civ 24

Catalan International View

Issue 24 • Autumn 2016 • € 5

A European Review of the World

Russia gains a foothold in the Arctic

by Natàlia Boronat

Colombia, time for peace, in spite of everything

by Francesc Parés

Catalonia: the end of a process

by Víctor Terradellas

Interview:

Núria Picas

Messi, a perfect allegory

by Ramiro Martín

Cover Artist: Ràfols-Casamada sections: Europe · Eurasia · The Americas · Interview · Opinion · Barcelona Echoes Green Debate · Sport beyond Sport · Business, Law & Economics · Physiologus · A Short Story from History · Arts · Universal Catalans · Science & Technology · The Artist · A Poem

Positive & Negative

Contents

4......... Voting or bullfighting in Catalonia?

To Our Readers Editor

Víctor Terradellas

6......... Catalonia: the end of a process

by Víctor Terradellas

vterradellas@catmon.cat Director

Europe

.............. by Laura Pous

Francesc de Dalmases

8......... The UK-EU referendum: a lost opportunity

Editorial Board

12........ How well are we designing the future?

director@international-view.cat

Martí Anglada Enriqueta Aragonès Jordi Basté Enric Canela Salvador Cardús David Fernàndez August Gil-Matamala Montserrat Guibernau Manuel Manonelles Eva Piquer Ricard Planas Clara Ponsatí Arnau Queralt Vicent Sanchis Mònica Terribas Montserrat Vendrell Carles Vilarrubí Vicenç Villatoro Chief Editor

Judit Aixalà

Language Advisory Service

Nigel Balfour Júlia López Coordinator

Ariadna Canela

administracio@catmon.cat Webmaster

.............. by Enric Banda

16........ The Eko Community and its ties to the Catalan people .............. by Sara Montesinos Eurasia

22........ Russia gains a foothold in the Arctic .............. by Natàlia Boronat The Americas

26........ Colombia, time for peace, in spite of everything

.............. by Francesc Parés Interview

30........ Núria Picas Opinion

36........ To exhibit is to narrate: museums and a consensus on memory

.............. by Vicenç Villatoro

42........ The voiceless .............. by Carme Porta Barcelona Echoes

46........ The (re)construction of the Catalan Jewish community

by Victor Sorenssen

50........The road to excellence in environmental management

by Joan Fontserè

Green Debate

54........ Where are Spain and Catalonia’s water policies headed?

Gemma Lapedriza

.............. by Carles Ibáñez

Cover Art

Sport beyond Sport

Ràfols-Casamada The reproduction of the artwork on the front cover is thanks to an agreement between Fundació Vila Casas and Fundació CATmón Designer

Quim Milla Headquarters, Administration and Subscriptions

Fonollar, 14 08003 Barcelona Catalonia (Europe) Tel.: + 34 93 533 42 38 Fax: + 34 93 319 22 24 www. international-view.cat

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© Edicions de la Fundació CATmón. All rights reserved. Neither this publication nor any part of it may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, protocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Edicions de la Fundació CATmón.

Printed in Catalonia

Published quarterly With the support of: Departament de Presidència

58........Messi, a perfect allegory

by Ramiro Martín

Business, Law & Economics

62........ 080 Barcelona Fashion

by Ariadna Sala

66........ Catalan wineries explore the Russian market at the

...........International Wine Business Meeting in Lleida

by Joan H. Simó

Physiologus

70........ Physiologus A Short Story from History

72........ The Drummer of el Bruc Arts

74........ Joan Fontserè Universal Catalans

80........ Carmen Amaya Science & Technology

84........ Help in surviving university

by Jordi Llonch

The Artist

88........ Ràfols-Casamada A Poem

95........ Sol-Fa, So Good (or the frog in the bog)

by Josep Pedrals

Catalan International View

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Positive & Negative

by Francesc de Dalmases

The vote as an essential democratic principle

The right which most clearly and transparently illustrates the essence of democracy is the right to vote. What guarantees and supports modern democracies is precisely the fact that every adult member of society has the right to decide.

Nevertheless, the Spanish state is persecuting and attacking this fundamental, inalienable right in Catalonia. Members of local government who have distinguished themselves in defence of the right to decide, and even the former president of Catalonia, the country’s highest authority, together with the Speaker of the Catalan Parliament, the country’s second-highest post –both democratically elected–, are all currently under attack by the Spanish judiciary in the form of numerous legal proceedings.

