The Top Ten Mayors in New York City History
De Blasio and Cuomo: Allies or Adversaries?
Meet the City Councilâ€™s New Members
January 1, 2014
JANUARY 1, 2014 A REFLECTION ON INAUGURATION DAY
City & State
any elected officials view their relationship with the media as inherently adversarial. When I made this point at the weekend retreat City & State co-hosted recently for the incoming members of the New York City Council, one of the veteran members erupted, “That’s because it is!” By Morgan Pehme Sure, there are those who make their living as “gotcha” journalists, and others who wallow in schadenfreude. However, for the majority of reporters the commitment to uncover corruption that sometimes puts us at odds with politicians arises not from the desire for personal gain, but out of reverence for the public good. We bring to light waste, incompetence and error not to revel in the shortcomings of others, but to safeguard the interests of those who are wronged by these offenses. Elected officials who have nothing to hide tend to enjoy a symbiotic relationship with the press. They regard us as a means of amplifying their efforts, and as a partner in exposing the ills they have dedicated their lives to curing. They realize that we are not some Borg-type entity, which feeds on their suffering, but human beings whose needs and concerns align with their own. I am a lifelong New Yorker. I was born and raised in Ben Kallos’ district. When I returned from college I moved first into Inez Dickens’ district and then to Brooklyn, into Brad Lander’s district, which was represented at the time by a now forgotten councilman named Bill de Blasio. After that, I lived for almost four years in one of the neighborhoods Carlos Menchaca will now represent, and for the last six years I have settled in Steve Levin’s district, where I am raising my family. My daughter is a public school student. We depend upon the city’s parks and cultural institutions. I ride agonizingly packed G, L and 4 trains to and from work. My wife is continuing her education at CUNY. Together we have watched with trepidation as our neighborhood in Greenpoint has grown steadily less affordable. And, trust me, journalists know firsthand about the challenges of income inequality. The last thing I want is for our elected officials to fail. On the contrary, I depend upon them to succeed. At the dawn of a new administration, it is my sincerest wish that this mayor becomes the greatest our city has ever known; that the incoming Speaker and the new Council governs more wisely and justly than any of their predecessors; that the commissioners and agencies attain their fullest potential, and solve all the municipal enigmas that continue to baffle us. Over the next four years and beyond, it will not be City & State’s aim to rack up scalps, or chortle at the misfortune of our leaders. If they fall short, we shall not cheer. For the consequences of their trials and transgressions will not be borne by any one individual, but by all of us as a city.
Contents Page 4 .......... UPFRONT
Memorable lines from the first inaugural addresses of recent New York City mayors.
Page 6 ......... ALLIES OR ADVERSARIES?
Gov. Andrew Cuomo and New York City Mayor-elect Bill de Blasio are about to forge a new relationship. Will their partnership be prosperous, or is it doomed to fail? By Liz Benjamin
Page 8 ........ NEW KIDS ON THE BLOCK
Meet the 21 members of the New York City Council’s incoming class.
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Page 24 ........THE TOP TEN MAYORS OF NEW YORK CITY
As a new mayor takes office, City & State asked a panel of professors and historians to rank the 10 greatest mayors of all time. By Morgan Pehme
Cover: Photo composition by: Guillaume Federighi
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city & state — January 1, 2014
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A new mayor’s first (and sometimes only) inauguration speech can set the tone for his or her entire time in office. With that in mind, we bring you memorable lines from the first inaugural addresses of several recent mayors of New York City, as well as the weather the day they were spoken.
30° MAYOR EDWARD I. KOCH Jan. 1, 1978
MAYOR DAVID DINKINS Jan. 1, 1990
“These have been hard times. We have been tested by fire. We have been drawn across the knife-edge of poverty. We have been inundated by problems. We have been shaken by troubles that would have destroyed any other city. But we are not any other city. We are the City of New York, and New York in adversity towers above any other city in the world.”
“We are all foot soldiers on the march to freedom, here and everywhere. We all belong to the America that Lincoln called ‘the last, best hope of earth.’ In advancing that hope, our most powerful weapon is example. And this year this city has given powerful proof of the proposition that all of us are created equal.”
46° city & state — January 1, 2014
MAYOR RUDOLPH W. GIULIANI Jan. 2, 1994 “I ask you to give me a chance to make change happen for us. Don’t let those who are so fearful of transformation stop the process before it begins. Killing ideas by fear. We don’t need to be fearful.”
(SOURCE: WEATHER UNDERGROUND)
35° MAYOR MICHAEL R. BLOOMBERG Jan. 1, 2002 “Just half a mile from these steps we lost 3,000 of our friends, families, neighbors, co-workers, including more than 400 heroes who gave their lives to save others. On the worst day in our city’s history, we were at our best … I pledge that my administration will strive, in everything we do, to honor the memory of those we have lost, and honor those now fighting for our freedoms. We will rebuild, renew and remain, the capital of the free world.” cityandstateny.com
DE BLASIO AND CUOMO:
ALLIES OR ADVERSARIES?
By Liz Benjamin
city & state — January 1, 2014
s the relationship between the governor of New York and the mayor of New York City inherently doomed to fail? “It’s not easy for governors and mayors to have a good marriage,” said Bruce Gyory, who worked for former Gov. Eliot Spitzer and is now a Democratic political consultant. “It’s tough. They have to work at it. And the question is: Will they?” De Blasio and Cuomo have some things going for them. First, as both sides have gone to great lengths to point out since de Blasio’s big win in November, they have known each other a long time. The two first met during the Dinkins administration, when Cuomo ran the commission on homelessness for the Big Apple’s first black mayor and de Blasio was a staffer at City Hall. But they really came to know each other in the mid-1990s when de Blasio worked as a regional director under then HUD Secretary Cuomo during the Clinton administration. Over the years, Cuomo and de Blasio have forged a working relationship and helped each other politically. And as they embark on this new chapter, they are both savvy enough to know that each is now in a position to significantly help—or hurt—the other. “They start off in as good a spot as any mayor and governor have started off in a while,” said Dave Catalfamo, who served as former Gov. George Pataki’s last communications director and is now a Republican lobbyist in Albany. “We’re not talking aboutpeople who don’t know each other. They have a
lot of history together, and a level of
taxing the city’s wealthiest residents to
Cuomo, who has already boosted pre-K
Mayor Bill de Blasio and Gov. Andrew Cuomo, shown above sharing a joke at the Columbus Day Parade in October, have forged a working relationship and helped each other politically.
trust there that most of those people walking into those positions don’t necessarily have.” But their needs might be diametrically opposed in the long term. “If Cuomo’s quest for the presidency is going to be based on his ability to cut taxes or spending, he’s going to come into conflict with the guy who got elected on the premise of making things better for the poor,” said Richard Ravitch, a veteran public servant at both the city and state levels. “I think de Blasio’s going to find out that the cupboard is a lot emptier than his predecessor has indicated,” Ravitch continued. “Costs are going up—the kind of costs that don’t get talked about, pension costs and healthcare. I think he’s going to be looking for more revenue.” De Blasio’s top priority in Albany next year will be the signature policy proposal of his successful campaign:
pay for universal prekindergarten and after-school programs. The incoming mayor recently launched a grassroots campaign dubbed UPKNYC that aims to pressure state leaders into giving him the power to tax the rich. The star-studded campaign features a slickly produced video and actresses Cynthia Nixon and Olivia Wilde, musician John Legend, investor Roger Altman, movie producer Harvey Weinstein and the Rev. Al Sharpton. This effort, while no doubt an effective organizing tool, might be unnecessary. Multiple sources say Cuomo has already figured out how to give de Blasio at least a semblance of a win on his pre-K quest by providing several hundred million dollars to expand slots in high-needs districts, of which New York City would be the biggest. That is not too heavy a lift for
funding—albeit through competitive grants—at the advice of his education reform commission. It is unclear whether the funding for these new slots would be recurring, but it is highly unlikely Cuomo would agree to pay for them through a tax increase—especially when he is already committed to tax cuts in 2014. So would the new mayor be satisfied with half a loaf? Would it be a true victory for de Blasio if his central theme of closing the income equality gap by making the rich pay more to benefit the poor is not realized? State Sen. Liz Krueger, one of the chamber’s most liberal members and a de Blasio ally, does not seem to think so. “We need dedicated funding for this in the tough budget years ahead,” the Upper East Side Democrat said. “Bill’s proposal to let New York City raise its own funds for universal pre-K cityandstateny.com
this moment in history. Addressing income inequality is all the rage right now among Democrats—from President Obama on down—thanks to de Blasio’s landslide victory in the November general election. Progressive advocates are hoping to seize this moment, pushing for action in Albany on everything from creating a public campaign finance system and more equitable state tax structure to passing the DREAM Act and marijuana reform. Cuomo is on board with some, but not all, of those agenda items. But he
can ill afford to further anger the left, which is already upset by his fiscally conservative agenda and refusal to intervene in the state Senate power struggle, as he heads into a re-election year and considers a potential presidential run in 2016. “If the governor thought it through, he doesn’t need de Blasio personifying a cold war with the liberal wing of the party,” said Gyory. “At this point, the mayor-elect is second only to [Massachusetts Sen.] Elizabeth Warren nationally as the symbol of resurgent progressivism.”
But Catalfamo thinks de Blasio and Cuomo will be able to navigate their differences, at least in the short term, insisting they have “more ideologically in common than maybe people perceive.” “They’re both smart politicians who will try to work together and give each other the wins they need and find a way home,” Catalfamo continued. “That will be complicated by external forces—a liberal City Council, the Legislature, a Speaker looking to reassert himself. It’s a neat challenge.”
THE DOE FUND CONGRATULATES NEW YORK CITY’S INCOMING COUNCIL MEMBERS! Together we will continue to make our communities cleaner, greener, and safer. Together we are New York.
“In order to keep business districts vibrant and strong, we need to make sure that they are kept clean. The Doe Fund has made a positive difference in my community. I am extremely proud of the work they do and look forward to continuing our partnership.”
Council Member Karen Koslowitz, District 29 “The Doe Fund’s program is such an inspiration and stepping stone for the formerly homeless ‘men in blue.’ They do such a commendable job with pride. Our streets look so much better and are much safer due to their dedication.” Upper West Side Resident “I am pleased to support The Doe Fund. These workers, who are successfully turning their lives around, keep our outdoor spaces [like Diversity Plaza in Jackson Heights] nice for all. The Doe Fund is an invaluable service!” Council Member Daniel Dromm, District 25
city & state — January 1, 2014
SPENCER PLATT (GETTY)
is the fairest, most straightforward way to do this, and it’s widely supported.” De Blasio’s best hope of getting what he wants out of Albany is to build coalitions within the state Capitol outside of the second floor, said Eliot Spitzer’s former top spokesman Darren Dopp, who is now a consultant. “This is de Blasio’s biggest challenge: He knows how to speak Cuomo-ese, but he doesn’t know how to deal with the Legislature,” Dopp said. “He needs some veteran legislative hands to help him.” Perhaps cognizant of that fact, de Blasio has hired himself a Legislature whisperer—at least one fluent in the language of Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, who has long tended the liberal flame at the Capitol and who could prove a valuable ally for the new mayor. In mid-December de Blasio announced he had selected Silver’s former top advisor Dean Fuleihan to serve as his city budget director. Fuleihan spent some three decades working for the Assembly, about half of that time in Silver’s office. Outside of his budgeting experience, which is considerable, observers believe his Albany expertise will complement the political prowess of de Blasio’s intergovernmental affairs director, Emma Wolfe. Both de Blasio and Wolfe are known for their work ethic, encyclopedic knowledge—policy for him, politics for her—and dislike of the spotlight. They are also pragmatic and not in-your-face aggressive or disdainful of intense politicking. That is a departure from the Bloomberg approach in Albany, which netted the outgoing mayor more high-profile losses than wins. Because he does not have Bloomberg’s billions to throw around, de Blasio is going to need to use more finesse when it comes to getting what he wants out of Albany. And maybe that’s a good thing. Staff relations are equally important—if not more so— than what transpires between the principals, former aides to governors and mayors say. Staffers toil for long hours negotiating the details of various deals. The bosses are the front men and the closers. “Staff tends to hold grudges as much as the principals, if not more so,” Catalfamo said. “I remember all these small, stupid wars we had [with former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani’s aides] over which podium would you use, and were you going to have a step and whose seal—little stuff.” Also in de Blasio’s favor is the fact that he is on the right side of
CITY COUNCIL’S New
city & state — January 1, 2014
MEMBERS Profiles by Jon Lentz, Morgan Pehme and Nick Powell
PHOTOS COURTESY OF COUNCIL MEMBERS’ WEBSITES AND FACEBOOK PAGES
PHOTOS COURTESY OF COUNCIL MEMBERS’ WEBSITES AND FACEBOOK PAGES
ome elected officials got their start in politics hanging out at the local party clubhouse, others working on campaigns. Steve Matteo answered an ad in the paper. Nine years later he is still working for the councilman who placed it: Jimmy Oddo of Staten Island. That is, until Jan. 1,
anessa Gibson is one of four members of the Council’s freshman class, who was already serving as a legislator as a member of the State Assembly. Though she enjoyed her work in Albany, Gibson decided to
uperstorm Sandy exposed New York City’s vulnerabilities in devastating fashion, not only from an infrastructure perspective, but also by demonstrating the necessity of having an active elected representative on the ground to help coordinate emergency
our roads fixed,” said Matteo. “We don’t have our own HHC-run hospital. They’re not giving us the services we need. Staten Island is trapped. We don’t have adequate mass transit. We have to pay exorbitant amounts to get off and home to Staten Island. We need Staten Island to be a priority and not the forgotten borough.” Although Matteo worked closely with Oddo for almost a decade, he emphasized that he will be very much his own man in the Council. He has already drawn up a 90-plus point agenda of things big and small. Matteo will face the challenge of being one of only three Republican members of the Council, along with new minority leader, Vinny Ignizio, and Matteo’s fellow St. Francis College alum, Councilman Eric Ulrich of Queens. Matteo is undaunted by the numbers: “On Staten Island we work with elected officials on both sides of the aisle,” he
explained. “We had a great relationship with the Speaker’s office [under Oddo]. We’ve been able to pass 15 bills, so from my experience, relationships are key.”
