Uganda Report 2016

in Collaboration with Communities of

Adjumani, Gulu, and Atiak in Northern Uganda

Community-Based Research on Local Water Systems in Northern Uganda and St. Monica Campus Site Water Plan

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Contents Introduction……..………………………………………

4-8 Water in Northern Uganda……………………………

9-28 Area map….……..………..……...….……….….……10 Adjumani…….….…..….……….…….……...……12-18 Urban Gulu………..…….…………………………19-22 Rural Gulu……….….…….…….…………………23-24 Atiak…………….…………………………………25-29 Water Challenges…………….....……………………

30-35

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Analysis for St. Monica Gulu & Atiak ...…….….......

37-69 Water Demand….………..………………………38-46 Rainwater Harvesting………….………...………47-55 Toilet Facilities………..…………………………56-68 Design recommendations…………………………63-68

References……………………...…...……………………

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Introduction In June 2016, faculty and students from the University of Oklahoma (OU) traveled to Northern Uganda for a collaborative learning project intended to immerse OU students in cross cultural professional contexts, gather important data regarding local water use issues, and work with the Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus to create a water plan for the two campuses they operate. The project was interdisciplinary in nature with planning, architecture, business and engineering disciplines collaborating with local communities to better understand local water 4

systems and opportunities to improve local quality of life. In order to gain a better understanding of the water systems and the cultural context of life in Northern Uganda, the project used a community-based approach that empowers the community members to set the agenda and create their own solutions. The overriding goal was to establish working relationships with communities that make it possible to build knowledge and solutions together in a mutually beneficial way. This report represents the inaugural effort in what is intended to be a long-term collaborative learning project between the University of Oklahoma and local partners and communities in Northern Uganda. The approach to data collection and plan making reflects the desire for long-term partnership in the area.

The rest of this introduction presents background information about recent history in Northern Uganda, the context of St. Monica’s Girls’ School, as well as a brief introduction to the economy, health, social and water-related issues in Northern Uganda in order to provide an understanding of the context and importance of the project activities.

Background on Northern Uganda Northern Uganda is a war torn area that experienced 35 years of military coups and rebel activity. The unrest has impacted the provision of local infrastructure and social structures leaving people with a lack of basic services. The following historical account of the unrest provides the background for the events that resulted in the current state of Northern Uganda.

When Uganda gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1962, Milton Obote became prime minister and president.

In 1971, Idi Amin, who had been an army officer under Obote, staged a military coup to overthrow Obote and began an eight-year reign where he was responsible for killing thousands of people and for expelling thousands of Asians who were a growing merchant class in Uganda. This contributed, in part, to the breakdown in the Ugandan economy. In 1979, Amin was overthrown by a Tanzanian-backed rebel group that included Yoweri Museveni. Elections were held in 1980, and Obote returned to power.

Believing that the elections were rigged, Museveni staged a guerilla war against Obote in 1981. Obote retaliated with human rights violations as he tried to stop Museveni’s forces but Obote was overthrown in 1985. Museveni has been president of Uganda since 1986. Amin lived in exile in Saudi Arabia until his death in 2003 (The Enough Project, 2009).

Even after Obote was ousted, many troubles still plagued Uganda including the Rwandan genocide of 1994, which had spillover effects throughout the region, as well as conflict in the adjoining Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan. Additionally, several rebel groups arose in Northern Uganda’s Acholi District starting in 1987, most notorious of which is the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) led by Joseph Kony. While claiming to be a messiah and that he was for the Acholi people of Northern Uganda, Kony and his rebels instead murdered, tortured, mutilated, raped and abducted children (The Enough Project, 2009). While in captivity, children were forced to commit atrocities as child soldiers or be killed themselves. Many were forced 5

to become “wives” – in reality, sex slaves – of the rebel leaders and bore their children while in captivity (Acan, et al, 2016).

Estimates of between 30,000 and 40,000 children were abducted during the time of the resistance. Children lived in fear of being abducted and, because most abductions occurred during the night from rural villages, many children would walk miles into the urban areas each night to seek refuge and became known as “night commuters” (IDMC, 2014).

With the ongoing threat of LRA attacks, the Ugandan government established camps or “protected villages” for the people beginning in 1996. Up to 1.8 million Ugandans were forced into the internally displaced persons (IDPs) camps.

A ceasefire was reached in 2006, and Kony and many of his LRA combatants are thought to have fled to nearby South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and the Central Africa Republic (CAR). In 2002, it was estimated that as many as 584,942 people were displaced in Northern Uganda (International Federation of Human Rights, 2002). There is remaining widespread resentment in the region because people feel that the government did not look out for their best interest by forcing them into the camps and, because of this, there is a distrust of the government. Many of the IDP camps have been closed; however, a few remain. As of 2013, as many as 4,853 persons were still living in displacement camps (IDMC, 2014).

Most people returned to their communities after leaving the IDP camps, though some found it difficult to do so because of age, illness, or disability. The Acholi people have traditionally had a strong commitment to caring for elderly and other family members. In the face of having to rebuild their lives, some burdened with

having to prepare new land, many were left unable to support other family members.

Many IDPs struggle to get basic services as there have not been enough efforts to provide assistance (IDMC, 2014).

Life in Current Day Northern Uganda According to the Oxford Committee for Famine Relief (OXFAM), some of the social effects in the wake of displacement include a breakdown of the family structure, the collapse of cultural values, an increase in alcohol and drug use, an increase in domestic violence, and an increase in communicable diseases. Much of this had been attributed to the reality that, while in the IDP camps, the men did not work and became idle, and some resorted to drinking alcohol (Kyaddondo, et al, 2002). Likewise, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) reports that with few jobs available and having become accustomed to being idle, the idleness continued as people left the camps and attempted to resettle their lives, in part because of the culture of dependency that was created in IDP camps and also due to a lack of employable skills (FIDH, 2002). The idleness resulted in changes in the household economy, and the burden of work is placed primarily on the women who are responsible for domestic chores including fetching water, which is highly relevant to the topic of this report (Global IDP Database, 2002).

Displacement forced people to abandon their land and homes including their crops and animals which they relied on for subsistence. Often times, property was destroyed by military or rebel forces who occupied the property. When IDPs left the camps, some found that their properties had been taken over by other people creating legal issues to reclaim their land.

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(International Federation for Human Rights, 2002). Thus, the loss of livestock also impacted the household economy (Global IDP Database, 2005).

In the wake of the resistance, many Ugandans live in poverty and lack basic necessities such as food, healthcare, and clean water. Except for life in the cities, Uganda is very much a subsistence agriculture society. As such, if one owns land, he or she can grow food for their family. Yet women have few rights to land in Uganda unless she is married and owns land with her husband. Without land and without a skill, the future was bleak for the young women who had previously been abducted and have children who were fathered by rebel leaders (Acan, et al, 2016).

St. Monica’s Girls’ Tailoring Centre As children escaped from their abductors and, after the resistance ended in Uganda, these children were stigmatized, were not trusted, and were not welcome in their own communities (Acan, et al, 2016).

With nowhere to go, Sister Rosemary Nyirumbe, of the Sisters of the Sacred Heart, welcomed the formerly abducted girls and their children to St. Monica’s Girls’ School in Gulu, Uganda beginning in 2001.

Sister Rosemary developed a tailoring program to provide young women with a skill so that they could eventually provide for themselves (Whitten, et al, 2013). In addition to sewing clothing, the girls learned to make purses out of aluminum pop tabs, yarn and a cloth lining. The purses are sold to help raise funds to pay for food and water for the girls at the school in an effort now known as Sewing Hope (Whitten, et al, 2013). Sister Rosemary has since developed educational programs in catering and hairdressing, and the school now has 243

students. Other operations at the Gulu school site include a daycare and preschool, a clinic, and a maternity ward. The daycare and preschool serve 101 students daily. The clinic sees between 60 and 70 patients per day, and administers between 80 and 100 immunizations per day.

The Order of the Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus has opened another school campus in Atiak, Uganda that includes a multipurpose building, two school buildings, a vocational center, a dormitory building, a clinic, a kitchen, and a few huts.

The order is in the process of building an orphanage at the school site that will care for the children left behind by war and disease.

The concept for this orphanage is to create an enclave of ten homes set in a circle with ten children and a house mother in each home. In this way, the children are in a family setting rather than an institutionalized one. Providing water and food for the students in both schools is costly. Sister Rosemary has plans to create an agricultural school with a working farm that will produce food to feed the children. A nursing school is also planned at the new facility (Sister Rosemary Nyirumbe, 2016).

With agriculture comes the need for adequate water to grow crops and for animal husbandry, yet the existing facilities also have a water deficit for basic drinking, cooking, bathing, and cleaning uses. A water demand analysis was completed for the Gulu and Atiak school sites. The Gulu compound has a large storage tank supplied with municipal water, two boreholes (one is spoiled), and some polyethylene tanks for rainwater harvesting that are meeting current water demand during the rainy season but, during the dry season, there is a strain on the supply of water. With the projected growth of the Gulu compound, there is a need to for additional rainwater harvesting tanks, particularly near the girls’ dormitory for 7

washing and cleaning. The Atiak compound has two boreholes and a polyethylene tank that meets the site’s water current demand except during the dry season. Additional water will be needed with projected growth in services on the Atiak compound. The analysis given later in this report details the current and future demand, the available water for each site, and then estimates the percentage of demand that can be met with additional rainwater harvesting.

activities like leisure or education. When children are required to fetch water during the day, they miss time from school.

The Context of Water and the Importance of the Issue in Northern Uganda

One of the basic necessities for life is the availability of an adequate supply of clean drinking water. A lack of an adequate water supply leads to sanitation issues, and contaminated water is a cause for health issues.The time that women spend fetching water impacts the under -five child mortality rate and the ability of women to earn an income as stated by the United Nations World Water Assessment Programme (WWAP).

Several types of water sources are used in Northern Uganda including tap water, boreholes, springs, unprotected wells, streams and rivers. The type of water source varies by location and whether a community is in an urban or rural area.

Within some of the urban areas of Uganda, tap water is available yet there has been a recent outbreak of typhoid fever in the Gulu area. Community members have stated that hospital personnel have told them not to drink the water as it may be the cause of the typhoid. As a result, community members now have a mistrust of the tap water. There are also springs within Gulu.

Areas outside of the urban area rely on wells, springs, boreholes and streams for their water supply. With limited sources for water, sources such as boreholes tend to be over used or misused leading to the boreholes breaking, and people are then forced to walk further to fetch water sometimes spending up to three hours of the day fetching water. Having to spend so much time fetching water limits the time that the women have available for other activities such as attending to their children, earning an income, or pursuing other

While water sources such as springs tend to have clean water in and of themselves, the design of the springs or introduction of contaminants into the springs lead to water contamination. Community members whom the team met with stated that some of the water sources have worms and are the cause of people contracting illness from water borne parasites.

“Access to safe drinking water and sanitation is a human right, yet its limited realization throughout the world often has disproportionate impacts on women. The fact that many women and children are carrying water as a daily chore has a number of social and economic implications. A 2012 estimate suggests that cutting just 15 minutes off the walking time to a water source could reduce under-five child mortality by 11% and the prevalence of nutrition-depleting diarrhea by 41%� (WWAP, 2015).

Discussions with community members identified preferred methods for addressing the issue of purifying water and

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for obtaining new water sources. These are discussed in detail later in this report.

Methods of Research The research team used a community-based planning method to identify issues, findings and recommend solutions for addressing the water concerns in Northern Uganda. More specifically, the researchers conducted 16 group interviews, participant-led walking tours, and photovoice in several communities over a three-day period. Two interviews were conducted in urban Gulu, and three in villages of rural Gulu. Three interviews were conducted in Atiak, and eight interviews were conducted in villages in the greater Adjumani area. These villages included Payuraga, Paridi, and Mocope in the town center of Adjumani; Loa and Liri located rurally near the Nile River; and Okwa and Okawa in a remote rural area southeast of Adjumani. Rural interviews were conducted with the assistance of a local interpreter.

Through these interviews, the team learned about the facets of daily life, the roles of individuals within the communities, health concerns, how water is used and what issues exist surrounding water quality and availability. Another method used was photo voice that allowed the people to tell their story through photographs. The team then reflected on the images and stories learned through the interview results, and common themes began to emerge. These themes, once identified, were then brought back to the communities through a fact checking process. This gave the communities opportunity to confirm if what the team heard was correct and to provide correction and clarification when it was not. Once the community members and the team were in agreement with what was said, the community then focused on brainstorming ways to resolve the issues and then prioritized possible solutions for addressing water issues. In this way, the researchers worked with the communities to identify solutions to resolve the water problems. The hope is to present a picture of life in Northern Uganda that can be shared with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and other partners to inform their own research.  As stated earlier, analysis also was completed for two specific school facilities at St. Monica’s in Gulu and in Atiak. The demand for water was determined based on the amount of current and future users. An inventory was made of existing water-related infrastructure including toilets, sinks, and showers. With this data, calculations were made to determine if the current facilities are adequate to meet demand. Additional calculations were made using average annual rainfall and roof area of the structures to estimate how much rainwater could be harvested and how much of the water demand can be met through rainwater harvesting. An additional goal of the project is to share the results of the study with organizations that are on the ground implementing water projects so that efforts can be directed in ways that are most helpful to the communities.

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Water in Northern Uganda  

Researchers from the University of Oklahoma took part in a community-based participatory research project in Northern Uganda in June of 2016. The research team consisted of an interdisciplinary group of graduate and undergraduate students and university faculty members. The research group worked in partnership with humanitarian Sister Rosemary Nyirumbe, a Ugandan Sister in the Catholic order of the Sacred Heart of Jesus and director of St. Monica’s Girls Tailoring Center in Gulu, Uganda, in order to root all of the research activities in the local context through the eyes of local communities. Further, the research was deliberately focused on how women understood local water systems. While many men participated in the efforts, the vast majority of participants were women and the focus was primarily on their perceptions and experiences.