In the case of the former president, Artur Mas is being pursued through the courts for his role as head of the participatory process that allowed 2,305,806 people to vote in the consultation that took place in Catalonia on 9 November, 2014. Meanwhile, the Speaker of the Catalan Parliament, Carme Forcadell, is being prosecuted for having allowed Parliament to discuss the terms and conditions of a declaration which included the holding of a referendum on independence. In the words of the former Catalan MP, David Fernàndez, ‘the persistent demophobia of the Spanish authorities is disturbing’.

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Positive & Negative

Bullfighting as a form of animal abuse

A law abolishing bullfighting in Catalonia was passed by the Parliament of Catalonia on 28 July 2010 following a citizen’s initiative. Catalonia created the legislation which prohibits the shameful spectacle of bullfighting throughout Catalonia. Progressive animal rights legislation, in conjunction with Catalan society as a whole, banned a practice which is unbecoming of a modern society.

In spite of the animal protection angle, the Spanish government prefers For the Spanish state, bullfighting is to take a political stance -seeing bulla form of culture and art which must fighting as being identified with the Spanish brand- and adopted a strategy be protected, while voting, if it is not of applying pressure on the Catalan to its liking, is a crime government to allow the return of animal torture as a public spectacle.

Thus, in 2013 the Spanish Parliament agreed to declare bullfighting part of Spain’s ‘cultural heritage’. In October 2016, the Constitutional Court overturned the ban introduced by the Parliament of Catalonia six years ago.

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To Our Readers

Catalonia: the end of a process

by Víctor Terradellas

When the 130th president of the Government of Catalonia was sworn in on 11 January 2016, he made it clear to his closest collaborators that he was not there to govern an autonomous region, ‘this government and this parliamentary majority have a clear mandate: to proclaim Catalonia a republic’.

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ince then, President Puigdemont has been able to provide effective leadership despite the difficulties involved in heading a government that has the support of political parties and groups ranging from liberalism on the centre-right to communism on the extreme left. Puigdemont’s success undoubtedly lies in his ability to work with a civic, peaceful, democratic independence movement which is able to garner support from across the political spectrum.

Remarkably, Puigdemont’s political strength at the start of the political term was born of a strategy that was previously unheard of in contemporary Catalan politics: complete trust.

In June 2016, the pro-independence left blocked the approval of the 6

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Government of Catalonia’s budgets.

True to his straightforward approach, which shuns political manoeuvring and partisanship, Puigdemont offered the Catalan Parliament his resignation, with the following words: ‘Trust is non-negotiable. I either have it or I don’t. If I don’t have a large enough majority to support the greatest political challenge that a nation can face, it makes no sense for me to continue in the presidency’.

Fifteen weeks later, Puigdemont won the vote of confidence thanks to the support of the government coalition (62 seats) and every seat on the pro-independence left (10). A week later, a debate on general policy once more confirmed the understanding between the various pro-independence

To Our Readers

groups in Parliament. The key outcome of the meeting was an agreement to hold a referendum on self-determination in the second half of September 2017. In a significant development, 11 members of the new Spanish left (under the name Catalunya SĂ­ Que Es Pot), agreed for the first time to negotiate and to support a proposed referendum (if necessary, with a hypothetical agreement with the Spanish state and with no fixed date).

Meanwhile, Puigdemont remains true to his word and what he said to his inner circle shortly after being sworn in as president: to accept the people’s mandate and create the necessary political space to declare the Republic of Catalonia, if most Catalans should so wish it.

Puigdemont has outlined a clear timetable: before the end of 2017 we will see the end of the independence process in Catalonia. Catalan society itself will decide Catalonia’s new political status.

Regardless of the eventual outcome, we will have witnessed an unprecedented political experience in contemporary Europe. We will have proved that with recourse to hard work, determination and political unity, the only boundaries which limit societies are those they themselves choose to impose.

Ultimately, Catalonia foreshadows the dream we have of a Europe of the twenty-first century: civil, peaceful, democratic, politically global and decidedly local.

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The UK-EU referendum: a lost opportunity

by Laura Pous*

The British electorate voted in a historic referendum to leave the European Union. In so doing, they rejected the advice of the mainstream political parties in Westminster, the EU leaders and the EU institutions, the International Monetary Fund, the Bank of England and even the President of the United States, Barack Obama.

