built in the extreme north-east complying with Environmental High Quality norms (HQE), while in the south-east residential areas composed mainly by “échoppes” (small traditional Bordeaux G r a n d pa r c u r b a n f o r m

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houses) continue to be present.¶ The horizontal and vertical urbanisation of Grand Parc is monolithic with repetitive façades and distinctive features like roofing terraces and stripping windows. Unlike other large housing complexes, the ground density is low, just 15% (i.e., 65 housing units per hectare) as opposed to 50% in traditional neighbourhoods with échoppes12.

The decision to create an open housing complex organised around a large central urban park has helped to avoid the feeling of crowdedness. The spacing and orientation of the buildings offer lovely views over the city.

One resident explains: “I live on the 17th floor; I have an uninterrupted view over Bordeaux! You can see steamers; you get the impression they are actually entering the city. I don’t need to move from here”.13 Every entrance hall is equipped with an intercom system and access is made with a magnetic badge. Most of the buildings’ ground floors have shared garages for bicycles, strollers and individual cellars. However these spaces are under-utilised by tenants due to robbery (in buildings H and I these areas have vanished due to numerous problems). As a result, residents belongings are stored on apartment landings, cellars or balconies.

The housing units are deemed by their occupants to be spacious and well-lit because of their double exposure, the numerous windows and French windows giving onto balconies or loggias. The equipment in the units is obsolete and rudimentary, the kitchens have a sink set on a standard base (obligatory minimum equipment for collective housing), and most of the bathrooms are still fitted with “sabot-type” (“clog”-type bathtubs), or even a bidet (which is no longer suited to present-day lifestyles and is not very practical for families and elderly people).14 P a g e

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Public Art at Grand Parc

Public art is not present at Grand Parc except in two places, the community and the social centre. In these two sites public art has been exposed deliberately to distinguish the buildings from the general monotony of the housing complex. The community centre (Salle de fêtes) was designed by the architects Ferret, Bedout and Bottarelli and built between 1964 and 1967. Its structure, shaped like a cotton reel, and its colourful façade, based on Ferret drawings, form a geometric composition made with enamelled featuring the city of Bordeaux logo. It has been closed for almost 20 years because of asbestos problems, but it used to accommodate up to 800 people.

It offered theatre, films, dances and banquets. Some rehabilitation and transformation projects have been initiated to turn it once again into a major cultural venue in the areas, however none of these attempts have succeeded.15¶ The social centre (centre d'animation), distinctive due to its spiral form (also called “the snail”), was built by Autier and Peyssard.

Its architecture was enhanced by a dreamlike fresco made by Annette Messager (an artist who won the first prize at the 2005 Venice Biennial).16¶ In 2008, the General Council had a plan to install an art work produced by the sculptor Nicolae Fleissig, but differences of opinion between the representative, Mrs. Delaunay (Socialist Party) who supported the approach, and the Bordeaux city hall halt the operation. Instead, Mrs. Cazalet managed to realise a Parisian style enclosed garden called the “Europe square”.

In recent years Gran Parc has been integrated to the UNESCO World Heritage list.

G r a n d pa r c u r b a n f o r m

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Energy, Technology, and Waste Recycling

Modern materials were used to construct the Grand Parc buildings, as the hollow concrete board with acoustic and insulation properties17. However, fifty years later the housing complex seems obsolete and far from new environmental regulations. Throughout these years there have been many rehabilitation operations involving façade renewal, roof waterproof rehabilitation, lift and electricity system upgrading, landing doors and woodwork improvement, double-glazing installation, shutters and blinds replacement, as well as stairwells and entrance halls retrofitting. The interior of the apartments hasn’t been improved, this affair is usually at the tenant’s expense, unless the unit is in an extremely bad condition to be rented. Some housing units have been adapted for elderly or handicapped persons at their request with specific funds.18 InCité is responsible for managing the collective central heating system.

The two boilers which supply Grand Parc are installed in the complex.

One of them is a collective utilities system which produces both electricity and hot water used for floor heating. The other works with gas. InCité is examining new forms of energy like geothermal power and wood since gas price has increased. Regarding waste management, some buildings are still equipped with waste chutes either in the apartment cellars or in the stairwells. This condition have produced some maintenance problems.

Grand Parc still does not have any waste selection system in its communal premises, just a few bins are supplied to this end in the housing complex.

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Security and Privatisation

Because cantonal elections are being held during the period of this study, it has not been possible to meet the municipal police or have access to information about security at the Grand Parc. Nevertheless it is possible to say that this is a relatively quiet neighbourhood, mainly if we compare it with other housing estates in Bordeaux. Torching cars and dustbins are sporadic actions. The damage done to public goods and residences, vandalism, is always repaired right away giving a relatively neat and clean look to the housing complex (except around buildings H and I and in the Europe parking lot). However, it must be acknowledged that drug trafficking exists, as well as motorbike rodeos and incivilities occurring mainly in building hallways and staircases (broken windows, petty vandalism, damage to letter boxes and cellars). These actions together with the occupation of entrances, young people gatherings around the buildings, and disputes between neighbours, are the main object of residents complains documented by the housing management companies. A Grand Parc resident specifies: “There are gang-related phenomena in the housing estate; this is well known.

Here, they are not violent. It simply starts with murderous looks, petty remarks, making fun and petty destruction of fixtures and equipment, damaging lawns with motorbikes which are spun in such a way that they crush the ground, and thus taunting those in charge of maintenance�.19 The most vulnerable group to incivilities, physical or verbal, are the elderly population. “There is too much sloppiness, people are no longer afraid G r a n d pa r c u r b a n f o r m

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of anything or anyone these days, it is forbidden to forbid at Grand Parc.

There’s no longer any courtesy or respect – no longer anything at all.”20 Residents have demanded different solutions to get rid off the previous abrupt actions, as the privatisation of entrance halls, which have been actually carried out as part of recent renovation operations. In its early days this housing estate lived in a quite different way. A resident explains: “Doors? People never closed them. We didn’t have all the security measures we do now. There was no need. We just had a key, to the landing door.

There was a concierge in the entrance. We were safe and we didn’t feel the need to be safe. It’s really a life that people miss.”21 In addition, other proposal has been to remove the benches around the complex to decrease disputes. However this solution has affected the areas of social interaction, leaving large zones of public space empty and unused, as illustrated by these words: “They should put back the benches. They took them away when they were working on the post office, but they have never put them back! The fact is that old ladies go out! And they want to sit down when the weather’s fine, and spend an hour or two outside.”22 An attempt to residentialize a group of Aquitanis buildings did not reach completion, mainly because the privatisation of parking lots would make impossible to park near the library. On the other hand, other parking lots near the tram and the Polyclinique have been privatised because “buffer cars” ('voiture ventouse', cars which remain parked in the same spot for a long time) bothered the nearest residents.

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G r a n d pa r c u r b a n f o r m

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G r a n d p a r c i s n o t a n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t i n i t s e l f, i t i s p a r t o f t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f g r a n d p a r cpa u l d o u m e r . e v e n i f i t s i n h a b i ta n t s c h o o s e a l e f t w i n g r e p r e s e n ta n t i n t h e c a n t o n a l e l e c t i o n s ( g r a n d pa r c- pa u l d o u m e r i s t h e c a n t o n n u m b e r 2 ) , t h e l o c a l m ay o r ( a n n e m a r i e c a z a l e t ) i s a p p o i n t e d d i r e c t ly b y b o r d e a u x ' s m a y o r a n d a l s o p e r t a i n s to u m p ( R i g h t w i n g ). G r a n d pa r c i s a ' q ua r t i e r p r i o r i ta i r e ' ( p r i o r i t y n e i g h b o u r h o o d ) , w h i c h p l a c e s it i n to t h e so - c a lled ' p r io r it y g eo g r a p h y ', b u t a l e v e l b e low t h e z u s ( u r ba n s e n si b l e zo n e ).