run for the Council because, “It was an opportunity to serve my district on a local level [and] to be a part of the new wave of government coming in to the city of New York.” Gibson was sworn into office in December ahead of the rest of the incoming members because the incumbent, Helen Foster, vacated the seat to become Gov. Cuomo’s human rights commissioner. In the Council, she will be taking on the challenge of representing one of the poorest Council districts in the city. “The fact is that many residents … are living at the poverty level—they’re making minimum wage, they’re uninsured and they’re underinsured,” explained Gibson. “A lot of the statistics that are used to define the Bronx, I want those numbers to turn around and move in the opposite direction.”
Despite her district’s hardships, Gibson is optimistic about its future, as well as that of her borough. “I do think that the next Renaissance that will take place over the next several years will be the Bronx,” Gibson said. “There’s a lot of potential, a lot of opportunity, but we have to get people investing more in the Bronx, because that has not happened, because of the stigma, because of the stereotypes, and because of the fact that people don’t necessarily look at the Bronx as a vibrant place to live. But there are a lot of people in the Bronx who have lived here all of their lives, through the thick and thin, through the good and bad, and they’re still here. They deserve to stay here if they want, but we also have to recognize that this is about balance, this is about making sure that we have middle incomes, we have housing for working
families, for low-income families. We have to really make sure that we create a mixture. That’s the only way people are going to start investing in the Bronx. I think they have started, I think they will continue, and I am going to be one of those that’s going to make sure that my district is not shortchanged.”
and recovery services. Carlos Menchaca felt the latter was lacking in some of the communities in which he was doing post-Sandy outreach and relief work— so much so that the El Paso, Texas, native was inspired to run for City Council. “[Sandy] really changed my whole outlook on what it was to have a good Council office—an amazing, stellar Council office—and the urgency for that in our communities and how they really play a first line of defense for natural disasters and other disasters, like NYCHA housing, which for a generation has been neglected, and the affordable housing crisis, and the education crisis,” Menchaca said. Menchaca enters the Council with solid experience in local government, starting with a job in Marty Markowitz’s office, managing the Brooklyn borough president’s capital budget and economic
development policy, and coordinating with several agencies to allocate funding throughout the borough. Menchaca also worked in Council Speaker Christine Quinn’s office as a LGBT and HIV/ AIDS liaison right around the time that marriage equality began to pick up steam in New York—a “really fun time,” in Menchaca’s words, to be galvanizing people around the issue. As a councilman Menchaca hopes to mobilize his colleagues around policies like Council rules reform, overcrowded schools and affordable housing, in addition to the myriad of unique needs in his district. Believing his constituents were deprived of basic needs because the discretionary funds process was politicized and controlled so heavily by the Speaker, he hopes a new Speaker and a reconfigured Council will institute rule changes to make the process more
equitable. “We need to reform how this Council functions in terms of distributing resources to a community like mine that has historically had no voice, not just through lack of leadership, but through lack of mechanism,” Menchaca said.
—MP District: 50 Neighborhoods represented: Arrochar, Bulls Head, Castleton Corners, Concord, Dongan Hills, Emerson Hill, Fort Wadsworth, Grant City, Graniteville, Grasmere, Heartland Village, Meiers Corners, Midland Beach, New Dorp, New Springville, Oakwood, Ocean Breeze, Old Town, Richmondtown, South Beach, Todt Hill, Travis, Westerleigh and Willowbrook Policy focus: Superstorm Sandy recovery, transportation, healthcare Date of birth: Feb. 18, 1977 Birthplace: Staten Island, N.Y. Education: B.A., St. Francis College; J.D., Touro Law Center Previous occupation: Chief of staff to Councilman James Oddo Family: Wife: Annie; children: Mary Kate, Michael, Steven Party: Republican
—MP District: 16 Neighborhoods represented: West Bronx, Morrisania, Highbridge, Melrose Policy focus: Job creation, equity in public education, youth and senior services, affordable housing, quality healthcare Date of birth: March 19, 1979 Birthplace: Brooklyn, N.Y. Education: B.A., SUNY Albany; M.P.A., Baruch School of Public Affairs Previous occupation: Assemblywoman Family: Single Party: Democrat
—NP District: 38 Neighborhoods represented: Bay Ridge Towers, Borough Park, Gowanus, Greenwood Heights, Red Hook, South Slope, Sunset Park, Windsor Terrace Policy focus: Sandy recovery, immigration, education, housing, economic development Date of birth: Sept. 11, 1980 Birthplace: El Paso, Texas Education: B.A. in performing arts, social justice and politics (double major), University of San Francisco Previous occupation: LGBT and HIV/AIDS community liaison, New York City Council Family: Single Party: Democrat
city & state — January 1, 2014
when Oddo becomes borough president, and Matteo succeeds the man whom he has long served as chief of staff. Given that Matteo’s transition requires just changing the name on the door of Oddo’s district office, it should be relatively effortless. “Having a smooth transition is important, especially when it comes to constituent services,” Matteo said. “Our structure and our plan is in place, so we won’t miss a beat. On day one we’re ready to go.” That seamless changeover will be important for Matteo’s constituents, who continue to suffer from the devastation of Superstorm Sandy. The ongoing recovery effort will be Matteo’s top priority, along with key longtime issues for Staten Islanders, like the high cost of bridge tolls, inadequate mass transit and insufficient healthcare facilities. “We have to fight tooth and nail to get
itchie Torres’ education in city politics came under the watchful eye of New York City Councilman Jimmy Vacca, for whom Torres served as housing director and chief of staff. Vacca, who was a longtime Bronx district manager before being elected to the Council in 2005, placed a premium on delivering reliable constituent services and building on the community relationships he developed over the years that now allow him to be, as Torres describes it, “an independent force” as a councilman. “When you’re in the City Council, you can’t just think of yourself as a legislator. That’s only half of the job,” Torres said. “Equally as important is to provide consistent constituent services, to work your district and be a visible presence. That’s the greatest lesson I’ve drawn from Council Member Vacca.” Aside from being one of the youngest incoming City Council members, what sets Torres apart from the rest of his freshman colleagues is his personal experience growing up in public housing in the Bronx. That background
city & state — January 1, 2014
ost incoming Council members have at least some idea of what their area of focus will be, whether out of personal passion or simply on the basis of what issues are germane to their district. But few have as firm a grasp on the nuance of public policy like Helen Rosenthal does. Rosenthal, a veteran of city government, who served as the assistant director of the Office of Management and Budget, not only understands her district’s needs as a longtime resident of the Upper West Side, but also can speak about issues such as education and homeless services with an eye on the bigger picture. “I used to work in the city’s budget office, so I come at this from a little bit of a different angle,” Rosenthal said. “My training is in ‘How do we provide the best services in the most economical way?’ I’m now having the opportunity to be doing that from the side of a City Council person, and I’m thrilled to have the chance to do that.” Rosenthal already is looking at several contracts with the Department of Homeless Services to homeless services providers that “don’t pass the smell
spurred and informed Torres’ interest in affordable housing, an issue that has picked up steam of late with the election of incoming Mayor Bill de Blasio. “The Bronx has a crisis of housing maintenance and affordability. Even though the Bronx has the lowest rents compared to Brooklyn and Manhattan, we also have the lowest incomes,” Torres said. “Bronxites contribute a greater share of their income towards rent. Nowhere is a crisis of affordability or maintenance more serious than the Bronx, so that’s going to be my highest priority. My staffers are not going to function as bureaucrats who are shuffling paper in a cubicle. I intend to make them organizers.” —NP District: 15 Neighborhoods represented: Bathgate, Belmont, Crotona, Fordham, East Tremont, Van Nest and West Farms Policy focus: Affordable housing DOB: March 12, 1988 Birthplace: Bronx, N.Y. Education: New York University (no degree) Previous occupation: Housing director and chief of staff, Councilman Jimmy Vacca Family: Single Party: Democrat
test.” On education, Rosenthal laments the high-stakes testing at every grade level, believing that the education system has “lost its way” by imposing these exams on students not for the diagnostic purpose of improving their abilities, but to grade their teachers or principals. Rosenthal also hopes to ensure that there are enough public school seats in her district, and that students from outside of her district are not taking those spaces. She hopes to find ways to deliver education resources more efficiently. “I’d love to have the opportunity to look at how the Department of Education allocates their resources, and understand if there’s a better way to allocate within that pot to serve the kids not just in my district, but citywide.” —NP District: 6 Neighborhoods represented: Upper West Side, northern Clinton Policy focus: Education, affordable housing, homeless services, senior services Date of birth: Oct. 24, 1960 Birthplace: Detroit, Mich. Education: B.A., Michigan State University; M.P.H., Yale University Previous occupation: Chair, Community Board 7; Assistant director, NYC Office of Management & Budget Family: Married, with two teenage daughters Party: Democrat cityandstateny.com
WELCOME 2014 INCOMING
city & state â€” January 1, 2014
aurie Cumbo’s Brooklyn district is one of striking affluence and glaring poverty. This dichotomy was recently portrayed in vivid detail by The New York Times’
series about a homeless girl named Dasani. “I feel very challenged when I see extreme wealth in our communities, and then I also see what’s happening at the Auburn homeless shelter with a family like Dasani’s right here in the district,” explained Cumbo. “I want to change that dynamic and I really want
people to see that there is a value in all of us.” One of the ways Cumbo is hoping to address this economic disparity is to push for the equal distribution of funding across the city’s 51 Council districts—and not just the Council members’ pot of discretionary dollars, a change that has been widely discussed of late, but also the city’s capital funds and the monies distributed by its various agencies. As the founder of the Museum of Contemporary African Diasporan Arts in downtown Brooklyn, Cumbo is well familiar with the funding challenges the city’s nonprofit institutions face, and she wants to use her firsthand experience to improve the system. “There are all of these great not-forprofit organizations that are doing everything from food pantries to our reentry work to our libraries to our culturals and on a year-to-year basis they have no idea if they are going to be in business the following year,” said Cumbo. “You have to make a choice on a regular basis of whether you’re going to play the budget dance, or you’re going to give a tour to a group of 30 students that are here to learn about their history or their culture. Or you have to decide if you are going to be at an after-school program to
make sure it’s running correctly, and that the students have all of the tools that they need, and that the principals and the teachers have buy-in, and that the parents know about the program, or you have to be on the steps of City Hall fighting for resources. So I want to end that process. I want to give organizations across the board … the stability that they need to plan for the future, to be able to know that year after year that they are of course going to be evaluated, but at the same time that they are going to be rewarded for providing incredible and important resources to our community.” —MP
District: 35 Neighborhoods represented: Fort Greene, Clinton Hill, parts of Crown Heights, Prospect Heights and Bedford-Stuyvesant Policy focus: Equal distribution of resources between the city’s 51 Council districts Date of birth: February 21, 1975 Birthplace: Brooklyn, N.Y. Education: B.A., Spellman College; M.A., New York University Previous occupation: Founder and executive director, The Museum of Contemporary African Diasporan Arts (MoCADA); graduate professor at Pratt Institute Family: Single Party: Democrat
city & state — January 1, 2014
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first generation New Yorker, Mark Treyger’s work ethic and passion for education were instilled in him by his Ukrainian immigrant parents, who always stressed the importance of taking
city & state — January 1, 2014
union man by trade, Daneek Miller does not naturally connect with politics and government. In fact, when Councilman Leroy Comrie approached him to run for City Council as his successor, Miller was initially hesitant. As the president of Amalgamated
ndrew Cohen has a long list of areas to tackle, from the budget to stop-and-frisk to education. But what he heard about the most during his campaign was something
school seriously. It is safe to say that Treyger has made his family proud. The Brooklyn native grew up to become a teacher of world history and U.S. government at New Utrecht High School. Before enlightening his students about the ins and outs of politics, Treyger learned the ropes of city and state government firsthand working for Assemblyman William Colton. He hopes to apply some of those lessons as a city councilman. “I believe that the job of public servants is to really empower people. You empower them by servicing them, by being transparent and listening to them, and being a voice for them,” Treyger said. “It’s about trying to promote their interests and address their needs.”
