Race and exclusionary architecture in housing.

RACE AND EXCLUSIONARY ARCHITECTURE IN HOUSING An exploration of the Southwyck House, Coldharbour, Brixton.

RACE AND EXCLUSIONARY ARCHITECTURE IN HOUSING An exploration of the Southwyck House, within Coldharbour, Brixton.

Chiquita Hart Birmingham School of Architecture A Critical Study in Architecture

Fig.1 A prime example of the Jim Crow laws applied to segregate African Americans into a separate waiting room.

Source: Mauritius Images

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Introduction

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rchitecture has the ability to shape, control and influence our experiences of the places which we visit. It is through urban design tactics such as street grid layouts, the use of sidewalks and amenities which control the demographics of a city and even neighbourhood. In the United States of America, the most known method of exclusion was implemented through the use of the Jim Crow Laws see (Higginbotham,2015).

These laws were created through the use of signs and labels which were used to restrict African American’s rights (fig.1). Though these laws were seen as unconstitutional in the 1950s, scholars argue that the expressive nature of architecture has been used to by-pass anti-discriminatory laws to sustain racial segregation post-WWII (Schindler, 2015).

This essay aims to explore how architecture and urban planning with other forms of policymaking can be used to reinforce negative social constructs such as racial inequality in housing.

Using the case study of Southwyck House in Brixton, this essay addresses the forms of design which may contribute to patterns of segregation, it also acknowledges how housing allocation policies have additionally controlled migrants and the demographics of an area. The first chapter: Good intentions, discusses the historical background of Brixton and the Windrush era. Although I am aware of the varying groups of migration this essay focuses more on the African Caribbean community; Helping understand the racial divide between African Caribbeans and post-WWII Britain as well as the modernist’s hopes to provide homes with their concrete tower blocks. Chapter two investigates the theoretical background of scholars of law, urban planning and architecture on methods of design as a tool to sustain racial inequality through the built physical environment. Finally, through critical analysis of the previous theories explored, the third chapter focuses on the Southwyck House and its context: Brixton town centre.

Contents 1

Good intentions

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2

How place can make race

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3

The geography of opportunity

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4

Conclusion

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5

Appendix

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6

References

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1

Good intentions

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Context

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n 1948, Her Majesty’s Treasury (HMT) Empire Windrush brought 492 hopeful Caribbeans to the United Kingdom (Mead,2007,p.115) as a result of the high demand for workers all across Britain following the Second World War (1939-1945) and therefore employed the hopeful colonials for a range of respectable jobs regardless of their skin colours. The West Indies was one of many other British colonies such as Pakistan and India to migrate to Britain, however it was the African Caribbean population that seemed to dominate and illustrate the ever-changing demographics of post-war Britain (Perry, 2016, p.16).

Migrating to the ‘motherland’ was not just a chance for these Windrush passengers to earn a living, more importantly, it was an opportunity to be accepted as a British citizen, a promise of a brighter future (Grant, 2019). However as more ships began to arrive the War Cabinet and Labour of Ministry recommended that the government

though not able to force their ‘British subjects’ to return, instead reduce the opportunities for immigrants, thus discouraging them from residing in Britain (Webster, 2018, p.233). Following on, this not only negatively impacted the employment opportunities of future migrants but also harboured a hostile environment within Britain.

Subsequently, African Caribbean migrants were forced to work low wage jobs which therefore sustained the black community’s economic ghetto for the following forty years (Paul, 2018, p.120). As the 1960s approached, fewer men were needed and the Windrush migrants suffered greatly, leading to unemployment and clear racial divides as ‘coloured colonials’ were assumed to be “racially and socially inferior to whites” (Ramazani, p.125).

What once were hopes of being welcomed into the ‘motherland’ slowly withered as the black community faced inequality even in housing with landlords and landladies refused to let rooms to the ‘coloureds’, treating

them “as members of a separate sphere be the opposite as these corridors beof Britishness.” (Paul, 2018, p.125). came hidden and prone to vandalism (fig.5) (Boughton, 2018, p. 148). The The first term of Margaret Thatcher’s choices of raw materials whilst purPrime Ministership saw extensive ri- ist, led concrete walls to be tainted oting by black youth in Brixton and by the rain, left dull, bleak and cheeracross Britain in 1981 (fig.3). For com- less (fig.6). Consequently, these tower mentators, academics and activists on blocks created social and racial divides the left and within the black commu- between communities and are now nities, these riots have been viewed therefore associated with social status as either part of a wider malaise by as well as race. An exemplar of this is the lower classes against the neo-lib- seen in 1972, St Louis Missouri, dureral policies of Thatcherism, or the ing the demolition of the fourteen stounstructured reaction by black youth rey Pruitt-Igoe Housing blocks (fig.7) to years of racial harassment and dis- due to its high crime rates and vacancrimination that continued from the cies. The tower blocks were a physical black struggles of the 1970s see (Smith, representation of the Jim Crow Laws, 2017; Fryer, 2006; Reitan, 2003, p.107- ‘separate but equal’ designed to ra109). Moreover, the Modernist move- cially segregate black and white ocment stemming from the 1960s was cupants into separate housing blocks an era of hope - much like its succes- (Jeffries,2019, p.229). Although Britsors Brutalism & New Brutalism - as ain never complied with the Jim Crow they aimed to provide housing during Laws, it could be said that British houspost-war Britain through its concrete ing and planning has followed the same tower blocks in the inner-city (fig.4). principles as America in terms of usThey proposed how these blocks were ing architecture to perpetuate patterns safe from crime due to their ‘streets of racial segregation and inequality. in the sky’, however this proved to be