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SOCIAL R E L AT I O N S

T h e G r a n d Pa rc h a s e x per i en ced t wo wav es o f m ig r atio n, t h e fi r s t i n 1970 a n d t h e s eco n d i n 19 9 0. I n 1975, t h e G r a n d Pa r c cou n t ed wit h 12 , 900 i n h a b ita n t s, b u t b e t w een 1990 a n d 1999 t h e p o p u l at i o n d r o p p e d b y 2 % . T h e i n i t i a l o cc u pa n t s w e r e essentially larg e families. Th e parent s have remain ed at G r an d Pa r c b u t t h ei r ch i ld r e n h av e le f t a f t e r acco m pli s h i n g t h ei r s t u di es. T h us, couples a n d si n g le peo ple a r e occu pyi n g l a rg e housing unit s. In 1999 it was docum ented that almost half th e dw elli n g s h a d a si n g le h ouseh o ld. T h e tota l av er ag e n um b er o f per so n s per h ouseh o ld at t h at t i m e wa s 2 . 1 (a s co m pa r ed wit h 1 .73 i n B o r d e au x). T h e vac a n c y r at e o f t h e h ousi n g un it s i s low (0. 3% a s o pposed to 1% i n B o r d e au x). T h e sa m e a ppli es to t h e r at e o f po pul atio n r en e wa l (i n 2005, t h e rotatio n r at e wa s 8.3% a s o pposed to 11 . 5% i n B o r d e au x).

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In the last ten years, the Grand Parc have halted depopulation, particularly because the management companies have tended to replace departing elderly persons (going to institutions or passing away) by families whose numbers are in relation to the size of the housing unit. However, even when its population reached about 9,186 inhabitants in 2006 (i.e., a density of 139 inhabitants per hectare), the housing estate remains under-occupied. It was designed to house the twice of people. There is still a potential stock of large housing units in the context of a city whose stated aim is to reach 1 million inhabitants in the decades to come.

Age Pyramid and Family Structures

The Grand Parc has a very atypical population pyramid, which is unbalanced for such a large housing complex. One of its distinctive features is the high number of elderly people (more than 60 years old) representing almost onethird of its total population (i.e. 34% as opposed to 20% for Bordeaux).24 On the other hand its population under 20, which represents just 22% of the total inhabitants (as opposed to 18% for Bordeaux). This number is strikingly low for this sort of housing complex (i.e. young population under 20 in the Aubiers housing complex is 37%)25 and difficult to rise.

Rebalancing the age pyramid represents a slow process since elderly people are living longer and the rotation rate is low at Grand Parc.

The number of ageing people at Grand Parc has generated issues of adaptability in housing and the environment. A programme called “Growing P a g e

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POPULATION CITIZENSHIP

9,186 INHABITANTS

100% INHABITANTS < 60

66%

FRENCH NATIONALITY

81%

IMMIGRANT (some with French Nationality)

11%

FOREIGN

8%

HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION

INHABITANTS > 60

34%

FAMILIES, COUPLES AND SINGLES

55%

SINGLE PARENTS WITH CHILDREN

45% ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE POPULATION

42%

EMPLOYED

83%

UNEMPLOYED (1999)

17%

OTHER

6%

DISTRICT ADMINISTRATORS

5%

INTERMEDIATE OCCUPATIONS

22%

EMPLOYEES

45%

WORKERS

22%

LONG TERM

33%

20%

< 25 YEARS

Old Gracefully at Grand Parc” has been introduced by the Bordeaux City services, in partnership with many other parties, to support elderly people on topics of welfare, assistance and services. Acknowledging that this segment of residents feel good at Grand Parc and they wish to end their days there, it is clear to visualise that the estate is becoming removed from its initial purpose. It was meant to house families, so the change of this purpose over the long term has showed a loss of dynamism. A local resident explains: “I have a T4 and I have a guilty conscience when I see that some families are in one room with five or six kids. My children are advising me to move but, at my age, where should I go? The problem is that quite often large apartments are occupied by elderly persons, and they are entitled to stay in their home. That is thoroughly logical. You don’t tell someone who has a house to leave their house. Why would one tell a tenant to leave his apartment because he has a large space? It’s his life, too.”26 This cohabitation between elderly residents and the rest of the population also causes issues of intergenerational diversity which local parties deal with through numerous actions, but not always in a spontaneous way: “We should teach old people to look at young people with an indulgent eye, and teach young people to look at old people with an affectionate eye.”27 Regarding family structure, we note an over-representation of single parent families, mainly female (unmarried or divorced mothers). The 45% rate, higher than in Bordeaux, is constantly rising. This figure puts the Grand Parc in second position among Bordeaux’s CUCS neighbourhoods, where the number of single parent families is usually high.28 P a g e

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The particular social composition of Grand Parc leads to the observation of greater precariousness among its inhabitants (isolation, dependenceâ&#x20AC;Ś), and raises questions about the stigmatisation of this residential area. Even if impoverishment is less marked than in other large housing complexes, it is very real. The number of people living with complementary universal health cover (used as one of the poverty indicators in France) is, incidentally, relatively high. It concerns 15.7% of the population in the area having an average monthly income of 900 euros (as opposed to 1,500 euros for Bordeaux).29 Class Structure

The high proportion of elderly people in the Grand Parc is logically conveyed by a low representation of the working population, which was 42% in 1999.

The unemployment rate is 17%. One job seeker out of five is under 25, and one out of three of this category is long-term unemployed.30 Regarding socio-professional categories, 31 when the Grand Parc was first occupied, the number of workers (blue collar) was higher than the one of employees (white collar) (40% as opposed to 20%), but today the trend has proportionately reversed (22% workers and 45% employees).

These two categories are over-represented; they account three-quarters of the economically active population of Grand Parc.32 The intermediary professions represent the 22% of the previous segment, while managers just the 5%.33 Women leading single parent families have the most difficulty g r a n d p a r c s o c i a l r e l at i o n s

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finding stable employment; they are often not very qualified and have problems finding people to look after their children. There is a lack of places for childcare and flexibility in the neighbourhood, in the play school (20 places) as well as in the collective nursery (70 places).

The composition of the active population has been affected by the housing allocation policy conducted when the Grand Parc was first occupied, a policy addressed to the middle classes. The relatively low rents, the social criteria introduced by the owners (especially Aquitanis) and the implementation of higher rents to persons with higher incomes than these criteria (Aquitanis stock only) have influenced the typology of the people living in this complex. This has stimulated a phenomena of “sticking together”, and does not encourage social diversity.

Ethnic composition and cultural practices

It is an uneasy task to access to figures about the ethnic composition at the district level in France. Thus, it has not been possible to obtain precise data of the territory here in question in that regard. However information from INSEE and other sources can help us to picture for instance general information about origin and citizenship.

According to INSEE the difference between an immigrant and a foreigner are the following. “An immigrant is a person born abroad and residing in France […] It is the country of birth, and not the nationality at birth which defines the geographical origin of an immigrant”. So the fact of P a g e

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being an immigrant is permanent, an individual continues to belong to the immigrant population, even if he becomes French by acquisition. “A foreigner is a person who resides in France and does not have French nationality, whether they have another nationality or no nationality”. A foreigner is not necessarily an immigrant, he may be born in France (take minors as an example), this definition of foreigner does not last forever, it is possible to become French by acquisition.