Treyger hopes to change the perception of Coney Island as “not just an amusement district” by banging the drum on infrastructure issues. The needs of his district were exacerbated by Superstorm Sandy, which devastated neighborhoods such as Coney Island and displaced many residents. Treyger hopes that the incoming de Blasio administration will prioritize infrastructure issues. Every time it rains, for instance, the sewer system that services Bensonhurst, Coney Island and Sea Gate floods. “The conditions of the boardwalk are unacceptable; the conditions of the sewer system are unacceptable— these are great needs,” Treyger said. “We have to find a way where we build a public-private partnership where we address those infrastructure
needs. One of the things that I’ll be looking to do is to see how to build this collaboration between the private industry and the public sector to address these challenging needs.”
Transit Union Local 1056 and co-chair of the MTA Labor Coalition, Miller told Comrie he was reluctant to leave his “comfort zone” and abandon his membership. It was only after some cajoling from other union and community leaders that Miller agreed to throw his hat in the race, determining that it was important for labor to have another strong voice in the Council to succeed Comrie. “The things that matter most we weren’t able to accomplish because we always hit walls,” Miller said, referring to the ATU. “We hit walls because we don’t make policy and we don’t write legislation and, quite frankly, policy and legislation over the last few years have not been very favorable to working people. And so as I discussed potentially running with my contemporaries and others in the movement, it just became evident that
someone had to do it.” Miller has had a distinguished career leading his local—which represents the MTA’s Queens Bus Division’s drivers and mechanics— recently playing a role in restoring bus service in southeast Queens. Miller will take his transportation expertise with him to the Council. His district has one of the longest commutes in the entire city, he notes, in part because of the lack of an extensive transportation network. Miller will advocate for the construction of a new bus depot, which he says has been stuck in the planning phase for years. He also hopes to incorporate participatory budgeting in his district as a way to engage his community, although he confesses to being “behind the eight ball” in laying the groundwork for the process, which allows the community to decide what projects should be funded with Council
discretionary funds. “We’ve already put out feelers and done a lot of groundwork to hit the ground running on Jan. 1, and keeping in step with empowering members of the community,” said Miller. “[Participatory budgeting] is an important element of that.” —NP
closer to home. “It’s funny, as a candidate, how you study up, and you’re ready to take on big policy issues, but when you meet with constituents, people have a very high expectation of constituent service,” Cohen said. “So I’m working on getting a district office up and running and getting a top notch staff, so that I’m able to deliver the kind of constituent service that people expect.” One top policy interest is parks, a natural focus for Cohen since parkland makes up more than a third of his district. Van Cortlandt Park accounts for much of that green expanse, and the Parks Department is putting together a master plan for it that is just starting to be rolled out. “There is a significant need there to implement some of these great ideas, and then I think that there’s a lot of
procurement issues,” Cohen said. “The Council takes lead on capital funding for the parks. There are opportunities in using our oversight responsibility, so that maybe things could be done more efficiently or cost effectively, and the city gets more bang for the buck.” Cohen said that there are also major development issues in his Bronx district “that are not waiting for me to take office.” “Montefiore Medical Center is looking to expand in the district, and that’s causing some excitement, for lack of a better word,” he said. “There’s been some rezoning that is having some unintended consequences. So there’s a lot going on in the district right away that I will be on right after Jan. 1.” Cohen, who has lived in the Bronx for 12 years, is an attorney by trade, but also has years of experience in local
government. He worked as legal counsel to Assemblyman Jeffrey Dinowitz, served as a court attorney to a Bronx judge and was a member of Community Board 8, chairing its Aging Committee. “I’ve always been interested in public service,” Cohen said. “I started on the community board, and when terms limits created the opportunity, I dove in.” —JL
—NP District: 47 Neighborhoods represented: Coney Island, Gravesend, Bensonhurst, Brighton Beach Policy focus: Sandy recovery, education, infrastructure improvements, public transportation. Date of birth: April 15, 1982 Birthplace: Bensonhurst, Brooklyn Education: Brooklyn College, B.A. in political science; M.A. in social studies education; M.A. in school leadership Previous occupation: High school teacher Family: Wife: Christine; two rescue dogs Party: Democrat
District: 27 Neighborhoods represented: St. Albans, Hollis, Cambria Heights, Jamaica, Baisley Park, Addisleigh Park; parts of Queens Village, Rosedale and Springfield Gardens Policy focus: Transportation, labor, education Date of birth: Nov. 6, 1960 Birthplace: Brooklyn, N.Y. Education: York College; certificate, Cornell University School of Labor Previous Occupation: President, Amalgamated Transit Union Local No. 1056 Family: Engaged to be married; four children from a previous marriage Party: Democrat
District: 11 Neighborhoods represented: Riverdale, Kingsbridge, Woodlawn, Van Cortlandt Village, Norwood and Bedford Park Policy focus: Parks Date of birth: Aug. 9, 1969 Birthplace: Brooklyn, N.Y. Education: B.A. in sociology, SUNY New Paltz; J.D., Cardozo School of Law Previous occupation: Attorney Family: Wife: Dr. Heather Erhard; daughter: Sarah Party: Democrat cityandstateny.com
city & state â€” January 1, 2014
ntonio Reynoso began his political career as an organizer for New York Communities for Change, before landing a job in 2007 working for Brooklyn Councilwoman Diana
city & state — January 1, 2014
t is safe to say that all of the incoming City Council members come from diverse and unique backgrounds, but few had to take on so much responsibility at such a young age like Chaim Deutsch. Deutsch
hen Corey Johnson was elected as chairman of Manhattan’s Community Board 4 in 2011, he became the youngest community board chair anywhere in the city. Now Johnson is one of the
Reyna. Reynoso had larger ambitions, however, and weighed running for his boss’ seat before the City Council passed a term limits extension, allowing Reyna to run for another term. It was a blessing in disguise for Reynoso, who ran Reyna’s successful re-election campaign in 2009, and was later elevated to be her chief of staff. “I was thinking about running for office [in 2009], but thought I was too young when I was 26 and I wasn’t prepared,” Reynoso said. “But then [the] term limits [extension] happened, and I wasn’t personally happy it happened, but it did give me an opportunity to rethink whether I wanted to run. I thought, ‘I’ve got four years to go, four years to learn more, four years to be a better person, a better leader.’ ”
As he prepares to enter the Council, Reynoso is focused on two issues especially germane to his district: public education and housing. Reynoso would never have been able to become a councilman, he said, were it not for the stellar education provided by his local public schools, one of which, P.S. 19, was recently shut down for underperformance. One of his key goals will be to ensure that the schools in his district have all the necessary resources to provide the same education he received. On housing, Reynoso noted that in Williamsburg and Bushwick, “You’re either rich or poor.” He believes establishing affordable housing developments will help provide his constituents a gateway to the middle class. “It is a tale of two cities in Williamsburg,” Reynoso said. “We
need to start working on incentivizing and encouraging developers or anyone that’s building in Williamsburg to build middle income housing. That’s going to be the way that we can thwart gentrification and sustain our community long-term.”
grew up one of four boys in a small two-bedroom apartment. In between semesters at yeshiva, Deutsch took odd jobs to help support his family and, perhaps as a sign of maturity beyond his years, married his wife at the tender age of 19. Thereafter he worked in real estate management for some time, while also holding a variety of civic positions within his south Brooklyn neighborhood, including as a community liaison to the New York Police Department. Deutsch’s career in government began under former Councilman Lloyd Henry, then continued under Councilman Michael Nelson, for whom he handled constituent services and from whom he learned how to navigate the city’s bureaucracy to provide basic services. “I helped with constituent services
for 17 years, and I learned how to cut through chronic red tape when needed, and fight for those small issues that can grow into larger issues,” Deutsch said. “The small issues are as important to me as the larger issues; if it’s a large enough issue for one individual, it’s large enough for me to deal with right away.” Having worked in government for so long in his district, Deutsch should have a smoother transition than some of his freshmen colleagues. Basic quality of life issues are important to him, but as a representative of waterfront neighborhoods, Deutsch wants to focus on prioritizing the continued recovery of areas like Manhattan and Brighton Beach, which were hit hard by Superstorm Sandy. Deutsch also has a soft spot for senior citizens, who make up a large portion of his constituency,
and he aims to ensure that they are well taken care of. “The 48th Council District comprises probably the most seniors in the city of New York,” Deutsch said. “Seniors are very near and dear to my heart. My father was a chef in nursing homes and senior centers, so I grew up with senior citizens.”—NP
many fresh faces in the New York City Council, representing what for years was outgoing City Council Speaker Christine Quinn’s district. “I have a beard, and I never shave because if I ever shave, I look too young,” Johnson said. “When I shave, I look like I’m younger than 31.” But while he is also one of the body’s youngest members, Johnson has had a long road to get to this point. His first brush with fame happened when, as the captain of his high school football team, he came out as gay, and the story was featured on the front of The New York Times, in Sports Illustrated and in a segment with Anderson Cooper. “I came out because I wanted to have a sense of freedom. And then it organically turned into a big media story,” Johnson said. “It exploded into something that
neither me nor my family expected. But it’s what gave me my entree in activism and politics.” After high school Johnson moved to New York City, and for the last 12 years he has lived in Chelsea. He joined the local community board over eight years ago, where his dedication and experience paved the way for him to become board chair when he was only 28. “You don’t spend eight years on the community board because it’s sexy,” he said. “You’re on the community board because you care about the community.” As part of an influx of progressives elected across the city, Johnson is excited about the possibility of expanding paid sick leave and the living wage law, and providing universal pre-kindergarten. And while the state has legalized same-sex marriage, he also wants to
provide better support for homeless LGBT youths and to combat HIV and AIDS. “I’m the only HIV-positive member in the Council,” he said. “HIV and AIDS has not gone away. We have to continue to support people living with HIV and invest in prevention efforts.”
District: 34 Neighborhoods represented: Williamsburg and Bushwick, Brooklyn; Ridgewood, Queens. Policy focus: Education, housing Date of Birth: May 9, 1983 Birthplace: Brooklyn, N.Y. Education: Le Moyne College Previous occupation: Chief of staff, Councilwoman Diana Reyna Family: Single Party: Democrat
District: 48 Neighborhoods represented: Manhattan Beach, Sheepshead Bay, Brighton Beach, Midwood Policy focus: Waterfront Sandy recovery, senior issues, quality of life Date of birth: April 15, 1969 Birthplace: Long Beach, N.Y. Education: Attended yeshiva in Sullivan County and Westchester, N.Y. Previous Occupation: Community liaison, Councilman Michael Nelson Family: Wife: Sara; five children: Rachelle, Sheva, Aaron, Rivka, Avrohom; grandson: Ezra Party: Democrat
—JL District: 3 Neighborhoods represented: West Village, Greenwich Village, SoHo, Flatiron, Chelsea, Hell’s Kitchen/Clinton and Columbus Circle Policy focus: Affordable housing, small business, environment, parks Date of Birth: April 28, 1982 Birthplace: Beverly, Mass. Education: No college Previous occupation: Sydell Group, LGBT marketing; GLAAD director of programs Family: Single Party: Democrat
The Rockefeller Foundation congratulates Bill de Blasio on his inauguration as New York City’s 109th mayor. We look forward to collaborating with him and his administration to achieve the goals of expanding access to jobs and opportunity through more equitable transportation, and improving the well-being of New Yorkers. Unequal access to transportation is a major obstacle to a more inclusive economy. Bus Rapid Transit – with the reliability of rail, and the flexibility of buses – can transform public transportation, especially for lower-income and outer borough New Yorkers. For a fraction of the cost of building a subway, BRT has the power to improve the lives of millions.
We look forward to working with the new mayor to bring BRT to New York City.
afael Espinal only served a little over two years in the state Assembly, but he gained a lot
from the experience and hopes to bring the lessons he learned to City Hall.