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Fig.2 The arrival of the Empire Windrush in 1948.

Source: Stylist

Fig.3 An example of the confrontation of the black community and police officers during the Brixton riots 1981, Coldharbour Street.

Source: BlkoutUk

Fig.4 A collage of the London concrete tower blocks such as: Balfron Tower, Robin Hood Gardens, Southwyck House , Southmere Estate and Dawson Heights.

Source: Author

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Fig.5 An example of these vandalised ‘streets in the sky’ in Heygate estate, Southwark London which was built between 1971-1974.

Source: Yin&Yang, 2013

Fig.6 The Heygate Estate was eventually demolished between 20112014. This image shows one of the entrances to the housing block with evidence of decayed concrete.

Source: Figueiredo, 2011

Fig.7 The demolition of the Pruitt-Igoe Housing blocks in 1972, St Louis, Missouri.

Source: (Wikimedia User (Public Domain), n.d.)

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2

How place makes race

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How place makes race

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he racial divide within America has always been more apparent when referring to the history of racial segregation see (Rothstein, 2017; Thomas, 2000, p.55). Within her journal, Schindler (2015) discusses how architecture is a powerful tool that has been used consistently in the master planning of cities in America, controlling the demographics of residential locations to exclude people based on ethnicity. She emphasises that, “Regulation through architecture is just as powerful as law, but less explicit, less identifiable, and less familiar to courts, the legislation and the general public.” (Schindler, 2015, p.22). Here Schindler creates a compelling comparison between architecture and law, suggesting this idea of how architecture can be seen as a form of control, and the abuse of its power can potentially lead to the exclusion of particular people, reinforcing negative social constructs if handled by the wrong individuals. An architect accused of imposing his own racist be-

liefs see (Robbins, 2016; Caro, 2015) within his designs was Robert Moses, also famously known as the “Master builder” of New York (Caro, 2015, p.571). Schindler suggests how Moses’ low hung bridges along the Long Island parkways (fig.8) which led to Jones’ Beach (fig.9) meant those who relied on public transport – mainly people of colour and poor people – lacked access to the public park at Jones Beach (Caro, 2015,p.953-94; McSloy,1994 p.672-673). On one hand, one may argue that it is an exaggeration to suggest that the low bridges were more than a mere design decision based on the architect’s preferences. On the other hand, you could say that Moses exploits the subjective and free nature of architecture to impose his own beliefs, knowing how challenging it would be for someone to make an accusation of something that, like art, can have multiple meanings for its expressive nature. Through the use of this example, Schindler emphasises this idea of the power of architecture being underes-

timated by the courts and legislations within America, highlighting how Architecture should be regulated to avoid its exclusionary impact.

(Schindler,2015, p.1941). Anna Minton adds to these ideas of control as she explores the use of housing settlements and planning systems used within London as a mechanism to increase the value of land. In other words, housing – although a basic need, has become the interest of capitalist developers who do not support the local housing needs of an existing community (Minton, 2017), further exacerbating inequality within housing.

Similarly, Jane Jacobs also questioned the urban city planning within New York, making bold observations amongst a male-dominated industry of city planners within the 1960s. What is more, though Jacobs critically analyses the success of a city, she however does not suggest that the planning and design of a city, or the life of its streets can “automatically overcome” racial

segregation, but how these elements can make it more challenging to overcome discrimination within American cities, “no matter how much effort is expended.” (Jacobs, 1992, p.72). This is seen as Jacobs examines what she believes are important elements of a city, one often discussed being: sidewalks (pavements). She compares the flow of movements performed on these sidewalks and crosswalks within a city as almost a sequence of “ballet”. Not only that, Jacobs encourages the widening of sidewalks nurturing children to play, liveliness, diversity and the “interweaving of human patterns” (Jacobs, 1992, p.229). Moreover, it is through these streets which she implies shape our experiences within the city, even determining our safety, claiming how, “If a city’s streets are safe from barbarism and fear, the city is thereby tolerably safe from barbarism and fear” (Jacobs, 1992, p.30). Historically the adjective ‘barbaric’ has been associated with black people since the commencement of slavery see (Multiculturalism