The dataset analyzed here is a collection of information gathered from group interviews, participant led walking tours, and photovoice activities conducted throughout Northern Uganda in villages within and surrounding the towns of Adjumani, Gulu, and Atiak. Interactions were aided through the help of translators. The methods not only foster interaction between community members and researcher, but also encouraged discussion and interaction amongst community members so as to foster critical reflection on local water and sanitation systems. As will be discussed in the methods section, each community interaction was customized to meet the needs of the location and group dynamics, however, at their core, all interactions were aimed at having community member reflect on the everyday patterns of water collection, household use and disposal. From this, communities were encouraged to reflect on institutional, socioeconomic, and technical challenges and opportunities regarding local water systems.

What follows, after a discussion of the methods used in the research, is an analysis of local water systems for the following areas: Adjumani, urban Gulu, rural Gulu, and Atiak. The 10

community-based research allowed the researchers to create a conceptual map of the key relationships and variables impacting local water systems and therefore local quality of life.

Community members in follow-up meetings then reconfirmed these concepts. With this information, the University of Oklahoma research group hopes to present a picture of life in Northern Uganda in regards to water use, and to share the community members’ stories, their concerns, and their desires for solutions to problems. This information is intended to be shared with NGOs and other partners working in Uganda who can use this document to inform their own research or plans.

Area Map of Uganda

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Figure #1: Map of Adjumani, Atiak, and Gulu in Uganda

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Community-Based Research Methods Community-Based Participatory Research (CBPR) is an approach to research that attempts to lower the social distance between researchers and the community.

The CBPR approach seeks to: 1) center the analysis of local systems, in this case water, on everyday local experiences, knowledge, and values; 2) provide decision makers with community-embedded alternatives for intervention; 3) foster critical reflection by communities on issues of local importance and possibilities for transformative change.

Several CBPR techniques were used during the data collection for this report.

Photovoice was used primarily in Gulu and to an extent in Adjumani. This is where community members took pictures of important elements of the local water and sanitation system. They were given basic instructions on how to use the camera and asked to take pictures of positive and negative aspects of the local water system.

These photographs and the locations or aspects of the water systems that they represent were then used as jumping off points of discussion and critical reflection on the everyday experience of community members with the local water system. In all locations, community members led walking tours of their community. This was done in order to better understand how water is

collected as well as how water points corresponded to villages’ and towns’ built and social environment. In addition, walking tours help build rapport between community members and researchers and embed the details of discussion in a common understanding of the local context. Finally, all locations used group discussions to facilitate better understanding of the local water system. It should be noted that the group discussions were designed to privilege the community members understanding of their water system. Questions for the community were purposively open ended and intended to generate discussion among community members rather than ascertain specific information. Clarifying questions as well as discussions of community priorities were also included.

These CBPR activities took place over several days. After that, the researchers sifted through the data and created concept maps aimed at linking main concepts, variables, relationships and priorities of the communities. These were then brought back to the communities for confirmation and adjustment.

It should be noted that women were the focus of this research. Women made up the vast majority of the participants at all locations. Even where men joined the activities, the focus of research activities was on the daily realities of women. This is done because women have the main responsibilities within local household structures for water collection, use, and disposal.

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Water in Adjumani

Figure #2: Concept map from meetings in Adjumani

Analysis of Local Water Systems in Adjumani 14

Introduction: During the three-day interview process, the research team interviewed over 200 people in eight villages within the Adjumani district in community meeting/focus group styled discussions. These villages included Pavuraga, Paridi, and Mocope in the town center of Adjumani; Loa (two separate villages within the same area referred to here as Loa 1 and Loa 2) and Liri, a village located near the Nile River; and the villages of Okwa and Okawa. In almost every village interviewed, the importance of water was emphasized, including a near ubiquitous refrain throughout the region that “water is life�.

Water Usage in Adjumani: The uses of water varied among the different communities in Adjumani, but included: drinking, bathing, cooking, cleaning, washing utensils, giving water to animals, watering gardens, construction, brewing alcohol, and hygiene/sanitation. The amount of water used daily in the villages varied, depending on several variables including household size and if newborns were present in the households. Villagers talked about their water usage amounts in terms of jerrycans used. A jerrycan is a container, usually plastic, widely used throughout the region to collect water at a water source and transport back to homes. A standard jerry can is 20 liters. In the villages of Pavuraga, Paridi, and Mocope, the smallest number of jerrycans used per day for a household was 8 (160 liters) and the most was 16 (320 liters).

In Okawa and Okwa, the least number of jerrycans used per day, for households ranging in size from 4 to 14, was 4 (80 liters) and the most was 12 (240 liters).

Gender Roles in Water Fetching: Community members shared their stories of differences in life for men and women. In all of the villages interviewed, it was found that women fetch the water and children may

help, but men typically do not. However, a man may fetch water if he is single, if a woman is sick, or if he has a bicycle or a boda-boda (motorcycle that is a common form of transportation in Uganda) to transport the water more easily. Gender expectations are quite strong, as evidenced by stories told whereby husbands still refused to collect water even when their wives were ill. Most villages stated that pregnant women are not expected to collect water, but new mothers return to regular water collection duties not long after childbirth.

A Typical Day for Women: Because the strong gender expectations in this area require women to collect the water, women must factor this task into their daily routines.

Distance to water and wait time to collect it play a defining role in the daily life of women and children in Adjumani. In some villages it is typical for women to travel between 1.5 km and 3 km to reach a water source. On a typical day in Okawa and Okwa, women would wake early in the mornings to clean their huts, clean the compound, collect firewood, go to the field to farm and collect their produce either to eat or sell, and then collect water at a borehole, which is a drilled and protected water source that is a pipe that brings water 15

from an underground aquifer to the surface through a manual pumping process. In Paridi women would collect water from the boreholes at 4:00 PM or midnight to collect water, and 10:00 PM in Mocope, where the women often go to sleep at the borehole to keep their place in line, as lines can often be long.

Village Water Funds: As water plays such an important role in life, there is often considerable local social organization aimed at managing local water needs. In this part of Uganda, as is common throughout East Africa, most villages have some kind of water committee that is ostensibly charged with managing local water sources. In some villages, including Paridi and Mocope, there are established village water funds. In the case of Paridi, this fund was water-specific, and was largely used for repairing boreholes and purchasing WaterGuard, a chemical water purification tablet or liquid used to kill bacteria and make water safe for consumption. Households in Paridi contribute 1,000 shillings (Ugandan currency with an exchange rate of approximately 3,300 shillings per U.S. dollar as of June 2016) per month to feed

this fund. The village fund in Mocope, on the other hand, was regarded as a general fund, uses including but not limited to school fees, medical expenses, and water related purposes, dispensed as seen fit as a revolving fund. The community contribution to Mocope’s fund was similarly 1,000 shillings per household. Okawa also mentioned the existence of a village bank meant for general use among its community members. The village savings bank in Loa 1 was a particular point of pride, with households also contributing 1,000 shillings per month. In addition to household contributions, the local school also contributed 50,000 shillings per month.

Committees with specific responsibilities toward water and sanitation were mentioned in both Paridi and Pavuraga, which in turn assigned a caretaker (chosen by community election) who, as an unpaid volunteer, carried out their duties of overseeing the borehole and ensuring its proper use. Paridi uses their village water fund to purchase chlorine and WaterGuard for use at the boreholes in order to treat the water and make it safe to drink.

Table #1: Water sources in Adjumani villages 

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Boreholes in Adjumani: Boreholes as water sources were a major focus of discussion for all the villages visited in Adjumani District.

Pump breakdowns are quite common, requiring people to alter their routines in order to fetch water. They may have to use a neighboring village’s borehole, which can be a cause of conflict. In Pavuraga, the borehole, built before 1986, is currently broken and has been repaired 4 times recently. During the research activities, community members in Pavuraga and Mocope villages were traveling Paridi to use their operational borehole. Okawa and Okwa do not have boreholes or access to nearby boreholes, and instead rely on streams and unprotected hand dug wells.

The villages of Pavuraga, Mocope, Paridi, Loa 1, Loa 2, and Liri all had 17

boreholes, but some were broken or condemned because they were previously found to be contaminated. In reality, most of the condemned boreholes were still used by the community as long as they remained operational. Community members from very village believed that a new or repaired borehole would significantly improve their current water situation, with one village mentioning that they specifically wanted a deep borehole rather than a shallow one, as shallow ones are more likely to dry up during the dry season. Due to the limited number of available operational boreholes, there tend to be very long lines of people fetching water at the water points. Pavuraga, Paridi, and Mocope had borehole waiting times ranging from one hour to half a day.

Some women sleep at the boreholes to hold

their place in line, but at times will oversleep and will lose their turn, which may result in fighting.

Paridi also has control over a second borehole that is technically not within their village borders. This borehole is deep and works during dry and wet season. Pavuraga, Mocope, and other people within Adjumani use the Paridi borehole. Mocope has a shallow, 10-meter borehole, which dries up during the dry season. Liri has one borehole that is their only source of water. It was suggested that Liri once had another source that has since dried up. Loa 1 has a borehole that breaks frequently. Loa 2’s borehole has dried up and they are now fully dependent on the Nile.

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Photo #1: A project participant stands at a nonfunctional borehole in Adjumani.

Dry Season Challenges: From December to March in Northern Uganda, known as the dry season, there is little precipitation. As a result, the water table drops, and ground water is located farther

away from the surface. This causes the pumps at the boreholes to be difficult to use, and it may even take more than one person to operate the pump. In Loa 1, women pump for 20-30 minutes before water starts to 18

come out. Paridi has a shallow borehole that dries up during the dry season.

Spring and Well Water: Although boreholes were the first priority in the communities of Adjumani District, there were many villages that collected water from surface springs (natural water points where the water table is higher than the surface elevation) and wells (holes that are dug below the water table so that water naturally seeps in). All springs/wells shown to the researchers in Adjumani villages were unprotected and, therefore, likely contaminated. Paridi had an open spring that was unprotected and was being used by both animals and humans. The Paridi spring/well has been used for over 4 generations and stays filled all year. Mocope had an unprotected well built in 1922 that was open to contaminants and pollution, which stays filled with water all year with the water level dropping during the dry season. Okawa used an unprotected well but had tea sieves to treat water.

exposed to contaminants. Common sources of contamination at streams and rivers are animals and polluted runoff carried by rain.

In Okawa, the women navigate a very steep incline with full jerrycans in order to take water from their stream. This same stream also stops flowing during the dry season, resulting in collection of stagnant water that is home to various health hazards. The residents of Mocope have access to a creek near the well that they reported collecting water from; however, instances of contracting worms from this water, which they used for bathing, were reported.

Due to the proximity of the Nile River, several Adjumani District villages identified the river as one of their main water sources. Loa 2 said that one of the best parts about their community was that they were near the Nile, which was their only regularly accessible water source. Loa 2 does not treat the water from the Nile before consuming and suggested that they would like to have water piped from the river to their village, as would Loa 1. During a visit to the river, animals were observed drinking out of the Nile and cow feces was located near the river.

Stream/River Water: In addition to boreholes and springs, community members discussed sourcing water from local streams and rivers. Streams and rivers are unprotected water sources and are easily Private Water: Besides the boreholes, wells/springs, and streams/rivers 19

discussed above, some communities talked about other water sources. In all of the communities, private water was used as a last resort or was not discussed as an available source. An example of private water would be a borehole on someone’s owned land. Private water sources usually cost villagers 500 shillings per jerrycan.

Village members in Paridi stated that most families can only afford two or three jerrycans of private water, and that using this water was reserved for an emergency.

The Paridi villagers mentioned that wealthy people will pay 1,000 shillings per jerrycan to skip borehole lines or to have water delivered to them. Municipal water was only available in the Pavuraga, Paridi, and Mocope villages. Although municipal water is available in these locations, villagers expressed that it is too expensive, as compared to the 200-250 shillings per jerrycan paid at community boreholes and springs. The Mocope village stated that they have very bad water pressure. The Okwa villagers thought the notion laughable that local authorities would ever provide piped water to their area.

Heath Impacts of the Local Water System: Within Adjumani District, the health impacts discussed varied from village to village. As far as treatment of water, Pavuraga and Paridi were the only villages that mentioned using WaterGuard in their water, while neither Okawa nor Okwa use any sort of treatment other than Okwa straining large particles out using a tea sieve, a device made out of metal mesh used to filter loose tea leaves. Community members in Pavuraga and Paridi mentioned boiling their water as a way to treat it, but felt that this was time consuming. For this same reason, Mocope residents typically skipped boiling their water because it was time consuming to collect wood for fuel and then

boil. Discoloration of water was discussed and observed in Okawa and Okwa. Worms found within water sources in the Adjumani district were said to be tapeworm, hookworm, and bilharzia, with residents of Mocope recalling that they get worms from bathing in the creek behind their well. These worms were not mentioned as being found within working boreholes, but were alluded to as being one of many causes for condemnation of boreholes in the past.

Malaria was cited as another health concern in Liri when going to fetch water because the water points contain significant mosquitos. In addition to these problems from the water itself, people also discussed health concerns from the act of fetching water. Women in communities visited throughout Adjumani mentioned suffering from chest pains upon return from fetching water, with women in Okawa also talking of feeling as though their “heads were on fire�.

Unmet Promises: Several of the villages spoken with in the Adjumani district expressed their mistrust of Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) and the Ugandan government because the villages had been promised improved water sources, but these promises were never fulfilled. Specifically, the Mocope village had been promised a borehole by an NGO, but the borehole was never installed. After the promise from the NGO, the Mocope villagers said they saw the NGO vehicle drive by with no acknowledgement to their community. The Okwa villagers recalled that they had also been promised a borehole without receiving it. Villagers from Okwa also explicitly said that government officials do not do anything to help them, while Loa 1 and Loa 2 villagers expressed their frustration with

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election year promises that go unrealized. been repaired by the government four times in recent memory and paperwork has been filed for another repair. Some communities have taken their water situation into their own hands, such as the Pavuraga village, where community members paid for the repairs for their borehole, have a location chosen for a new borehole, and know that the cost for a new borehole would be 22

The Pavuraga village has a borehole that has   million shillings. Several communities noted that their elected local official submitted plans and requests to the sub-county authority but no action had resulted. Over the three days of interviews in Adjumani, every village asked for the University of Oklahoma students and professors to advocate for them to someone who could assist with their water situation. 