“Historically, when you look at the City Council, there is a lack of
city & state — January 1, 2014
he first thing about Robert Cornegy that immediately jumps out at you is his height. At 6’ 10” Cornegy was a college basketball player at St. John’s University
efore being elected to the City Council, Costa Constantinides wore a lot of hats. And not just as a Council staffer—before entering the public realm, he worked at KB
camaraderie between members,” said Espinal, a lifelong Brooklynite. “In the Assembly, because you’re up in Albany, you’re forced to build relationships at a different level than you are here in the city, and you see the importance of that when it comes to passing bills and getting agendas across. I’ll bring that back to the City Council, to make sure the members are able to work together and make sure that relationships are built that are solid.” Espinal, whose parents emigrated from the Dominican Republic before he was born, got his start in politics working for City Councilman Erik Martin Dilan, eventually climbing his way up to become Dilan’s chief of staff. He was elected to the Assembly in a special election, beating out Jesus Gonzalez, a Working Families Party candidate who secured a slew of union
endorsements, and Deidra Towns, daughter of former Rep. Ed Towns and sister of ex-Assemblyman Darryl Towns, who vacated the seat to serve in the Cuomo administration. As a new member of the City Council, Espinal’s top goal will be to increase government agency involvement in his district. “I’ve always felt that, growing up in the neighborhood, there has been a lack of services across the board,” he said. “I want to make sure that the new administration is paying attention to our neighborhoods. When it comes to being in office, I want to work to bring more affordable housing to these neighborhoods, through ULURP or legislation, and increase public safety across the city.” Serving in the City Council—as opposed to the Assembly—could make
it easier to achieve those goals, he added. “In the City Council, you have more direct contact and access to city services,” Espinal said. “I represent neighborhoods that are in need, and in the Assembly it is much tougher to bring resources home, so I may be able to have more of an impact in the City Council.” —JL
and the University of Alabama and enjoyed a long professional career playing overseas. However, despite the successful pursuit of his hoop dreams, Cornegy always had a passion for public service, which was instilled in him by his parents, whom he describes as “longtime community advocates and public servants.” Before running for the City Council this year, Cornegy made the rounds through his district, serving in a variety of different civic capacities. “I’ve been on the community board, president of my Democratic club, on the community advisory board to Interfaith Hospital; I’ve actually served as a chief of staff for an Assembly member and [run] Senate campaigns,” Cornegy said. “So in some regard it’s a natural transition [to being a councilman], but for me I just really wanted to serve
publicly, and when the opportunity presented itself, I took it.” One of Cornegy’s primary goals during his first term is to focus on small businesses and entrepreneurship to help create jobs for his district. He points to the burgeoning tourism and hospitality economy in central Brooklyn, which he hopes to capitalize on by bringing various stakeholders to the table in an effort to help reduce the sizable 50 percent unemployment numbers for African-American males in his community. He has already started toward that goal by working with the College of New Rochelle’s School of New Resources in his district to set up a certificate or continuing education program that will help his constituents increase their earning potential. “I should be able to, percentagewise,
get [unemployment numbers] down in my first year, to 40 percent,” Cornegy said. “If I can bring it down 10 percentage points in the next few years, then it becomes a little more respectable, and we have a trajectory and a template to do that.” —NP
Toys, first as a senior sales associate and then as the manager of the company’s flagship store in the Manhattan Mall. That is not to suggest that Constantinides did not always have an appetite for public service. Community activism runs in his family: His mother was a longtime president of all the PTAs in his school district. After Constantinides graduated from law school, he decided to give back to his neighborhood, becoming a district leader, a board member of the Long Island City Alliance, and the president of the Queens County Young Democrats, among other positions. He later got a job as legislative director for Councilwoman Darlene Mealy, before moving over to work for Councilman James Gennaro, eventually becoming his deputy chief of staff. Constantinides hopes to follow in
Gennaro’s footsteps by honing in on environmental issues germane to his district and New York City. “I’ve been working with environmental advocates for a long time, I know what we’ve been able to accomplish, I know what we still have left to accomplish,” he said. “I’m going to be a strong advocate for repower projects for power plants, to create more open space for our district, looking for clean energy projects and to expand our city’s use of nontraditional energy sources like biofuels, solar, wind—and just looking to make our city more green and more sustainable.” Constantinides is also one of a handful of self-described progressives who will enter the City Council, though he indicated that he is still undecided on whether he would join the growing Progressive Caucus.
“I know I ran as a strong progressive, I’ve run with the support of a lot of different unions, I’m going to be fighting for middle class and working class New Yorkers—that’s what my district is comprised of. Those are going to be the people I’m fighting for.” —NP
District: 37 Neighborhoods represented: East New York, Bushwick, Cypress Hills, City Line, Ocean HillBrownsville and Wyckoff Heights Policy focus: Housing, healthcare, immigration Date of birth: June 30, 1984 Birthplace: Brooklyn, N.Y. Education: B.A. in English, Queens College Previous occupation: Assemblyman Family: Single Party: Democrat
District: 36 Neighborhoods represented: BedfordStuyvesant and Crown Heights Policy focus: Economic development, senior issues Date of birth: Sept. 24, 1965 Birthplace: Brooklyn, N.Y. Education: St. John’s University, University of Alabama; Master’s in organizational management Previous Occupation: District leader, 56th Assembly District Family: Wife: Michelle; six children Party: Democrat
District: 22 Neighborhoods represented: Astoria, Long Island City; parts of Jackson Heights, Rikers, Randall’s and Wards Islands Policy focus: Environment, public safety Date of birth: Jan. 7, 1975 Birthplace: Astoria, N.Y. Education: B.A., Queens College; J.D., Benjamin Cardozo School of Law Previous Occupation: Deputy chief of staff, Councilman James Gennaro Family: Wife: Lori; son: Nikolas Party: Democrat cityandstateny.com
The New York City Charter School Center is an independent non-profit committed to supporting great public schools. We advocate for quality schools, parent choice and innovative approaches to education by conducting independent third-party research, offering programs and services that support schools’ operations, and helping new charters develop thoughtful schools.
Learn more at whatarecharterschools.org. cityandstateny.com
city & state — January 1, 2014
The New York City Charter School Center congratulates Mayor de Blasio as he begins his tenure as NYC’s 109th Mayor. We share your commitment to education and ensuring that all kids, regardless of zip code, have access to a high quality public school.
lan Maisel is not leaving the Assembly to get away from Albany—the lifelong Brooklyn resident just wants to be closer to his constituents. “I’m probably one of the few people
city & state — January 1, 2014
aul Vallone is the latest member of the Vallone political dynasty to take a seat on the City Council. His father, Peter Vallone Sr., was Speaker from 1986 through 2001, and his brother, Peter Jr., was just termlimited out of office after 12 years. Though his last name is one of the
he most immediate change for Rory Lancman as he enters the City Council will be his ability to make a name for himself as a legislator on a larger level than he ever could as an assemblyman in Albany, where he served for six years. The
who will admit that I do like Albany, and I’m going to really miss it,” Maisel said. “I’m very much connected with what goes on in the community. After Hurricane Sandy, going up to Albany for 60, 70 days, personally I felt out of the loop. I just felt the need to be back on a more sustained basis.” The outgoing assemblyman will bring with him the lessons of a long career in government, which could serve him well in a young and relatively inexperienced New York City Council. Prior to being elected to four terms in the Assembly, he served as chief of staff to then Assemblyman Frank Seddio—whom Maisel succeeded in early 2006—and then Rep. Charles Schumer. Maisel also had a career as a teacher (fellow incoming Council member Laurie Cumbo was one of his students at I.S. 211 in Canarsie) and
school administrator, which informs his views on education policy. “As far as education is concerned, I’m hoping to play a role in that, to formulate some new approaches to how we deal with our local schools,” Maisel said. “I’m not a fan of the current mayor’s top-down approach.” As a former science teacher, Maisel has been drawn to environmental issues as well. He spearheaded a state law banning most shark fins, which are used for soup. The bill’s passage was a huge victory for Maisel—even though, as he said, “When I talk about it at the local civic meetings, people’s eyes glazed over.” Looking back on his time in the Assembly, Maisel has only praise for his colleagues, despite the seemingly unending string of arrests and scandals in Albany.
“I have a new appreciation for the level of work that’s being done in the Legislature on the part of a lot of people who work very, very hard, trying to do the right thing,” he said. “Unfortunately, the message of their doing a lot of good work is overshadowed by the few people who don’t.”—JL
most well-known in city politics, Paul is certain that anyone who meets him will realize he is distinct from the other members of his close-knit family. “I think when people spend two minutes with me, five minutes with me, they smile and say, ‘Wow, you’re very different from your brothers and your dad—in all good ways,’ ” said Paul. “I’m the smiling Vallone, the one who always gets yelled at in class for talking too much.” One distinction that immediately sets him apart from the other Vallones is his district. Years ago, much to his father’s chagrin, Paul moved to northeast Queens, leaving the family stronghold of Astoria. The district, which Paul points out has the “highest centralization of seniors outside of Florida,” is a particularly good fit for Vallone, who practices elder law and is
intent upon using his expertise in the field to be a leading advocate for seniors across the city. Another defining aspect of his district is its diversity. Once a largely homogenous white suburban area, northeast Queens has in recent years attracted large populations of immigrants from around the world. Vallone has embraced this diversity— one of the keys to his victory, in his opinion—and intends to showcase it at his inauguration, with members of every community attending and religious leaders of all faiths and denominations coming to offer blessings. “I want to use that kickoff to show that this is going to be a brand-new, inclusive City Council office,” Vallone explained. While Paul is the newest Vallone in the Council, it is quite possible he
will not be the last. At his victory party on election night, his 6-year-old son, Charlie, grabbed the mike from his father and thanked the crowd for voting for his dad. As everyone cheered, Paul remarked, “Well, there’s your next Councilman.”
Council is a body of 51 compared with the Assembly’s 150, meaning there is less red tape in passing legislation, and members have a much larger platform to effect change on a granular level in their districts. Lancman’s experience in the Assembly prepared him well for legislating in New York City, he says, and his success in passing legislation in Albany despite the difficulty of doing so—19 bills he proposed were signed into law—should give him a head start in navigating the Council. “I know that in order to pass legislation or move an issue you have to work collaboratively with the leadership and other members and stakeholders and the administration to get things done,” Lancman said. “There are many moving parts to an issue, and failing to account for any of those parts could allow the wheel to
fall off the wagon at the very last minute. That’s something I certainly learned in Albany, when you realize the extent to which everything is interconnected with everything else.” Lancman’s priorities as a councilman dovetail nicely with the reshaped political landscape, following a near complete turnover in city government. With the election of Bill de Blasio as mayor, Lancman sees an opportunity to be part of a new progressive wave aiming to level the city’s economic playing field. Among the issues he hopes to focus on are setting wage and benefit standards for companies that take taxpayer subsidies, and adjusting the city’s mix of income, property and sales taxes to help alleviate the tax burden on middle class New Yorkers. “Those are the issues that I care about: making life more affordable for people
that I represent, whether they’re middle class folks or people at the bottom rung of the economic ladder. The government can do a lot to increase economic mobility for those at the bottom, and to let those in the middle get out from a sense of being drowned by how expensive life is in New York.”—NP
District: 46 Neighborhoods represented: Bergen Beach, Canarsie, Georgetown, Starrett City, Flatlands, Futurama, Marine Park, Mill Basin, Mill Island, Gerritsen Beach, Madison, Sheepshead Bay Policy focus: Environment, education Date of birth: July 25, 1945 Birthplace: Brooklyn, N.Y. Education: B.A. in history and M.A. in urban studies, Long Island University; Certificate of administration and supervision in education, Brooklyn College Previous occupation: Assemblyman Family: Wife: Lynn; children: Terry, Lauren Party: Democrat
—MP District: 19 Neighborhoods represented: Almost all of northeast Queens, College Point, parts of Flushing, Whitestone, Little Neck, Douglaston, Bayside and a piece of Auburndale Policy focus: Small business, senior issues Date of birth: June 2, 1967 Birthplace: New York, N.Y. Education: B.A., Fordham University; J.D., St. John’s University School of Law Previous occupation: Managing partner, family law firm of Vallone & Vallone Family: Wife: Anna-Marie; Children: Catena, Lea, Charlie Party: Democrat
District: 24 Neighborhoods represented: Briarwood, Fresh Meadows, Hillcrest, Hillcrest Estates, Jamaica Estates, Jamaica Hill, Kew Gardens Hills, Utopia Estates; parts of Forest Hills, Flushing, Jamaica and Rego Park Policy focus: Economic mobility Date of birth: March 1, 1969 Birthplace: Queens, N.Y. Education: Queens College; Columbia Law School Previous occupation: New York State assemblyman, 25th Assembly District Family: Wife: Morgan; three children Party: Democrat cityandstateny.com
It’s a New Day, New York! Local 1549 members are everyday heroes who keep the city running, day and night! We service this great city, playing a major role in human services, public safety, and social services. We are proud to have helped elect new leadership for New York! Our ‘Get Out the Vote’ efforts and advocacy for cost-effective, quality services are our acknowledged strengths. We call on our newly elected and tenured leaders to focus on the following matters: End wasteful outsourcing of civil service clerical-administrative jobs in city agencies and the Health and Hospitals Corporation. Contract employees receive poverty wages and, as a result, must apply for public assistance at taxpayers’ expense. There is no accountability and oversight for contract labor. Civilianization of the NYPD, Department of Correction and Sanitation Department. Assigning able bodied uniform personnel to perform full time clerical duties wastes millions of taxpayer dollars. Assigning uniform personnel to the jobs for which they were hired would enhance public safety and public services. Enhance and maintain staffing levels at the 911 Public Safety Answering Center. 911 Operators and Dispatchers are officially designated First Responders. Increasing the numbers of operators, dispatchers and supervisors by at least 400 would increase public safety and the cost would be largely offset by the savings in overtime. Maintain proper staffing levels of Eligibility Specialists and Community Assistance Coordinators performing eligibility assistance for Medicaid and the SNAP Food Stamp Program in the Human Resources Administration.This would alleviate wait time for these valuable services, while reducing fraud and keeping people from falling through the safety net cracks.