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and the state. 1, 1994, p.77) hence why perhaps one could argue that this idea of uncivilization and primitiveness linked with black people is therefore reinforced in the urban planning of the cities within which they live. As Jacobs expresses how sidewalks add to the “drama of civilization versus barbarism in cities” (Jacobs, 1992, p.30), one is led to believe that the predominantly black cities intentionally lack sidewalks, adding to this notion of superior white city planners such as Robert Moses viewing the black community as uncivilized and therefore wish to eradicate the interweaving of diverse people which Jacobs so longingly craves. Likewise, Tom Archer (2018), adds to these ideas, reinforcing the need for diversity within the city, illustrating how through the disruption of segregation patterns, we can reduce feelings of “tension” and “unfairness” in UK housing (Archer, 2018, p.11).

sidewalks can be destructive to forming a successful city, Schindler expresses the same ideas, believing the lack of sidewalks to often be intentional. She adds how the removal of these features makes it “difficult to cross the street or walk through a neighbourhood.” (Schindler,2015, p.1954). By challenging the methods of transportation for a person, it means they are less likely to take certain routes and therefore can lead to the segregation of neighbourhoods. On the contrary, though we are discussing the effects architectural elements have on a particular race, it is also plausible that the placement of sidewalks may have the intention of ruralising a neighbourhood, simply accepting that there could be race-based effects. To add, James W. Loewen, reveals that ‘[s]idewalks and bike paths are rare and do not connect to those in other communities inhabited by residents of lower social and racial status’ (Loewen, 2006, Additionally just as Jacobs de- p.254-255). Through the removal of scribes how the lack of sidewalks streets and sidewalks, people of colour

are restricted to particular areas and therefore remain controlled by their built environment as these communities are able to regulate the people who have access to their neighbourhoods through the use of architecture.

One of the most conventional and frequent methods of segregation is through the use of physical barriers, which can be employed to regulate the ‘type’ of people (usually based on race) who enter a community or neighbourhood. Walled ghettos are a wellknown form of urban residential segregation; Historically known to derive from medieval European cities where Jews were forced to live in the confines of these walled neighbourhoods (Sonda & Coletta,2010, p.27). Detroit, also known as the most racially divided municipal area in the United States (Asumah, 2002, p.222) is home to the ‘Eight Mile Wall’ (fig.10), a sixfoot-high wall which was constructed in 1940 to separate an existing black neighbourhood from a new white

one. Within this period, The Federal Housing Administration (FHA) would only approve the funding for a new housing development so long as the neighbourhood was entirely racially segregated (Trounstine, 2018, p.93).

Sonda and Coletta define ‘wall’ as an umbrella term which uses an object to set a physical boundary between something (Sonda & Coletta,2010). They express how walls are “low-tech devices” which can be used as a “governmental tool” to isolate, exclude and manage populations. Incidentally, these devices can also be grouped with other separating objects such as gates, barriers and fences (Sonda & Coletta,2010).

Furthermore, other urban design tactics include the concept of ‘gated communities’ where wealthier neighbourhoods are physically segregated, reinforcing this idea of social and racial inequality through architectural features which “serve to keep out those who are not expressly allowed in”. (Schindler,2015, p.1958).

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Fig.8 An image of the Northern State Parkway, 1950 which shows Moses’ low hung bridges which lead to the Jones Beach.

Source: (Long Island Portal)

Fig.9 The Jones Beach in Long Island, New York which was accessible through Moses’ parkway lanes and low hung bridges.

Source: (Patchogue-Medford Library)

Fig.10 The ‘Eight-Mile Wall’ built in 1940s Detroit in order to segregate a newly developed white neighbourhood from an existing black one.

(Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University) P. 16

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Robert Bullard describes these gated communities as a “new form of discrimination” (Bullard,2007, p.111) through the privatisation of public spaces and amenities. Much like Minton’s capitalist ideas, Strahilevts demonstrates how through the use of design, developers can essentially discourage “unwanted potential residents”- typically people of colour and poor people- from residing in the area through the inclusion of these “exclusionary amenities” (Strahilevts, 2006, p.92). This further emphasises how even the placement of particular amenities can be a strategy to manipulate architecture in order to perhaps alienate a particular race or even social class thus controlling the demographics of a neighbourhood. These gates not only set territorial boundaries, but they also prevent people from talking to one another, hearing each other and the general interweaving of communities.

plantation, racial separation, and segregation.” (Bullard,2007, p.120). One could suggest how the principles of these ‘gated communities’ create this ‘Us vs Them’ mentality, where these barriers are used as an element for social control yet also symbolise wealth and reinforce ideas of social class and status. Not only does this deter communities but it also uses barriers as a form to regulate the type of people who enter the area. Bullard displays how this is an issue as the walls which segregate these neighbourhoods enable property owners to establish rules and regulations to outsiders, which in fact “assert more extensive property rights against outsiders than those that the legal system actually authorizes” (Bullard,2007, p.120). It could be suggested that through the use of artefacts such as walls and gates, the community are able to use the power of architecture to enforce their personal beliefs and judgements in order to regulate To African Americans, these physi- the accessibility of the area; This is typcal barriers become symbols of “the ically done through ‘racial profiling’.

