Thesis programme pacs claire bay jensen 170112

Claire Bay Jensen Political Architecture : Critical sustainability Student number: 170112 KADK

Thesis Programme 2017

Cuba

Cabildos & Social Disparities in Central Havana

PACS

Table of contents

Thesis Programme 2017 The Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts School of Architceture Political Architecture : Critical sustainability Claire Bay Jensen Student number: 170112 Thesis Supervisor : Runa Johannessen

Abstract

5

Introduction

9

Programme Structure

13

1

Problem & Premises • Problem • Health • Education • Social disparities

15

2

Historical Background • Sugar & Railways • Railways - Gradual deteriorations • African labour

19

3

Cabildos - The secret societies • The rise of Cabildos • Cabildos in recent Cuba • Cabildos in current Cuba • Horizontal linkages and top-down mechanisms

23

4

Functional programme • Cabildo care center • Infrastructure of care • UN Sustainability Goals

30

Site(s) of intervention • Regla • Àtares and Guanabacoa

41

Way of working

56

Bibliography

58

Appendix

59

CV

61

PACS

Abstract The collapse of the USSR led the Cuban government to implement fiscal and zig-zagging measures to recover the downspiralling economy. The new measures had major impacts on Cuba’s free social services, and produced several social disparities and inequalities within Cuban civic society (López-Pardo 2005).

Unwinding these increasing inequalities has so forth become a main priority for independent Cuban social aid organisations also known as Cabildo groups. They have since the sixteenth century posed as an unproclaimed however important human ressource to ease the daily struggles of underprivileged Cubans. Yet, with an political over commitment to tourism to solve the economic condition, Cabildos find it continuously hard to accomplish their potentials for social aid.

In the project Cabildos & Social Disparities in Central Havana, I will set out to explore the architectural potentials for underlining the importance of Cabildo groups and their actions within the Cuban civil society. [p.4]

The aim is to propose an architectural proposition, which reestablishes the Cabildos as a new Infrastructure of care, within the local community.

The functional programme will thus explore a new kind of Cabildo care center, in which a day center is fused with a museum typology, establishing new ‘spatialities of care’, which I believe have been undermined and neglected

by Cuban government policies.

In order to strengthen the access and distribution of social aid provided by the Cabildo groups, I propose to exploit the currently deficit infrastructural grid of the Cuban railways by resurrecting the railway and integrating Cabildo groups into relevant train stations. The combination of Cabildo care centers and railroads therby seeks to form a new Infrastructure of Care in Havana.

[p.5]

View of Havana Vieja from the area of Reglas ferry port in Regla, Havana.

[p.6]

[p.7]

Photo by AP Fidel Castro, 1958

PACS

Introduction collapse of the USSR triggered a drastic T hereduction in the Cuban state-sponsored social system, creating a significant change in social equality in the Cuban civic society (Lรณpez-Pardo 2005). The collapse of the Soviet led the Cuban government to implement a new separate social services scheme, surprisingly not intended for the general population (Lago 2002, 3).

The implemented system was a separate social service solely reserved for the armed forces and members of the top government and communist party. It allowed top officials to gain direct access to premium healthcare and allowed them to have first pickings to medicine and acute surgery, a service which was not offered in the public health system(ibid). The implementation suggested higher levels of inequalities, which scholars saw as conflicting with fundamental revolutionary ideologies (Hansing 2001).

The idea to differentiate between social services likewise fueled other irregularities between local Cubans and high-ranking officials. The government and military forces were allowed higher rationing quotas than average Cuban citizens(ibid). It is believed to have stimulated many Cubans into buying the necessary food in [p.8]

[p.9]

Havana Bay Area. Map shows potential sites of programme.

PACS

Guanabacoa

From Left - Atares, Regla, Guanabacoa

[continued]

ungoverned markets at excessively high prices.

The inability to obtain equal commodities has produced even larger social irregularities in the Cuban society.

In order to strengthen the access and distribution of social aid provided by the Cabildo groups, I propose to exploit the currently deficit infrastructural grid of the Cuban a by resurrecting the railway and integrating Cabildo care centers into train stations.

The architectural agency is thus to create the physical and contextual link between African history, care and infrastructure.

Fieldwork has however suggested that with the continuous tight control from the state and relatively unfocused political support, Cabildos experience continuous hardships in providing immidiate care. The concern is thus that diffuculty to accomodate social aid will pose as yet another blow to the civil society.

Atares

Existing stations

Potential sites

Reinvigoration of existing tracks

Existing Railtracks

Regla

The ambition to provide the basic needs of care and to close social disparities is so forth the main agenda for Cuban independent social aid organisations (Matrinez 2017).

These organisations are known as Cabildo groups. They have, because of their strong African heritage of social aid and ability to mobilize popular support on a community level been re-authorised to tackle community issues such as the above. Their activities include medical care, food supply, and educational support– sectors which were affected by the economic crisis.

AIM The projects aim is therefor to develop an arhitectural proposition, which combines a day center and museum typology to form new spatialities of care, which the project refers to as Cabildos care centers.

[p.10]

[p.11]

PACS

Image shows “interior of first class passenger coach.

The second and third-class coaches differ only in character of the seats....”

Date unknown.

Programme structure In the project, I will propose the combination of a Cabildo care center and thereinvigoration of existing railway tracks in the area of Regla, located in the lower peninsula of the Havana Bay. The idea is to develop an architectural proposition in Regla, an to test whether it can be expanded and configured into an interconnected network of Cabildos care centers in two other areas around Havana.