End the practice of using CUNY students to perform Call Representative duties/end the wasteful King Contract for the 311 System . King’s employees make poverty wages and receive no benefits. There is no oversight or accountability of Kings’ performance and practices. Establish the city-wide Interpreter title and fully utilize the Client Navigator title in HHC, so the city’s diverse population can have improved access to city services Ensure that the NYC Health and Hospitals Corporation’s (HHC) resources are not diverted to private entities. HHC’s costs for providing health services are lower and the quality of service is excellent. HHC does not have CEOs who make millions of dollars. A much higher percentage of HHC’s resources are devoted to direct patient care. Expansion of HHC services and staffing. With healthcare reform, enhanced access to services will be needed
N.Y.C. Clerical-Administrative Employees
LOCAL 1549 DC37, AFSCME-AFL-CIO Eddie Rodriguez President
Alma G. Roper Executive V.P.
Ralph Palladino 2nd V.P.
city & state — January 1, 2014
Please join Local 1549 in supporting this agenda. It will mean a better day for New York!
rowing up in the same Upper East Side neighborhood he will now represent, Ben Kallos attended Rabbi Arthur Schneier Park East Day School, where he learned about tikkun olam, the Jewish concept of “repairing the world.” The lesson inspired Kallos
city & state — January 1, 2014
or twelve years, the name Barron has been one of the most well known in the City Council— evocative of conviction, bombast and controversy. Now with Charles Barron term limited out of office, a new Barron, Inez, will assume her husband’s seat. “I want to continue to build on
or many New York City Council members, the need for more affordable housing goes without saying. What is harder to find is a policy wonk like Councilman Mark Levine, who has concrete proposals to help meet the ambitious affordable housing goals
to conclude he wanted to make Jewish laws, in order “to make the world better.” However, when he was informed by a rabbi at the school that Jewish law does not govern the United States, Kallos was nonetheless unfazed, saying, “I want to be a lawyer, so I can make our secular laws, our everyday laws better for people.” The idealism of Kallos’ youth developed into full-formed activism. He became very active in student government, and then graduated to jobs in real world politics as a staffer for former assemblyman Jonathan Bing and former public advocate Mark Green. Most recently, Kallos served as executive director of New Roosevelt, an organization founded by Bill Samuels to spur governmental reform in New York State. Kallos’ good government and advocacy roots were on full display in his campaign for City Council this year,
during which he refused donations from lobbyists or special interests in favor of a more grassroots approach. “It’s one thing to say to somebody, ‘Don’t take money from lobbyists or corporate special interests or for-profit developers,’ and it’s another thing to run for office and do it yourself,” Kallos said. “We focused on so many donations from so many members of the community that we were able to change the narrative.” Now a member of the Council’s Progressive Caucus, Kallos wants to follow in the footsteps of his colleagues Brad Lander and Melissa Mark-Viverito by instituting participatory budgeting in his district, in addition to focusing on the need for more school seats in his district, senior services, and opposing the controversial E. 91st Street marine transfer station. “With participatory budgeting, it’s a
huge experience where the first time ever in that voter’s life, they will go into the poll, vote on how their tax dollars are spent and they will see the benefits of their vote,” said Kallos. “They will see community improvements and I think that will dramatically change the turnout that we see.” —NP
that legacy,” explained Inez to The Amsterdam News when she was on the campaign trail last year. “Having been married to Charles for over 30 years, I’ve learned from him how to get results without compromising my principles.” Though she is not quite as outspoken as her husband, Barron showed that she is no shrinking violet during her two and a half terms as a member of the State Assembly, representing a district that largely overlaps with her Council seat. She was the Democrat who voted the most infrequently with Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, and only the second member of the chamber from her party to call on Silver to resign over his handling of sexual harassment allegations brought against former Assemblyman Vito Lopez. Prior to her career in politics, Barron spent 36 years working in the city’s
public school system, first as a teacher, and later as an administrator, ultimately retiring as a principal. A critic of the current construct of mayoral control over the Department of Education and an opponent of what she has called a “two-tiered” system of charter schools, Barron told City Limits, “If you can go into a building where they’re collocating, you can tell, by many indicators, which portion or which floors are the charter schools. That’s not right. Children know that there is a difference between the services they’re getting.” In addition to reforming the education system, creating affordable housing, and addressing economic and social injustice, Barron’s vision for improving her district includes bringing in a trade school, opening a science museum, and revamping the area’s
waterfront. Whatever she champions Barron made it clear to the Politicker blog that she will do so with an approach that embraces the hallmark of her surname: “The people appreciate someone who’s not namby-pamby, wishy-washy, but someone who is firm. That’s what our community appreciates.” —MP
set by the city’s new leadership. “The greatest power that the City Council and the city have to do that is our zoning code, and we could do much more to require and incentivize the creation of new affordable housing when buildings are built,” Levine said. “We need to make sure that when people build big in New York City, they build units that are affordable to everybody.” According to Levine, hundreds, if not thousands, of affordable housing units are taken out of rent regulation each year in his community. As a result, families who lived in his district for decades are forced out by aggressive landlords, and when their children grow up they must look elsewhere to find rents they can afford. “As a Council member, I want to focus like a laser on this issue, and find more ways to support tenants and find more ways to build new affordable
housing around the city,” he said. If affordable housing is the most pressing challenge in northern Manhattan, a close second is tenants’ rights. When renters find themselves in housing court, fewer than 10 percent have legal representation, Levine said, while landlords almost always hire an attorney. “I want to make sure that every tenant in housing court has legal representation,” Levine said. “People don’t realize it, because in criminal court everyone, even the most poor, has an attorney. It’s an incredibly unequal playing field.” Levine has been politically active in his neighborhood for years, getting elected as a Democratic district leader in 2007, founding the Barack Obama Democratic Club of Upper Manhattan in 2009 and chairing a transportation committee on the local community
board. He also launched the first community development credit union in upper Manhattan, and had a career in education, both as a teacher and a nonprofit executive. “I’ve worked extensively on education, so I have some passions about that,” Levine said. “As a public school parent, this is one of my top concerns.”
District: 5 Neighborhoods Represented: Upper East Side, Roosevelt Island Policy focus: Rules reform, education, senior services Date of Birth: Feb. 2, 1981 Birthplace: Palm Beach Gardens, Florida Education: B.A. in communications and psychology, SUNY Albany; J.D., SUNY Buffalo Law School Previous Occupation: Executive Director, New Roosevelt Family: Wife
District: 42 Neighborhoods represented: Parts of East New York, Brownsville, East Flatbush and Canarsie Policy focus: Education, social justice, affordable housing, economic development Date of birth: February 16, 1946 Birthplace: Brooklyn, N.Y. Education: B.S. in physiology, Hunter College; M.S. in reading and special education, Bank Street College of Education Previous occupation: Assemblywoman Family: Husband: Charles; two children, Jelani Johnson and Jawanza Barron Party: Democrat
—JL District: 7 Neighborhoods represented: Morningside Heights, Hamilton Heights, West Harlem, Washington Heights and Inwood Policy focus: Affordable housing, education, transportation, environment, parks Date of birth: April 30, 1969 Birthplace: Chicago, Ill. Education: B.A. in physics, Haverford College; Master’s in public policy, Harvard University Previous occupation: Executive director of the Center for After-School Excellence Family: Wife: Ivelisse; two sons Party: Democrat
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JPMorgan Chase invests in small businesses, schools and homes. The firm has provided $770 million in financing for 8,600 units of affordable housing in the New York City metropolitan area alone and $1.1 billion in financing for 9,600 units of affordable housing in New York State since 2011. As a matter of fact, JPMorgan Chase provided more than $13 billion in year-end 2012 loans helping New York mid-sized businesses, municipalities, financial institutions, non-profits and real estate companies contribute to the local economy.
city & state — January 1, 2014
TOP New York TEN City MAYORS S
BY MORGAN PEHME
ince Thomas Willett became the first mayor of New York on June 12, 1665—the day the Dutch governance system of burgomaster, schepen and schout was officially replaced by the English one of mayor, alderman and sheriff—the mayoralty has exchanged hands 108 times. Yet Bill de Blasio is not the 109th man to be mayor. Twelve of his predecessors served nonconsecutive terms, including Willett—both New York’s first and third mayor. Over the years, the job has
changed dramatically. All but one of the first 60 mayors of New York were appointed. Mayors 61 through 90 were popularly elected, but they only governed Manhattan, until parts of the Bronx were annexed in 1874. As for Robert A. Van Wyck, the first mayor of the five boroughs, when he entered office the city was still six years away from having subways, the tallest skyscraper was around 20 stories, and there were five million fewer people than today. Given the immensity of the city’s
transformation, how can we compare mayors of different eras? Should mayors before the 1898 consolidation even receive consideration? Could an appointed mayor be worthy? City & State assembled a distinguished panel of professors and historians to rank their top 10 greatest mayors of all time, according to whatever criteria they saw fit. We hope this list of their ultimate selections inspires great debate, and gets all of us reflecting upon the lessons of the past at the dawn of a new administration. cityandstateny.com
aynor is best remembered for being the only mayor of the City of New York to be shot by an assassin—and for surviving the attempt, despite the bullet lodged in his throat! This bit of trivia—his successor, John Purroy Mitchel, was also shot at, but his assailant missed— tends to diminish the recognition Gaynor deserves. On the day of his inauguration, Gaynor walked from his home on Eighth Avenue in Park Slope across the Brooklyn Bridge to City Hall; it was the first time he had ever visited the building. A former judge of eminent integrity, Gaynor was elected by Tammany Hall, though Tammany quickly regretted its support. He made independent,
merit-based appointments, axed no-show jobs and sought to eliminate waste. He also did away with East River bridge tolls and pushed for municipal ownership of the subway system. While serving as mayor he was considered a legitimate potential candidate for President of the United States in 1912, even with the bullet still fixed in his throat. Nonetheless, Tammany refused to nominate him for re-election, and though Gaynor agreed to run as an independent reformer, he finally succumbed to his wound before the expiration of his term, making him the only New York City mayor in modern history to die in office.
ubbed “the Boy Mayor of New York,” Mitchel, who was sworn in at the age of 34, is actually the second-youngest man to ever hold the job (Hugh J. Grant was 30 when he took office in 1889). On balance, Mitchel’s record was mixed. An anti-Tammany reformer elected on a fusion ticket, Mitchel took aim at corruption and sought to modernize the government by such means as drafting the city’s first comprehensive budget and creating the first zoning plan in the nation’s history. Mitchel was particularly successful in improving the police department, but not all of his reforms were embraced. Many groups pushed back against his emphasis
on vocational education, and his advocacy for universal military training was unpopular. Some also viewed him as too cozy with the city’s ruling class; others judge his failure as an inability to master practical politics. Despite serving only one term, Mitchel laid the groundwork for some of Fiorello La Guardia’s achievements. “A reform meteor,” in the words of one of our jurors, Mitchel won election by a record 125,000 votes in 1913; four years later, he lost by more than 150,000 votes—a new record. After his defeat, Mitchel joined the Air Service as a pilot. Six months after leaving the mayoralty, Mitchel died when his plane took a sudden nosedive, and he fell out because he was not wearing a seatbelt.