Furthermore, Dennis Keating explores how the suburbanisation of metropolitan areas, leads to housing as well as neighbourhoods becoming increasingly segregated. In particular, Keating analyses Cleveland, Ohio which is known to be one of the most racially segregated metropolitan areas within the United States (Keating, Krumholz and Perry, 1995). Controversial claims from black officials of the city as well as president of the Cleveland city council, George Forbes arose, stating that the traffic barriers placed by Shaker Heights in 1980 to border the LeeHarvard Cleveland neighbourhood had racial intentions of discouraging migration from the black community into the suburbs (Keating, 1994, p.109). Nearby neighbours labelled the supposed ‘traffic diverters’ as “the berlin wall for black people” (Martin, 1987), reinforcing ideas of Shaker heights being “pro-apartheid” (Keating, 1994, p.109).

Despite attempts from the Cleveland council to sue Shaker Heights in order to remove the exclusionary impact of

these ‘traffic barriers’, (fig.11) the Ohio Supreme Court ruled in favour of Shaker Heights (City of Cleveland v. City of Shaker Heights, 30 Ohio St. 3d 49 [1987]). Keating, much like Schindler illustrates how through the use of urban design, racial inequality can be sustained and used to isolate black communities from integrating with others. Peter Marcuse defines the term ‘ghetto’ as a densely populated area which usually although unwillingly pertains to a particular group of individuals (typically a race) which are treated as inferiors by the superior society (Marcuse,1997, p.231).

On one hand one could suggest how the use of these architectural and urban design elements such as traffic barriers are like the cogs to the machine of an efficient city. On the other hand, it could also be said that these elements are used to intentionally create the formation of “ghettos”, which potentially alienates the black community from other neighbourhoods hindering any form of integration.

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Similarly, tactical placement and design of public transit and transportation can also be used to further isolate and segregate (Schindler,2015, p.1960). We live in a world where currently public transport is more widely used by a range of people. With this being said, public transport is used more frequently by people of colour and with lower incomes (Lucas, 2004, p.285). Martin Luther King Jr identified issues with the placement of public transit in black communities, claiming how they “have become a genuine civil rights issue - and a valid one - because the layout of rapid-transit systems determines the accessibility of jobs to the black community.” (King Jr., 1986, p.313). The lack of public transit and transportation not only reinforces the idea of isolation of black neighbourhoods, yet also heavily impacts the access of job opportunities thus further exacerbating the declining financial position of African Americans.

American cities have neglected the cultural preservation of its landscapes, therefore alienating its citizens which according to Hayden are typically people of colour. The book was a result of Hayden’s non-profit organization to preserve the cultural landmarks which represented both women and ethnic minorities within Los Angeles. Here Hayden suggests how in order to achieve a successful city, these cities and neighbourhoods must reflect the lives of the citizens who have resided there for generations (Hayden, 1997, p.xiii). Similarly, Stephen Clowney adds to these ideas as he denotes how the urban landscape can be one of the most “overlooked instruments of modern race-making” (Clowney, 2012, p.1). Furthermore, other scholars define landscape as “text” (Dwyer and Alderman, 2008, p.165), thus the elements which are placed on it become “words inscribed in a book”, offering us a reflection of our memory, history and identity Dolores Hayden focuses on how (Inglis, 1977, p.489). Therefore

the use of cultural monuments and landscapes can become woven into the urban fabric of the city, perpetuating and communicating messages of white supremacy through their landmarks.

An example of this can be seen when the placement of a sculpture of John C. Calhoun a “tireless defender of slavery and state rights’” in Charleston, South Carolina (fig.12) was taken “personally” by the black community, marking racism and reinforcing the “colour line” within the community (Clowney,2012, p.11). To add, through the use of monuments and relics we can see how architecture is exploited to almost solidify these bitter and uncomfortable moments of the past. This further deepens the racial divide within communities and creates ideas of territorialism, “infusing urban landscapes with civic authority and cultural legitimacy” (Dwyer, 2002, p.31-32). Overall from the key ideas mentioned by numerous scholars such as Schindler and Jacobs, how does this use of architecture to racially exclude affect housing

in the Uk? The following chapter focuses on applying these key principles through the analysis of the Southwyck House in Coldharbour, Brixton UK.

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P. 21 Fig.11 The barricade placed in Shaker Heights which was believed to discourage black neighbourhoods from migrating into the new suburban area.