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Photo #2: Adjumani villagers collect water in jerrycans at the Nile River.

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Water in Urban Gulu

Figure #3: Concept map from meetings in Urban Gulu

Analysis of Local Water Systems in Urban Gulu

  Introduction: Through interviews in urban Gulu hosted at Holy Rosary Parish, community members shared their thoughts and issues pertaining to water. They also led walking 22

tours and participating in photography through Photovoice. The following is a discussion of issues and information regarding boreholes, springs, and lastly piped tap water in town. Urban Gulu is experiencing increasing population pressures. Thus the community members believe there are not enough water sources in town for the current population. Community members stated they must travel far to get water in the dry season and, in extreme cases, they must pay to send people on boda-bodas to get water for them. Limited boreholes result in overuse, increasing the likelihood of a borehole breaking.

Urban Gulu Boreholes: While the practice in the outlying villages is for the community to pay monthly fees for borehole maintenance, in town, the system is more complex. In town there are both private and community boreholes. Community boreholes are available to all and are supervised by local water committees similarly to rural areas in the region. The community pays a monthly household fee to use these community boreholes. Private boreholes are owned and maintained by schools, organizations, individuals, or a parish. These private boreholes are often open to the community at a cost of 200 shillings per jerrycan. Fees may be collected to repair these private boreholes when needed, but this is on an ad hoc basis.

Caretakers are in charge of locking the borehole to allow time to rest, maintenance, and education about proper use. In fact, community members who live in the surrounding area stated they want boreholes in their villages to be managed like the private boreholes because they are perceived to be better maintained by caretakers that monitor and regulate use more closely. One example of a well-maintained borehole is one at the Holy Rosary Parish that is 20 years old and in good working condition.

Urban Gulu Springs: When boreholes are broken or are too far away, community members stated they use springs, which are located throughout the urbanized

residential areas in Gulu. Women, however, voiced a concern for their safety when they have to travel a distance to the springs, especially at night. Participants stated the eucalyptus trees absorb too much water from the springs lowering the level of water available for people to use. Many of these springs are located near rubbish piles and open defecation areas. People believed rainwater was carrying contaminants and dirt into the springs mixing with the ground water in the pools where community members collect water. An improved spring is a natural water source coming from the ground that is piped and cemented around, while an unimproved spring does not have any piping or concrete barrier. At both improved and unimproved springs there are similar problems resulting from the physical design of the water collection sites. People drawing water from them have to dip their jerry cans into the stagnant water while trying to access the cleaner spring water.

This is true often even where improved springs provide a pipe through which the clean water flows because the pipe does not have enough clearance above the stagnant water to fit a standard size jerrycan.

Despite these concerns, the people indicated they are still using these dirty springs without treatment. They are using them because it is a closer source of water than another source, and the time it takes to treat the spring water is to long. The community desires protection of the springs as well as water and sanitation education to 23

reduce the incidence of contamination. This protection includes fencing around the springs, higher piping, and more concrete

build up around the spring for cleanliness and ease of use.

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Photo #3: Water flows from a pipe at an improved spring in Gulu.

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Photo #4: An unimproved spring in Gulu

Community Tap Water: In Gulu town, as is the case in many Ugandan urban areas, the National Water and Sewer Corporation (NWSC) provides municipal water services. Tap water originates at a reservoir and is treated before being piped to a storage tank in town, and community members can access this water from taps at kiosks throughout the town or in home provision if they can afford it. Tap water is only available in some areas of urban Gulu since the NWSC will shut it off to conserve limited resources. Some areas do not get tap water at all, and in other areas people use springs. Women expressed frustration because the government is putting boreholes in the villages but not in urban Gulu, and they would like more boreholes since they distrust the piped tap water. The women explained this water comes from a dammed reservoir. The water goes from the reservoir to a treatment facility and is then stored in a large tank. Then from the large tank there are multiple pipes that lead to nearby kiosks where the community members can pay to fill their jerrycans at a price of 200 shillings per jerrycan.

The women feel this is expensive, especially since they do not trust the water.

Another issue causing their mistrust is the

water will sometimes have a smell compared to rotten fish and it sometimes turns brown.

The hospitals have advised them against drinking the tap water because they believe it is the source of typhoid fever many in the community are experiencing.

Community Priorities in Urban Gulu: The women expressed a desire for household water treatment options to make the water safer and to make it taste and smell better. They all expressed their desire to use household treatment like WaterGuard, filters, and boiling. The women are not currently doing these things because of the expenses associated with them. If the options were cheaper they stated they would be willing to use them. The community also wanted more boreholes in both the villages and in town, and they want their springs to be protected. Water and sanitation education was also important to these communities so springs would be properly used and better taken care of. Community members believed these solutions would help to mitigate the problems they are experiencing with water in urban Gulu.

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Water in Rural Gulu

Figure #4: Concept map from meetings in Rural Gulu 

Analysis of Local Water Systems 26

in Rural Gulu

Introduction: Community members in Rural Gulu shared information about their village water committees and their experience with government action pertaining to water sources. They explained the role of water source caretakers. Similar to the community members in urban Gulu, villagers in rural Gulu revealed during interviews that they desire more boreholes. Still, people in rural Gulu often use and consume untreated water even though they are aware of the risks.

Water committees and Government Action: Water committees are elected within these villages and work with multiple levels of government, from sub-county to county to district. The water committee works very closely with the community development officer regarding issues pertaining to water in the sub-county level. Government regulations require each household to have a minimum of one pit latrine, and improved facilities like a toilet fit this requirement as well. The government previously repaired some boreholes, as promised during political elections. Government engineers performed the borehole repairs during elections, and community members believe they are better than private engineers. After election season, if a borehole breaks, the wait time for repairs dramatically increases.

The water committee usually hires the engineers. While not all villages have water committees, the villages stated that most do and their job entails collecting fees from the community to maintain the boreholes, buy parts for repair with fees, and maintain other water sources. Some stated problems with water committees are that

some do not have future plans for more boreholes, that it can take a long time for repairs, and some committees misappropriate the fees they collect, which makes some community members feel forgotten or taken advantage of.

Water Source Caretakers: Water committees usually have caretakers within them that watch over all water sources. Not all communities have a caretaker, and those who did not express their desire for a caretaker. These caretakers are usually in charge of maintaining the borehole, i.e. cleaning it, locking it, watching for misuse/ overuse. Watching for misuse pertains to children or people who may not know the proper form of pumping from the borehole, while overuse pertains to many people using it at one time without given borehole proper rest time. Many said that the problem with spoiled boreholes is that there are not enough of regular boreholes so people must go longer distances to find one, and this creates longer queues. With fewer boreholes and longer wait times, children miss school or chores, and conflict arises at these different sources. When conflict arises the 27

water committee tries to step in and create a conflict resolution. If the water committee cannot find a resolution to the conflict, then the elected local official will have to step in.

Additionally, community members don’t want to wait in these queues or travel these distances so they use other sources like spring water and these are often contaminated. This contamination causes frequent illness.

complacency is an important challenge facing households.

Desired Solutions: As is common throughout the area, communities in rural Gulu would like more boreholes to reduce local water stress. Additionally, due to the prevalence of spring water sources, community members stated they want local officials to aid in getting the springs protected and treated from contamination.

Water Complacency: In some villages, water complacency is prevalent.

Community members stated that their workloads are already strenuous, so they would just get the water that is closest to them for convenience. Most people of the village know of the issues at the spring that include cattle, rainwater, and general source contamination, yet they still use the water as is. Community members state that this

Water in Atiak

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Figure #5: Concept map from meetings in Atiak

Analysis of Local Water Systems in Atiak Introduction: Three group interviews were conducted with women from Atiak’s villages.

In these interviews, between thirty-five and forty women total were asked to discuss their water sources, their daily use of water, and any water-related challenges that they experience. The women shared their concerns about lack of water during the dry season, a reliance on community boreholes, water quality, and various social aspects of their water systems.

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Dry Season: One theme that arose throughout the discussion was the effect of the dry season on the local water systems.

Atiak’s villagers rely primarily on boreholes for water, and women are responsible for traveling to boreholes to collect water.

During the rainy season, villagers report that pumping does not require much time before water begins to flow out of the borehole. By contrast, a woman may have to pump for five minutes before any water flows during the dry season. The women identify water table depth as the cause of the increase in time required for pumping. If the water table is very low beneath the underground pipes, as in the dry season, more time is required for pumping at the borehole.

Long Lines at Boreholes: Villagers described a variety of problems that can occur as a result of conditions in the dry season. When the water table drops and pumping time increases, the line of people at the pump becomes longer. Longer lines at the pump cause water collection to be a time-consuming activity. Interviewees reported that a woman may wait up to two hours to fill the amount of jerry cans needed for her family. Physical fights at the pump often occur during this time. Another problem caused by long lines is that children may be denied access to the borehole.

Villagers stated that children are sent to the borehole by their parents when no one else is available to collect water. While at the borehole, some of the adults in line may skip or push the children away from collecting water, and the children return home without any water for their families. This presents a problem for the families who have sent their children to collect the water, since they are unable to get the water.

Overuse of Boreholes: Long lines, an issue that exists during the rainy season and is heightened during the dry season, not only contribute to conflicts between community members, but also create a situation in which boreholes are overused. One member of each community’s water committee serves as the borehole caretaker, and this person is responsible for maintaining the boreholes in his or her community. To prevent overuse, caretakers lock their assigned boreholes in the afternoon to allow the borehole to rest for a few hours. This practice is considered beneficial, but while the borehole is locked, women are unable to collect water. Boreholes are also locked in the evenings around 7:00 PM. Women who arrive at the borehole after this time go without water until the next day.

Spoiled Boreholes: Borehole overuse, which occurs when too many people are using a borehole, is considered a problem because it causes the borehole to break down. A few women reported that the boreholes in their area spoil three or four times a year. One interview participant noted that in her community, spoiled boreholes are repaired quickly because the community members have no other sources of water.

However, boreholes may remain broken for weeks or months in other parts of Atiak.

Villagers assert that in some communities, repairs take so long to be completed because the caretaker is the only one with the skills to complete the repairs.

Other Water Sources: While boreholes are spoiled, villagers are forced to find other sources of water. Some women go to the local schools to collect water at the schools’ boreholes when no other options are available. Other women go to rivers or streams to collect water. Interview 30

participants recognized that consuming untreated surface water can cause illness, and they reported that this alternative negatively impacts villagers’ health.

Villagers also stated that collecting river water can be a dangerous activity. During the rainy season when the river is strong, a person can get swept away in the rushing waters, which makes drowning a possibility.

Women may also resort to collecting surface water when boreholes are inaccessible. Examples were given of situations that prevent women from using the boreholes, and these include when there are too many people in line for water, when a woman feels too sick to go to the borehole, or when a woman’s household has not paid the monthly fee for borehole maintenance.

This fee of 1,000 shillings is paid to the community’s water committee. When these situations arise, women collect water from streams or rivers. Ancestral wells are another option for some villagers during the dry season. Although these wells used to be a primary water source in the past, after boreholes were constructed in Atiak, few people continued to visit these wells regularly.

Not Enough Boreholes: Atiak’s women consider the number of working boreholes in Atiak to be a challenge even when boreholes are accessible. When asked to prioritize water-related issues in Atiak, the women stated that the number of boreholes is the most important issue and that more boreholes are needed. Having too few boreholes is another factor that causes long lines at the borehole and the resulting problems previously described.

The Problems of Fetching: In addition to the number of water sources, the distance villagers must walk in order to

fetch water is another factor that presents challenges. Women from Atiak typically spend more than an hour walking to the nearest borehole. An issue that arises from the distance is that the elderly, who cannot walk too far from their homes, have trouble obtaining water. Women who do walk to the boreholes report feeling unsafe as they travel to and from their homes. The long distances also limit the number of jerry cans that can be filled per day. Villagers may fill up to six jerry cans for everyday activities that require water, but a woman may fill more than ten for activities such as making bricks or cleaning the floor. When describing water use at home, interview participants indicated that the amount of water they typically collect in a day is not enough for their families’ need. The limited supply of water collected makes cleaning and bathing difficult. Family members are forced to bathe only once a day, although bathing twice a day is the cultural norm. Women reuse water as a way to deal with shortages at home. For example, one woman explained that she might wash her feet with water she used earlier to wash potatoes.

Miscommunication and household arguments are reported when the water supply is low and family members cannot agree about how to use the available water.

Water Quality: As another part of the group interviews, the women of Atiak spoke about the different water quality issues observed at the borehole. Although a few boreholes are considered to be safe, villagers find many worms in most boreholes, especially during the rainy season. These worms are known to cause sickness throughout the villages. Other water quality concerns include bad taste and smell, and the water may also appear red or yellow in color. These qualities have been observed year round. Some women have observed 31

that the borehole water appears to be clean and clear while it flows from the borehole, but later while it sits in the jerry can, the color changes. Women who reported this occurrence suggested that the discoloration might come from water on the road that has sunk underground and mixed with the groundwater.

Lifestyle Changes: During interviews, the women recalled living in displacement camps, where men were unable to work and began heavily drinking alcohol. Now out of these camps, the men have kept the same lifestyle and habits, while the women have taken on all of the responsibilities. These responsibilities include handling money, washing, cleaning, working in the fields, taking care of the children, cooking, and fetching water. Some women stated that this situation has led to joyless marriages and increased domestic violence. Because the men are not helping with collecting water, the amount of water women can provide for their households is limited. During interviews, women recalled family fights over the rationing of water for cleaning and washing.

Elderly People: The elderly are especially vulnerable in this community.