s one of our jurors writes, Low’s administration “foreshadowed the modern mayoralty and produced a bright example of what professional government would ultimately become.” A former mayor of Brooklyn and president of Columbia College, Low was integral in drafting the charter that consolidated the city, and then was defeated by Tammany’s Robert Van Wyck in the first election of the new entity. Four years later, with the support of Mark Twain, Low won his second bid for the mayoralty, defeating Tammany as a fusion candidate on the Republican and Citizens Union lines. When he assumed office, Low reportedly compelled all of the department heads he selected to agree to a pledge that they would immediately resign if he requested that they do so—a condition never before imposed upon mayoral appointees. While Low’s
most famous accomplishment was the introduction of merit-based civil service hiring, he also improved education, committed to public works, lowered taxes, and took on graft in the police department. Despite these successes, he served only a single two-year term in office before Tammany regrouped and defeated Low by running the son of Civil War hero Gen. George McClellan against him. More significant to the city perhaps then his legacy as mayor was the lasting impact Low had on Columbia. It was largely on his initiative that the university moved from its campus in Midtown to its current location in Morningside Heights. Low donated a then extraordinary sum of $1 million of his own money to the school, which was used to build the university’s majestic library, designed by McKim, Mead and White, and named after Low’s father.
iuliani will always be remembered for his performance on 9/11, when he rose to the occasion to earn the title “America’s mayor.” His other signature achievement is the staggering reduction in crime during his administration—the number of murders went from 1,561 in 1994 to a once unimaginable 649 in 2001. More than one of our jurors observed that Giuliani “sold the business community on the idea that the city could be governed.” The quality of Giuliani’s mayoralty is a subject that tends to engender strong feelings. Some of our jurors left him off their lists altogether—and made note of their decision to do so—while others had him in their top three. “When Giuliani was good, he was very, very good, but when he was bad he was horrid,” wrote one juror, who gave him high marks overall. “He needlessly divided the city, with his reaction to the [Amadou] Diallo tragedy being the capstone of his irresponsibility on race … Nevertheless,
Giuliani’s significant substantive achievements leave him third on my list. Had he reached out to cross racial gaps while fighting crime, and not treated all disagreements as either disloyalty or the actions of enemies, he might have had a claim to being New York’s greatest mayor.” Giuliani’s critics maintain that his success in reducing crime should be attributed at least in part to policies begun by his predecessor, David Dinkins, and they argue that the city’s strong fiscal health was the result of a wave of economic prosperity nationally. “Never well loved by residents, but largely respected,” concluded one juror. “As La Guardia embodied the New Deal, Giuliani embodied a more conservative era. The city has undergone a dramatic change since 1993, which no resident of that time can deny. Although he can’t take credit for everything, it would be one of history’s greatest coincidences if he were not given some of the credit for the city’s turnabout.”
city & state — January 1, 2014
(1994–2001) 107th MAYOR
ROBERT F. WAGNER JR.
JOHN V. LINDSAY (1966–73) 103rd MAYOR
indsay’s appearance in this ranking, particularly so high up, may cause consternation to some. By the time he left office, Lindsay was deeply unpopular, and his mayoralty is generally regarded as a failure. As one of our jurors put it, “His years were marked by labor strife, racial tensions, rising crime and disorder, and during his second term, a weakening city economy and untenable fiscal policies.” Another juror observed, “The Beame, Koch and Giuliani mayoralties were in many respects run as a repudiation of the Lindsay years.” Nonetheless, on the whole, our jurors were willing to reflect favorably on the dashing mayor of “Fun City,” about whom the great journalist Murray Kempton once wrote, “He is
(1954–65) 102nd MAYOR
fresh and everyone else is tired.” “I continue to be struck by the number of gifted public servants and public-minded leaders in the private sector—even now, four decades after he left office—who got their start with Lindsay,” wrote one juror. “He was a deft leader during a polarized and polarizing period of race relations in the U.S. and probably one of the reasons New York did not explode the way that D.C. and Newark did.” Lindsay also received praise for his role in crafting the 1968 Kerner Report for President Johnson, which warned that the nation was “moving toward two societies, one black, one white— separate and unequal. “If vision counts,” wrote one juror, “then he needs to be on the list.”
our of the five greatest mayors, according to our panel, were also the only four mayors to serve three four-year terms—a testament to the necessity of time for a mayor to cement his legacy, at least in our jurors’ view. Wagner, whose father and namesake was one of the great champions of the New Deal as a U.S. senator from New York, was first elected mayor six months after his father’s death, and won re-election over Republican Robert Christenberry in 1957 by 923,007 votes—the largest margin of victory by number of votes by any mayor. Wagner prevailed in his second re-election campaign by breaking with Tammany Hall and running as a reformer with the support of Eleanor Roosevelt and former Gov. and U.S. Sen. Herbert Lehman. As his New York Times obituary recounted, over his 12 years in office “Wagner won infusions of state and federal funds to clear slums in urbanrenewal areas, build public housing and to help maintain the 15-cent subway fare. He granted collectivebargaining rights to municipal labor unions. He integrated government with more black and Hispanic appointees
who began to reflect the city’s rapidly changing population. And his thirdterm campaign against his estranged political mentors dealt the Democratic machine a defeat from which it has never recovered.” His administration also gave rise to the City University of New York, Landmarks Preservation Commission, Lincoln Center, Shakespeare in the Park, and the New York Mets— although the Dodgers and the Giants both left for California under his watch. Wagner’s preference for proceeding deliberatively provoked some critics to label him as “indecisive.” Others debate whether, as the Times put it, his administration “marked the peak of the good old days, or the beginning of the city’s fiscal and social crises.” After his wife died during his third term, Wagner declined to seek a fourth in 1965. Following a stint as ambassador to Spain, however, he tried to regain his seat in 1969—and lost by four points in the Democratic Primary to Mario Procaccino. In 1973 he again contemplated running, but a deal that would have landed Wagner on the Republican and Liberal lines as a fusion candidate fell through.
(1803–07, 1808–10, 1811–15) 47th, 49th and 51st MAYOR
city & state — January 1, 2014
he only mayor of New York City ever to attain higher office, Clinton came in No. 1 on City & State’s list of the 10 Greatest Governors in New York State History. To be fair to Clinton, he was already a U.S. senator when he stooped to accept his first appointment as mayor in 1803, but he gladly resigned from the Senate, preferring to live in New York than Washington, D.C. A man of astonishing ambition and achievement, Clinton is immortalized by history as the visionary who built the Erie Canal, which transformed New York into the commercial capital of the country. As mayor “he helped form the Free School Society, the New York Historical Society, the Literary and Philosophical Society, and the Orphan Asylum, improved sanitation,
administered public markets, guided plans to expand the city northward, and strengthened the defenses of New York Harbor to prepare for war with Britain,” according to The Encyclopedia of New York City. One of three mayors of New York to serve three nonconsecutive terms, Clinton was forced from office in 1807 and 1810, because in those years his political opponents held sway over the state’s Council of Appointments. In 1812, while serving as mayor, Clinton ran as the Federalist candidate for President of the United States, and lost only narrowly to the incumbent, James Madison, receiving 89 electoral votes to Madison’s 128. Less than two years after he left the mayoralty for the last time, he was elected governor— running unopposed!
EDWARD I. KOCH (1978-1989) 105th MAYOR
ne of only four mayors to receive a first place vote from one of our jurors, Koch’s stock has risen in recent years, helped in part by his ubiquity as a commentator and New York City icon over the decades following his mayoralty until his recent death. Koch came into office in the aftermath of the mid-70s fiscal crisis,
and just months after the blackout of 1977 and the end of the Son of Sam’s rampage. “It was Koch’s leadership that helped the city restore its fiscal independence,” wrote one juror, echoing the sentiments of several other panel members. “He worked to institute austerity in a fair way, always with an eye to gaining control back from the Emergency Control Board. cityandstateny.com
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It wasn’t just his policies, but also his personality that helped raise the spirits of New Yorkers.” Indeed Koch’s larger-than-life personality, his flair for theatrics, and his titanic ego—crystallized in his trademark phrase, “How’m I doing?”—are difficult to separate from any appraisal of his mayoralty. As one juror wrote, “From 1978–1987 Koch bestrode New York City as a political colossus,” winning re-election by 61 percentage points in 1981—when the Republicans gave Koch their line too— and 67 points in 1985, even though he went back to running only as a Democrat. Just as Koch was at the apex of his popularity, however, his administration was steadily plunging into turmoil. While Koch had recruited many exceptional civil servants, he had also allowed parts of his administration to be taken over by corrupt party bosses, who used the agency posts
to plunder the government. The Parking Violations Bureau and related scandals shattered Koch’s reputation as a reformer and led to mass arrests, taking down some of his closest allies and advisors. One juror maintained that Koch’s inaction during the AIDS crisis was unforgivable. Another panelist, who observed that Koch had a “penchant for playing with racial politics too cavalierly” and needlessly pitted the middle class against the poor, nonetheless praised him for his housing plan, which “laid the groundwork for the growth of housing stock for the emerging minority middle class. That achievement shines above all Koch’s shortcomings.” On the question of Koch’s greatness, the same juror continued, “The ultimate proof in the pudding is that New Yorkers still revere Koch for what he was so good at, while they long since forgave him for his warts.”
- Alumna, MPA 1991
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(2002–13) 108th MAYOR
city & state — January 1, 2014
City Hall has served as the office of New York’s mayors since 1812.
arely are individuals in any field recognized among the greats of history during their own lifetimes, so the fact that our panel ranked Michael Bloomberg nearly at the top of this list while he was still in office is striking. Receiving three first place votes and ranked in the top five by all but one of our jurors, Bloomberg said on numerous occasions that his goal was to be the greatest mayor in New York City history, and, according to our panel, he came pretty close to achieving that aim. As one juror who ranked Bloomberg No. 1 wrote, “He dealt capably with not one but two epochal shocks (9/11 and the 2008–09 recession), either one of which could have sunk a less gifted public servant. He has done more than anyone else to reshape the physical face of the city—reclaiming waterfront, building new parks and improving old ones, making Governor’s Island a destination, building out Atlantic and Hudson Yards and overseeing the most extensive rezoning we’ve ever undertaken, and now reinforcing the city’s storm defenses—most of
which efforts will serve us well for decades if not centuries to come. He has maintained over three terms, hands-down, the most effective team of commissioners and deputy commissioners ever assembled. The environmental record, which is superb, would have been even better had he had more cooperation from Albany. For better or for worse: He got the schools under mayoral control. And of course there’s the smoking ban, and bike lanes, and tourism, and better high-rise architecture, and...” Still, even while letting that ellipsis grasp at the immensity of Bloomberg’s accomplishments, that same juror continued, “He is far from a perfect mayor. His inability to listen to, well, anyone, has created a greater perception of division and isolation than objective conditions merit (and they merit plenty). He has not built an engaged civil infrastructure to go along with the much-improved physical infrastructure. He kicked the contracts can into the next term and that will do more violence to his legacy, I suspect, than he bargains for. But on balance, this has been an exceptional, cityandstateny.com
transformative period for New York and he has been at the center of it.” Other jurors bristled at Bloomberg’s “chronic tone deafness,” as illustrated by his appointment of Cathie Black as schools chancellor, his initial insistence on running the marathon after Superstorm Sandy and his imperiousness in extending term limits. At the same time he received high praise for making New York the safest big city in the nation, shielding it from terror attacks and driving down
the murder rate to 1950s totals—even though some of the policing tactics he embraced provoked anger. In a remark typical of several jurors’ responses, one panelist aimed to capture the enormity of Bloomberg’s legacy by comparing him to the controversial figure generally credited with playing the greatest role in building the modern City of New York: “I would call Bloomberg the Robert Moses of the 21st century, [with] both the positive and negative attributes.”
What New Yorkers Want from the New Mayor By: David R. Jones, Esq., President and CEO, Community Service Society. Long before the city elected its 109th mayor, the Community Service Society has been using the findings of the Unheard Third to amplify the voices of low-income New Yorkers and influence public policies that reflect the life experiences and ideas of New Yorkers struggling to achieve economic stability. The latest findings showed that nearly two-thirds of New Yorkers are worried about the widening economic inequality in the city. Indeed, 52 percent feel it is not possible for the poor to make it into the middle class. Economic mobility, historically associated with New York City, seems to be fading.