A working document issued by the DSU34 records 8% foreigners and 11% immigrants in the complex (figure included the average between Bordeaux and the CUCS neighbourhood). Grand Parc has a relatively low rate of foreigners and immigrants since, unlike other large complexes (like Les Aubiers), it has never had a reception policy for population groups resulting from immigration. An study made in 197135 confirms this low representation, the few nationalities listed at the time were Spanish, Italian, and African. The 350 families repatriated from Algeria listed that same year were regarded as having French nationality. Ethnic mix may not be significant but it exist, it is represented by 30 nationalities.36 Regarding religious practices, the church built at the construction of the housing complex, and whose austere architecture has earned it the nickname of “Fort Jesus”, accommodates some 600 people every Sunday morning.37 This weekly mass, held by Father Francis Ayliés, is joined by many elderly people. One resident comments: “I go to church every Sunday. Here, in Grand Parc, there are plenty of people! It’s full and it seems that there are even people coming from Caudéran. The church doesn’t put me off, it’s very nice. People call g r a n d p a r c s o c i a l r e l at i o n s

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the priest “Francis”. He’s a good priest! In church I meet the ladies of Grand Parc”.38¶ Regarding the residents following the Islamic religion, they have to go to the El Huda mosque in Saint-Michel, which raises travel problems for older people. An association of Muslim citizens has been formed in Grand Parc Bordeaux-North (ACM-GPBN). A space located above the commercial premises of the Europe shopping mall is used as a worship place.

SEcondary Economy, Solidarity

The oldest residents in Grand Parc talk nostalgically about a rich social and united fabric which was organised in a spontaneous and informal way. A resident explains: “I think that previously, there was a solidarity that you no longer find, that no longer exists these days”, “We were very united at the time. My female neighbours helped me a lot when my father was ill. I even saw a dentist’s wife come and iron my laundry when I was very tired. There were very strong bonds between us”.39 Social bonds nowadays seem more strained, but some examples help us to understand the existing solidarity networks in Grand Parc. A ressourcerie (resource centre), the D’Eco-solidaire workshop, was set up in the heart of the complex a few months ago. It collects useable rubbish (essentially furniture) to give it a second life. The idea is to get active young people between 16 and 25, as well as women, stimulating crafts and artistic expression. The final aim of the workshop is to exhibit and sell the end products, it forms part of the programmes of integration.40 P a g e

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Since April 2010, a Cressionnières System of Local Exchange (SLE) has been active in form of a residents association with DSU backing. Today it has 25 members that exchange services, goods and skills without any economic transaction.41 Other inhabitants have initiated the “Grand Parc in Motion” group, which together with the social centre organises neighbourhood meals and yard sales. Its purpose is to encourage convivial moments among residents.

As part of housing renovation projects, the Compagnons Bâtisseurs d’Aquitaine organise solidarity workshops. The idea is to technically train and financially support different rehabilitation operations in the social and private housing stock. These activities are carried out by tenants (16 families a year) who participate in workshops. The aim is to mix residents encouraging participation and integration in the rehabilitation of their own habitat.42 Shared gardens are made at the Parc Rivière (which has an ecolabel) with different local parties, for instance, the association “Les jardins d’aujourd’hui” and inhabitants from Grand Parc and Bordeaux. The goal is to create social bonds among residents through gardening and educational environmental workshops. These workshops are organised including Grand Parc’s residents as well as people from outside the neighbourhood. In an space of 1000 square meters around 60 people cultivate individual and collective parcels based on environmental friendly practices.43

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E V E R Y D AY LIFE

T h e G r a n d Pa rc pu b lic space i s n ot r e a lly a sh a r ed t er r ito ry.

I t i s r at h e r o r g a n i s e d i n a su cces s i o n o f s o ci a l t i m e- fr a m es w h ich e ach t y po logy o f user m a r ks wit h h i s di s ti n c t li fes t y le, o n t h e b a s i s o f d i f f e r e n t r h y t h m s a n d m o b i li t y. O u t s i d e a fe w cle a r ly i d en ti fi ed ti m e slot s (s ta r t a n d fi n i sh o f sch oo l, wo r k , Sat u r day m o r n i n g m a r k e t ) t h e e s tat e h a s li t t le li f e a n d f e w p eo p le a r e p r e s e n t i n t h e p u b li c p l ac e s g i v e n t h e n u m b er o f i n h a b ita n t s, a s it h a s b een d escr i b ed by t h i s fem a le r e s i d e n t: “ B e fo r e , t h e r e w e r e c h i l d r e n p l ay i n g , c h i l d r e n ’ s cr i es! N ow yo u d o n ’ t h e a r a n y t h i n g a n y m o r e . I d o n ’ t k n ow w h er e t h e y’v e go n e! T h e G r a n d Pa rc i s g e t ti n g o ld. T h er e a r e q u i t e a f e w yo u n g p eo p le , b u t t h e y le av e v e ry e a r ly t o g o o ff a n d wo r k. O n Sun days, t h e y ta ke t h ei r c a r s a n d t h e y go o f f, I d o n ’ t k n ow w h e r e , o r e l s e t h e y da n c e o n Sat u r days u n t i l s i x i n t h e m o r n i n g a n d o n S u n day s t h e y s l e e p a n d d o n’t go ou t”. 4 4

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Spatial Occupation

So, the territory is rather shared by necessity and for some it involves avoidance strategies. Elderly people (one-third of the residents) in fact use the public space at very precise times, mainly in the morning between 9 a.m. and midday, and sometimes in the afternoon to do their shopping or deal with administrative matters. However, they don’t go out much at nights and on weekends (the Saturday morning market and the Sunday mass being exceptions)45 as it has been illustrated in these words: “I only go out in the morning when there are people out. When I have to go to the Caisse d’Epargne, I never go in the afternoon. And I never go on the back way since one day I was followed by a bunch of young people. Oh, poor little guys! They probably wouldn’t have done anything to me, but I was a bit afraid”.46 Young people gather in precise places (around the Europe shopping mall and the social centre), mid- and late afternoon, as well as in the early evening. Interactions between these populations are limited and waver between suspicion and indifference, with moments and places where they can meet in the neighbourhood being rare.47 Spaces with a positive and peaceful perception are linked with the spaces they occupy and use, for instance, the Europe shopping mall, the area around the CPAM, the library, the bowling place, the RPA, the polyclinic and the church. These spaces are appreciated by the residents. Whereas others are negatively perceived, as the Place de l’Europe , with its large dilapidated parking lot, the buildings G, H and I and their surroundings, g r a n d p a r c e v e r y d ay l i f e

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g r a n d pa r c h a s a g r e at n u m b e r o f p u b l i c fa c i l i t i e s , w h i c h at t r a c t n e i g h b o u r s f r o m o t h e r pa r t s o f t h e c i t y ( b o t t o m ) . t h e m o s t i m p o r ta n t o n e s a r e t h e s w i m m i n g p o o l , t h e g y m s , a n d at a m o r e l o c a l l e v e l , t h e l i b r a r y, t h e s c h o o l s , t h e c h u r c h , a n d t h e a d m i n i s t r at i o n a l b u i l d i n g s . i n t h i s s e n s e , t h e t r a m i s c r u c i a l i n c o m m u n i c at i n g g r a n d pa r c w i t h t h e c i t y, a s 4 9 % o f t h e i n h a b i ta n t s o f g r a n d pa r c d o n ot ow n a c a r. c o m m e r c e i s c o n c e n t r at e d i n t h e c e n t r a l s h o p p i n g c e n t r e , w h i c h i s v e ry w e l l r eg a r d e d b y t h e i n h a b i ta n t s 1 //. p u b l i c fa c i l i t i e s a r e a c t i v e i n g r a n d pa r c , a n d o r g a n i z e p l e n t y o f a c t i v i t i e s , s o m e o f t h e m a i m i n g at a i n t e r - g e n e r at i o n a l e x c h a n g e 2 //. ( p h o t o s n y a n n e - c é c i l e p a r e d e s )

and the social centre.48 These buildings suffer from socio-spatial segregation in the neighbourhood because, since their construction, they have housed the poorest families (originally large working class families from the Mériadeck district after its demolition, and second-hand traders, scrap metal merchants, prostitutes, and foreigners of North African origin).