Source: ClevelandHistorical. org,

Fig.12 The John.C Calhoun Statue which is situated in Charleston, South Carolina. The pedestalled statue reinforces ideas of white supremacy and superiority in a town which has such painful memories of slavery.

Source: Kytle

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The geography of opportuiny

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outhwyck House is a block home to many of the generations from the African Caribbean community as a result of the Windrush era. The block was approved by chairman of Conservative-controlled Lambeth housing committee (LHC) John Major in the 1970s, a period when Britain’s economy suffered greatly with strike action, rising inflation and an increase in unemployment. However, in Brixton, Lambeth, the ones who suffered the most were the African Caribbean community, with a lack of adequate housing, poor rates of employment and high levels of crime see (Perry, 2016). Margaret Thatcher’s evasiveness of the clear racial divide within Britain led her to attribute the riots to general unemployment and urban decay, proposing a plan to regenerate the inner cities as a solution to what was a cry for racial justice (Harris,2019). The clear discrimination between racial and social classes drove a divide between communities and eventually lead to

the Brixton riots in 1981. Around this time Southwyck House’s first tenants were set to move in and not unsurprisingly found that “problems started almost immediately” (Meikie and Wintour, 1995), from muggings to car theft the block instantly became home to a variety of criminal activity with many people confusing it for “Brixton prison” (Harding, 2014, p.13). The block was designed with the intention of shielding the occupants from a proposed (but unrealised) motorway along the Coldharbour Lane. (London Borough Lambeth (LBL), 2014) Despite the Greater London Council’s decision to abandon the inner-city motorway, £20 million was already dedicated to building the ‘Barrier Block’ and therefore the Lambeth Council approved the housing and proceeded to build (Sandbrook D, 2019, p.165).

Firstly it can be said that the Southwyck House is geographically disconnected from the core town centre (fig.13). This is seen due to the

placement of housing adjacent to the closed viaduct which raises similar questions to policymakers who ‘’purposefully” decided to route highways through the centre of American cities, often with the intent “to destroy low-income and especially black neighbourhoods in an effort to reshape the physical and racial landscape of the post-war American city”. (Mohl, 2002, p.2) (fig.14). Although racial segregation through the use of architecture and planning may be less extreme in the UK (Thomas, 2000,p.55), as discussed previously, the masterplan for Brixton proposed ideas of an inner-city motorway which would border the Southwyck House and other housing such as the Moorland estates (fig.15).

It would be unwise not to assume that these, although now unrealised proposals for an “inner-city motorway” (London Borough Lambeth (LBL), 2014), potentially had the intention of destroying a predominantly and historically black community. Moreover, the lack of regard to rectify the

barrier-like design of Southwyck also poses questions of racial inequality and repression. Just as Moses exploited his power as an architect in order to discourage particular individuals from accessing amenities and places through exclusionary design (Schindler,2015, p.2015), it could be suggested that the Southwyck House design was left uncorrected in disregard to the black community and their needs.

Journalist Toynbee was horrified at the Southwyck House on her first visit in 1981: “Driving past it on the road of Brixton Camberwell, one can only shudder and ask who built it?

What kind of insensitive megalomaniac could have dreamed up such a scheme, even now, when we might have learned the lessons of such vast estates, desolate, impersonal and crime-prone?” (Sandbrook, 2019, p.165). To Polly Toynbee’s surprise, she was met with “gentle and thoughtful” Polish architect Magda Borowiecka, whose first assignment was the South-

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Southwyck House

Brixton Town Centre

Fig.13 The map highlights how the railway essentially isolates the Southwyck House from the Brixton Town Centre.

Source: GoogleEarth (Diagrams:Author)

Fig.14 Here we can see an example of the “white roads through black bedrooms” James Loewen mentions see p.26 Source: Detroit Free Press

Inner-city motorway to replace the Brixton Town Centre.

Fig.15 The 1969 plans to regenerate Brixton, proposing to demolish the Bruxton town centre and replace with the inner city motorway with high rise blocks.

Source: Lambeth

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wyck House (Sandbrook, 2019, p.166).

Whilst one could blame the block’s lack of success on the architect, one might also question the delegation of such an important housing project to a recently qualified architect.

Subsequently, this further enhances ideas of racial inequality of planning in post-war Britain playing an “important ideological and practical role in sustaining racial segregation, not just of residence (which has relied on other mechanisms as well) but of ‘way of life’ more generally” (Thomas, 2000, p.68). Overall, it can be said that it is not the fault of the architect but of the council’s ideas to proceed without modification to the block, despite abandoning the sole driver for the design, being the motorway.

The Southwyck House was designed in the post-war 1960s and was built from 1970 to 1982. During this period the Modernist movement in architecture had birthed several movements from Brutalism to New Brutalism.