FIORELLO H. LA GUARDIA
As we know, addressing economic inequality was a centerpiece of Mayor Bill de Blasio’s campaign to be mayor. Not surprisingly, public expectations are very high that he will do more than his predecessor to close the gap between the rich and the poor, and help make the city a more prosperous place for all New Yorkers. Toward this end, a top priority of his administration must be creating good jobs with decent pay that offer a pathway out of poverty.
o enamored was our jury with La Guardia that one of our panelists ranked him not just the greatest mayor of all time, but slotted him in as No. 2 and No. 3 on the list, too. Overwhelmingly the panel’s top choice, La Guardia is often mentioned by historians as one of the greatest mayors in United States history— the “original vintage for America’s mayor,” wrote one juror. Ed Koch, who sought to outdo “the Little Flower” (fiorello in Italian) by becoming the first four-term mayor, said, “I know that every mayor of New York since Fiorello La Guardia has been measured by the public, and has measured himself against the ‘Little Flower.’ He has created the standard.” Like Bloomberg, La Guardia was forced to grapple with two enormous crises during his time in office: the Great Depression and World War II. Though La Guardia was a Republican, he eagerly embraced President Roosevelt and the New Deal—and got the city more than $1 billion in federal funds at a time when building the Triborough Bridge cost around $60 million. In addition to the Triborough, one of the biggest public works projects of the era, La Guardia, along with Robert Moses, built the East River Drive, West Side Highway, the Brooklyn Battery Tunnel, the Throgs Neck Bridge and the airport that would ultimately bear his name. He also purchased the last private subway lines, enabling the creation of a unified public transit system. Politically La Guardia was a cityandstateny.com
reformer who took on Tammany and won, a champion of the middle class and immigrants, and a scrappy fighter always ready to slug it out in defense of the little guy. Physically he was an unlikely hero. His obituary in The New York Times described him as “only about 5 feet 2 inches in height, a rotund little man with a swarthy skin and a belligerent independence that often verged on irascibility. A forelock of black hair invited comparison with Napoleon. His voice was high, and in debate often became a screech.” As has been considered the case regarding all four mayors who served 12 years, La Guardia’s last term was his weakest. He became overly immersed in trying to play a personal role in the war effort at the expense of focusing on the city; he had antagonized all of the political parties for one reason or another; and Roosevelt, La Guardia’s most valuable ally, had died. Realizing that defeat was inevitable if he were to seek a fourth term, La Guardia bowed out—insisting at the same time that he would have won “without any trouble” if he had run. Summing up his virtues as mayor, one juror observed of La Guardia, “During the worst of times, he was the best of men.”
A good place to start would be investing in our labor force. Putting people to work by making vital improvements to our infrastructure would help the long-term unemployed and jobless youth. This is the best type of public policy because it supports the needs of the city’s physical infrastructure as well as the human capital that drives our economy. And New Yorkers, across incomes, seem to agree. Eight-two percent of New Yorkers favor a large public works program to provide good-paying jobs. Developments given multi-million dollar tax breaks by the city should be required to hire locally and pay living wages. The new mayor could also raise wages and provide benefits to low-wage workers by supporting paid family leave in New York State, a local minimum wage, and expanding the reach of the watered down living wage law passed by the City Council. And as de Blasio has argued throughout his campaign, the recently passed paid sick days law can be expanded to cover all workers, not just those in businesses with more than 15 employees.
Rent burdens now account for a staggering two-thirds of income, on average, for poor New Yorkers in unsubsidized units. So it is hard to think about alleviating poverty in New York City without talking about affordable housing. The city should invest its financial resources in maximizing the use of the federal tax credit and other affordable housing subsidies. And it should lower the income target in new developments to reach the lowest-income tenants possible. The public housing deficit can be immediately cut by ending the annual $75 million that the New York City Housing Authority pays for special police services that the NYPD provides free to all other housing developments and the $23 million that goes for PILOT payments in lieu of taxes from which many nonprofit housing providers are exempt. On the education front, 70 percent of New Yorkers favor investing more in schools in poor neighborhoods, as opposed to closing low-performing schools and opening more charters in an attempt to create choice and competition. The new mayor should also expand the portfolio of career and technical education (CTE) high schools that focus on in-demand industries that provide good paying middle-skills jobs. And he should end the use of a single test score as the only criterion for admission to the city’s elite high schools. Upon entering office, Mayor de Blasio will have to negotiate long overdue labor contracts covering all municipal unions. Given that reality and other revenue constraints, it is important to note that many of the proposals that could make a real difference for low-income New Yorkers can be accomplished without any additional city spending. In the weeks to come, we will use this space to lay out in detail, strategies the new mayor and Council leadership can pursue to assist the working poor. Jobs paying decent wages, affordable housing, and an educational system that gives every student an equal chance to succeed are the issues New Yorkers are most concerned about. The mayor and City Council will have to work on these issues with tremendous urgency if New York City is to remain a great city for all its residents.
city & state — January 1, 2014
(1934–45) 99th MAYOR
CSA congratulates Mayor Bill de Blasio Comptroller Scott Stringer and
Public Advocate Letitia James
OUR JURY Oliver Allen Author of New York, New York: A History of the World’s Most Exhilarating and Challenging City and The Tiger: The Rise and Fall of Tammany Hall Tyler Anbinder Professor of history, George Washington University; author of Five Points: The 19th-Century New York City Neighborhood that Invented Tap Dance, Stole Elections, and Became the World’s Most Notorious Slum
Mayor Bill de Blasio
We look forward to working with you to strengthen our schools and our city.
city & state — January 1, 2014
Public Advocate Letitia James
Comptroller Scott Stringer
Council of School Supervisors and Administrators Ernest Logan PRESIDENT
David Birdsell Dean of the School of Public Affairs, Baruch College, City University of New York
212 823-2020 WWW.CSA-NYC.ORG
Kenneth Jackson Barzun Professor of History, Columbia University; editor, The Encyclopedia of New York City Lisa Keller Professor of history, Purchase College, State University of New York; executive editor, The Encyclopedia of New York City (2nd Ed.) Doug Muzzio Professor, School of Public Affairs, Baruch College, City University of New York
Vincent Cannato Associate professor of history, University of Massachusetts, Boston; author of The Ungovernable City: John Lindsay and His Struggle to Save New York
Henry Stern President, New York Civic; New York City Parks commissioner under Mayors Koch and Giuliani; former president of Citizens Union and councilman-at-large for Manhattan
Kenneth Cobb Assistant commissioner/ public access officer, New York City Department of Records and Information Services
Andrew White Director of the Center for New York City Affairs at the New School; lecturer at the Milano School of International Affairs, Management and Urban Policy
Christina Greer Assistant professor of political science, Fordham University; author of Black Ethnics: Race, Immigration, and the Pursuit of the American Dream
Mason Williams Schwartz postdoctoral fellow at the New School; author of City of Ambition: FDR, La Guardia, and the Making of Modern New York
40 RECTOR STREET NEW YORK, NY 10006
adjunct professor of political science, University at Albany, State University of New York
Bruce Gyory Political consultant, Corning Place Communications; cityandstateny.com
Working With: • NY City Department of Transportation • NY City Metropolitan Transit Authority • Triboro Bridge and Tunnel Authority
• NY State Department of Transportation • The Port Authority of NY/NJ • NY State Bridge Authority
Kieran Ahern • President • Dan O’Connell • General Counsel cityandstateny.com
city & state — January 1, 2014
RUNNERS-UP IN ADDITION TO THE TOP 10 FINISHERS, 16 OTHER MAYORS RECEIVED VOTES FROM OUR JURORS.
ABRAHAM BEAME (1974–77) 104th MAYOR
he first Jewish mayor of the consolidated city, Beame received but a single, solitary vote from our jury. Despite having been city comptroller when he was elected, Beame was overwhelmed by the worst fiscal crisis in the city’s history. With New York teetering on the brink of bankruptcy, he had to slash the budget, lay off municipal employees, let a host of city services slide, and delay a slew of critical capital expenditures. The terror inspired by the Son of Sam’s rampage and the blackout were the final nails in Beame’s political career, and he came in third in the 1977 Democratic Primary behind Ed Koch and Mario Cuomo.
after the start of his second term, he abruptly resigned from office rather than face a burgeoning corruption scandal in the police department. His departure was hardly ignominious: Upon his resignation, a ticker tape parade was thrown in his honor, and President Truman appointed him ambassador to Mexico.
(1844–45) 65th MAYOR
he founder of the printing company J. & J. Harper, which would eventually become HarperCollins, Harper served only a single one-year term in office, though he received a vote from our panel for being the father of the city’s municipal police force—one of the oldest in the nation. From the outset Harper outfitted the police in blue, though the officers argued successfully in favor of dressing in plain clothes on the basis that their uniforms made them targets for violence.
EDWARD COOPER (1879–80) 83rd MAYOR
WILLIAM O’DWYER city & state — January 1, 2014
(1946–AUG. 31, 1950) 100th MAYOR
’Dwyer rose to prominence prosecuting members of the infamous Murder Incorporated syndicate as Brooklyn D.A., but his mayoralty collapsed amid allegations that O’Dwyer had his own ties to organized crime. In his first term O’Dwyer successfully lobbied for the United Nations to be headquartered in the city and, as one juror wrote, “ably managed post-War reconstruction and labor unrest.” However, six months
he son of the great inventor and philanthropist Peter Cooper, Edward Cooper received a vote from our jury for his role in enacting the Tenement House Act of 1879. Despite being a Democrat, he investigated Boss Tweed during his sole term in office, and promoted sanitation reform. Though Cooper’s mayoralty was largely unremarkable, one episode—perhaps apocryphal— recounted in his New York Times obituary certainly was not. While traveling during college with his friend Abram Hewitt, who would later marry Cooper’s sister and become mayor in his own right, the pair was among a group shipwrecked off the coast of New England. At one point the castaways reached such a dire point cityandstateny.com
of near starvation that they drew lots to determine whom the others would cannibalize. Cooper lost, but Hewitt insisted he be eaten instead. “I have brothers,” said Hewitt, “but you are your father’s only son and his life is wrapped up in you. Let me take your place.” According to the Times report, Hewitt’s offer was being debated when the ship that ultimately rescued them came into sight.
the consolidated city of New York, and for spearheading the construction of the Interborough Rapid Transit, Manhattan’s first subway. A Tammany hack, Van Wyck and his administration ended up embroiled in scandal, with the mayor himself accused of receiving $680,000 in stock from the American Ice Company for which he apparently did not pay. Though an investigation ordered by Gov. Theodore Roosevelt cleared Van Wyck of any personal malfeasance, the damage to Van Wyck’s reputation was already done, and Seth Low swept him out of office running as a reformer in 1901.
JOHN F. HYLAN
ylan is another dubious choice for a list of the city’s greatest mayors. One juror, who ranked Hylan No. 6 all-time, acknowledged the selection was “eccentric,” explaining that “Hylan was regarded during his own time as a rank fool; when his successor, Jimmy Walker, rescued him from post-mayoral oblivion by appointing him to the Queens Children’s Court, Walker quipped to newspapermen that the children of Queens could now be ‘judged by one of their peers.’ While it is certainly true that Hylan’s mind was a blunt instrument, ‘Red Mike’ nevertheless presided over a number of very significant developments. He pushed for the first rent control measures to fight housing-market inflation after World War I. His administration established tax incentives for the construction of new housing and fought to preserve the five-cent fare—both major factors in the development of the outer boroughs. But the cornerstone of Hylan’s legacy is the independent transit system—the subway lines which now bear letters.”
ROBERT A. VAN WYCK (1898–1901)
an Wyck, for whom the expressway is named, received acknowledgement from our jury for two reasons: the distinction of being the first mayor of cityandstateny.com
(1851–53) 71st MAYOR
ingsland, a successful sperm oil merchant, was decidedly less successful over his single two-year term as mayor. He came into office following a change to the city charter that weakened the mayoralty at the expense of the bicameral Board of Aldermen—which was dominated by a gang of corrupt councilmen known as “the Forty Thieves.” Some sources claim that Kingsland joined in on the infamous municipal plunder spree during his administration, though his 1878 obituary in The New York Times called him “a man of scrupulous integrity, upright and honest in all his dealings with his fellow men.” Despite his uneven legacy, Kingsland is owed a debt of gratitude by all New Yorkers— he was the mayor who proposed the legislation that led to the creation of Central Park.
(1689–91) 18th MAYOR
he earliest mayor to receive a vote from our jurors, Delanoy was the first directly elected chief executive in New York City history—and the only one to hold that distinction until 1834, when Democrat Cornelius Van Wyck Lawrence was elected following a change in the law. Delanoy’s status as a footnote in city history was a result of Leisler’s Rebellion, a popular revolution that was precipitated by the overthrow of King James II of England. His mayoralty came to an end when the British regained control of the city and Jacob Leisler, the German-American merchant and militia captain who had led the uprising, was executed.
city & state — January 1, 2014
(1918–25) 96th MAYOR
NYC Must Lead (again) in Ground Transportation
GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN JR.
DAVID DINKINS (1990–93) 106th MAYOR
(1904–09) 93rd MAYOR
By Carolyn Castro, Executive Director, Livery Roundtable
n the 1980’s, Mayor Ed Koch and the City Council set out to fix the problems faced by the Taxi and Limousine Commission. They found success, and for the next 30 years, New York City had a first-rate ground transportation system. The new system dictated that yellow taxis perform only street hails and that non-medallion, for-hire vehicles provide pre-arranged rides. Those reserving cars had the option of choosing livery cars (mostly for community car service needs), black cars (for corporations) and luxury limousines (for special occasions).