The structure of the programme is divided into four parts as follows:

Firstly, I will present the current problems of the deteriorating public social services in Cuba. I will briefly elaborate on the deterioration of medicare and education however expand on social disparities in order to exemplify specific consequences produced by the Cuban economic crisis.

Thirdly, I will highlight the current presence of Cabildo groups in Havana. I will communicate what was learned during fieldwork, here giving insight into their actions and potentials.

Fourthly, I will propose a functional programme for a Cabildo care center, which inhabits the combination of a day center and a museum typology.

I will propose to work in two scales; One which combines a new Cabildo care center with a railway track in the area of Regla, in the southern part of the Havana Bay. The other explores if the case of Regla can be expanded into the neighboring municipalities Àtares and Guanabacoa forming an interconnected network of care.

Secondly, I intend to explain the history of colonial Cuba including the establishment of Cuban railways. The reason is to clarify the historic conditions, which stimulated the rise of Cabildo groups. [p.12]

[p.13]

Interview with Cuban woman in the area of Vedado in north west Havana. d. 2017

PACS

Problem & Premises A

fter the Cuban Revolution in 1956, and the establishment of the communist party, Cuba created a social system that guaranteed the universal access to care, education and social aid provided and funded by the state. It proclaimed Cuba among leaders in social aid systems, surpassing most countries in Latin America and in some instances matched firstworld standards (A. L. Dan Erikson 2002).This model enabled Cuba to cut illiteracy in half from 26% to 12% between 1959 and 1980s and enabled Cuba to eradicate diseases such as Malaria, tuberculosis and polio, ravaging many other developing countries (A. L. Dan Erikson 2002).

The fall of the USSR in the beginning of the 1990’s however removed nearly 65 billion dollars a year for social services subsequently provoking a severe (socio)economic crisis. The Cuban GPD fell by 35% and foreign trade dramatically declined with 75% (Lago 2002). It forced the government to take fiscal measures to cut budget deficits (new numbers are unknown).

The reforms that followed resulted in financial cuts in three areas of Cuba’s free social services; health, education, and commodity support.

It ensured good conditions for tourists and high-ranking officials, however creating numerous social disparities and inequalities within the Cuban civic society. [p.14]

[p.15]

Impacts

Cubans hanging out in popular internet hotspots in Havana Vieja, 2017

Health, educational and social disparities Health sector: Between 1959 and 1980’s the Cuban health sector witnessed major improvements in various indicators; maternal mortalities fell from 125.3 to 26.1 per 100,000 and the number of hospital beds rose from 4.2 to 5.6 pr. 10.000 inhabitants, Also, diseases which as Malaria, Tuberculosis and polio, which had previously plagued Cuba and remaining of the Americas were eradicated. Following the USSR crash between 1993-1995 the health sector experienced a gradual deterioration in which maternal mortalities rose from 26.1 to 55.7 pr.

10.000 inhabitants and hospital beds fell from 5.3 to 4.7. Furthermore, there were increases of contagious diseases as well as the reappearance of tuberculosis and AIDS (Lago 2002).

Deficit cuts also included decreased public transportation between homes in rural areas and school districts (Guardian 2011). As many Cubans in Cuba, did not have the financial means to purchase a car, garage and maintain it, along with unreliable public transport, the cut in school transport meant that Cuban students experienced decreased accessibilities to educational complexes. The inability to gain access to schools along with the decreased income potentials from education was therefore suggested to be one of the reasons for the decline in university enrollment (Lago 2002).

Statistics show that between 1989 and 2001 overall enrollment decreased with 58 %, in which fields such as pedagogy fell 70 % (Table 1 in appendix).

Educational Sector: Between 1989-1997 the educational sector received budget cuts of 38 %, which led to dramatic decreases in educational material such as books, pencils and paper (Economist 2011).

Social disparities Following the economic crisis, the Cuban government implemented several measures, which increased social inequalities between tourists and locals, and within the Cuban civic [p.16]

society (Dan Erikson 2002). Firstly, the Cuban government introduced a healthcare system reserved only for tourists and foreigners, referred to as “Health Tourism” (ibid). The scheme enabled tourists to pay and receive rapid and excellent treatment with high level medicine, generally not offered in the public health system. Economist Carmelo Mesa-Lago has so forth suggested that since the tourist health system was not significantly affected by the crisis, it became one of the visible symbols of tourist favoritism and civic inequality and neglect (Lago 2002).

Secondly, the government established a new separate healthcare system for the Cuban armed forces and for the top hierarchy of the government and communist party. The separate system allowed military and high-ranking officials to gain direct and excellent access to healthcare and allowed them to have first pickings to medicine and acute surgery, a service not included in the public health sys-

tem(ibid). Desk research, also shows that the armed forces were allowed higher allowances of clothing and other goods such as meats at a lower price than the general public (there are however no statistics, which show exact numbers). Reports also show that the availability of rations for the general public changed into not being a guaranteed service for average Cubans, however were sold to whomever stood first in line. Scholars believe that the scarcity of rationed goods has thus reinforced the need to buy the necessary foods in the other markets, including “convertible pesos markets” and black markets at excessively high prices. Field research revealed that a rationed price for a bag of bread costs about 0.09 pesos, where its non- rationed price was 11 times higher costing 1 covertible pesos (See table 2 for other examples of priced goods)

[p.17]

PACS

Historical Background Sugar and railroads The explosion of the Cuban economy in the 1800’s was partly due to the large investment in sugar production (Oscar Zanetti 1998). It was also due to the construction of the Cuba Company’s central railroad. Established in 1834, the Cuba Company central railroad became one of the most efficient arteries for the distribution and transport of goods between sugar plantations all over the country and main commerce ports. The railroad became one of the key elements, which helped the establishment and growth of approximately 500 sugar mills in the early 1800’s to the sum of 1440 in 1846 (Carley 1997).