The New Brutalist movement was first introduced to post WWII Britain by British architects Alison and Peter Smithson who in 1953 were inspired by the ‘béton brut’, raw concrete aesthetic which was used by Le Corbusier to describe the marked concrete used for his post-WWII buildings see (Banham, 1968). British Brutalism was seen as an architectural style often associated with the Welfare state due to its cheaper methods of construction for large scale housing, schools and hospitals (Calder B, 2016, p.15). Therefore the public viewed these buildings as “hideous” and “monstrous” (Osborne D, 2016, p.96) due to their mass production approaches leading to the creation of the New Brutalist movement which had the intentions of “genuine social progressiveness” in difficult post-WWII conditions (Calder B, 2016, p.15).

The pioneers of this movement aimed to be ethical during a time where communities needed to be mended and unified. However, despite good intentions many view these concrete

blocks as “inhuman” and associate these buildings with totalitarianism (Dalrymple, 2002). This can be seen by journalist Polly Toynbee who was left in shock at Southwyck House’s “colossal and fearsome” dimensions (fig.16) (Sandbrook D, 2019, p.165). Toynbee continues by describing the Southwyck House as “the worst kind of municipal housing”, expressing its “grandiose and authoritarian” nature (Sandbrook D, 2019, p.165). Firstly, we can see that the large scale of the Barrier block is perceived by journalist Toynbee as somewhat intimidating and promotes ideas of authoritarianism and totalitarianism. Furthermore, one cannot help but suggest how the brutalist nature of the Southwyck House with its imposing mass and scale may be used politically as a symbol of power and control which the council had over Brixton. Former Prime Minister and member of the LHC John Major described these inner-city housing developments as “grey, sullen, concrete wastelands, set apart from the

rest of the community, robbing people of ambition and self-respect”(Meikie and Wintour, 1995). Adding that they were, “[m]onuments to the failed history of socialist planning”. Nevertheless, one cannot help but wonder why as chairman of the LHC, he would approve such a project as Southwyck House, which consisted of the same principles as these so-called “concrete wastelands”? Not only does this suggest a lack of regard for the black community, but it also illustrates the exploitation of architecture and planning by political parties such as the conservatives to potentially control and oppress the African Caribbean community through the construction of projects such as ‘the Barrier Block’.

Additionally, one could also suggest how the construction of the Southwyck House perhaps acted as a catalyst for the riots in Brixton 1981. The riots reflected the repression and inequality the black community faced by authorities hence why one could argue how this potential totalitarian architecture

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was maybe used as a tool by the Toynbee denotes how she describes LHC to demonstrate control through buildings such as Southwyck House the use of intimidation and fear. as “an example of ghetto mentality of planners” (Sandbrook D, 2019, Furthermore, it could be said that p.165). The words “ghetto mentaliSouthwyck House has been used ty” add to this idea that racial segreto control the demographics of the gation is sustained through the use neighbourhood and isolate the area of housing and in this case, is used from communities around it. Shuhei to perhaps isolate the black commuOkada’s study of the gentrification in nities from integrating with others.

Brixton 1981 displays how large-scale housing destroyed the communities Similarly, the lack of access and poor within the area through the removal streetscape further adds to the isolaof properties of African Caribbean’s tion of the Southwyck House, dividing on Geneva Road which were then the community from its surroundings replaced with Southwyck House by and environment. This can immediateLambeth Council in the 1970s (Oka- ly be seen from the platformed car park da, 2014, p.208). On one hand, we can which disconnects the housing from see that this is an issue regarding hous- the street (fig.17) and therefore divides ing allocation and gentrification of the community from the town centhe Brixton town centre. On the other tre. Furthermore, Jane Jacobs as menhand, it can also be seen how the Af- tioned previously defines the success of rican Caribbean community remain a city by its pavements; the shops and controlled by their built environment amenities which line them essentially and how through controlling the de- providing this interweaving of people mographics of the Brixton area, ghet- and liveliness. In the case of Southwytos are formed. Moreover, journalist ck House, along the north direction of

the building, it can be seen that there is green landscaping bordered by a small brick wall (fig.18) which appears to act almost as a physical barrier discouraging any human activity or use. Most shops and facilities are located within the town centre of Brixton (fig.19) with a lack and fragmented placement of amenities along the pavements of Southwyck House therefore discouraging human interaction and engagement not only of passers-by but also of the community. Jane Jacobs presents how there should be “an almost unconscious assumption of general street support when the chips are down”, this being an acknowledgement of trust within the community (Jacobs, 1992, p.56). Jacobs continues to suggest how this ideal trust is built on “little public sidewalk contact”, from “getting advice from the grocer” to “stopping at the bar for a beer” (Jacobs, 1992, p.56). In other words, these spaces play a pivotal role in the engagement and unification of a community, therefore one could argue how the poorly designed

streetscape uses urban design tactics to essentially hinder the predominantly black community within the area.