The New York City transportation system – where yellow taxi service and for-hire service work side-by-side – was praised around the world. Other major cities looked to New York as the leader in ground transportation. Then, in 2010, the Bloomberg administration began picking away at the successes of the prior three decades. During the last 4 years alone the Taxi and Limousine Commission (TLC) has forced through significant, deleterious changes to the ground transportation system. These changes were made with little discussion with or regard for the people who have labored to make ground transportation in New York City work – the people who strive daily to ensure that residents and visitors get to their destinations safely and on time.
Today, drivers and the riding public are really no better off as a result of these changes. And worse: the problems of the past are starting to creep back in. In addition, the mom-and-pop car bases that have been ensuring reliable ground transportation for years are starting to see their businesses deteriorate. The good news is that we have a new administration led by a man we know is willing to listen; eager to understand issues from all sides; and capable of making decisions about what’s best for everyone. Our new City Council too offers hope that we can put the industry on the right track by ensuring both good service to the traveling public as well as growth for the industry. Here are 3 issues the new administration needs to address • Smart phone apps must be regulated. Under the Bloomberg administration, these companies have been free to do as they please. The result is situations like Uber charging $132 for a ride across town. These app companies enjoy a blanket of protection by the current TLC – they’re not required to follow any of the safety or other 132 rules set for the industry. • Outer borough taxis should pick up street hails exclusively – this will improve service both to street hail passengers and those who reserve cars in advance. Outer boroughs deserve the same effective model as Manhattan.
city & state — January 1, 2014
• Make it easier for business to become legal operators by stopping the hard and heavy regulation, and crack down on illegal operators. New York City has become a follower thanks to the current TLC. We’re pursuing measures that are failing in other cities. Have you ever tried to hail a taxi in DC? It’s not easy. What about arrange for a car service in San Francisco? They may never come. Have you been legally refused a taxi ride in London? I hope not – but it happens every day. The current TLC is taking us down this troubling path. It is not too late to bring back the glory of New York City’s ground transportation system. It is time for us to lead again and we are certain the new administration will do just that.
congressman at the time of his election, and a former president of the Board of Aldermen, McClellan was brought in by Tammany Hall to unseat reform mayor Seth Low. Despite his allegiance to Tammany boss Richard Croker, McClellan was, according to one of our jurors, “probably the most successful of the Tammany Democrat mayors” and ran “an unexpectedly clean and effective government.” As the Bowery Boys blog points out, during his five years in office he oversaw the development of the Catskill water supply; inaugurated the first subway line; licensed the first taxicab; opened the Williamsburg Bridge; propelled the construction of Chelsea Piers, the New York Public Library, Manhattan Bridge and Grand Central Terminal; and renamed Longacre Square in April 1904 Times Square, after the newspaper that had just moved its headquarters there.
JAMES J. WALKER (1926–SEPT. 1, 1932) 97th MAYOR
iven that J i m m y Wa l k e r resigned during his second term and promptly fled to Europe with his mistress to avert criminal prosecution for secretly accepting large sums of money from a businessman angling for city contracts, “Beau James,” as he was known, seems an unlikely choice for inclusion on a list of greatest mayors. “Walker was a corrupt and lazy mayor who also flouted, spectacularly, both Prohibition and the laws of marriage,” wrote one juror, who nonetheless ranked Walker at No. 5, continuing, “But he was also a brilliant politician and a much more capable administrator than is commonly recalled. And no mayor in the city’s history, including La Guardia, was more beloved by the people.” As La Guardia himself said, “Even [Walker’s] enemies have never questioned his ability.”
he first and only black mayor in New York City history, Dinkins has largely been judged by history as a failure in office—the Big Apple’s Jimmy Carter is one oft-repeated unfavorable comparison. Still, some of our jurors were ready to re-evaluate Dinkins’ legacy. One panelist wrote, “Like George H. W. Bush, with whose presidency his mayoralty coincided, Dinkins is coming to look much better with time. It is now easier to see that Dinkins’ mayoralty was very much constrained by circumstances outside his control: the national recession (which was especially rough in New York) and the last years of the crackviolence epidemic. It is now clear, as well, that Dinkins deserves some credit for the crime drop of the 1990s, which began under his watch and which owed something—it’s hard to say how much—to the thousands of additional police officers he put on the streets.”
WILLIAM RUSSELL GRACE (1881–82, 1885–86) 84th and 86th MAYOR
he first Irish Catholic mayor of New York, Grace entered politics after having achieved success as the founder of W.R. Grace and Company, a business that thrives to this day with current annual sales of $2.5 billion. Though he was elected as a Democrat, Grace was an early reformer who challenged Tammany Hall, and took aim at vice, patronage and corruption. Defeated for reelection in 1882, he bounced back two years later, this time attaining the mayoralty as an independent. It was during his second term that Grace accepted the Statue of Liberty from France. He declined to run for a third term in 1886, instead turning his attention to philanthropy. cityandstateny.com
(1845–46, 1848–49, 1873–NOV. 30, 1874) 66th, 69th and 80th MAYOR
avemeyer was the last mayor to serve three nonconsecutive terms in office, and the only one to be elected to do so. Initially a Tammany Democrat, Havemeyer was supported by the political machine in 1844 and 1848—he declined to run in 1846 and 1849 because he believed the mayor should not serve consecutive terms—but he answered the call of reformers in the aftermath of the Tweed ring scandal, and ran successfully as a Republican in 1873, getting elected to a third term—an incredible 24 years after the end of his second! Havemeyer would go out on top, dying in office with a month remaining in his final term.
he only mayor who served in the 18th century to receive a vote from our panelists, Varick is best known today as the eponym for both Varick Street in Manhattan and the town of Varick in Seneca County. Varick, George Washington’s private secretary during the Revolutionary War, was attorney general of New York State when Gov. George Clinton appointed him mayor of Manhattan in 1789. During his time in office, the city’s population doubled, making disease control and providing basic necessities like water principal concerns of his tenure. Varick was swept out of office when Thomas Jefferson became president and replaced all of New York’s Federalist appointees with Republicans.
(1855–58, 1860–62) 73rd and 75th MAYOR
nother surprising choice, Wood is described by the Bowery Boys blog as “absolutely in the top 10% of the most corrupt mayors” in New York history, and “the first mayor ever to be forcibly dragged from City Hall and arrested.” The Encyclopedia of New York City characterizes Wood, who was a popular favorite of immigrants and the poor, as a forerunner of “Boss” Tweed, and recounts that “he proposed innovative programs to improve the city but few passed, because of his scandalous reputation (he was convicted of defrauding investors during the Gold Rush), dictatorial methods, and reputation for politicizing the police.” Though Wood is also recognized for
vetoing legislation that would have prevented Central Park from coming to fruition, that decision is generally considered his only praiseworthy act. Despite the high number of dead people who cast their ballots for him in 1858, Wood was defeated in his second bid for re-election. Abandoned by Tammany Hall, Wood formed his own Democratic organization, Mozart Hall, and regained his seat in 1860. It was during his second stint as mayor that Wood, a virulent racist and defender of slavery, proposed that New York City secede from the United States along with the South and morph into the “Free City of Tri-Insula” by merging Manhattan, Staten Island and Long Island. Drummed out of office after the outbreak of the Civil War provoked an outpouring of support for the Union, Wood returned to the U.S. Congress, to which he had previously been elected, rising to chairman of the Ways and Means Committee and serving until his death.
NYC Uniformed Traffic & Sanitation Enforcement Agents – welcomes –
Mayor Bill de Blasio and the new administration.
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New York City Uniformed Traffic & Sanitation Enforcement Agents
city & state — January 1, 2014
(1789–1801) 45th MAYOR
MAYORS OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK 1. Thomas Willett 1665* 2. Thomas Delavall 1666 3. Thomas Willett 1667 4. Cornelius Steenwyck 1668-1670 5. Thomas Delavall 1671 6. Matthias Nicolls 1672 7. John Lawrence 1673 8. William Dervall 1675 9. Nicholas De Meyer 1676 10. Stephanus Van Cortlandt 1677 11. Thomas Delavall 1678 12. Francis Rombouts 1679 13. William Dyre 1680-1681 14. Cornelius Steenwyck 1682-1683 15. Gabriel Minvielle 1684 16. Nicholas Bayard 1685 17. S. Van Cortlandt 1686-1688 18. Peter Delanoy 1689-1690 19. John Lawrence 1691 20. Abraham De Peyster 1692-1694 21. Charles Lodwik 1694-1695 22. William Merrett 1695-1698 23. Johannes De Peyster 1698-1699 24. David Provost 1699-1700 25. Isaac de Reimer 1700-1701 26. Thomas Noell 1701-1702 27. Philip French 1702-1703 28. William Peartree 1703-1707 29. Ebenezer Wilson 1707-1710 30. Jacobus Van Cortlandt 1710-1711
31. Caleb Heathcote 32. John Johnson 33. Jacobus Van Cortlandt 34. Robert Walters 35. Johannes Jansen 36. Robert Lurting 37. Paul Richard 38. John Cruger 39. Stephen Bayard 40. Edward Holland 41. John Cruger, Jr. 42. Whitehead Hicks 43. David Mathews 44. James Duane 45. Richard Varick 46. Edward Livingston 47. DeWitt Clinton 48. Marinus Willett 49. DeWitt Clinton 50. Jacob Radcliff 51. DeWitt Clinton 52. John Ferguson 53. Jacob Radcliff 54. Cadwallader D. Colden 55. Stephen Allen 56. William Paulding 57. Philip Hone 58. William Paulding 59. Walter Bowne 60. Gideon Lee
1711-1714 1714-1719 1719-1720 1720-1725 1725-1726 1726-1735 1735-1739 1739-1744 1744-1747 1747-1757 1757-1766 1766-1776 1776-1784 1784-1789 1789-1801 1801-1803 1803-1807 1807-1808 1808-1810 1810-1811 1811-1815 1815 1815-1818 1818-1821 1821-1824 1825-1826 1826-1827 1827-1829 1829-1833 1833-1834
61. Cornelius W. Lawrence 62. Aaron Clark 63. Isaac L. Varian 64. Robert H. Morris 65. James Harper 66. William F. Havemeyer 67. Andrew H. Mickle 68. William V. Brady 69. William F. Havemeyer 70. Caleb S. Woodhull 71. Ambrose C. Kingsland 72. Jacob A. Westervelt 73. Fernando Wood 74. Daniel F. Tiemann 75. Fernando Wood 76. George Opdyke 77. C. Godfrey Gunther 78. John T. Hoffman **T. Coman 79. A. Oakey Hall 80. William F. Havemeyer **S.B.H. Vance 81. William H. Wickham 82. Smith Ely 83. Edward Cooper 84. William R. Grace 85. Franklin Edson 86. William R. Grace 87. Abram S. Hewitt 88. Hugh J. Grant
1834-1837 1837-1839 1839-1841 1841-1844 1844-1845 1845-1846 1846-1847 1847-1848 1848-1849 1849-1851 1851-1853 1853-1855 1855-1858 1858-1860 1860-1862 1862-1864 1864-1866 1866-1868 1868 1869-1872 1873-1874 1874 1875-1876 1877-1878 1879-1880 1881-1882 1883-1884 1885-1886 1887-1888 1889-1892
89. Thomas F. Gilroy 1893-1894 90. William L. Strong 1895-1897 91. Robert A. Van Wyck 1898-1901 92. Seth Low 1902-1903 93. George B. McClellan 1904-1909 94. William J. Gaynor 1910-1913 **Ardolph L. Kline 1913 95. John Purroy Mitchel 1914-1917 96. John F. Hylan 1918-1925 97. †James J. Walker 1926-1932 **Joseph V. McKee 1932 98. John P. O’Brien 1933 99. Fiorello H. La Guardia 1934-1945 100. ††William O’Dwyer 1946-1950 101. ***Vincent R. Impellitteri1950-1953 102. Robert F. Wagner 1954-1965 103. John V. Lindsay 1966-1973 104. Abraham D. Beame 1974-1977 105. Edward I. Koch 1978-1989 106. David N. Dinkins 1990-1993 107. Rudolph W. Giuliani 1994- 2001 108. Michael R. Bloomberg 2002-2013 109. Bill de Blasio 2014*Prior to June 15, 1665 (when New Amsterdam was captured by the British), the City was headed by Burgomasters. **Acting Mayor. †Resigned Sept. 1, 1932. ††Resigned Sept. 2, 1950. ***Acting Mayor from Sept. 2, 1950 to Nov. 14, 1950. Elected Mayor Nov. 7, 1950.
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city & state — January 1, 2014
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Published on Dec 31, 2013
This special edition is being published specifically for the 2014 NYC Inauguration and will feature profiles of each of the incoming NYC Cou...