Due to their age and health - in combination with the long distance to boreholes - the elderly are unable to fetch their own water.

Some communities recognized this problem and suggested a water delivery service within their village. The water delivery service would be conducted by young people of the community who would be paid in order to fetch water for people that cannot. Although the women discussed the need for the delivery person to be paid, they did not express whose responsibility that would be.

Community Banking System: The majority of the women in Atiak are a part of a community banking system. Women deposit a certain amount of money during the beginning of the year; this amount ranges anywhere from 1,000 to 25,000 shillings. The participants then have the option of taking out loans with low interest rates, and the lump sum plus interest may be withdrawn at the end of the year. Most of the women spend this money on school fees but said it could also be used to fund any activity such as household chores. Because the banking system is making a profit for the women, it could be possible to use this additional money to fund unexplored water solutions that could benefit the entire community. 
 Existing Solutions to Water Challenges: During interviews, members of Atiak villages described methods they are already using to mitigate some of the problems with water. When boreholes break, communities use money from fees, which are collected monthly from every household for the purpose of contributing to repairs. This process takes place within a water committee. Since many people are using the boreholes, they can be locked during certain parts of the day to allow water levels to recharge. Water sources are often not clean and provide water that is discolored, foulsmelling, bad-tasting, or infested with worms, and community members also described their methods used to clean the water. One method is to simply let the water sit, allowing solids to settle to the bottom of the container. Other methods include boiling water or using WaterGuard; however, community members said they do not use these methods often as WaterGuard is expensive, and waiting for the boiled water to cool takes too long. Their most commonly used method of water treatment is to filter the water through a cloth. Still, some may 32

use the borehole water as it is, or use water from unprotected sources like streams and rivers, which often lead to illness.

Desired Solutions to Water Challenges: household level, the community level, and at a level implemented by outsiders who do not live within the communities, which may include groups such as NGOs, government agencies, mission groups, and university researchers. The desired household solutions included recycling water and harvesting rainwater as a way to address the issue of not having enough water at home.

At a community level, the village members desired solutions of safeguarding their well against animals, implementing a water delivery system, and obtaining more bikes to carry water. Safeguarding the well would prevent contamination from animal waste that causes disease. A water delivery system would allow for people such as the elderly or the sick to receive water even though they are often unable to make the walk to the boreholes themselves. Having more bikes in the community would allow people to carry more jerry cans at once, reducing their trips to the boreholes.

From outsiders, community members desired water testing and borehole upkeep

In addition to sharing their current solutions for water problems, members of Atiak villages also spoke of desired solutions.

These desired solutions would happen at the by those who drilled the boreholes. Water testing includes variety of examinations to determine levels of arsenic, fluoride, pH, and chloride, and would indicate if the water was safe for consumption. Borehole upkeep would help ensure the boreholes stayed functional. Atiak village members also wanted the University of Oklahoma researchers to spread their voices and share their stories.

There were two desired solutions that required a collaboration of community members and outsiders, which were education for water use and training community members to repair broken boreholes. Education in water use would result in better water use practices, while training community members to repair boreholes would mean they no longer had to wait for the single repairman to make his way to their borehole. Outside sources would provide the education and training that community members would need to carry out these processes.

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Photo #5: Researchers and community members meet in Atiak. 

Water Challenges   

Several water-related challenges were identified during the interviews including too few water sources, the distance one has to walk to get to the water sources, long lines, maintenance issues, seasonal water table variations, and the conflict that arises because of these issues. All communities stated that they suffer health effects from water contamination. From the site visits, it became evident that all water sources have issues, though the type of issue varies with each type of water source and is expanded upon below. What follows is intended as a summary discussion of many of the challenges discussed by community members in the three areas where the community-based participatory research was conducted.

Boreholes Some of the water challenges are specific to boreholes. Community members often stated that there are not enough boreholes in their villages for the current water needs. For example, one community in rural Gulu stated that there were five boreholes for 3,000 people. With a limited number of boreholes, people have to travel long distances and people typically walk to the borehole. When a borehole spoils (is broken), people are forced to walk even further to a different borehole resulting in

more people using a single borehole. In some cases, there are no other boreholes nearby, and the people resort to using open water sources. Participants stated that some people, usually children, do not understand proper borehole use, and they use the hand pump incorrectly leading to borehole breakdowns. Types of breakdowns include broken pipes, the breakdown of the pump itself, and breaking the actual handle apparatus or lever.

Participants stated that it can take a long time for a spoiled borehole to be repaired. Reasons include the lack of 34

funding, unavailability of parts nearby, or the lack of knowledge or skill in repairing the boreholes. In some communities, a borehole caretaker is trained to complete the repairs. Participants in some communities stated that each household pays money towards upkeep of the boreholes yet, in at least one community, participants stated that the money is “eaten� or is used for some other purpose and is not available for borehole repair.

Broken boreholes, the limited number of boreholes, and the resulting long lines that people have to wait in at them has led to conflicts and increased community stress. Several communities reported that fighting and other issues occurred at the boreholes because of the long queue.

Depending on the location, the wait can be as long as two hours under certain circumstances. The time of day is one factor that can affect how long the queue is. Often times, the people will place their jerrycans in line to hold their place while they attend to other chores rather than waiting in line. In some communities, the water committees work with residents to resolve the conflict amicably.

Overuse of the borehole can put a strain on the aquifer resulting in low water flow that, consequently, means it takes longer to fill each jerrycan. Some communities close the borehole for a couple of hours each day to allow the borehole to rest. There is a significant reduction in the amount of available water during the dry season that also affects the length of time it takes to pump water.

All of these challenges related to boreholes have a significant effect on the availability of adequate water for the people in Northern Uganda. The quality of the water effects health, and the time that people must spend fetching water is time that they could devote to working to improve their economic standing as they struggle to resettle after years of turmoil. In meeting with the participants, they provided their own ideas for how these challenges can be alleviated. Based on these ideas, the following are recommended action items for borehole-related challenges.

Table #2: Action items related to boreholes Action Items Related to Boreholes Not enough boreholes

Long distances to boreholes

Install additional boreholes with the priority given to communities that do not have any boreholes and are resorting to using open water sources.

Install additional boreholes at strategic locations to minimize the distance that people must travel. Spatial surveys of existing boreholes and population centers would facilitate this.

Devise, produce and provide, to the people, a dolly that is suitable for the terrain in Ugandan communities and that will assist with transport of water.

This could be done through community-based design methods or through social entrepreneurship techniques.

Install additional boreholes.

Long queue

Maintain boreholes in good condition to minimize breakdowns.

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Long queue

Work with communities to devise queue maintenance programs to maximize efficiency and minimize wait times such as staggered times available to residents of different areas of borehole catchment areas.

Expand efforts to educate the community on proper borehole use.

Misuse

Install guards that limit the range of movement of the borehole handle to minimize breakdowns.

Hire paid caretakers to maintain boreholes.

Provide training in borehole repair for additional people in each community.

Spoiled borehole

Establish a system for collecting fees for borehole repair in communities that do not yet have a system.

Establish an accountability system for funds intended for borehole maintenance and repair.

Plan for routine maintenance of boreholes to keep them in good working condition.

Overuse

Conflict

Other

Implement rest periods by locking the boreholes, particularly during the dry season, to allow the aquifer time to recharge.

Install additional boreholes to minimize long lines and the amount of time that people have to wait to pump water.

Implement process for water committees to assess, diagnose, and address conflict equitably where this is not yet practiced.

Where feasible, implement rainwater harvesting for non-potable water uses such as bathing and cleaning.

Springs Many communities in the region, including rural and urban areas, obtain water from springs. While, in general, the spring water is relatively clean, other factors contribute to the water becoming contaminated. Springs that were observed were designed with pipes that were set too low making it difficult to place a jerrycan beneath the pipes to be filled. The low pipe level also leads to water contamination during the rainy season as heavy rain carries silt, debris, and other contaminants into the spring box contaminating the spring water. Without protection around the springs, cattle enter the spring box causing additional contamination. Participants stated that there was frequent illness attributed to the water. The following are recommended action items for spring-related challenges.

Table #3: Action items related to springs Action Items Related to Springs Locate new springs upslope from known sources of contamination. Where Source contamination of not feasible, runoff should be directed away from or downstream of water springs collection areas.

Spring contamination

Build up the springs to raise the pipe level for ease of use and to reduce the potential for contamination.

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Spring contamination

Install protective fencing around the springs to keep cattle away from the spring box.

Rainwater contamination of springs

For springs located in areas with slope, pave the area surrounding the spring to minimize silt and other debris from flowing into the spring.

Other

Where feasible, implement rainwater harvesting for non-potable water uses such as bathing and cleaning.

Tap Water   Tap water is only available in some urban areas yet, even in areas where it is available, it is not consistently available, as the provider will turn it off at times for conservation. Many community members are concerned that the tap water has a bad odor and is often brown or cloudy. It is not yet known where in the system the odor and discoloration originates.

Participants expressed concern about the quality of the tap water, as people in town are getting sick leading the people to mistrust the water.

The women expressed frustration that boreholes are being installed in rural areas but not in the urban areas, especially since they do not trust the tap water. Some participants stated that hospital personnel advised them against drinking the tap water because they believe it is the source of typhoid fever many in the community are experiencing. It is not yet known what the source of the illness is, but suspicion and mistrust of the system are commonplace. The following are recommended action items for tap water-related challenges.

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Table #4: Action items related to tap water Action Items Related to Tap Water Perform testing to identify the source of the discoloration, cloudiness, and odor. These tests must be done in a transparent way whereby trusted information on the water quality is made available to the community.

Discolored, cloudy and smelly tap water

Perform water testing for Typhoid fever and other bacteria. These tests must be done in a transparent way whereby trusted information on the water quality is made available to the community.

Explore treatment options including at the source and for in-home use.

These must be developed with the community so that costs, benefits, and use routines are understood and accepted.

Install additional boreholes in the urban areas to relieve pressure on existing tap system.

Other

Where feasible, implement rainwater harvesting for non-potable water uses such as bathing and cleaning.

Health-related water issues In all communities, participants stated that there is frequent illness related to water including worms and bacterial infections including Typhoid fever. Worms include tapeworm, hookworm, and bilharzia. In spite of the threat of illness, many people use the water without treatment for several reasons. Filtration systems and treatments such as Water Guard are expensive. The women are burdened with such strenuous workloads that they do not have the energy to travel a longer distance for cleaner water. In villages near Adjumani, women stated that they suffer with chest pain after carrying water and they feel like their heads are on fire from the weight of jerrycans on their heads. These same communities had no boreholes, and the well water used there was cloudy. To address these issues, participants stated how that they would like their water sources to be protected and treated from contamination with a preference given for in-home treatment. The following are recommended action items for health-related challenges.

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Table #5: Action items related to health Action Items Related to Health Frequent illness

No protected water sources in community

Provide treatment options to minimize illness with a preference for in-home treatment systems. These must be developed with the community so that costs, benefits, and use routines are understood and accepted.

Install boreholes with a priority given to communities that do not have any protected water sources.

Install protective devices to minimize contamination of water sources.

Other water challenges Effects on the lives of children: Women typically fetch water; however, children will also fetch water. When children spend time fetching water during the daytime, they miss time from school, thus, it impacts their education. Fetching water also takes time from other chores.

Additional and more reliable water sources will reduce the time that children spend on fetching water allowing them more time for school and other chores.

Effects on the elderly: The elderly are unable to fetch their own water. Some communities recognized this problem and suggested a water delivery service within their village. This poses the question of how such a service would be funded.

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Eucalyptus trees: Participants stated that eucalyptus trees absorb too much water from the springs lowering the level of water available for people to use. This genus of trees was originally introduced to Uganda for timber. With an increasing population and expansion of farmland, there is a threat of deforestation in Uganda. Eucalyptus, pine, and other non-native tree species were brought into Uganda for fast-growing timber. The Uganda government views the tree plantations as a solution to deforestation, and they generate jobs in a country with limited economic options.

According to Hillary Heuler of Earth Island Journal, while the eucalyptus can quickly produce timber, it absorbs a lot of water and nutrients from the soil making it difficult for other native plants to compete. In her article titled, “Missing the Forest for the Trees,” Heuler states that, in South Africa, eucalyptus is recognized as an invasive species that destroys wetlands. In quoting F.C. Oweyegha Afunaduula of the National Association of Professional Environmentalists, Heuler writes, “There are many places where swamps have dried up, such as in Western Uganda, where eucalyptus have sucked up all the water” (Heuler, 2013). There is division between meeting economic and reforestation needs that are in conflict with the environmental effects and impacts to the water used by common people (Heuler, 2013).

Table #6: Action items related to eucalyptus trees Action Items Related to Eucalyptus Trees Eucalyptus trees sucking up water near springs

Eradicate eucalyptus trees near water sources.

Explore legislation that limits eucalyptus planting to tree plantations or creates a buffer around community water points.

Water Demand, Rainwater Harvesting & Toilet Analysis 40

St. Monica Gulu & Atiak Compounds Introduction Multidisciplinary teams from Business, Education, Engineering, and Regional and City Planning were created to analyze the water demand, rainwater harvesting, and toilet facilities for both the Atiak and Gulu compounds of St. Monica’s. Researchers were on site for about three weeks to perform interviews, measurements, and calculations related to water and sanitation on both sites. These analyses were performed with the goal of establishing current and future water and sanitation demand at both sites as well as providing important information to the sites about rainwater harvesting potential and possible goals for conservation efforts. Below are the methods used in the overall project, followed by findings, recommendations for water demand, rainwater harvesting, and toilet facilities.

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Photo #6: St. Monica students providing a walking tour to researchers.

Methodology First, information was gathered from interviews with St. Monica’s students, Sisters, and staff over the course of about two weeks on site. In-depth key respondent interviews were held with administrators and site supervisors that oversee different functions of the compounds. Walking tours were held with students and a few administrators, followed by focus group interviews with students. All interviews were conducted with groups of researchers,

usually consisting of five to six students and one faculty member. Through the interviews and observations of daily activities, user types were identified and will be discussed in more detail in the following sections.