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any see the vote as a selfinflicted wound, a suicidal move that will condemn the United Kingdom to a long recession, strip London of its role as the capital of the financial services in Europe and marginalise the country in the international arena. But most Brexit voters do not care at all what Westminster and the IMF think, or President Obama, for that matter. It’s actually more likely that they consider their interests to be at odds with those of the British, European and international elites. Because, despite many of those in Brussels and the so-called EU bubble believing that the EU referendum was merely a political gamble by the conservative elite in the UK, the result was actually due to the strong

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support for Leave in working class areas.

Research by British academics shows that support for Brexit was stronger in areas with the highest number of people without any qualifications, on low-paid jobs, those that have suffered the most from globalisation and who find themselves adrift in the 21st century. Those more concerned with immigration –even if not directly experiencing it in their towns– and more easily influenced by populist discourses that use their fears for political ends. Many of the arguments to attract such voters were spurious: mostly those relating to EU immigration and blaming it for the problems suffered by these left-behind areas. EU immigrants contribute far more to the

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EU tax system than they take from its benefit system, but no political leader was able to convince the voters of this fact. Why not? I don’t buy the argument that all British people are racist bigots. Of course there are racists in Britain, as there are racists in France (need we remind ourselves of the strong support for the Front National in our neighbouring country?), as there are racists in Austria, and even in Germany or Hungary. The problem is not only the unfortunate presence of racists in society, but the fact that the traditional political class has become so disengaged, so detached from the electorate that it is unable to counteract the populist and xenophobic arguments –and essentially provides a boost to parties that, otherwise, would

have a minor impact in our countries.

And to add to the drama, in the British case, even those that were trying to make a positive case for a reformed EU failed to find much support in Brussels.

It’s actually more likely that they consider their interests to be at odds with those of the British, European and international elites In fact, the EU essentially resigned from its role in the campaign, as if the EU referendum in the United Kingdom had nothing to do with the EU itself. Part of the argument for this Catalan International View

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resignation was to avoid becoming involved in internal British politics. ‘To avoid making things worse’. This in itself tells us a lot about how the EU works. It doesn’t get involved in the biggest debate as to its very existence, hoping problems and concerns will be solved magically, simply sending a couple of tweets saying how much it loves the UK while, in some circles, many secretly hoped for a Brexit to ‘get rid of ’ those troublesome Brits who ‘never have enough’. The European Commission President JeanClaude Juncker’s sole contribution was to declare, 24 hours before the polling stations opened, that the EU had offered Britain everything it could and it would never negotiate any other kind of deal. He fed the Eurosceptic tabloids the front-page they had been looking for. Many in London suggest that his attitude probably nudged some undecided voters towards Brexit.

The EU is a giant institution, a very positive one, with great potential, but one that has become lost in its own labyrinth and which needs to reform itself from the top down in order to survive Having worked both in London and Brussels, I think the British are very much needed in the EU institutions. Their pragmatism and efficiency, their long-lasting democratic tradition and their openness will be deeply missed in Brussels. And while many of the Leave campaign slogans were fallacious or even downright lies, one cannot blame the voters for their choice; but rather the politicians, both European and British, for being unable to convenience them that the EU 10

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can actually be reformed and become an efficient and down-to-earth organisation once again.

Many of the British electorate’s concerns over red tape are clearly true.

The EU is a giant institution, a very positive one, with great potential, but one that has become lost in its own labyrinth and which needs to reform itself from the top down in order to survive. The Brexit debate was an opportunity to reformulate the EU, to strip its leaders of their usually perceived arrogance, to make it closer to the people. I am afraid it is now a missed opportunity. While the entire British political class imploded hours after the EU referendum result was in –with David Cameron resigning, as he obviously had to–, in Brussels the only significant resignation was that of the British Commissioner, Jonathan Hill.

The European President, Jean-Claude Juncker, stated in an interview with a German newspaper that he had no plans to resign. The first EC president to shrink the EU project instead of expanding it, was proudly staying in the post. He claimed he had done everything he could. Britain was lost on Juncker’s watch but the EU had done nothing wrong. Nothing. Juncker even seemed to be secretly hoping that Brexit would cause complete chaos in Britain, as a means of discouraging others from following suit.

Many argue, even now, that these types of questions, those affecting the very existence of the European project, shouldn’t be put to the voters. Thus basically assuming voters are too stupid to make decisions on important issues. None of which ought to surprise us. After all, the referendums on the EU constitution were repeated twice when the results weren’t what Brussels had hoped for. The Greek referendum result opposing the third bailout was

Europe

basically ignored. And while the EU leaders thought that Scotland’s independence would be a disaster in 2014, Brussels rolled out the red carpet to welcome the First Minister of Scotland, Nicola Sturgeon, when she visited Brussels a few days after the Brexit referendum. Now some are even seriously considering the case for Scottish independence and a fast-track application process allowing them to stay in the EU. Naturally, the Spanish Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, was not at all happy about this, declaring that Brexit is Brexit, and that if England goes, so does Scotland. He flatly rejected any kind of EU negotiations with the Scottish government that could, in turn, boost a pro-independence sentiment in Catalonia.