Today these buildings house the most deprived residents, and are among those rare constructions that haven’t been renovated.

The central urban park crystallises several contradictions. It was once appreciated for its large open space and its character of nature, urbs in rure. However, it has been lately also perceived as a monotonous and obsolete. It functions more as passageway, with lots of formal pedestrian areas, than a place for relaxation and leisure. Even when some areas are the exception, as the children playgrounds. This major public open space in Northwest Bordeaux cannot be seen from any of the roads circumscribing it. Its landscape can’t be well appreciated by visitors crossing the district, including the ones using the entrance and the main access to the Cours de Luze.

The green areas in the north and south of the neighbourhood are likewise divided, both in use and quality. To the north, the park with its soughtafter qualities is widely used, especially as a place for walking. Whereas to the south, the area has not much quality, nor vocation, in fact this side is neglected.49 A sort of invisible border seems to exist between Grand Parc and the Parc Rivière, situated on the western edge of the district. This latter belonged to the wealthy Luze family, and you can still see the ruins of the P a g e

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chosen students from other neighbourhoods

centre/ rue Ste. Catherine

shopping centre AUCHANMĂ&#x2030;RIADECK

shopping centre AUCHAN-LAC

city-scale facilities

library

Clisthène school

swimming pool

church

quinconces CITY CENTRE

flows towards Grand Parc: points of contact with the city

flows from Grand Parc: relation with rest of the city

flows inside Grand Parc: commercial nodes

city-scale facilities

shopping centres

bus lines

tram line C

castle in the middle of wooded French-style 4-hectare grounds. Although it is free and open to the general public, it is relatively little used by Grand Parc residents. They seem to have a “problem” when it comes to crossing Rue Mandron and visiting the adjacent neighbourhood.

Shopping

The Grand Parc economic activities are not based in manufacturing, they are mainly focused on the tertiary sector, commerce and administrative services. The number of local shops are slightly lower than the ones located between the boulevards. They are concentrated in two commercial centers managed by InCité, the Europe and the Emile Counnord.

The Europe commercial center (1,600 sq. m.) is located in the heart of the housing estate and holds 20 shops and a “Simply Market” supermarket (formerly “Atac”). It used to be an active area when it was inaugurated, very busy and appreciated by residents. Despite its renovation in 2006, it seems today much less dynamic. A fire affected three shops in 2008, this event increased the dismal impression, especially since the fire damage still awaiting for renovation. A female resident remembers: “The shopping mall has deteriorated. It is damaged. I remember when it was possible to stroll around it; now you just walk through it. Sometimes you stop but you don’t really feel like it! There’s no life in the place anymore, and you don’t meet people except when you’re walking and carrying your shopping bags and you bump into another friend doing the same. There’s plenty of improvement to be made”.50 P a g e

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images of different housing interiors of g r a n d pa r c ( p h oto s b y a n n e- c éc i l e pa r e d e s ). e v e n i f t h e b u i l d i n g s m ay l o o k u n i f o r m from outside, many different social classes, a g e s a n d c u lt u r e s c o e x i s t i n g r a n d p a r c .

M a n y p eo p l e g ot o l d i n G r a n d - Pa r c a n d t h e y s t i l l l i v e i n t h e s a m e b i g a pa r t m e n t s , w h i l e p a r a d o x i c a l ly f a m i l i e s o f n e w c o m e r s a r e hosted in smaller ones.

There is a surgery clinic and numerous health services (pharmacies, an orthopaedic shop…). In addition, some home assistance services, which include meals on wheels for elderly people. These services are linked with the particular social composition of the Grand Parc, as it is humorous emphasised by one elderly resident: “There’s no shortage of pharmacies!...

We’re all very ill, that’s for sure!”51 The Emile Counord commercial centre, the first to be established in the neighbourhood and smaller in size, should be renovated in the near future.

As a complement, the neighbourhood is enlivened by a weekly market which is held on Saturday morning. As part of it around 15 stalls are set up in parking lot of the Europe commercial center. This quasi-autarkic supply of goods and services is rounded off by residents by using the Auchan Lac and Mériadeck shopping malls, where there is a wider choice of cheaper products.

Education

The Grand Parc’s educational facilities are equivalent to the rest of the city with a variety of education levels. Three nursery schools, the Pierre Trébord, the Schweitzer and the Condorcet. Two primary schools, the Schweitzer and the Condorcet.

One college/secondary school, Grand Parc with 600 students and an experimental section, the “Clisthène”, which has been there for nine years and has four classes with about 100 students. The mission of this school is based on three main points; violence prevention, dropout prevention g r a n d p a r c e v e r y d ay l i f e

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and democracy initiation. Its aim is to stimulate social mix within the school through the selection of students with heterogeneous profiles and socio-economic background (30% privileged, 30% middle class, 30% less privileged). The goal set by the educational team is to dispense general instruction through new forms of apprenticeship, and to increase interdisciplinary classes using theme weeks (social mix, violence, boy-girl equality…).52 One lycée/high school, Condorcet with 700 students, including about 250 advanced technician certificates who divide their study time between two sites, Condorcet and Schweitzer. After a period of poor national rating, this high school has received funding for educational support and refresher courses during holidays. Last year, the school had an 83% success rate for the Bac (i.e., a rise of 30% in three years), 78% for the professional Bac, and 79% for the BTS. The school having two European classes (Spanish and English), maintains numerous partnerships with the scientific institutions and other establishments of Bordeaux (preparatory classes). In addition, it offers well-equipped classes for students involved in sports training programmes (rowing, swimming, BMX…).53 The Grand Parc schools are not listed as a Priority Education Zone (ZEP).

However both, the secondary and the high school, suffer from a bad reputation. The stigma is not always justified, but creates recruitment problems. Parents have been developing different strategies to avoid the enrolment of their children in Gran Parc’s schools due to fear of not giving them the best opportunities and access to the “social ladder” represented P a g e

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by education. Parents enrol their children in the public and private schools located near Grand Parc. The arrival of the tram in the area has facilitated this pattern of behaviour. One female resident observes: “The Grand Parc has always had a bad reputation and my children have suffered from it.