Questions were asked about each user type’s daily routine and how water is used throughout their day. Researchers were looking for patterns of daily water use; users’ ideas and attitudes about water, water conservation; how users interpreted challenges and opportunities related to water 41

on site; and users’ ideas of how to make improvements. Follow-up questions were asked when Sisters and site administrators as the on site analysis progressed.

save time. Downspouts were also identified for each building to help identify what infrastructure may be needed to increase rainwater harvesting

Second, after interviews were conducted, researchers took inventory and measurements of physical elements that relate to water demand, rainwater harvesting, and the toilet assessment. Upon observation, researchers found that there were three different types of toilets identified on the compounds: seated toilets with cisterns, flushing squat toilets, and dry squat toilets. The water per flush for toilets was estimated measuring cisterns and commonly used buckets. Researchers also took roof measurements to calculate the total amount of rainwater being harvested now and how much water could potentially be harvested. Roof measurements were mostly calculated using Google Earth images to

After interviews and taking measurements, researchers set to calculating the current and future water demand; current and potential rainwater harvesting; and analyzing toilet facilities for both compounds. The next sections present detailed findings from the analyses related to water demand, rainwater harvesting, and sanitation respectively. It should be noted that all findings included here were presented to Sisters and site administrators for both compounds for their feedback before researchers departed from Uganda.

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Photo #7: Researchers presenting information from the water demand analysis to Sisters and site administrators.

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Water Demand Analysis For St. Monica Gulu & Atiak Compounds Introduction This section analyzes both the current and future water demand at the St. Monica compounds in Gulu and Atiak. This analysis is particularly important because of the variability of water availability between the wet and dry seasons in East Africa. In addition to estimating current and future water use at these sites, identifying where water use could be minimized and saved will help with each compound’s resiliency in times when water is scarce. What follows are the methods used, findings, and recommendations of how to save water now and meet future needs for both St. Monica compounds.

Methodology for water demand There were three goals for this part of the project: 1) to identify the current quantity of water being used daily by user groups, 2) identify anticipated future growth at these sites and what that growth means for water demand, and 3) provide recommendations for how water could be conserved more systematically. The data used to estimate current and future demand was drawn from two principle sources.

First, as described above in the chapter introduction, information was gathered from interviews with students, Sisters, and staff over the course of about two weeks on site. Second, after interviews were conducted, several physical measurements were taken of the current water system in order to estimate site usage.

As will be explained, some water uses were estimated using established “rules of thumb” rather than actual measurements. Toilet flushing is one of the largest uses of water at the St. Monica’s sites. There were three different types of toilets identified on the

compounds: seated toilets with cisterns, flushing squat toilets, and dry squat toilets.

The water per flush for toilets with cisterns was estimated by measuring one tank’s water level before and after a flush, which turned out to be 10.2 liters. One flush for a

dry squat toilet was estimated to be 3 liters, the size of the bucket commonly used to flush those toilets. Finally, for flush squat toilets that did not have a tank, but rather a pipe leading straight from the water source, researchers estimated that about 6 liters were used per flush or twice that of dry squat toilets.

For other activities, such as hand washing, cooking, cleaning, drinking, and bathing, staff members and residents were first interviewed on how much water they used for these activities. Some user types, such as the clinic in Gulu, were confident in their ability to gauge specific water uses and knew, for instance, that they used about 30 liters of water for drinking a day.

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However, when users did not feel particularly important for analyzing water like they were confident estimating, the use by the resident population. After World Health Organization (WHO) data for calculating the current water demand, recommended water usage was used, which researchers turned their focus to forecasting is 40 liters a day (or 10 liters each) for the future demand. Taking the current total drinking, cooking, personal washing, and water demand for each area of the   washing clothes. This estimate was compound, the researchers divided it by the user type to obtain an estimate for the amount of water used per user. For example, the total water demand for the clinic was divided by the current number of patients per day. This included any staff water use, ensuring that the increase in staff would be accounted for with the increase in users. Then, the projected number of users, in this example the patients, were multiplied by the estimate of current water use per patient. The projected growth was identified by the in-depth interviews with key respondent administrators and site supervisors. Once the current and future water demand was calculated and fine-tuned, the data was presented to the sisters for their feedback.  

Gulu Compound Water Demand Findings When comparing both compounds, the St. Monica compound in Gulu has the largest current and projected water demand.

This is due to the large number of activities that take place at the site. These activities generate many different kinds of water users on the compound utilizing the many services it offers. The water users for the Gulu compound consisted of the clinic, restaurant, girls school and dormitory, preschool/ kindergarten, Sisters and auxiliary staff, adult education program, regular visitors, animal husbandry activities, and special events. Below is a summary of the current and project water demand, in liters of water per day for the Gulu compound, followed by an in depth discussion of the findings by each user type.

Table #7: St. Monica Gulu water demand St. Monica Gulu Water Demand User Type

Current (L/D)

Projected (L/D)

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Clinic

618

773

Restaurant

302

660

17,380

21,567

Preschool and Kindergarten

4,713

16,985

Sisters and Aux Staff

1,722

1,944

441

649

Visitors

1,824

2,736

Animal Husbandry

2,459

3,513

Special Events

6,390

7,668

Total Liters per Day

35,850

56,494

Girls School and Dormitory

Adult Education

additional patients for vaccinations. To serve those patients, the clinic also has 8 staff members that use its facilities daily. The staff has seated toilets with cisterns and the patients have dry squat flush toilets available to them. Each staff member was estimated to use 2 flushes and each patient 1 flush, resulting in a total of 528 liters used for toilets. Interviews revealed that the entire clinic uses about 30 liters of drinking water, 40 liters for hand washing, and 20 liters for mopping daily. This resulted in the total water demand of 618 liters per day. With the Sisters anticipating a growth to 200 patients per day, the future water demand is projected to be about 773 liters per day.

Analysis of Water Demand by User Type – Gulu Compound

Restaurant: Moving to the Corner St. Monica Restaurant, currently only 10 customers are being served by 6 staff members. The toilets available to both customers and staff are seated with cisterns and each customer was estimated to use them once while they were there and each staff member was estimated to use toilets twice daily, resulting in 132 liters per day.

However, currently only 10 customers are being served. Hand washing and drinking water was available in the form of jerrycans and staff said that about 40 and 30 liters were used per day. Using the 5 liters per meal that was explained above, each staff and customer were estimated to have one meal per day at the restaurant. This resulted in a total water demand of 302 liters per day.

Staff stated that the maximum capacity for the restaurant is 50 people per day, and using this the projected future demand is 660 liters per day.

Clinic: Interviews with sisters and staff revealed that the clinic on the Gulu compound serves about 100 patients a day for various ailments, along with 60

Residential Vocational School: From interviews with the Sisters, we learned that there are about 254 resident students on the Gulu compound. Three separate resident 46

student groups were formed between those studying tailoring, hairdressing, and catering. In the three groups, students revealed that they use water daily for washing clothes, bathing, and drinking.

Water used for washing clothes is obtained from one 5,000-liter rain harvesting tank in the dormitory courtyard. Water for bathing comes from the large tank in the back of the compound and drinking water is gathered from a manual pump in the courtyard.

Included in this part of the analysis are 20 commuter students and 18 staff members.

For toilet use, students have access to squat flush toilets. It was estimated that resident students would use the toilets 4 times a day, while commuters would use toilets twice a day. Staff members have access to seated with cistern toilets and it was estimated that they use them twice a day. The drinking, cooking, washing clothes, and bathing water use was estimated using the WHO estimate of 40 liters per day. Commuter students and staff members were estimated to drink 1.5 liters of water per day and use 10 liters for cooking (or 2 meals). It was estimated that all users would need a total of 40 liters of water for cleaning and 40 for hand washing per day. In total, the girls’ school has the largest total water demand in Gulu with 17,380 liters per day. Of this total, 16,256 liters is estimated for the resident students, 470 for the commuters and 574 for the staff members. For future water demand, researchers used the maximum capacity for resident students, 300, and added 40 commuter students for a total of 340 students. This resulted in a daily water demand of 21,567 liters.

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Photo #8: Rainwater harvesting tank used by resident students on the Gulu compound for washing clothes

Preschool and Kindergarten: The Gulu compound also serves the area by offering preschool and kindergarten classes.

The head teacher revealed that currently there are 101 students, 60 all day and 41 half day. There are also 10 daycare children and 8 staff members. There are flush squat toilets available to students and staff, and it was estimated that all day students will use the restroom three times and half day will use it twice. The head teacher told us the meals are made at a kitchen next to the school and 30 jerrycans are used for meals each day. There was also two jerrycans used for hand washing and about 150 liters are used for deinking each day. This resulted in 4,713 liters of water used each day. For future use, the head teacher stated that 100 students are a really low attendance for the school, where she is expecting about 400 students per year in the future. With this estimate, the total projected water demand is 16,985 liters per day.

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Sisters and Auxiliary Staff: There are seven Sisters and seven resident staff who live on the compound, with an additional 48 staff members that live off site. The toilets available for the sisters are seated with cisterns and each Sister was estimated to use four flushes per day. The toilets for staff are flush squats and resident staff were estimated to use four flushes and nonresident were given two. For washing, bathing, cooking, and drinking the WHO 40liter estimate was assigned to each sister and resident staff, while nonresident staff were each assigned 1.5 liters of drinking water, 20 liters for hand washing, and 40 liters for cleaning. This resulted in 1,722 liters of water demand. It was estimated that the Sister’s numbers would grow and the total number of users would be 70, resulting in 1,944 liters of water demanded per day.

Visitors: There are many visitors that come and go on the Gulu compound, so it was important to estimate their water demand. There are instances that visitors will come to stay on the compound, such as the group of researchers performing this analysis or if an individual has come a far distance. With a constant flow of sisters from other compounds and visitors from other countries coming to Gulu, the Sisters estimated that about 20 resident visitors stay per day. The Sisters also estimated there are an additional 15 visitors that come and leave each day. The toilets available for visitors are seated with cisterns and each were given four flushes, while day visitors were given one. For resident visitors, the WHO estimate of 40 liters was used for their daily water use outside of toilets. For day visitors, 0.5 liters were estimated for hand washing, 0.5 liters for drinking, and 40 liters total for cleaning. This resulted in the current water demand of 1,824 liters per day. Researchers

Adult Education: A new adult education program began on the compound and the opening was celebrated while researchers were on site. Currently, there are 34 students in the program and there are five children that are watched while their mothers are in school. Teachers were not counted in this group because they were teachers already counted in the main school.

The toilets available are seated with cisterns, and since they are there for a short time they were estimated to use one flush. The 5 children were also given one flush but the toilets available for them were flush squat.

Each student and child were estimated to drink .5 liters per day and there were 20 liters for hand washing and 40 for cleaning.

This resulted in the adult education program demanding 441 liters of water per day. In the future, the program is expected to grow to 50 students, which would increase the water demand to 649 liters per day. estimated the amount of resident visitors to increase to 30 in the future, which resulted in the projected water demand of 2,736 liters per day.

Animal Husbandry: There are currently a variety of animals living on the Gulu compound. The animals consist of 14 cattle, 8 goats, 3 dogs, 2 cats, 3 turkeys, and 26 ducks. The cattle use about 1,000 liters of water per day for drinking and 1,429 liters for cleaning. Goats use about 20 liters per day for drinking, where dogs use 10 liters.

The cats, turkeys, and ducks could not be estimated because they use the extra water that runs on the ground when people are using the manual pumps. Initially, crops were going to be included in this section, however, crops are only rain fed. The current total of water demanded for animal husbandry is 2,459 liters per day. With the 48

growth of users on the compound, it was estimated that the number of animals might increase to 20 and result in 3,513 liters per day for projected water demand.

Special Events: The final user type is special events. The Gulu compound is able to support about 300 people for conferences, marriages, and other large gatherings.

Currently, there is a meeting held for about 250 business professionals almost every weekend on the compound. The toilets available to participants are seated with cisterns and each was estimated to use two flushes. Researchers were told that about 40

liters are used for hand washing during the event. The compound provides lunch and, using the five liters of water per meal that was detailed in the methodology section, the total water demand for this special event is 6,390. Researchers were told that the maximum capacity is 300 people, which was used for the projected water demand and resulted in 7,668 liters per day. It should be noted that even though this event is only on the weekends, the total water demand for the Gulu compound should include this user type, as it will influence how much water the compound needs.

Gulu Water Demand Key Points •

Current water use at Gulu compound is 35,850 liters of water per day. The girl’s school and dormitory has the largest demand for water due to the large number of users and demands 17,380 liters of water per day. There is also a large water demand for special events on the compound. Even though these only take place on Saturdays and Sundays, it is important to include in this analysis because they contribute an additional 6,390 liters to the water demand on those days.

•

Future water demand at the Gulu compound is 56,494 liters per day. A significant influence on this increase is the girl’s school and dormitory. If this user type reaches its full capacity of 300 residents, and more commuter students are added, the girl’s school water demand will increase by 5,000 liters per day. The preschool and kindergarten are 49

expected to have larger classes in the very near future, as the head teacher said she expects 300 students next year. However, for the estimate the maximum capacity of 400 was used and resulted in a projected water demand of 16,985 liters per day.

•

Current water demand for toilet use at the Gulu compound is 23,762 liters per day.

Toilet use is a major factor, 66 percent, in how much water is being used daily on the Gulu compound. With the expected growth, it can be assumed that this will continue to influence the overall water demand. Conservation methods should be investigated in an attempt to minimize the total amount of water used for toilet facilities. Some methods could be to install low flush toilets, add a large object (such as a brick) to the tank to reduce the amount per flush, and education.