Railroads - The beginning of the end While much of the Americas in the beginning of the 1900’s invested in efforts to diversify and industrialize their economies into other industries, Cuba instead reinforced its dependence on sugar in the hopes of even further economic superiority (Alvarez 2007). As sugar prices dramatically dropped all around the world in beginning in the 1920’s due to added competition, so did Cuba’s economy because of its singular dependence on the sugar industry. The decline of the sugar industry in the 1920’s soon became the beginning of the gradual demise of the Cuba railroad Companies (Santamarina 2012). [p.18]

Later, with the fall of the Soviet in the 1990’s triggered the most severe economic Cuban crisis to date, the railroads suffered yet another blow. The government emphasis on goods and productivity moved to that of services to improve the economy, and tourism became the new ‘locomotive’ of the Cuban economy. It led to deteriorating conditions for the railway tracks, which today suffer from ill investment, politically deprioritisation and in need of costly restorations.

African labour The Cuban railroad was not only the prime element for the transport of goods in Havana and around Cuba. It was the prime and most reliable vehicle to transport African slave labour within Havana and Cuba. As the plantation economy became increasingly dependent on sugar production, it proportionally became dependent on labour and thus on a reliable transportation of the latter (Singleton 2001).

In other words, the plantation economy, African slave labour and railroads worked in a continuous self-perpetuating cycle, constantly enforcing and fueling each other. Nevertheless, Cuba came to abolish slavery in 1888 together with the US and Brazil, which likewise diminished the Cuban sugarcracy and state of the Cuban railroads. [p.19]

[p.20] [p.21]

2040

Cabildos are regognised by the state and their actions of care are allowed

1994-

1991

Havana plans to move industrial area in Regla to Mariel. No plans for railroad in Regla

Tourism becomes one of the main pillars to save the economy

Collapse of The Soviet Union causes major blow to the cuban economy

Cuban Revolution 1959

Cabildos and religious members prohibited from public religious practice.

Cabilos are disdained

The Cuba Company closes their railway tracks in Regla and Guanabacoa

Sugar prices fall because of added competetion from the Americas

Construction of The Cuba Company Railway in Havana

1920

Deterioration of main railroads in central Havana.

1834

Establishment of secret societies also known as Cabildos

Cuban historical timeline

1980

1900-

1522

Settlements in Havana, Regla and Guanabacoa Transatlantic slave trade to Cuba Yoruba, Ile IfĂŠ, obtala religions arrive in Cuba

1512-1515 1522

Spanish settlers arrived in Cuba

1493 - 1494

African sugar cane cutters, Cuba, 1880

PACS

Cabildos The secret societies railroads had a pervasive influence in T heCuban society, and even more so ensured the infiltration of new class structures, religions and African ethniticities within Cuba (Oscar Zanetti 1998).

With the gradual importation of African labour from west Africa to Cuba, came the enormous influx and infiltration of Africans groups into Cuba. These groups were predominantly imported from Nigeria, Benin and Togo, in which many Africans were imported from Yorubaland, a cultural region located on the western brink of the African coast. The groups brought with them religions otherwise known as Yoruba(later Santeria), Obatala, Monte Palo and Ile Ifé (Pérez 1992). The religions had very different spiritual beliefs, however these groups coexisted as enslaved Africans, together confronting obstacles and suppression, which threatened their way of life and cultural identities(ibid).

With the significant importation of African slave labour came the unforeseen rise of secret religious societies known as African Cabildos.

(Toral 2015). Emerging in the 1600’s, counting over 100 different African ethnicities, these groups were formed in secrecy and as a mean of resistance to the totalizing power of the Cuban sugarcracy. The secret groups facilitated hidden meetings to organise revolts, however their main aim was to facilitate non-violent religious gatherings in which Africans could seek spiritual guidance to their personal belief systems. As sociopolitical inequalities continuously [p.22]

[p.23]

Field research Restoration project Casa Cabildo: Neustra Senora de Regla

rose between colonial power and labourers, the Cabildos gradually evolved into institutions of social aid groups aimed to support the self-help and physical wellbeing of African labourers in Cuba. Their basic function was care - housing and providing the basic needs for each other and their fellow Africans in times of crisis.

Cabildos - in recent Cuba There is no doubt that the system and labour of African enslavement was the larger societal mechanism that influenced the economic condition in Colonial Cuba. Yet, the success of the Revolution in 1959 and its socialist ideologies surprisingly did not bring equality to all cubans including African religious Cabildo groups. The revolution brought Cuba into a strange neo-colonial state, which prohibited the public acknowledgment of Cabildos (Lago 2002). The new government disdained religious work as “primitive” behaviours and “counter revolutionary” because of its affiliation with the Catholic church, and in 1959

Field research Restoration project Casa Cabildo: Neustra Senora de Regla

banned the social actions of the Cabildos.

The ban prohibited Cabildo members in facilitating any religious meetings, holding certain jobs related to education and health, and furthermore banned them from any public aid involvement(ibid).