Whilst pavements are seen as places of community and social interaction, they also serve the purpose of allowing pedestrians access to other neighbourhoods safely, and easily. Herne Hill, listed as one of the least deprived areas of Lambeth is situated to the East of Coldharbour, one of the most deprived areas within Lambeth (fig.20).

Herne Hill is a leafy suburb home to Brockwell park (fig.21) and other luxury amenities such as walled gardens (fig.22) and an art deco outdoor pool (fig.23). How is it that one of the most deprived and least deprived areas border each other so closely? In his book Sundown Towns, James Loewen analyses the continuing racism and intentionally white communities within the United States (Schindler, 2015, p.1954) where, “[s]idewalks and bike paths are rare and do not connect to those in other communities inhab-

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ited by residents of lower social and racial status� (Loewen,2018, p.245). This illustrates how potentially the lack of integration and stark contrast between Brixton town centre and Herne Hill is perhaps intentionally done through the use of urban planning and the lack of pavements. (fig.24) Moreover, this further adds to the idea of the power which architecture and urban planning have in order to regulate and perpetuate patterns of segregation hence controlling the demographics of an area.

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Fig.17 shows the platformed car park which does not allow the interweaving of people and appears somewhat intimidating due to its elevated height.

Source: (Diagrams: Author)

Fig. 16 Here we can see the imposing effect which the ‘Barrier Block’ has through its large scale. The image shows the Building facing towards the Northern direction.

Source: Faichney, 2015

Fig.18 illustrates the social divide created by the landscaping bordered by the wall.

Source: Sones (Diagrams: Author)

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Southwyck House

Brixton Town Centre

Source: Lambeth Council Fig.19 displays the placement of amenities such as shops and hospitality facilities using the pinpoint icon. It is evident that Southwyck House lacks amenities in order to encourage social interaction and places of community Source: GoogleEarth (Diagrams: Author)

Source: Urban75

These pie charts show the demographics of both Coldharbour, home to the Southwyck House and Herne Hill home to the Lido community pool.

Source: Author (Data obtained from CityPopulation.de: Census 2011)

Fig.20 presents a map with the most deprived to the least deprived areas within the Lambeth area. It is clear that Coldharbour remains one of the most deproved whereas Herne Hill is labelled as one of the least deprived, Source: Lambeth Council, 2015

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Fig.21The Brockwell park in Herne Hill Source: Wikimedia

Fig.22 Walled gardens are one of the features of the Brockwell park within Herne Hill.

Source: Dorney

Fig.23 The Lido community swimming pool is another feature of the Brockwell park which is used all year round by the community.

Source: Sim

Fig.24 This map shows how Coldharbour remains isolated from its neighbouring suburban area Herne Hill. The dashed line shows the railway line which makes accessing Herne Hill more difficult.

Source: GoogleEarth (Diagrams: Author)

Southwyck House

Herne Hill

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4 Conclusion

V

iewing architecture as more than an artform but a way to gain social and political control of a demographic enables us to perceive architectural elements in a new light. A pavement is not only a portal of transportation but can also have an impact on the places we visit and the areas which we have access to. It is through these elements that we are able to acknowledge the influence architecture has on our behaviour. Brixton’s town centre, home to Southwyck House and its contrasting suburban neighbourhood Herne Hill are just one of many studies of the art of race-making and place. These two exemplars are a testimony of the geography of opportunity and how our built environment shapes our experiences and the strength of our communities. Although the post-war planning and architectural scene played a pivotal role in reinforcing the social construct of racial inequality, especially in housing, it is the responsibility of urban planners and architects to ensure that race-based effects are at least considered when making all design-related decisions. Moreover, it must be said that architects and urban planners do not bear the sole responsibility of racial inequality, but it is a topic which cannot be ignored any longer by these professionals. Modern forms of discriminatory design such as gated communities communicate messages of white supremacy and transmit ideas about racial power across several generations. Through the removal of these physically built barriers and the integration of communities, it becomes less challenging as we are able to combat issues of inequality within housing.

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5

Appendix

P. 44

Chloe Walpole Chiquita Hart Yvonne Freeman Miya Davies-Patel Sadiyah Tijani Rameetha Hussain

HYPOTHESIS: What ways can design enhance the existing communities?

P. 44

OUR AIMS

We decided to test our hypothesis in different contexts, choosing the two biggest cities in the UK: • •

London Birmingham

The post WWII era (1945-1965)

New- build housing schemes (21st Century) in each city.

WHERE DID WE GO?