•

Dry Season Supply Constraints. As indicated by the residents of the Gulu compound, the current supply of borehole water and rainwater harvest is enough to meet the water demands of the compound during the rainy season, but during the dry season, there is a strain on the supply of water. With the projected growth of the Gulu compound, there is a need to add additional rainwater harvesting tanks, especially near the girls’ dormitory to use for their washing and cleaning. There is also the issue of the large tank leaking and wasting a large amount of water each day. However, money had already been raised for a replacement tank and should be taken care of in the near future.

Atiak Compound Water Demand Findings The St. Monica Atiak campus’ water demand was calculated similarly to Gulu’s, by interviewing sisters and staff that were a part of the daily operations in Atiak.

However, there were some assumptions made by the researchers due to being unable to confirm some of the data at the time that this report was written. The amount of water used for cleaning (20 liters) and the amount used for cooking for non-residents (5 liters) was taken from the Gulu assumptions. Using the information from the interviews, as well as the researcher’s observations, the current and projected water demand in liters per day for the Atiak compound was calculated and is shown in the table below, followed by an in depth discussion of the user types.

Table #8: St. Monica Atiak water demand

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St. Monica Atiak Water Demand Current (L/D)

Projected (L/D)

2,249

11,694

Future Orphanage

N/A

9,736

Sisters and Aux Staff

913

1,521

Clinic

386

772

Resident Students

6,120

6,120

Visitors

1,252

2,504

25

25

10,944

32,372

User Type School

Animal Husbandry Total Liters per Day (L/ D)

Analysis of Water Demand by User Type – Atiak Compound School: Similar to the Gulu compound, Atiak also serves the area by offering nonresidential preschool and kindergarten classes. There are currently a total of 50 students and 2 staff members for the classes. Each student was estimated to drink 1.5 liters of water per day and 2 meals, or use 10 liters of water per meal for cooking, per day. The toilets available for students and staff are flush squat and each student was estimated to use them three times and two times for staff. 40 liters was estimated for hand washing and 40 liters for cleaning. This resulted in a total daily water demand of 2,249 liters. The projected demand is expected to increase dramatically to 11,694 liters due to the expansion of the school to grades prekindergarten to seventh, with a final total of 260 students.

Orphanage: There is an orphanage being built on the Atiak compound and this

water demand is being estimated only for the future. Of the ten houses being built, five are already completed and each house will hold ten children and two staff members.

The toilets that will be available are seated with cisterns and it was estimated that each child and staff member would use four flushes. Also, for each child and staff member, the WHO estimate of 40 liters per day for cooking, drinking, bathing, and washing clothes was used. An additional 40 liters was added for cleaning per day for all users. The total future demand for the orphanage is 9,738 liters per day.

Sisters and Auxiliary Staff: Currently, there are five Sisters and five resident staff who live on the compound, with an additional 2 security guards at night.

The toilets available for the sisters and resident staff are seated with cisterns and each user was estimated to use four flushes per day. The toilets for the security guards are also seated with cisterns and were given two flushes. For washing, bathing, cooking, and drinking the WHO 40-liter estimate was assigned to each sister and resident staff, with an additional 40 liters for cleaning.

This resulted in 913 liters of water per day for the current demand. There are plans to build a sister house on the compound, which would house 20 sisters and the projected water demand is 1,521 liters per day.

Clinic: Interviews with sisters and staff revealed that the clinic on the Atiak compound serves about 25 patients a day for various ailments using two staff members.

Also, right next to the compound is a birthing center that offers a place for expecting mothers to give birth. The birthing center is not a part of St. Monica’s; however, it was included in this analysis because the birthing center uses the same pump to 51

supply their water. The toilets available at the clinic are seated with cisterns and each patient was estimated to use them once, while each staff member was estimated to use it twice. The birthing center toilets were composting and required no water. A staff member revealed that an additional 20 liters for cleaning, 30 liters for drinking, and 40 liters for hand washing were used at the clinic. This resulted in a total of 386 liters of water being used daily. The maximum capacity of the clinic is 50 patients a day, which was used for the projected use, and resulted in 772 liters of water per day.

Resident Students: The Atiak compound also has vocational students that live on the compound and learn a trade, similar to the Gulu compound. Currently, there are 75 students living on the Atiak compound that have access to flush squat toilets and each were estimated to use them four times a day. The WHO estimate of 40liters per day for cooking, washing clothes, bathing, and drinking was used for each student. Also, 40 liters of water was estimated for cleaning their dormitory each day. This resulted in a water demand of 6,120 liters per day. The maximum students that dormitory can hold is 75, and there are not any plans to build more rooms, so the projected water is also 6,120 liters per day.

Visitors: As with Gulu, there are a number of visitors that come to St. Monica’s Atiak compound. Researchers learned from the sisters that about 15 people in total come to visit each day. It should be noted that there is a borehole on the site near the

entrance gate that is used by community members. These individuals are excluded from the water demand analysis. For the 15 visitors, each was estimated to use four flushes on toilets that are seated with cisterns. The WHO estimate of 40 liters per person was also assigned to each visitor per day, as well as 40 liters for cleaning for everyone. The current water demand for visitors is 1,252 liters per day. It is estimated that in the future there will be 30 visitors per day, resulting in 2,504 liters of water per day.

Animal Husbandry: Lastly, there five pigs and five goats on the Atiak compound.

The researchers took the Gulu drinking water estimate of 12.5 liters per day for each goat, and assigned it to both the pigs and goats on the Atiak compound. This resulted in 25 liters of water per day for animal husbandry. The total number of animals is not expected to change in the future, so the projected water demand stays at 25 liters of water per day.

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Photo #9: Borehole used to supply water to the St. Monica Atiak compound

Atiak Water Demand Key Points

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•

Current water demand for the Atiak compound is 10,944 liters per day. The largest users of water are the resident students that live in the dormitory, 75 girls in total, demanding 6,120 liters per day. The second largest user is the school, currently a preschool and kindergarten, demanding 2,249 liters per day. The rest of the 2,575 liters per day are used by the sisters and auxiliary staff (913 liters), the clinic (386 liters), visitors (1,252 liters), and animal husbandry (25 liters).

•

Future water demand for the Atiak compound nearly triples to 32,372 liters per day.

With the addition of a primary school, grades 1-7 of about 40 students each, the largest future user is the school at 11,694 liters per day. This second largest user, the orphanage, will be new to the Atiak compound in the future. It is projected to house 100 children and 20 full-time workers with a demand of 9,736 liters per day. The resident students are not projected to increase in number; however, they are still a major user of water with 6,120 liters per day. The 608 liters per day increase for the sisters is due to the addition of a sister house, which may hold 20 sisters and guests. The remaining 3,301 liters is used by the clinic (772 liters), visitors (2,504 liters), and animal husbandry (25 liters).

•

Current water demand for toilet use at the Atiak compound is 9,374 liters per day.

According to the analysis, toilet use accounts for 85 percent of the daily water use on the Atiak compound. Similar to the Gulu compound, conservation methods should be investigated in an attempt to make each toilet flush more efficient. Some methods could be to install low flush toilets, add a large object (such as a brick) to the tank to reduce the amount per flush, and education.

•

Dry Season Constraints. Currently, the amount of water being supplied from the boreholes and rainwater is enough for the users above, however, there are some challenges for the Atiak compound during the dry season. Further complications arise with the projected growth of services to be offered on the Atiak compound. With the projected growth, there is a need to increase the amount of water that can be supplied.

Rainwater harvesting systems could be added to curb the increased demand of washing clothes and cleaning. Currently, the orphanage is planning to have a rainwater harvesting system for each of the 10 houses, which will help with the added water demand of these users. Increasing storage for the water from the borehole is being planned, as the current 8,000-liter storage will not be enough to supply the needs in the future.

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Rainwater Harvesting Analysis For St. Monica Gulu & Atiak Compounds Introduction Rainwater harvesting a system designed to collect precipitation and store it for future use.

Water is usually collected from rooftops and is relatively clean. Often a “first wash” siphons off the first precipitation from a rooftop thereby cleaning the roof to a degree. Collected rainwater can also be restricted to non-potable uses thereby relieving demand on potable sources in lieu of being used for drinking or cooking. Rainwater harvesting is a common technique used throughout Africa as a way to expand users’ water portfolio and increase household and community resiliency in times of drought.

Rainwater harvesting is analyzed here as an opportunity to decrease the stress of the water demand on the Gulu and Atiak St. Monica campuses. Currently, both locations are collecting limited amounts of rainwater, but there remains the potential to capture significantly larger volumes of water if the sites’ rainwater collection systems were expanded. To this end, this section of the report provides an inventory of the existing rainwater tanks, building area, gutters, and downspouts. This was done in order to estimate how much water is likely being captured currently as well as how much could be captured with additional investments to expand the current systems.

Methodology for Rainwater Harvesting To calculate the volume of precipitation available for rainwater harvesting at any given time t, the volume of the previous month is added to the amount of runoff for the current month, and then local demand for that water is subtracted for that month (Mihelcic, 2009). This was done for each month of the year for the different structures around the Gulu and Atiak compounds.

In order to calculate the current and potential rainwater harvested, the surface area of each building’s rooftop was needed.

To find this, a combination of physical measurements and Google Earth images were used. While the physical measurements were taken with a measuring tape, the “measure this distance” tool on Google

Earth was utilized to measure the roof sizes that were more difficult to reach or when there was not adequate time to perform physical measurements. By measuring the perimeter of each building, it was possible to 54

calculate the surface area of the roofs to further calculate the other rainwater harvesting figures.

After collecting surface areas for the different buildings, allocation for each user was done with the building that would most likely be used for rainwater. For

example, the water demand for patients was allocated with the potential rainfall for the clinic because patients would need water around the clinic. The table below shows each user and what building structure was assigned to them.

Table #9: St. Monica users and locations St. Monica Users and Locations Atiak Users

Gulu Location

Users

Location

Students

Dorms/Classrooms 2

Students

Dorms/Classrooms

Sisters

Sisters' House

Sisters

Sisters' House

Kindergarten & Primary School

Classroom 1

Kindergartens

Preschool

Patients

Clinic

Patients

Clinic

Visitors

Multipurpose Building

Visitors

Pink House

Orphans

Orphanage Homes

Afterwards, spreadsheets for each building and user were created to calculate the total amount of rainfall potential for each user. The calculation used to measure the amount of potential rainfall available for captured was: ! × A × C P where P is the volume of precipitation that is collected over a period of one month, A is the guttered roof area, and C is the runoff coefficient, which is the amount of rain hitting the roof that reaches the storage system. Capture efficiency was set to 85%, which assumes that 85% of the rainfall that falls on the roof will be captured.

Calculation for the rainfall available at the end of the month is as follows:

V ! t = Vt−1 + Ru n of f –Dem a n d The amount of rainfall available at the end of the month is equal to the amount of precipitation from the previous month, adding the runoff of the current month available, minus the demand for that month.

Limitations/Assumptions In calculating surface area, there were a few limitations that potentially affected our overall results. In measuring

55

distances using Google Earth, there is a possibility that the measurements are

inaccurate. The tool used to measure on Google Earth was prone to human error coupled with a lack of definitive building outlines as the further you zoomed in on the images, the more pixelated they became.

This would affect the calculations of surface area, and would further affect the calculations for current and projected rainwater harvesting.

From both compounds, interviews were done to the different Sisters and students at Saint Monica’s. There was a need for clarification for the exact number of current and future users for different parts of the compounds, but sometimes this number was a rough estimate. Rainfall data was used as an average over the last twenty years for

Gulu, Uganda. This data was used for both Atiak and Gulu. Currently accurate measurements of rainfall in Atiak are not available, but local knowledge suggests that Atiak receives less annual rainfall than Gulu. As a result, Atiak estimates must be treated with caution, as they are likely overestimates. For all demands used for each user and building was limited to what the demand team of this project had, and their limitation hold here as well.

For the rainwater calculation, the assumption of monthly demand held constant for the entire year was used to get the different amount of rainfall available.

The calculations were also adjusted at the end of each month to restrict the number to the size of the storage tank.

Gulu Compound Rainwater Analysis As shown below, there are currently six rainwater tanks on the site including four polyethylene tanks that are connected to downspouts and in working order. The downspout for one polyethylene tank (T4) is broken, thus, it is not in working order. The final tank is a rectangular metal tank that is not covered and has been observed to have a green algae-like substance in it. Many other downspouts are not connected to a water tank and provide an opportunity for additional rainwater harvesting.

Table #10: Gulu rainwater storage inventory Rainwater Storage Inventory Tank

1

Description/Location Behind Pink House – only collecting from 16 % of house.

Spout is locked - covered

Dimensions

5,000 L

Functional

✓

Water Distribution/Uses Spout outside of tank

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Square metal container inside dormitory courtyard, uncovered, collecting rain from one side, full of algae, bugs

2

4’ x 3’4” x 8’

✓

Spout

L H W

3

In corner near girls’ restrooms/ dormitory, collecting from that corner, covered

5,000 L

✓

Spout

4

Disconnected tank near leaking main tank and auxiliary restrooms, currently not filled by rooftop rain, uncovered

5,000 L

✓

Spout and attachable hose

5

Captured from backside of sisters’ house

5,000 L

✓

Spout

6

Between kindergarten and banana village, next to kids’ restrooms, covered

5,000 L

✓

Spout used for hand washing

Table #11: Gulu compound downspouts Gulu Compound Downspouts Building

Number of downspouts

Number of missing downspouts

Downspouts connected to a tank

Number of rainwater tanks

Notes

School and Dormitory

32

6

2

3

1 open metal tank and 2 poly tanks

Sister’s House

4

0

1

1

1 poly tank

Preschool

6

0

1

1

1 poly tank

Pink House

25

0

4

1

1 poly tank

Clinic

8

0

0

0

Maternity Ward

4

0

0

0

Total

79

6

8

6

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The following section provides detailed information on roof area, existing tanks, and potential rainwater harvesting for each of the buildings. Below is a legend to aid with interpretation of figures #-#.