Cabildo turn around The economic crises however created a significant turnaround for the Cuban Cabildos. The crises led the government to take drastic actions on all fronts, including social expansions to recover social and economic hardships (Hearn 2008). The social expansion allowed more participatory and flexibilities for Cabildos groups in Cuba and by the 1970’s the Cabildos were re-authorised into state programs, which enabled them to obtain legal permissions for housing constructing, educational aid and facilitation of processions.

During field work, I learned how the Regla Cabildo group in 2001 had been reauthorised to host the annual and much regognised procession of Regla, every year attracting [p.24]

thousands of people. I also gained contact with a small handfull of its members; teachers, architects, and carpenters who in June 2017 received the legal permission to restore a 18th century slave facility located in Regla. The building has been given the name Casa Cabildo: Neustra Senora de Regla (Cabildo House: Our Lady of Regla). The space will also be the second space in Regla apart from the Regla Museum Museo de Regla to exhibit, support and facilitate Afro-Cuban heritage and social aid for locals living in Regla.

Cabildos in current Cuba The socio-political position of Cabildos has over time changed quite a bit. In colonial Cuba, Cabildos represented groups of Africans, who’s labour was used freely to enhance Spanish supremacy and they were given no rights to form groups or organisations. The fall of the Soviet, however highlighted the importance for new resource structures thereby allowing the activities of nonregistered community associations into state-regulated

community projects.

During fieldwork, I very well witnessed the Cabildos persistance in obtaining legal permissions for social work. I also witnessed how the latter reflected a broad and increasing public expansion of Cabildo initiatives in Cuba. Yet, fieldwork also suggested how Cabildos have maintained their traditions of secrecy. There is very little knowledge on how many members and Cabildo groups exist in Havana and how they are managed. I learned how the Cabildo is Regla hold appr.

50 members and operates as an organised and wellconneccted institution, however gained no knowledge of who leads them or specific religious practices. As a foreigner and non-religious I could not gain access to their ceremonies nor obtain specific knowledge of their initiation practices because of spiritual traditions. An interview with sociologist Alexandra P. Gelbard, Ph.D. in Afro-Cuban Diaspora conveyed how Cabildos and members continue a certain degree of secrecy in their [p.25]

Interview with Cuban male.

Carpenter, Cabildo member in Vedado and member of Associacion Cultural Yoruba de Cuba

[continued]

social work, in fear of loss of autonomy, and fear of a potential conversion of their heritage and services into money making markets like tourism. As I learned this was the case for a Cabildo group now representing the Association Cultural Yoruba de Cuba located opposite the former goverment complex El Capitolio, who are now engaged in the commercialisation of African religion Yoruba in central Havana.

[p.26]

Nonetheless, despite limited data, I experienced, how the Cabildo in Regla has extensive local reach because of their community involvement and popularity, likewise because of their African heritage, representing 60% of the Havana population. I witnessed how the Cabildo in Regla display efficient capacities in mobilizing local support for projects ranging from heath, education and housing construction. Mainly because many of their cabildo members hold jobs within education and construction, which so forth has enabled them to recruit qualified and competent resources into their workings. In fact, many members are part of influential institutions such as the university, the catholic church and town council, and therefore have been able to obtain knowledge and resources across sectors to drive projects such as the restoration of Casa Cabildo: Neustra Senora de Regla in Regla.

During field work I also learned how a Cabildo member can included into Christian congregations, may belong to an African Cuban religious house, and likewise be a loyal member of the Federacion de Mujeres

Cubans or the Union de Jovenes Comunistas (union of young communists). Their fluidity across sectors has seemingly allowed them to form close connections to the civil comunity which likewise has enabled them to be a midscale mediater between top government mechanisms and the community.

In 2004, Fernando Cardoso, Chair of the Panel of Eminent Persons on United Nations–Civil Society Relations and former Brazilian president provided a report on the relations between United Nations and the civil society. Cardoso discloses how the engagement of non-state actors with the UN is a necessity, not an option to improve the opportunities for the community. (Cardoso 2004). He emphasises how civil groups are an cost-efficient and vital ressource to help disadvantaged communities, because of their ability to gather support for immediate responses which may help governments deal with tasks at hand. He continues, that by building cooperative relationships between individuals and groups, participation of collective projects is boosted. Cabildos have in a same fashion, however with means of secrecy allowing their relative autonomy, been able to gain the trust of the community which likewise has enabled them to identify community issues, and to react with a more hands on and immidiate respons which simularily has the potential to help the government become more attuned and responsive to the needs of the local citizins. [p.27]

Horizontal linkages and topdown mechanisms

State

C

C

Because of the interdiciplinary nature of the Regla Cabildo, which includes teachers, museum employees, architects and doctors, the group forms a strong horizontal local linkage and crisscrossing fluidity which has allowed them to efficiently manoeuvre on the small and midscale level. It is a local linkage, which traditional large top down mechanisms seemingly has not been able accomplish. It is believed that this sort of overlapping networks and fluid nature creates the important potential for understanding the ways that the social Cuban relationships are built, and the Cabildos therefor hold the imperative potential for driving and operating social structures.

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

C

Unfocussed political support for Cabildos The Cabildos however still experience a reluctance toward their ultimate autonomy from the state. The continuous tight regulation from the state, has in many ways hindered the Cabildos in utilizing their finances as they please. Museum employee and Regla Cabildo member Juan Lonzano communicated that the Cabildos including the Regla Cabildo are subordinate to that of the state, in which they are obligated to declare their finances and sponsorships from international religious communities. Nevertheless, it has also been suggested that the government interest in [p.28]

Cabildos has increased after recognising that Cabildos are a part of a international catholic hierarchy, often receiving financial assistance from overseas religious non-governmental organisations.