We’ve even been forced to change our son’s school”.54 Since Grand Parc is not included in the Priority Education Zone, there is not guarantee of funds for improving educational facilities in the neighbourhood, although they are needed. “In 2012, between 30 and 50 new children will attend elementary school in Grand Parc and no new class is going to be provided”.55

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CONSEIL GENERAL (Department) CAF Family Credit Union financing

MAIRIE DE BORDEAUX

Grand Parc Inten-cité (association)

church muslim praying room (unofficial)

space for other associations

social/cultural centre

animation centre library

“lost solidarity” among neighbours

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G r a n d p a r c h a s a w i d e a r r a y o f c u lt u r a l a n d s o c i a l fa c i l i t i e s . w h i l e t h e l i b r a r y a n d t h e a n i m at i o n c e n t r e a r e v e r y l i n k e d t o t h e m u n i c i p a l i t y, t h e s o c i a l / c u lt u r a l c e n t r e i s m a n a g e d b y a n a s s o c i at i o n o f i n h a b i ta n t s (g r a n d - pa r c I n t e n - C i t ĂŠ ). w h i l e t h e r e i s a c h u r c h i n t h e n ei g h b o u r h o o d, t h e r e i s n o official mosque. a n eigh bour has howe ver o p e n e d a " p r ay e r r o o m " i n o n e o f t h e va c a n t s pac e s i n t h e s h o p p i n g c e n t r e . A m o n g t h e i n h a b i ta n t s t h e r e i s a s e n s e o f l o s t s o l i d a r i t y, a n o s t a l g i a o f t h e p a s t t i m e s , w h e n t h e r e wa s n o t s o m u c h s e c u r i z at i o n p r e s e n t.

Mobility

The traffic/circulation plan for Grand Parc complies with the logic of the functionalist city, which means that automobile and pedestrian circulation are dissociated. Although 49% of the population do not have a car (1999 figures), plenty of spaces were originally designed for vehicles in the housing complex. Parking space is a recurrent problem for residents and visitors.

Parking, usually located at the foot of buildings and along the main roads, give the impression of omnipresence in the landscape of the housing estate.

Vehicles conceal the park.56 Little room is made for non-motorized traffic, only Rue Schuman and Rue Portmann have cycle tracks. Some bicycle areas have been set up inside and beside schools and sports facilities.

Public transport is quite present on the outskirts of the housing complex, four bus routes, and limited in its hart, only route number 15 has been kept (was once under threat). The arrival of the tram system has altered behaviour and encouraged back and forth movements with downtown now only 10 minutes away by tram. Route C, which runs between Bègles and Les Aubiers has three stops (Emile Counord, Grand Parc and Ravezies). The reasons given by residents for leaving the neighbourhood are work, study, shopping, administrative business, leisure, culture, holidays (second home, the nearby ocean), visiting family and friends, gardening in the CUB allotmentsâ&#x20AC;Ś

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Cultural, Sports and Recreational Places and Events

The Grand Parc enjoys of excellent sport and cultural amenities (equivalent to downtown in number and higher in density). The three major sites established since the complex construction are the library, the community centre and the social centre. The library has around 3,200 members, the great majority elderly people and children. This place, a genuine place of social mix, attracts people from Gran Parc and other areas, as Les Chartrons, Le Bouscat and Bordeaux. It has initiated a special activity in the last four years, a house delivery service of books especially for elderly people ( around 20 persons have enjoyed of this service). It has also taken part of the “Grand Parc Memory” project in partnership with the social centre. This project consist in collecting testimony from elderly people about life in the neighbourhood, with the final aim of publishing a book.

The library is a user-friendly place, open to the neighbourhood and beyond, and closely linked with Grand Parc figures, a place organising exhibitions and meetings.57 A resident express: “The library is the only thing still living in the neighbourhood!.”58 The community center has a family-oriented social mission. One of its goals is to serve children and teenagers. It provides school support, homework assistance and leisure activities (visual arts, sports…). It holds also a music school and a game centre. Besides these type of services, it also provides service to parents.59 An elderly resident tells us a little more about its P a g e

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history and philosophy: “The origin of the social centre comes from a group of residents in buildings D and C, who spontaneously created it one step ahead. At that particular time, there were social square metres (especially in the HLM-SBUC sector); after that, the public authorities set it up but it’s my feeling that they profited from a cocoon that was all ready for them. It was a centre where you contributed human matter, which you exchanged with others. For example the literacy campaign was a strong point. It was recognized as a leading feature. There were people who came from neighbouring communes (Eysines, Mérignac, Le Buscat)”.60 These two centres take part of the local cultural life by organising small events with the residents, like the carnival, and spectacles for children…

The numerous sport facilities (three gymnasium, two of which have a stadium, one city stadium and two tennis courts) are scattered throughout the neighbourhood with enough size and capacity to accommodate people from outside Grand Parc (leisure centre, schools, sports clubs…). The most emblematic facility is the swimming pool, rebuilt in 2007 on the site of the initial Olympic pool. It consists of a 25 metre pool with tiered seating, a paddling pool and a solarium. It attracts more than 400,000 people a year.

A resident explains: “We have organised petitions for the pool because the asbestos removal lasted a very long time. The work seemed never ending…

We organised petitions and it worked! The pool is a good thing! It is not an Olympic pool, but because there were lots of clubs which came, Grand Parc residents did not necessarily go to it”.61 No other place can accommodate cultural events in Grand Parc since the g r a n d p a r c e v e r y d ay l i f e

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community hall (“Salle des fêtes”) closed, nearly 20 years ago. This has been something often lamented by residents: “What I would like to point out of Grand Parc is the community hall which was a place really lively and busy. We used to go there to see dance festivals and listen to jazz. We went there to see concerts several times, and on two occasions I clearly remember seeing galas d'enfants. There was always something happening, lots of concerts. There were Christmas shows all the time! It was very busy, but now there’s nothing going on anymore…”62 And yet there is a demand for a user-friendly venue available to residents to celebrate family events, as well as to artists who would bring activities and attract people from outside the neighbourhood. Now and again, Aquitanis, in partnership with artists who perform in Bordeaux concert halls, organises concerts in residents’ homes. For an evening, a resident can invite some 20 people, especially his nearby neighbours, to attend a “private” musical show. The objective of this actions is to bring culture and artists into the heart of a neighbourhood, to meet inhabitants who are not used to going to concerts.63 There has been, for the last 10 years, a must-visit annual rendezvous in the neighbourhood called “Grand Parc Celebrates”. It is organised by a collective with the same name which if formed by the following organisations and institutions; social and cultural centre, community centre, library, UBAPS, CACIS, Chantecler neighbourhood house, Maryse Bastié retirement home/ EHPAD, Aquitanis, InCité, shopkeepers association, Bordonor collective, the Barbey rock school, day treatment centre for persons with head injuries, ALIFX, Grand Parc schools and inhabitants and MC2a. For three days, P a g e

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free of charge, spectacles either outdoors or in marquees are proposed in the neighbourhood. The event is an awaited convivial moment combining culture and social action, in which many neighbourhood figures and people take part. This is the only cultural event in the neighbourhood, relying on a budget of about 65,000 euros every year. The budget is only for artistic productions, all the members of the collective contribute to the organisation in kind.64