Table #12: Legend for symbols in Figures #6-8

Legend T2

Tank 2 - open metal tank in dormitory courtyard

T3

Tank 3 - poly tank near dormitory bathroom

T

Downspout feeding a tank

O

Downspout

M

Missing downspout

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School and Dormitory Buildings: The classroom and dormitory building is a large building that meanders around three courtyards including the entry courtyard, the classroom courtyard, and the dormitory courtyard. As such, there are multiple rooflines and points at which rainwater can be harvested. The roof area is calculated to be 3,704 m². The entire perimeter of the building and all of the courtyards have gutters.

One polyethylene tank (T3) is located within the courtyard near the dormitories. The open (unprotected) metal tank (T2) is also located in this courtyard.

There are six downspouts in the courtyard that empty to the ground and provide an opportunity for harvesting rainwater.

Pink House: The “Pink House” is a U-shaped building with a hipped roof. The roof area is calculated to be 752 m². There is one polyethylene tank (T1) at one corner of the house. From observing the gutters and downspouts, only four downspouts are capped to direct water towards the tank. Of the remaining downspouts, 16 direct water into the ground, and five spill water onto the ground. Based on the percentage of gutters that are capped, it is estimated that approximately 16 percent of the rainwater is

!

Figure #6: School and dormitory buildings

being harvested at the pink house leaving potential for much more rainwater to be collected there.

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Figure #7: Pink House

Clinic: The clinic building is a simple rectangular building with an A-frame roof. There is currently no rainwater tank at the clinic. The roof area was calculated to be 228 m². There are eight downspouts that direct water into the ground.

Figure #8: Clinic

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Sisters’ House: The sister’s house is a rectangular building with an A-frame roof. The roof area is calculated to be 432 m². There is one polyethylene tank (T5) at the rear of the house that is fed be one downspout. There is one additional downspout at the rear of the house that spills to the ground. There are two downspouts at the front of the house that spill to the ground.

In total, there are four downspouts at the sister’s house, and only one is used to collect rainwater.

Preschool and Daycare (including restroom building): The preschool and daycare building is a U-shaped building with a series of hipped roof sections. The roof area is calculated to be 516 m². The gutters along one side of the preschool feed into a rainwater tank (T6). There are gutters along the front of the building with six downspouts that spill to the ground. In total, 60

there are seven downspouts at the preschool, and only one is used to collect rainwater. There are no gutters along the rear and other side of the building.

The restroom building for the preschool and daycare facility is a rectangular building with a hipped roof. There is one polyethylene tank outside of the restroom building that is supplied by the large metal tank at the rear of the St. Monica’s property.

Maternity Ward: The maternity is a simple rectangular building with a hipped roof with a ridge. There is currently no rainwater tank at the maternity clinic. The roof area was calculated to be 164 m2. There are four downspouts that are open, spilling water onto the ground.

Atiak Compound Rainwater Analysis In order to calculate the potential rainwater than can be harvested at St. Monica’s - Atiak, an inventory was taken of the existing buildings as well as those that are planned. Currently, there is a multipurpose building, two classroom buildings, a dormitory building, a clinic, and the kitchen. There are five orphan homes that are under construction and nearly complete, and five additional homes are planned. Each of the orphan homes is square-shaped with a hip roof. Other structures are either too small or are huts that are not feasible for rainwater collection, thus, they are not included in the calculations in this report. There is one 5,000-liter rainwater tank near the dormitory building that is only collecting rainwater from a portion of the structure. Figure # provides the layout of the site.

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Figure #9: Site plan, St. Monica - Atiak

Results Using the aforementioned formulas for calculation, the potential amount of rainwater that could be collected for each location was found. While the amounts of water collected seem large and in many cases are larger than the need for each particular building, rainwater cannot be used for all water needs. More information is needed on the amounts of non-potable water used at each site, which can then be used to find out how much rainwater will alleviate the stress on other water supplies. The following chart shows potential rainwater collection for the dry seasons 62

(December to February and June to August), rainy seasons (March to May and September to November), annual total:

Table #13: St. Monica potential rainwater harvesting summary St. Monica Potential Rainwater Harvesting Summary Gulu Potential Dry Season* Capture (L)

Potential Rainy Season* Capture (L)

3,704

1,961,453

2,934,309

4,895,762

Clinic

228

120,737

180,622

301,359

Pink House

752

398,222

595,734

993,956

Sisters' House

432

228,766

342,230

570,996

Maternity Ward

164

86,846

129,921

216,767

Preschool

516

273,248

408,775

682,023

5,796

3,069,272

4,591,591

7,660,863

Building Dorms

Total

Roof Size (m^2)

Annual Rainwater Capture (L)

Atiak Building

Roof Size (m^2)

Potential Dry Season* Capture (L)

Potential Rainy Season* Capture (L)

Annual Rainwater Capture (L)

Multi-Purpose

510

270,071

404,022

674,093

Clinic

126

66,723

99,817

166,541

Class 1

198

104,851

156,856

261,707

Class 2

162

86,010

128,669

214,679

Dorms

343

181,583

271,645

453,228

Kitchen

54

28,596

42,779

71,375

723

382,600

572,365

954,964

2,116

1,120,432

1,676,153

2,796,585

Orphanage Total

*Dry season in Uganda is from December to February and June to August according to CIA World Factbook.

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Conclusions Researchers found that although St. Monica’s (both Gulu and Atiak locations) are currently utilizing rainwater harvesting in some capacity, there is room for growth. The gutters and downspouts are largely already in place to increase rainwater harvesting capacity in Gulu, but Atiak would need further improvement in that area. Water conservation methods, along with the implementation of rainwater harvesting can help reduce the strain on other water supplies in both Atiak and Gulu during the dry season. Even though rainwater harvesting can be a valuable resource used at both compounds, there will still be a need for additional resources to help alleviate the shortage of water supply during the dry season. As shown above, the dry season potential rainwater capture is 1.5 million liters less than the rainy season in Gulu, and 555,000 liters less in Atiak. This document is intended as an initial phase for investigating rainwater harvesting potential on both compounds. Further research should be done for amount of storage capacity for the different structures, and placement of rainwater containers.

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Toilet Facility Analysis For St. Monica Gulu & Atiak Compounds Introduction Toilets and their usage are an important part of understanding local water use. As shown in the water demand section, toilet usage is taking up a significant portion of water used at St Monica’s. Through the process described below, the team was able to make recommendations concerning the number of required toilet facilities to meet current demand as well as meeting future projected growth.

Methodology The goal of this analysis is to understand the importance of toilets in the day-to-day lives of the residents and users as well as their relation to overall water use.

Toilets can significantly impact health and comfort of the population. The work consisted of four major components:

• Interviews with students, staff, and the Sisters at the Gulu and Atiak campuses • Visual tours and tabulation of the types of fixtures associated with toilet use • Processing the data and equating personto-toilet ratios present and for future expected growth • Offering recommendations for future toilet facilities including quantity of fixtures and possible layout options

and previous on-going research concerning a Rainwater-Toilet System, the Toilet Usage team also presented designs concerning a system that will help lessen the dependency on the current water supply system, as well as some basic recommendations to use in the interim of bigger system changes.

The teams conducted several interviews that provided information usable for toilet usage. Speaking with groups of

students and resident students about their facilities and concerns pertaining to hygiene provided information on current use.

Additionally, the teams met individually with several Sisters and staff members with firsthand knowledge about the same topic.

Next, the teams were taken on several visual tours, focusing on water—supply, use, storage, and waste. Finally, a tour was given on the current plan for toilet facility expansion. All of this information led to a better understanding of the current situation surrounding toilet usage.

Additionally, using information gathered by the Rainwater Collection team 65

Baseline Facilities Standard

user ratio according to these standards is one toilet per forty children, which is also recommended by the Ugandan Ministry of Education.

As a baseline for the recommendations, the World Health Organization (WHO) and United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) have toilet minimum standards required to service a local population.

According to these standards, the minimum toilet to adult user ratio is one toilet per twenty adults. The minimum toilet to child

Gulu Toilet Facilites Analysis Over the course of three days, several groups of student residents answered interview questions and lead tours of the facilities at St Monica’s, focusing on water and toilet use as it pertains to sanitation, health, and access. During the interviews and the tours, they indicated that the toilets play a significant role in health and comfort of the people at St. Monica’s. Built in the 1980s, most of the facilities are in need of repair or renovation. The next step was to assess the distribution of toilets by building and to identify user groups. These groups can be permanent, as in the Sisters, semi-permanent, as in the resident students, or visitors, such as guests, clinic patients, and restaurant guests. What was discovered was that the distribution of the toilets is not equal. The most pressing observation was that 250+ students have access to only five toilets.

The analysis to follow examines the facilities available to different user groups and compares current toilet availability to current and future demand as per the facilities standard discussed above (1 toilet per 20 users for adults; 1/40 for children).

For Gulu, the team identified the following buildings with needs for toilet facilities as well as their user type:

Table #14: St. Monica Gulu toilet locations and users St. Monica Gulu Toilet Locations and Users Location

Users

Pink House

Visitors guests and residents

St Monica’s Corner Restaurant

Daytime visitors and employees

Father Bill’s Houses

Visitors and daycare staff

Clinics (and the Clinic Outhouse)

Visitors and employees

Banana Village

Visitors and semi-permanent residents

Daycare

Daytime visitors (children) and staff

Blue-Green House

Visitors

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Dormitories

Resident students

Sister’s House

Permanent residents

Classroom Block

Daytime visitors (students)

Staff Facilities

Daytime and resident staff

Special Disabled Facilities (Pit Latrine)

Daytime visitors (students)

Table #15 is divided on the Y-Axis by Building Name. Information gathered on these locations include: •

Type of water function available (shower, toilet type)

•

User type

•

Capacities (both current and future, or max, projected capacities)

•

Standard baseline (as set by WHO and UNICEF)

•

# of toilets required for disability access (for current and future projected capacities)

•

Number of toilets required based on capacity x standard (for current and future projected capacities)

•

Actual number of toilets available (for current and future projected capacities)

•

Required number of toilets (for current and future projected capacities)

A quick glance will permit the reader to see where deficiencies are in the form of green and red squares. Green marks are where the number of toilet facilities available meet the standard requirement set by the WHO and UNICEF. Red indicates where there are deficiencies in the number of facilities available.

have an impact on the campus and facility use. On-site catering and events bring large number of guests and should be taken into consideration if those events are to increase in frequency. Also, the success of the adult education continues to grow and also has an impact on the campus facilities.

Additionally, several other key functions warranted an examination, as they

Gulu Findings

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Current use and future growth are met with existing facilities, with the exception of the following categories: the Daycare / Kindergarten, the Clinics, Girls’ Dormitories, and special events.

•

The Daycare / Kindergarten currently have adequate toilet facilities for the amount of users, which stands at four toilets for roughly 110 children. With future growth projected to triple current numbers (300+), at least four more toilets will be needed to meet the demand.

•

The Maternity Ward (Clinic II) is set to open in the very near future. With the combined patients of the maternity ward and existing clinic, demand for the Clinic Outhouses will increase. Based on WHO / UNICEF standards, a recommendation of an additional 2-4 toilets is strongly suggested to meet the combined demands of the existing clinic and the maternity ward.

•

The Girls’ Dormitory has the greatest need for additional toilets. During student interviews, the students discussed in detail their challenges with the current facilities. At this time, there are 254 resident students sharing five toilets and five showers. It is not uncommon for one or more of the toilets, sinks, and showers to be out of service. The students talked of discomfort as well as the potential of illnesses spreading from the inadequate number of bathroom facilities. They also shared stories of long wait times at the facilities and how this negatively affected their lives, such as causing them to be late for classes. More toilets would improve health, comfort, and convenience for the women living at the school. The recommendation is to add 9-12 toilets to meet current and maximum capacity.

•

Special events at the Gulu compound should be noted. During special events, which are happening with increasing frequency, a large number of people arrive to the campus, significantly adding to the demand on the toilet facilities. Currently, these attendants are using both the Restaurant and Father Bill’s House facilities, totaling six toilets. If these events continue, it is recommended that an additional 5-9 toilets be added.