Mythodology or vital ressorce Interviews conveyed that the tight state regulation in other cases has hindered the Cabildos immediate responses toward social aid. During my interview with Cabildo member Juan Lozano, it became evident that this was the reason why the construction of a Cabildo temple in the municipality of Àtares never became a reality. Funded by the Cabildo of Regla, the construction of the temple was intended to facilitate self-help toward drug addiction, where locals likewise could receive spiritual guidance. However, officials declared the house a space of black market activity, and therefore declined permissions to build the temple house. Juan Lonzano has also emphasized that the Cabildos are forced to undergo extensive often unjustified applications in order to gain permission to specific projects. Others of the Regla Cabildo society describe that Cabildos continuously are being depoliticized, undermining them to a realm of folklore and mythology. [p.29]

Functional programme

Architectural agency

PACS

The need for social aid, has highlighted the generosity and potentials of the Cabildo groups, which have the ability to fill what is believed to be a gap in social services. The architectural agency is thus to create architectural conditions, which support and improve the Cabildos ability to provide social aid, and accentuate african traditions of “spaces of caregiving” in times of crises.

The functional programme will explore this theme through two site scales:

Cabildo care center:

I wish to explore an architectural idea, which steers away from traditional ideas of a social day center. The intention is to create a fusion between a day center and a museum typology; thus building the combination of spaces of aid and spaces of remembrance and tradition.

Regla:

Firstly, I wish to propose an architectural project, which links a Cabildo care center with a single railway track in the area of Regla.

Reinvigoration of railroads:

In order to strengthen access and distributions of social aid provided by the Cabildo groups, I will propose to exploit the infrastructural network of the main railway system, by reinvigorating existing however inactive railway tracks in Regla and two other municipalities in Havana.

Àtares & Guanabacoa

Secondly, I wish to test whether the combination of a Cabildo care center and railway track in Regla can be implemented in Àtares and Guanabacoa.

Infrastructure of care

The projects seeks to combine Cabildo care centers and railways to create a new Infrastructure of care, which gives the civil society increased opportunities for receiving social aid.

[p.30]

[p.31]

Cabildo Care center The Cabildo care center will work as a mixed organisation of day center functions and museum characteristics To develope the architectural proposal, I wish to incorporate the idea of “Secrecy�, which I believe has been an inherent enabler for the existence of Cabildos. The intention is to explore how secrecy can be utilised as an architcetural driver in creating a subset of spatial conditions within the project.

Architectural proposition I will propose an architecture, which enables and improves the means for providing organised social aid within the community. This initially includes spaces for indoor distributions of commodities, large group consultations, private consultations, educational forums and spaces for temporary housing for individuals who in need of immidiate shelter. The intention is furthermore to include spaces, which encourage partnerships between community development groups and workshops between government and non-state actors, and spaces for training community members to partake in the Cabildo activities. I will also explore how outdoor spaces can facilitate outdoor activities to include the community and create better connections between the township, Cabildo care center and the water.

I will propose the potential implementation of a museum typology, as an inherent part of the Cabildo care center. This includes spaces for exhibitions, teachings and secluded spaces for museum pieces. However, I will explore how the functions of the day center and museum become less of two seperate organisms, however are fused within each others programmes and architecture, working in a self-perpetuating cycle to facilitate, recollect and enhance the activities of Cabildos.

Secrecy.

In order to develop an architecture which is in support of the previous, I intend to interpret notions of secrecy. I will test how secrecy can be used actively to establish, accentuate or decrease architectural conditions.

Architectural interpretations of secrecy include; Short cuts, Obscured path ways, Visual obstructions, Filtration, Light vs darkness.

Short cuts: I will explore how short cuts can be incorporated to diversify circulation, change paces around and within the building for visitors and the general public.

Obscure path ways: I will explore systems of hidden pathways to create a multitude of connections between areas intended for Cabildo members.

Visual obstructions: I will explore the use of sharp and rounded corners, both vertical and horizontal to create various degrees of openness and privacy.

Filtration: I will propose to elavate the Cabildo center and a section of the railway, as a mean of filtering, not obstructing the visual and direct connections between the township and the Havana Bay. I will also investigate how the use of various textures and materials may either unify or seperate programmatic functions within the building.

Light vs darkness: I will explore how programmatic functions may follow natural cycles of day and night. The intention is to utilise the position of the sun, placing activities which require daylight toward south-east and activities which dont toward north-west. The intention is also to imply how the placement of openings and their orientation may either accentuate or obscure circulations and activities within the building. [p.32]

Previos Semester explorations - Image shows architcetural idea for the reinvigoration of a railroad in Regla combined with Cabildo center

[p.33]

Previos Semester explorations

Previos Semester explorations

Previos Semester explorations

Cabildo Insitution of Care

Cabildo Insitution of Care

Cabildo Insitution of Care

Axometric drawing for Cabildo institutions.

Plan 1

Plan 3

The plan idealises uses for whole public and visitors. The space may facilitate distributions of food and medicine, large group meetings.

The plan visualises spaces for private consultation and indivual rooms for shelter.

Plan 2

Plan 2

The plan visualises spaces for private consultations between Cabildo members and community individuals.

Idealy confronting prostetution, selfhelp and spiritual wellbeing.

The plan shows private rooms for cuban locals in need of shelter or temporary housing.

The drawing explores the potential programming for each floor in a Cabildo facility which does not include museum functions First floor is programmed for public use, and the top floors offer consultation rooms, and beds for those without shelter.