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M E N TA L CONCEPTIONS

The Gr and Parc is not a homogeneous territory, it is the outcome o f a j u x ta p o s i t i o n o f s e v e r a l n e i g h b o u r h o o d s o pe r at i n g i n acco r da n ce wit h a n i m plicit h i er a rch y. To day it i s s ti ll m a r ked by t h e o r i g i n a l fu n c t i o n s a n d co n ce p t i o n s o f t h e b u i ld i n g s ( t h o s e e a r m a r k e d by P i e d s- n o i r s, F r e n c h co lo n i a l s b o r n i n Algeria , as well as by local officials an d oth er first resident s), an d still gives rise to prob lem s related with co -hab itation an d so cia l m ix. A r esi d en t e x pl ai n s: “You m us t liv e i n t h e b ui ldi n gs t o u n d e r s ta n d t h e m . I t a ll d e p e n d s o n h ow t h e b u i ld i n g i s i n h a b i t ed. W h en t h e y s ta r t ed fi lli n g t h e b lo cks, t h e y fi lled t h em wit h t h e sa m e i n divi dua l a ffi n iti es. O n e b ui ldi n g wa s fo r A r a b s, a n ot h er wa s fo r ot h er peo ple. So t h er e s ta r t ed to r i se cl a n s a n d g a n g s.” 6 5 T h e o ccu pat i o n o f t h e b u i ld i n g s m ay n o lo n g er b e di ffer en tiat ed a s such, b u t so m e b ui ldi n gs a r e s ti ll s tig m ati sed wit h i n t h e n eig h b our h o o d, fo r i n s ta n ce b ui ldi n gs G, H a n d I. T h ese h ousi n g b locks a r e t h e m os t di l a pi dat ed a n d h av e t h e h i g h e s t co n c e n t r at i o n o f p eo p le w h o s e li v e s a r e pr ec a r i ous. l o c a l i z a t i o n o f t h e b u i l d i n g s g , h a n d i 1 // a n d i m a g e o f t h e i r s o u t h e r n f a ç a d e s 2 //. these three buildings are perceived very n e g a t i v e ly b y t h e i n h a b i t a n t s , s p e c i a l ly t h e a r e a b e h i n d t h e m , c lo s e to t h e s c h o o l, which is used as a dump site.

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80 dwellings 225 dwellings 225 dwellings

I

garbage dumping

H

G neglected area

School Condorcet

Distinctions are currently found between the buildings of the two housing management companies, even if it is not necessarily obvious and recognised.

One resident explains: “At the beginning there were no differences (in rents, services, and charges) between the low rent buildings (HLM) and the SBUC, except that the low rent buildings were better equipped with lifts. Later on, there was a divergence; the less privileged people went into low rent housing, while the others, with more or less normal incomes, went into the SBUC (InCité)”.66 Another resident affirms this fact: “We are slightly privileged here. People called us ‘the Neuilly of Grand Parc’, in the four SBUC buildings, because we have bathtubs instead of showers.

It’s true that the apartments are very, very well designed. There are two balconies, and they are large balconies. We are two per floor. We are privileged here”.67 In the old days, this hierarchy sometimes existed within one and the same building, depending on the floor you lived on: “The buildings worked very good. The tenants were allocated according to their jobs. I was on the eighth floor, which was for municipal employees. At the bottom there were people who were okay and not so okay, and, in the middle, honest workers. There were lots of children”.68 ¶ The ageing of the population who originally inhabited the Grand Parc is accompanied with a strong attachment and is always expressed with nostalgia for the golden age of the complex. The phenomenon of population ageing is one of the integration criteria in the area, it produces forms of solidarity among residents but also a sense of exclusion for newcomers. Young families have been allocated in the complex recently to balance the social composition. g r a n d p a r c M e n ta l c o n c e p t i o n s

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The Grand Parc is definitely a unique space. It is a good choice for people looking for collective housing. When people express reluctance and visit the place this feeling disappears. The house units are popular because they are spacious and inexpensive. The complex has plenty of open space offering a pleasant living environment. In addition it is close to the hearth of Bordeaux and is equipped with tram since 2007. A resident comments: “People here stay as long as possible in their apartments; this is a sign that things are okay. There is every possible service, there are plenty of facilities which help towards a good life. People are jealous of us because we now have the tram which connects us to downtown Bordeaux”.69 The Grand Parc thus operates like a fully-fledged neighbourhood, in an autonomous and autarkic way, with its own in-house logic which is hard to understand for people living elsewhere. Its urban fabric is poorly connected with its immediate surroundings and with the city of Bordeaux, which raises questions about its porosity and its permeability. It can be understood on the basis of two concepts used by Bordeaux’s urbanism agency, as part of an urban diagnosis: as a “fortress” and a “labyrinth”. 70 Grand Parc as a “Fortress”

The Grand Parc has forged its identity based on its history and its inhabitants, but also through the special nature of its urban form manifesting a total break with the surroundings; the architecture made up of small homes or échoppes (the Tivoli neighbourhood to the west and south), the zones P a g e

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r e p r e s e n tat i o n o f g r a n d pa r c a s a f o r t r e s s 1 // a n d a l a b y r i n t h 2 //. t h e a u t o n o m y o f g r a n d pa r c d e ta c h e s i t f r o m t h e r e s t o f t h e c i t y, i t s s l a b a r c h i t ec t u r e co n c e a l i n g t h e c e n t r a l pa r k . o n t h e ot h e r h a n d, n e wco m e r s fi n d i t d i f f i c u lt t o o r i e n t a t e t h e m s e l v e s i n a v a s t o p e n s p a c e w i t h f e w r e f e r e n c e p o i n t s 3 //.

with low-rise housing (the town of Le Bouscat to the north) and the gated Hausmann residential neighbourhood (Ravezies to the east).

The urbanisation consisting of long low-rise buildings and tall towers circumscribing a central park gives the impression of a fortified neighbourhood which is hard to trespass. The rare entrances are poorly signed and the only obvious one, Cours de Luze, is right by the Europe commercial center. In general, the access points are hidden and once you are inside Grand Parc the neighbourhood seems to be formed by several enclaves. The height of the buildings magnifies the effect of feeling crushed when you move around the estate and the vegetation (trees and shrubs) is not always high enough to help to diminish this sensation.

Grand Parc is not a place for strolling around, people do not enter it randomly. Visitors go there for a reason, in particular because of the presence of many administrative services (CPAM, neighbourhood town hall, School Inspectorate, Employment Office), health services (BordeauxNord Polyclinique, Tivoli Clinic, CACIS), sports (three gymnasiums and swimming pool) and cultural centres (library), as well as for recreation (social centre and community centre), for visiting a resident (including elderly people in the RPA), or for religious worship (Sunday mass at the Church of the Trinity). When visiting the complex you must find your way around this territory.

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Grand Parc as a “Labyrinth”

Whatever means of transport you use positioning into the area is difficult.

For anyone coming from outside Grand Parc, the residential buildings all look alike with just a few high-rise towers offering landmarks, such as the Mozart Tower. The colours of the façades, balconies and blinds, serve as a reference to identify not only the buildings but also the housing management companies that own them. Aquitanis has buildings with coloured façades (yellow) and blinds, often with red stripes. While the InCité housing units can be recognised by their light façades (white) with blue balconies and blinds.

The public buildings are small (except for the imposing CPAM tower), sometimes out of proportion with the surrounding structures. They are not always clearly marked, including the façades of the buildings (one example being the library). The initial project proposed that the facilities involving social projects were aesthetically pleasing providing landmarks in the uniform urban landscape. This notion can be visualised in the architecture and the decorated pediment of the community hall and the community centre. This last one was also called “the snail” making reference to its particular shape. Its façade was designed by Annette Messager. ¶ The actual nomenclature of the buildings is complex and based on alphabetical order.

Aquitanis has renamed its buildings with artists’ names keeping the letter originally given. However, residents do not really use these new names, they still refer to the buildings with their original names. The first nine P a g e

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buildings have a rational nomenclature, but it is confusing for all the others.

Circulation signs are also unclear in the neighbourhood, and no maps or plans are displayed. Even if a circulation board includes an information point in Grand Parc, it is nowhere to be found. A programme being conducted by residents is currently being undertaken by the Urban Social Development department to produce a precise neighbourhood plan. It will be in the form of a map and may also be a moveable information point; it is planned to list the neighbourhood amenities and facilities and indicate their functions. This document will be produced for new arrivals in the estate. In addition, for residents who admit, particularly in the case of recent arrivals, that they have little knowledge of their territory and the people working there. Non-residents feel lost in Grand Parc and reduce their use to the primary reason of visiting. This avoids any possibility of discovering and enjoying the neighbourhood.