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Table #15: St. Monica Gulu toilet analysis St Monica (Gulu) Toilet Analysis Location

Shower

Squat Toilet

Squat Toilet Commode Pit Total (Pour) Latrine Toilets

User Type

User Qty

Max Standard Capacity

Toilets Toilets Number Numbe required required of toilets of toilet for for required Require disability disability by by standard standard standard standar (current) (max) (current) (max)

Pink House (Guests)

2

2

2

Visiting Guests

20

20

20

1

1

1

1

Pink House (Resident)

3

3

3

Residents (Sisters)

2

4

20

0

0

0.1

0.2

Restaurant Father House I (Guest)

4 2

Father House I (Staff)

4

Customers

10

50

20

1

1

0.5

2.5

2

2

Visiting Guests

4

6

20

0

0

0.2

0.3

2

2

6

40

20

0

0.3

2

2

2

Daycare Staff / Visitors Visiting Guests

4

4

20

0

0

0.2

0.2

Father House II

2

Clinic I

1

2

2

Clinic Staff

7

9

20

0

0

0.35

0.45

Clinic II (Maternity)

1

2

2

Clinic Staff

2

9

20

0

0

0.1

0.45

Clinic Outhouse

6

6

Clinic Guests

160

200

20

2

8

10

Banana Village (5)

5

5

Visiting Guests

9

10

20

0

1

0.45

0.5

Daycare / Kindergarten

4

4

Students

111

300

40

0

0

2.775

7.5

Blue / Green House

1

1

Visiting Guests

2

2

20

0

0

0.1

0.1

Dormitory

5

5

5

Residential Students

274

340

20

2

2

13.7

17

Classroom Block

3

9

9

Teaching Staff

18

20

20

1

1

0.9

1

Sister’s House

2

2

2

Sisters

5

5

20

0

0

0.25

0.25

Staff Restrooms

4

4

2

6

Staff

48

48

20

1

1

2.4

2.4

1

1

Residential Students

1

1

20

0

0

0.05

0.05

10

21

1

58

683

1068

6 5 4 1

Special Handicap Totals

41

26

Special Event Guests

6

6

250

300

20

2

2

12.5

15

Adult Education

2

2

34

50

20

1

2

1.7

2.5

Standard 20

20 : 1

Standard 40

20-40 : 1

According to WHO & UNICEF, the number of adults to toilet ratio (maximum) According to WHO, UNICEF,and Ugandan Ministry of Education the number of children to toilet ratio (maximum)

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Atiak Toilet Facilities Analysis For Atiak, the team used the same process of interviews and tours to gain information about the building types and their water uses. Sisters, staff members and student residents answered interview questions and lead tours of the facilities at Atiak, focusing on water and toilet use as it pertains to sanitation, health, and access. The next step was to assess the distribution of toilets by building and to identify user groups. These groups can be permanent, as in the Sisters, semi-permanent, as in the resident students, or visitors, such as guests, and clinic patients. The information gathered and bathroom inventory to identify the following buildings with needs for toilet facilities and their identified user type:

Table #16: St. Monica Atiak toilet locations and users St. Monica Atiak Toilet Locations and Users Existing Location

Planned Users

Locations

Users

MultiPurpose Building

Visiting guests

MultiPurpose Building Addition

Visiting guests

Clinic

Medical staff and patients

Sisters’ House

Permanent residents

Orphanage

Orphans, house moms, and assistants

Primary School

Daytime students

Maternity Ward

Medical staff and patients

Orphanage Addition

Orphans, house moms, and assistants

MultiPurpose Outhouse

Everyone

Guest House

Visiting guests

Dormitory

Resident students

Kitchen Hut

Staff

Visitors’ Hut

Visiting guests

As in the Gulu spreadsheet, Table #17 for Atiak is divided on the Y-Axis by Building Name. Information gathered on these locations include: •

Type of water function available (shower, toilet type)

•

User type

•

Capacities (both current and future, or max, projected capacities) 70

•

Standard baseline (as set by WHO and UNICEF)

•

# of toilets required for disability access (for current and future projected capacities)

•

Number of toilets required based on capacity x standard (for current and future projected capacities)

•

Actual number of toilets available (for current and future projected capacities)

•

Required number of toilets (for current and future projected capacities)

A quick glance will permit the reader to see where deficiencies are in the form of green, yellow, and red squares. Green marks where the number of facilities available meet the standard requirement set by the WHO and UNICEF. Yellow indicates where there is no surplus or deficit, but where the toilet facilities are meeting the current demand. Red indicates where there are deficiencies in the number of toilet facilities available. Gold indicates additional information that needs to be provided in order to continue with the analysis. Once information such as “User Quantity” and “Max Quantity” is provided, the number of facilities required as well as the number of

disabled-accessible facilities can be determined, which are highlighted in orange.

This information was either unavailable or unknown at the time of this report. The blue squares indicate what the research team is recommending based on available information.

Additionally, another key function warranted an examination, as it has an impact on the campus and facility use. Onsite catering and events bring large number of guests and should be taken into consideration if those events are to increase in frequency.

Atiak Findings In Atiak, the data gathered through the interviews and tours show that the current toiletto-person ratio meets standards as defined by WHO / UNICEF. However, plans for future buildings will require toilet and shower facilities in order to provide a hygienic environment and to protect health and provide comfort for users. The areas of focus as identified by the data include the new Primary school, additional Orphanages, the Sister House, the Guest House, and the completion of the Multi-Purpose Building.

•

An estimated 280 students are projected to attend the future Primary School.

According to the standards, a minimum of eight toilets will be needed to meet the demand.

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•

The Sisters’ House will be designed to accommodate up to 40 residents, requiring a minimum of two toilets. Because the Sister House is intended to house elderly and potentially wheelchair bound residents, adding wheelchair accessible toilets is necessary to provide students and Sisters with the assistance needed to ensure a healthy and comfortable quality of life.

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Table #17: St. Monica Atiak toilet analysis St Monica (Atiak) Toilet Analysis Location

Shower

Sinks

Squat Toilet

Orphanage

5

5

5

Clinic

1

1

Multi-Purpose Bldg (Existing, Unfinished)

2

2

Maternity Ward

2

8

Multi-Purpose Outhouse Dormitory

6

2

4 5

Squat Toilet Commode EcoTotal (Pour) Latrine Toilets

1

3

User Type

User Max Standard Toilets Toilets Qty Capacity required for required for Disability disability standard standard (current) (max)

Number Number of toilets of toilets per per standard( standard current) (max)

5

Orphans / House Moms / Assistants

0

60

40

0

2

0

1.5

1

Medical Staff

2

2

20

0

0

0.1

0.1

0

All Guests

20

1

*TBD

0

0

3

Staff / Patients

4

6

20

0

0

0.2

0.3

4

Everyone*

30

80

20

1

2

1.5

4

10

10

5

Resident Students

75

75

20

2

2

3.75

3.75

Kitchen Hut

1

1

1

1

Sisters / Kitchen Staff

12

12

20

1

1

0.6

0.6

Visitors’ Hut

1

1

1

1

5

25

20

0

1

0.25

1.25

28

30

Visiting Guests / Sisters

128

260

2

2

0

7.5

Totals

14

0

3

3

20

FUTURE Primary School

Students

300

40

Resident Students / Staff All Guests

60

20

2

2

0

3

Guest House

6

20

*TBD

*TBD

0

0.3

Sister’s House

Sisters / Staff

20

*TBD

*TBD

0

0

Everyone*

20

*TBD

*TBD

0

0

20

2

2

10

15

Add’l Orphanage

Multi-Purpose Bldg (Planned)

Special Event Guests

6

Standard 20

20 : 1

Standard 40

20-40 : 1

6

200

300

According to WHO & UNICEF, the number of adults to toilet ratio (maximum) According to WHO, UNICEF,and Ugandan Ministry of Education the number of children to toilet ratio (maximum) *Includes patients from Clinic

Disability Standard *TBD

0-10 = 0 10-50=1 50+ =2

According to Ugandan Building Code

*To Be Determined, Based on Information that was not provided at the time of the report

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Design Recommendations Using the findings from Rainwater Harvesting, Water Consumption, and Toilet Usage, the team is able to make three preliminary design explorations, designed to focus on three different guiding factors. These suggestions are intended to invoke further discussion and encourage an open dialogue, from which better design solutions may arise. These in no way should limit other suggestions that may come from other sources.

The team had heard consistently from students, teachers, and the Sisters about the inadequate number of shower and toilet facilities for the dormitories. The preceding findings from the various OU teams about water consumption and toilet usage confirm what was heard.

During several meetings with the Sisters, plans for a new bank of toilet facilities outside the dormitories are currently being drawn up. This indicates that there is a desire to address the lack of facilities. The team was asked to offer up design solutions for the new toilet facilities so as to offer input on their current plans before construction begins.

Combining the data collected and what was verbally heard about the new toilet facilities, three options were explored, each with a different set of guiding factors. None of the options require blowing out walls and adding to the current buildings, although the third option will disrupt classes during the renovation process.

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Option One - Overhaul / New Addition / Renovation The first option may potentially be the most expensive, but takes into consideration renovating the existing dormitory toilets and the external staff toilet facilities. Built in the 1980s, these facilities have had 30 years of use and are in need of repair. Under this plan, the existing dormitory toilets will be updated for durability. The existing plan of additional toilet facilities moves forward, but additionally, the staff toilet block, which is in a separate but nearby block, needs to be redone as well. Overuse of the existing facilities both for students and staff has caused severe damage and requires extensive repairs.

There is potentially an opportunity for cost savings. With extensive work, a single construction crew can potentially offer to both build the new addition and renovate the existing, if a discount is discussed.

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Figure #10: Toilet design recommendation – option 1

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Figure #11: Site map for toilet design recommendation option 1

Option Two - Two New Toilet Blocks, Phased Construction The second option shows the proposed pathway from the dormitory courtyard, through the building, and to the new site. The proposed pathway should be changed to the adjacent wall.

For the current plan, the wall that will have the new door will require extensive renovation, which will require moving of existing drain pipes. Therefore, the adjacent wall, despite extending the pathway, is a better, less-expensive, non-invasive approach to accomplish the connection from the Dormitory Courtyard and the proposed Toilet Block. Additionally, if only 76

five facilities and five showers are added, connection to the staff restrooms will be necessary, which is shorter with the suggested change in doorway placement.

Currently the plan is to add five new toilets and five new showers. Based on the research and toilet use calculations, the recommendation is to double that to ten toilets and ten showers, if the WHO / UNICEF toilet-to-people ratio (20 people to 1 toilet) is to be followed.

In this design, budget concerns can be addressed by phasing the construction. That is, to plan and build the bank of toilets one at a time, as funding and time permits.

!

Figure #12: Toilet design recommendation – option 2

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Figure #13: Site map for toilet design recommendation option 2

Option Three - Existing Block Re-Assignment / Renovation

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In option three, it is potentially the most cost effective and would not require additional new structures. The teachers would receive new bathrooms and a new staff room, and no new footprint would be added to the campus.

In this option, the existing staff facilities (nine toilets and three showers) will be reassigned for dormitory use. Currently, sixteen teachers have more facilities than 250 resident students. Access to the bathrooms from resident students presents no new security issues.

Currently, each individual classroom is locked, as well as the teacher bathrooms. In this proposal, nothing would change, except the bathrooms would not be locked for after hour use and access.

Existing covered pathways offer protection from the elements for access during inclement weather. No new security issues arise, as the resident students currently have access to those bathrooms, save for the locking at night.

The staff room would be renovated into the two new staff bathroom facilities (two toilet stalls each). This is also an ideal location because it can easily tie into the existing sewer line system, further extending cost savings by not requiring extensive installation of sewer lines.

The adjacent classroom would then be split into two—a smaller classroom and the new staff room. Only one new door would need to be added to make both of these spaces functional, as the existing door would be used for the new staff room.

!

Figure #14: Toilet design recommendation – option 3

!

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Figure #15: Site map for toilet design recommendation option 3

Rainwater for Toilet Use Exploration While an examination of St Monica’s Rainwater Harvesting Potential and Toilet Use has been conducted, ongoing research on a Rainwater System for Use in Toilet Flushing has been conducted and is presented here. This system is not designed to replace the water supply system, but merely to supplement the current system and lessen the demand on it.

!

Figure #16: Rainwater toilet facilities

If smaller rainwater storage units are secured high on the walls, but below the roofline, it will address several points:

•

Gravity will help feed the collection of rainwater tanks.

•

Multiple small rainwater storage tanks lessen the dependency on a few, large tanks. In this way, if one spoils, the negative impact of that is lessened and rainwater can continue to be used while the repairs are made.

•

The water, since sits higher than sinks and toilets and can be located near them on the outside of the wall, the water can be piped into the interior where gravity will help flush the toilets or feed the sinks. Another valve can be used for external access. It is important to note that this water is only usable as non-potable reasons such as clothes washing, cleaning, and toilet flushing.

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•

The height prevents students from tampering with or playing on them, which can cause accidental damage.

•

The areas where large tanks would go, are now cleared and can be reclaimed for pathways or courtyards.

•

Without the need for pumps (typical system requires rainwater to be collected in large cisterns and then pumped to where it is needed), a simple manual valve can be implemented in order to switch over to the traditional water supply system, as needed.

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Additional Recommendations For Gulu and Atiak, the researchers recommend that all new and existing buildings follow the recommendations for wheelchair accessible facilities established by the Ugandan Building Code. The code states that one wheelchair accessible toilet is required for 10-49 users, while two of these toilets are required if the facilities are used by 50 or more users.

For the design suggestions, there are a variety of appropriate, eco-friendly alternatives for energy and recycling that can be considered. Examples that work in similar settings exist, such as methane gas creation for cooking and food waste composting. The proximity to the gardens

makes an ideal situation for these systems to be explored.

A final suggestion is to place smaller rainwater collection tanks at the existing downspouts across the campus. Currently, they dump rainwater onto the courtyard, and at various different points around campus.

Small tanks can be installed with little or no modification to the downspout systems. This will prevent flooding in areas as well as add water sources for cleaning. This is an inexpensive solution (small tanks being the only cost) that can be implemented while more extensive options are explored.

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References Acan, Grace, Amony, Evelyn, & Victoria Nyanjura. (2016, June 27). Meeting with the Women’s Advocacy Network of the Justice and Reconciliation Project.

Global IDP Database. (2005, August 10). Profile of Internal Displacement: Uganda. Geneva, Switzerland: Norwegian Refugee Council. Retrieved from http://www.internaldisplacement.org/assets/library/Africa/Uganda/pdf/Uganda-August-2005.pdf Heuler, Hillary. (2013, Winter). Missing the Forest for the Trees. Retrieved from http://www.earthisland.org/journal/index.php/eij/article/missing_the_forest_for_the_trees/ Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). (2014, January 23). New displacement in Uganda continues alongside long-term recovery needs. Retrieved from http://www.internal-displacement.org/sub-saharan-africa/uganda/2014/newdisplacement-in-uganda-continues-alongside-long-term-recovery-needs International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH). (2002). The Human Rights of IDPs in Uganda: A Few Encouraging Steps (No. n° 342/2). International Federation for Human Rights. Retrieved from http://www.refworld.org/pdfid/46f146df0.pdf Kyaddondo, David, E., Edward, & Businge, Richard. (2002). The Challenges and Hopes for Protection and Resettlement of Internally Displaced People in the Rwenzori Region.

OXFAM, Kabarole Research Centre, DED Uganda Civil Peace Service. Retrieved from http://informationunit.krcug.net/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/the-challenges.pdf Sister Rosemary Nyirumbe. (2016, June 13). Discussion with Sister Rosemary.

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The Enough Project. (2009, February 25). Roots of the Crisis. Retrieved from http://www.enoughproject.org/conflict_areas/lra/roots-crisis Whitten, Reggie & Henderson, Nancy (2013). Sewing Hope. Oklahoma City Oklahoma: Dust Jacket Press.

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