DRUID’S HEATH BIRMINGHAM Built in the 1960s Architects: Bryant's and co housing

THE BARBICAN LONDON Built in the 1960s-70s Architect: Chamberlin Powell and Bon

PORT LOOP BIRMINGHAM Built in 2017-present Architects: Urban Splash

ELEPHANT PARK LONDON Build in 2010-present Architects: Lendlease

THEMES SOCIAL HOUSING

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN

SOCIOECONOMICS

‘GET THESE PEOPLE OUT OF THE SLUMS’

- Bryant

A BRIEF HISTORY OF SOCIAL HOUSING

Social housing gives people a home. It’s cheaper to rent than privately rented housing and usually provides a long-term tenancy, giving renters the chance to put down roots. Social landlords tend to be councils or housing associations.

•

Was a ‘temporary’ solution to homelessness post WWII (1945-1965)

•

It was mainly high-rise buildings, concrete structures, back to back living.

•

Overpopulated, families of 11 – 15.

•

One or two bedrooms

•

Very poor conditions.

•

Key people- William Morris, Chelmsley wood

•

Cheap construction (Bison method)

ST 21

CENTURY LIVING, is there still a stigma around social housing?

• COMMUNITY CENTRED • DESIGN WITH INTENT • MULTI-GENERATIONAL LIVING • PLANNING FOR THE FUTURE • MODULAR LIVING

"I CAN’T IMAGINE LIVING ANYWHERE ELSE, IT’S PERFECT!" - Anonymous, Barbican

SOCIAL HOUSING

SOCIAL HOUSING DRUID’S HEATH

THE BARBICAN

• Demographic – Youths, families

•

• Features – Youth Centre and community Library (closed down)

•

• Community - Neglected by Birmingham Council.

•

Demographic – Multigenerational living Features – Lake, Barbican Centre, Estate Office and Police Office Community – Event & Social spaces at the Barbican centre & church.

SOCIAL HOUSING Port Loop Sports court Tennis court/ sports facilities High School Druid's Heath Care home Youth centre Closed down library

THEORY RESPONSE

Theory response- Designing sustainable, open and communal spaces allows the community to thrive in an area that was once derelict

Theory response – This design was mainly built to accommodate the population in Barbican during the time of construction. There are over a dozen flats within the Barbican Estate complete with green spaces in between and communal spaces and shops for the community to meet

Theory response- Manifesto states designs intent, it is clear that community is incorporated from beginning of design. Ambitious and positive hopes for creating a sustainable community leads to a healthy sense of community.

Theory response- In comparison to Port Loop, this estate was built due to cheaper and faster construction costs with the intent of housing as many people as possible in a short amount of time and a small amount of space. Design intent has no thought for human interaction, therefore one could say an unsuccessful community is to be expected.

"THE DESIGN DOESN'T HELP, YOU COULD HAVE THE BEST DESIGN BUT IT DOESN’T CHANGE HUMAN BEHAVIOUR. THERE'S OTHER FACTORS" - Youth Worker, Druid’s Heath

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN

DRUID’S HEATH

Construction Process

• Cheap, fast construction • Short term solution • Grounds outside Heath House were not private, very open and overlooked by neighbours in terraced housing.

Designing For Living •

Interview with youth worker • Design cannot do anything •

The problem is the community

•

Community is poorly informed

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN

THE BARBICAN

Construction Process •

Allows pedestrians to be made priority in circulation routes.

•

Clear private, community and public domains.

Designing For Living

•

Communal parks/playgrounds

•

Post war brutalist construction

•

" The design and proximity of the church allows both of my children to participate in the nativity at Christmas."

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN PORT-LOOP

Construction Process

•

Houses are modular and encourage multi-generational living architecture

•

Now available in Town house form and 'Brick' house form.

•

Brick house form is more open layout than the standard town house form

Designing For Living

• Design with intent – pathways guiding you – Dérive • Open plan – open spaces • Adaptability – modular living

Mapping showing community spaces Elephant Park

The Barbican

COMMUNITY MAPPING ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN

ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN Theory Response

• Druid Heath • The Barbican

Theory response- An interview with Druid Heath’s youth worker believes design cannot change the anti-social behaviour that will occur regardless of the quality of design/ design intent.

• Elephant Park • Port Loop

Theory response- The podium like design allows for residents to feel separate to the rest of busy London, naturally enhancing the community. However, it is now a utopian ideal for the rich and the integration of schools, shops and restaurants add to this too.

Theory response- Unlike the Barbican that has been adapted for private residents, Elephant park will be inclusive for generations through the larger open green spaces for mixed use allowing for an integrated new and existing communities.

Theory response- Design intent is clear from manifesto and features such as community mural and seating in landscape architecture.

Unlike Druid’s Heath it is clear that the housing is not just a short term solution to growing population. But one for generations to come.

SOCIOECONOMIC STATUS

Existing communities can be enhanced by design, based on the evidence shown.

However, our research also shows us that there are other underlying issues, government, economic and social, which affect the communities

INDIVIDUAL AIMS

6

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Fig.13: Author (Map: GoogleEarth)

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Fig.24: Author (Map: Google Earth)