[p.34]

[p.35]

GUANABACOA

Infrastructure of care

Physical structure: I will explore the feasibility of implementing Cabildo care centers into existing train stations in Àtares and Guanabacoa. It is not the intention to provide a new detailed architecture for these stations, however to suggest how these buildings may hold potential a particular programme.

Suggestions for expansion of Infrastructure.

Flexibility: The project will open up for the possibility of placing additional Cabildo care centers in areas, which are under Havanas scope for urbanisation. The intention is to suggest that the placing of an Cabildo Care center can be implemented as a supporting element to build new resilient communities.

[p.36]

REGLA ATARES/San Isidro

Management & operations: I will explore whether the Cabildo staff can be incorporated into the maintenance and operation of the Cabildo centers and infrastrucure.

Proposed Cabildo care centers

Location: I will propose the insertion of a Cabildo care center into Christina train station in Àtares, which is now used as an museum. In Guanabacoa, I will propose the insertion of a Cabildo care center into an existing however inactive train station.

Existing stations

Architectural proposition In developing an infrastrucure of care I propose to look into the following (preliminary): Location, Physical structure, Functions, Supply systems

Supply systems: Regla will have the most direct access to the Havana bay, thereby also enabling Regla to receive large amounts of goods from various harbour ports. I will then explore whether Regla will act as the distributer of commodities for the remaining Cabildo care centers.

Railway I will reinvigorate

The intention is to suggest how Regla, Àtares and Guanabacoa may form the framework for an infrastructure of care.

Functions: The sites possess different demographics and different urban conditions therefore different characteristics. The idea is then to investigate the potential for a differentiation in programmatic functions in each Cabildo center. One idea is for Regla to function as a headquarters, with the capacity to provide a wide range of social assistance. The remaining stations will then potentially pose as subsystems, with different specialised social services.

Railway in function

In the project, I will propose the potential implementation of a Cabildo care center and the reinvigoration of existing railways in Àtares and Guanabacoa. The three municipalities have formerly been connected by the railway, however large sections of their interconnected railway are now inactive, leaving the trainstations in Àtares and Guanabacoa inactive for transportation.

[p.37]

UN Sustainability Goals.

Goals Goal nr. 3 (Good Health and Wellbeing): The project aims to touch upon UN Sustainable Development Goals nr. 3(Good Health and Wellbeing), in which is seeks to provide increased opportunities for improved health and wellbeing for Cubans in all ages.

Goal nr 10 (Reduced Inequalities): I will seek to provide means, which help decrease inequalities in social services within civil society and between foreigners and locals.

Goal nr 11(Sustainable Cities and Communities): I will aim to propose a project which provides means which help stimulate more resilient, safe and humanly inclusive communuties. [p.38]

[p.39]

Image shows the west Havana Bay area.

PACS

Site(s) of intervention The programme aims to explore an architectural proposition in two different scales; One to developed in the municipality of Regla located on the lower peninsula of the Havana Bay; This is where the main part of the field research was conducted.

The other developed in the neighbouring municipalities of Àtares and Guanabacoa. The intention is to explore whether the combination of Cabildos and railways in one scale has practical potential in the other.

[p.40]

[p.41]

Railways in function Railways I intend to reinvigorate Existing stations

Proposal of new Cabildo Care center in Regla

[p.42]

[p.43]

Regla

Narrow walkway after arriving with the Regla Ferry.

Regla is one of the 15 municipalities in the city of Havana, Cuba. It is located at the bottom of Havana Bay and currently populates 43 400 people.

To the average eye Regla resembles a forgotten town. One arrives with a small ferry at the port in Regla, and walks along a narrow wall to a midsize plaza by the water front. The first thing one meets is the church of the Virgin de Regla, the virgin of the seas, which is exactly what Regla means to the locals. It is home to a very important religious symbol, and is home to a very important Cabildo group.

significant unloading locations for slave and sugar commerce in Western Cuba was and created the direct link between labourers and their accommodations in Guanabacoa. In 1755 the population of Regla was 164; 789 in 1778; and in 2004 of 44,431 Cubans.

Access Regla has one minor ferry terminal, which sails to Havana sea port every 15 min.

Buses include #6 from the church Iglesia de Nuestra Senora de Regla in midtown Regla, to Havana Vieja every 30 min.

History: Between 1493 and 1494 Regla became one of the first settled locations on the north-western side of Cuba. The old ferry port of Regla named Puerto de la Habana was the most

Iglesia Virgin de Regla is one of the first buildings one sees after arriving with the ferry [p.44]

[p.45]

Regla has a strong character of industry. Today most of the factories are not in use, and the renaining are planned to move to the area of Mariel, west Cuba.

Industry Regla has a strong character of industrial production. The largest industrial area is located on the far west side of the Regla peninsula, in which composes dismantled coal and sugar refineries.

Railroad Reglas railroads were established in 1834, providing good connections for commuters and goods between the munipalities, Havana Vieja, Atares and Guanabacoa.

Regla had one railway track running through the streets of Regla town and were a part of the greater infrastructure of main railroads connecting eastern and western Cuba. Today, a large portion of this track is unused with no further plans for restoration. The remaining functioning part is reserved the east industrial area of Regla and used solely for cargo.

Up until the 1920’s Regla had a railroad which ran through the streets of the city. The tracks are still visible today, however not in use( Image shows Regla streets, however does not show rails as these could not be acquired) [p.46]

[p.47]

PACS

Religion Regla has a rich history of Afro-Cuban history.