Future Plans

Nowadays, the Grand Parc is an urban zone that is being completely reorganised, starting from the Les Chartrons neighbourhood and extending as far as Bacalan and Bordeaux Lac. It is the last neighbourhood with a high potential to supply housing due to its large housing units in a territory provided with extensive green areas which cannot be built upon. Thus, it has a strategic position in the extension of the city of Bordeaux and its aims to reach one million inhabitants. The neighbourhood may have not g r a n d p a r c M e n ta l c o n c e p t i o n s

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much available area for new projects on existing wasteland plots, apart from the planned construction of two establishments for elderly people and the creation of a nursery, but the challenges are rather with the renovation and re-activation of the existing facilities, like the Lycée Condorcet, the social centre, and the Counord commercial center.

So, the housing complex is in a crucial moment in its history, when in order to guarantee its continued existence, it is looking for new ways to attract people. “Tomorrow’s Grand Parc will be an ethnic mix with a lot of life! It may be inter-generational and inter-cultural.”71 Regarding the estate management companies, the previous mean keeping an eye on the diversification of the profile of residents. And for those developing the public space, making sure that the neighbourhood has a functional diversity.

This perhaps bringing up new provisions, new convivial and user-friendly spaces.

Lastly, the Grand Parc must be open to the city of Bordeaux through a number of urban improvements and modifications, and by the alteration of its representations; the driving force here, not to say the possible accelerators, are the sports, leisure and cultural facilities. The beginning of the neighbourhood’s re-population over the past 10 years or so, with a younger population, compatible with the housing units and facilities proposed, is a tangible sign of the changes underway. A resident comments: “The Grand Parc is definitely getting older and a macabre turnover is bound to happen. Since housing demand is increasing, it will become younger. We’ll have to wait until the generation that is in the way of this P a g e

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has moved on, and then, the place will be inhabited again in new ways. It is conveniently placed, close to downtown Bordeauxâ&#x20AC;?.72 The ageing population on the estate, the greater life expectancy, and the policies designed to help elderly people stay in their own homes mean that the rejuvenation of the neighbourhood will be a slow and lengthy process. The social composition must be re-balanced by the input of younger new inhabitants and families with children. So, a compromise must be found between respecting the choice of old people to live out their lives in the neighbourhood to which they are attached and whose history and soul are trustees of. And rediscovering the neighbourhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s calling to accommodate families with moderate incomes, at the same time avoiding the pitfall of segregating a precarious population and the risk of stigmatising this housing estate which has hitherto been relatively spared.

The diversity and motivation of the various parties on the site is not enough to re-activate the Grand Parc; it also depends on the ongoing nature of national arrangements in terms of urban policy, currently under threat, as well as on the various projects and methods which the local authorities and the city of Bordeaux will have to become involved in.

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FOOTNOTES 1

Diagnostic urbain, A’urba (Agence d'Urbanisme Bordeaux métropole Aquitaine), December 2008.

2 “Bordeaux, la conquête de la modernité, architecture et urbanisme à Bordeaux et dans l’agglomération de 1920 à 2003”, Robert Coustet and Marc Saboya, Mollat, November 2005.

3 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, “Mémoire du quartier de Grand Parc,” Sandra Queille, Harmattan, April 2011.

4 See footnote nr 2.

5 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

6 See footnote nr 2.

7 See footnote nr 1.

8 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

9 See footnote nr 1.

10 Ibid 11 Mr. Diene, InCité caretaker, from “De la Sbuc à In’cité, 1957- 2007, 50 ans de pratiques urbaines à Bordeaux”, In’cité, 2007.

12 See footnote nr 1.

13 Ibid 14 “Mémoire du quartier de Grand Parc,” Sandra Queille, Harmattan, April 2011.

15 Interviews with the gardians (caretakers) of ’In’cité, Madame Laigle from In’cité et Madame Lissard from Aquitanis-Grand Parc.

16 Guide d’architecture de Bordeaux, Confluences, 1996 17 Ibid 18 See footnote nr 2.

19 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

20 Ibid 21 Ibid 22 Ibid 23 See footnote nr 1.

24 Ibid 25 Ibid 26 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

27 Ibid 28 Document de travail CUCS, Compas-Tis, mai 2009 29 Ibid 30 Ibid 31 According to INSEE the socio-professional categories are the following; Workers include P a g e

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maintenance professionals, trade, unskilled light industrial and agricultural workers, as well as industrial and craft-type occupations.

The boundary between workers and employees is not easy to trace. Employees include a wide variety of occupations, including secretaries, office and hospital workers, vendors, fire and domestic servants. Women occupy the vast majority of these occupations except in the police and the military. This group brings many young people, particularly among administrative employees of companies and commercial employees. Intermediate occupations include in its vast majority (two thirds) intermediate positions between managers and enforcement officers, workers and employees. The other part includes workers in education, health and social work, among teachers, nurses and social workers.

Woman is very limited, especially in technical professions.

32 See footnote nr 1.

33 Ibid 34 Document de travail CUCS, Compas-Tis, mai 2009 35 “Cité du Grand Parc, approche sociologique”, Danièle Turbet Delof (sociologist), September 1971 36 Interview with Madame Cazalet, Maire-adjoint de quartier 37 Interview with Father Francis Aylies.

38 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

39 Ibid 40 Interview with Nathalie Kaïd, from “Éco solidaire”, Grand Parc 41 Interview with Madame Dominique Jouandoudet, from “Sel des Cressonnières”.

42 Interview with Madame Adeline Brillet, social coordinator, “Les Compagnons Bâtisseurs d’Aquitaine”.

43 Interview with Alise Meuris, from “Les jardins d’aujourd’hui” 44 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

45 “Requalifier le projet du centre social pour une participation optimale des populations à la consolidation du lien social”.

46 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

47 “Requalifier le projet du centre social pour une participation optimale des populations à la consolidation du lien social”.

48 See footnote nr 1. b o r d e au x 2 0 1 1

49 Ibid 50 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

51 Ibid 52 Interview with the responsible person for the Collège Grand Parc and Clisthène, Monsieur Ferrer and teachers Monsieur Marty and Madame Coussyclavaud.

53 Interview with Madame Prévot, from the Lycée Condorcet.

54 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

55 Interview with Stéphane Marolleau, director of the Grand Parc social centre.

56 Diagnostic urbain, A’urba (Agence d'Urbanisme Bordeaux métropole Aquitaine), December 2008 57 Interview with Madame Dominique Dat, director of Grand Parc's library.

58 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

59 Interview with Monsieur Fabrice Escorne, old director of the Centre d’animation de Grand Parc.

60 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

61 Ibid 62 Ibid 63 Interview with Monsieur Grégory Larcher, Social engineer, Aquitanis.

64 Interview with Monsieur Lenoir, association MC2A. 65 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

66 Ibid 67 Ibid 68 Ibid 69 Ibid 70 See footnote nr 1.

71 Excerpts from interviews with the inhabitants, See footnote nr 3.

72 Ibid

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ADMINISTRATIONAL/ GOVERNAMENTAL SERVICES 01 Marie-Quartier Grand Parc/Paul Doumer, representation of the Municipality of Bordeaux in the neighbourhood. Mme. Anne-Marie Cazalet, Maire-adjoint de quartier Place de l'Europe, 05.56.50.08.08, Mon-Fri 9-12:30 et 13-16:30 02 Développement Social Urbain/ Central Headquarters of the Social Urban Development, Municipality of Bordeaux. Mme Valérie Girard, local development agent, 11, rue père Louis de Jabrun, (out of map) 05.56.10.27.53, v.girard@mairie-bordeaux.fr Pôle technique, Technical services of the Municipality of Bordeaux.

03 Mme Catherine Rouche, 111, Boulevard Alfred Daney, (out of map) 04 Direction générale de la vie sociale et la citoyenneté/ General direction of social life and citizenship, Municipality of Bordeaux. Mr Guillaume Sengenes, coordinator 11, rue père Louis de Jabrun (out of map), 05.56.10.34.14, g.sengenes@mairie-bordeaux.fr MDSI, Departmental office or solidartity and Insertion.

05 Mme Gomez, Mme Gillardo, 63, rue Camille Godard, 05.57.87.02.14

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EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES 06 Collège Grand Parc/Middle-school, run by the department (Gironde).

25, rue Pierre Trébod, 05.56.11.19.60 Clisthène, Experimental annexe to the Collège Grand Parc, run by the region 07 (Aquitaine). Mr. Marty, principal, Mme. Nadine Coussyclavaud, Arts teacher.

25, rue Pierre Trébod, 05.56.39.21.75, http://clisthene.ac-bordeaux.fr, clisthene.net.free.fr 08 Lycée Jean Condorcet, Highschool, run by the region (Aquitaine).

Mme Prévot, proviseur, 89, rue Condorcet, 05.56.69.60.50, annie.prevot1@ac-bordeaux.fr 09 Groupe scolaire Schweitzer/Elementary school rue du Docteur A. Schweitzer 10 École maternelle Trébod, Nursery 25, rue Pierre Trébod

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CULTURAL, SPORTS, RELIGIOUS AND OTHER FACILITIES Centre social du Grand Parc, Social centre, financed by the CAF (Family credit union) at a regional level (Gironde). Mr Stéphane Marolleau, director, stephanemarolleau@ laposte.net , Mme Élodie Breton, social and familial economy counsellor. 44, place de l'Europe, 05.56.50.38.22, csgrandparc.direction@wanadoo.fr Centre d’animation du Grand Parc/Animation centre, run by the Municipality of Bordeaux. Mr Dominique Dumas, Directeur 36, rue Robert Schuman, 05.56.50.31.63, ca.grandparc@centres-animation.asso.fr, cagp@wanadoo.fr Bibliothèque du Grand Parc/Public library, run by the Municipality of Bordeaux.

Mme Dominique Dat, Director, 34, rue Pierre Trébord, 05.56.50.28.35, closed on Mo. Piscine du Grand Parc, Public swiming pool, run by the Municipality of Bordeaux.

Mr Franck Tomei, Directeur, 60, cours de Luze, 05.56.90.89.40 Gymnases I, II, III, Sport facilities Rue Condorcet, Rue Jean Artus, Rue Pierre Trébod Parc Rivière, maison du jardinier, gardening facilities run by the Municipality of Bordeaux. Rue Rivière, 05.56.43.28.90 RPA Maryse Bastié, Residence for the elderly, run by the Municipality of Bordeaux through the Centre for Social Action (CCAS) Mme Herbo, 16, rue Maryse Bastié, 05.56.69.31.31 Direction du pôle sénior, facility for the elderly run by the Club sénior Lumineuse.

Mr André Nèble, conseiller de secteur 196 rue Achard (out of map), 06.20.33.69.23, a.neble@mairie-bordeaux.fr CACIS, Sexual information centre, run by the department (Gironde) as part of a public health program. Mme Blazy, coordinator, 44, place de l'Europe, association. cacis@ alicepro.fr, www.cacis-asso.org Église Trinité et Notre Dame de Lourdes, catholic church.

Mr Francis Aylies, priest, Place de l'Europe, 05.56.50.19.40 1 2 7

b o r d e au x 2 0 1 1

Police Station 23, rue Ducau, 05.56.52.43.28 Salle de fêtes, abandoned community centre, owned by the Municipality of Bordeaux. cours de Luze 23 Le petit trianon, abandoned residence for poor families. 4 rue Jean Artus COMMERCIAL AREAS 24 Centre commercial de l'Europe, shopping centre Mr Ledit, President of the association des commerçants de Grand Parc, Place de l’Europe 25 Centre commercial Emile Counord, shopping centre rue Emile Counord 21 22

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SOCIAL HOUSING ADMINISTRATORS 26 Aquitanis, neighbourhood delegation, public social housing company linked to the CUB Mme Lissard, Tour Mozart, 05.56.11.19.40, i.lissard@aquitanis.fr, www.aquitanis.fr 27 Aquitanis, central headquarters Mr Grégory Larcher, social engineering, 94, cours des Aubiers (out of map), 05.56.11.87.68, g.larcher@aquitanis.fr, www.aquitanis.fr In'cité, private-public social housing company linked to the Municipality of Bordeaux.

28 Mme Laigle, responsable, housing management, 05.56.50.20.10, Mme Marie Dubois, communication, 05.57.19.05.94, m.dubois@incite-bordeaux.fr – local delegation: 52 rue Pierre Trébod, central headquarters: 101, cours Victor Hugo (out of map), incite@ incite-bordeaux.fr, www.incite-bordeaux.fr

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29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

ASSOCIATIONS AND COLLECTIVES Collectif "Grand Parc en Mouvement", collective.

Contact person: Soumia, 44, place de l'Europe, 05.56.50.38.22, csgrandparc.direction@ wanadoo.fr Maison de quartier Chantecler, association financed by the Family Credit Union (regional level) and the Municipality.

Mr Vermeulen, Director, 2, impasse Sainte Elisabeth, 05.57.87.02.57, maisondequartier.chantecler@orange.fr www.maisondequartierchantecler.com Association "jardins d'aujourd'hui" Mme Alise Meuris – 05.24.07.65.79 Association de locataires, Confédération du logement, tenants association.

Mr Antoine Louis-Alexandre 06.34.75.43.98 Association de locataires In'cité, In’cité tenants association.

Mme Françoise Bouille – 05.56.43.02.92 Migrations Culturelles Aquitaine Afriques (MC2A)Catherine Tetard 44, rue du Faubourg des Arts (out of map) 05.56.52.43.28 Association du Lien Interculturel (ALIFS) Troufik Karbia 9, cours Pasteur (out of map), 05.57.57.21.11, alifs.asso@orange.fr Système d'Échange Local (SEL) des Cressonnières, local exchange program run by the Municipality.

Mme Dominique Jouandet, accountant, Social centre Tue. 10-12, Mairie de quartier Tue. 17-19, 06.25.74.81.24 Association des musulmans de Gironde Mr Tareq Oubrou, Imam Mosquée El Huda, 50 rue Jules Guesde (out of map), 05.56.91.99.33 Compagnons Bâtisseurs d'Aquitaine, building services run jointly by the Municipality, the CUB, the region (Aquitaine) and private fundings. Mme Adeline Brillet28, cours du Médoc (out of map), 05.56.01.30.70, cbaquitaine@compagnonsbatisseurs.org Union Bordeaux Nord Associations Prévention Spécialisées (UBAPS) 28, rue Ducau (outside map), 05.57.87.02.27 Collectif Bordonor Mme Isabelle Ballade, 129 Cours Edouard Vaillant (out of map) 05.56.43.53.08

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