The town is said to be home to the Virgin de Regla, a cherished deity in the Afro-Cuban religion. Regla is also said to be the birthplace of Santeria, a religious practice which evolved from the combination of African religions Yoruba, Ile Ife and Obatala and is currently practiced by approximately 66% of religious practitioners in Cuba. Each year on the 7th of September, the Cabildo of Regla hosts the annual procession and festivities of the Virgin de Regla which has made Regla an international epicenter for Santeria practices, in which a significant number of foreigners travel to to witness.

Meeting with Architcet Nele Gonzales and Juan Lozano who are members of the local cabildo. The image shows our meeting about the restoration project of Casa Cabildoo : Neustra Senora de Regla [p.48]

Cabildo in Regla: Because of Regla’s colonial history and african heritage, Regla is home to some of the most dominant cabildo groups in Havana. One week upon arrival, I became acquainted with the main Cabildo group and some of its members, wo have provided indispensable knowlegde about Regla and the area. I was invited to the home of Juan Lozano were I was intoduced and invited to participate in the reconstruction of a restoration project. Through interviews with architect Nele Gonzales and museu director Juan Lozano and I gained important material and insight into the political position of their Cabildo and other Cabildos in Havana - knowledge which I have not been able to obtain during desk research. [p.49]

Regla overall Characteristics

Iglesia Nuestra Virgin De Regla Regla local church is the home of the Virgin de Regla, a religious deity in the African religion Santeria

Railroad

Up until 1920’s, Regla had a railroad which ran thourgh the city.

The railroad was for passengers and cargo.

Presently not in use.

Casa Cabildo : Neustra Senora de Regla The local cabildo have in 2017 been given the permission and licens to restore a 16’th century slave facility.

Regla industries Regla has a strong character of industrial development.These include coalfactories and sugar refineries. Many are however dismantled because of the economic crisis and relocation

Regla city square by Havana Bay

La Peurto de la Habana

Every year, the local Cabildo of Regla hosts the Procession de Regla, a wellknown and internationally recognised religious pilgrimage from the church thourgh the city of Regla, ending at teh local cemetary

Museo De Regla

Reglas ferry port was one of the key commerce ports in central Havana

Regla Museum

5

[p.50]

4

[p.51]

Guanabacoa

Atarés

Atarés is located on the southwest side of the Havana Bay, and is among the 15 boroughs iof the province Havana. It lies approsximately 2 km from El Capitio in old Havana.

The municipality stretches all the way from lower central Havana, and surrounds the lower most southern peninsula.

Today the station is known as Christina Railway station and has been turned into a Railway Museum housing some of the oldest lsteam ocomotives in Havana.

Access It is possible to walk form old Havana to Àtares, however the ares does not offer any ferry connections to any areas of the Havana port are.

Guanabacoa is situated in the province of Havana. It lies approximately 6 km south west of the city of Havana and approximately 4 km south west of the municipality of Regla. It is famous for its historical Santería and is believed to be home to the first African Cabildo in Havana(Name unspecified) History The municipality of Guanabacoa was established by Spanish conquers in 1554 as a settlement for rehousing indigenous Ciboney people. As Spanish settlements grew the indigenous population experienced an immense decrease in population due to the high diseases, assimilation and miscegenation and began to authorize the importation of Africans to Guanabacoa through the establishment of a new ferry port of Regla. Guanabacoa became the township with the highest concentration of African ethnicities.

Industry: The southern most part of Atares has a high degree of Industries. The industries include Oil refineries wheat and flour mills, and depots for aviation fuel.

Railways The area is home to one of the oldest railray tracks and station in Havana.

The station was formerly the central headquarters of the Western Railway of Havana.

Access Access points to Guanabacoa from Havana Vieja includes taking the Ferry to Regla in [p.52]

which one continues with bus nr6 to Guanabacoa. One can also take the bus nr. 3 from Parque de la Fraternidad directly to Guanabacoa.

Railways As Spanish colonialists needed a way to transport African labor to Havana from Guanabacoa, they commenced the construction of a railway from its dock in Regla to the central Guanabacoa township. The entire Guanabacoa trolley system, including the line to Havana, closed in 1931.

Religion Guanabacoa, because of its high concentration of African workers became a center for Africian religious diversity. The area has a vast amount of Catholic churches in which people have been allowed to pactice their afr-cuban religions such as Santeria. Additional religions include Regla de Ocha, Palo Monte and Abakuá.

[p.53]

Railway tracks in function Railway tracks I intend to reinvigorate Existing train stations

Sites. Starting from left - Àtares, Regla and Guanabacoa

[p.54]

[p.55]

Methodology and Way of Working:

The thesis project builds on desk research and 4 weeks of fieldwork, with the aim to identify and discover the dimensions of Cabildo groups and their potential to provide care in Havana. It is built on an extensive history of African heritage and social wellbeing however also a history of colonisation, violence and enslavement, in which the railways contributed. I therefor wish to acknowledge, that the reinvigoration of railways potentially may bring negative outlooks. It is not the intention to romanticise the Cuban railroads, but however to utilize their pragmatic potential and infrastructural qualities.

- Nele Gonzales, Architect and member of Cabildo de Regla - Deborah Lindo, Interior Designer, Havana - Elena (no last name given), senior citizen Vedado - Man in squatter house in Regla(no name given), Carpenter, Cabildo member.

The project will develop from qualitative data collection from locals and newcomers collected during field work, which has given indispensable knowledge into Cuban social relations and Cabildos. Interviews include following people;

The project is likewsie supported by reports, articles, social media, books and dissertations in order to obtain sufficient knowlegde for further work. This extensive deskresearch, has provided insight into research based material, demographics, area characteristics and images, in which fieldwork could not provide.

I will note that the project attempts to provide the nessesary insight into the context of Atares and Guanabacoa in order to understand their relevans in the project, however acknowledging that the material of these areas including maps and research are scarse.

- Alexandra P Gelbard. P.h.D Sociology, AfroCuban Diaspora Studies, University of Michigan - Ayleen Robaina, Historian, Historian Office/ Plan Maestro, Havana - Juan Lozano, Museum Director, Museo De Regla and member of Cabildo de Regla

I intend to divide my process into two phases; One process with focus on Regla, the other in Atares and Guanabacoa.

The intention is thus to work from a comprehensive and detailed focal point toward a more zoomed out approach. [p.56]

Phase 1: Regla The main focus of the project will lie in this phase. This phase will explore the architectural proposition of a Cabildo and the reinvigoration of a single railway track. The phase consist of two underlying phases; A and B.

Phase 2: Àtares and Guanabacoa This phase aims to explore whether the programme in Regla can expanded to Atares and Guanabacoa. The phase will consist of two phases (preliminary);

A) Concepts phase includes : Site analysis, logistics, function, programme and form.

A) Site analysis(Characteristics), Forming of interconnected infrastructure of care.

B) Design phase includes; Building design, materials, construction and aestetics.

B) Insertion of Cabildo care center. Programme feasibility.

Overall decisions will be tested in phase A, and thereby will be developed in phase B through various scales from 1:10000 to 1:20.

The intention is not to provide equal focus and detailing in this phase, however with the focus to explore how Regla, Àtares and Guanabacoa can create an interconnected network of Cabildos and railways in Havana.

The intention is to develop an fully detailed architectural proposition in Regla, and to test its feasibility in Phase 2.

[p.57]

Ney york Elavated Railtrack, New York, 1928

Architectural References

Bernd and Hilla Becher Coalbunker and Quenching Tower: Zeche Carolinengluck Bochum, D 1967, 2004

[p.58]

[p.59]

Mostyn Gallery Ltd. Architect Ellis Williams Architects.

Congenial Koshino House

By Tadao Also [p.60]

[p.61]

Bibliography

Appendix

•

Table 1 : Source: “Growing economic and Social disparities in Cuba : Impact and recommendations for change”, Lago, Carmelo Mesa. 2002

• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Alvarez, José. 2007. The Current Restructuring of Cuba’s Sugar Agroindustry.

Article, University of Florida.

Cardoso, Fernando. 2004. Report of the Panel of Eminent Persons - Civil Society relations, We the Peoples: Civil Society, The United NAtions and Global Governance”.

Carley, Rachel. 1997. 400 Years of Architectural Heritage. New York: Whitney Library of Design.

Carter, Andrea. 2013. “Cubas Food Rationing System and Alternatives.” Edited by Per Pinstrup- Andersen. (Cornell University).

Dan Erikson, Annie Lord and Peter Wof. 2002. Cubas Social Services: A review of Education, Health and Sanitation. Arizona University, World Development Report.

Dan Erikson, Annie Lord and Peter Wolf. 2002. “Cubas Social Services: A Review of Education, Health and Sanitation.”

Dodson, Jualynne. 2017. Sacred Spaces and Religios Traditions in Oriente Cuba.

Economist, The. 2011. “Cuba: Revolution in Retreat.”

Guardian, The. 2011. “Rural transport cuts put essential services out of reach.”

Hansing, Damián Fernández and Katrin. 2001. “Social Justice in Cuba: Now and in the Future.”

Hearn, Adrian H. 2008. Cuba: Religion, Social Capitol and Development.

Duke University, Duke Univerisyt Press.

Lago, Professor Carmelo Mesa. 2002. “Growing economic and Social disparities in Cuba : Impact and recommendations for change.” International Relations, Univeristy of Pittsburg.

López-Pardo, Kamran Nayeri and Cándido M. 2005. “Economic Crisis and Access to Care: Cubas health care system since the collape of the Soviet Union.”

Matrinez, Juan, interview by Claire Bay Jensen. 2017. Museo de Regla Oscar Zanetti, Alejandro Garcia. 1998. Sugar and Railroads: A Cuban History, 1837-1959. University of North Carolina Press.

Pérez, Louis A. 1992). Slaves, Sugar & Colonial Society: Travel Accounts of Cuba, 1801-1899. Wilmington: DE: Scholarly Resources.

Santamarina, Juan Carlos. 2012. “The Cuba Company and Eastern Cuba’s Economic development, 1900-1959.” Univeristy of Dayton.

Singleton, Theresa A. 2001. Slavery and spatial dialectics on Cuban coffee plantations. Taylor & Francis Ltd. Toral, Lorena Tezanos. 2015. “The Architecture of Nineteenth-Century Cuban Sugar Mills: Creole Power and African Resistance in Late Colonial Cuba.” e Graduate Center, City University of New York.

Vlach, John Michael. 1993. Back of the Big House : The Architecture of Plantation Slavery. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Table 2 : Source: “Growing economic and Social disparities in Cuba : Impact and recommendations for change”, Lago, Carmelo Mesa. 2002

[p.62]

[p.63]

Claire Bay Jensen Political Architecture : Critical sustainability Student number: 170112 KADK

Thesis Programme 2017

[p.64]

2018

Curriculum Vitae [p.65]

[p.66]

[p.67]