However, the consequences of Brexit are so unpredictable that nothing can be taken for granted, not even the sacred indivisibility of the Spanish state. The EU was supposed to be a project of integration but it has now become a smaller entity: and the British case will show whether or not life exists outside the bubble. For Catalonia’s pro-independence leaders, any outcome is interesting: why fear life outside the EU if one of its biggest and most successful members is out? Why believe threats coming from Brussels in the event of a second referendum on independence, if when faced with the real prospect of instability, they make up their minds and open the doors to potential new members or study imaginative solutions to accom-

modate, for instance, the post-Brexit Scots within the EU? The Brexit referendum should have set alarm bells ringing all over the EU. It did not. European leaders, the British included, didn’t take the issue seriously enough, even when the polls showed consistent support for Brexit in some areas. And after the initial shock, politics-as-usual prevailed: Brussels arranged a meeting to discuss how to organise a second one and then, perhaps, study some solutions. A new settlement, if agreed, will be designed behind closed-doors, in an informal meeting on the margins of the official EU institutions that will subsequently ratify it. Some even think that following Brexit the EU will be stronger, since the Brits ‘never really believed in the project anyway’.

How unwise. I fear that losing the United Kingdom may well unleash the biggest EU crisis we have seen so far. The arrogance, the complacency in Brussels –since I refuse to believe that this disaster is solely due to sheer ignorance!– have prevented our leaders from realising that their politicsas-usual project is sinking. The EU is a great positive project. But it is not a positive project per se. It needs to prove it every day, working and protecting the interests of all its citizens, in all corners of the member states, listening to their concerns, their fears and their hopes. The EU bubble is becoming the EU’s worst enemy. If not even Brexit has woken up the elites to the need to stop their politics-as-usual attitude, what will?

(*) Laura Pous is EU correspondent for the news agency ACN in Brussels and presents the weekly EU-affairs TV show ‘Via Europa’, broadcast by El Punt Avui. She was a UK correspondent in London for six years and has also worked for Deutsche Welle and RAC1.

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How well are we designing the future?

by Enric Banda*

There is a broad consensus in the European business environment that the future of the economy and social progress depend on both public and private investment in research and innovation (R&I). Business leaders have stated that the digital revolution will be key to the competitiveness of companies and as a result the future of the economy. However, this transformation will not be possible without investment. Furthermore, in order for it to be a success, steps will also need to be taken at the European level.

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he above example of the digital revolution serves to highlight some of the difficulties that we find in Europe in relation to R&I policies. However, there are many other examples which illustrate this, such as climate change, global health and energy.

For a start, Europe is not a federal state, and the nationalisms of the European Union’s nation-states and their individual interests dominate. Thus it is difficult for Europe to act in a rational, cohesive and effective manner. The European project has often been emasculated and weakened by the policies of individual EU member states. One could also mention the unfortunate situation involving the refugees as an example that puts us to shame. Not only is it shame12

Catalan International View

ful, it has shaken the public’s belief in the credibility of the European venture.

However, we must keep in mind that the European project is well used to taking two steps forward and one step back. We fall over, dust ourselves off and carry on.

Therefore, the most radical pro-Europeans, and I count myself among them, firmly believe that European integration is a long-term project. And we continue to believe so.

The idea of a long-term project takes us back to research and innovation. R&I go hand in hand, yet they must be dealt with separately since they have different needs, different mechanisms and different timings.

Both, however, require political action and long-term commitment. Due to

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their fundamental role in progress and the economy, Europe should prioritise policies directed at R&I. Indeed, they already do, but only to a limited extent. The European Commission’s total budget, which does not exceed 1% of Europe’s GDP, is distributed in such a way that large sums are destined to funds for the common agricultural policy and structural and cohesion funds, aimed at assisting EU members which are economically less developed. It must be said, however, that in recent years some of these structural funds have also been employed to buy equipment and to finance R&I. Ultimately resources are clearly insufficient and, therefore, investment in research and innovation depends on the contributions of indi-

vidual member states, which in general spend far less than the world powers.

R&I go hand in hand, yet they must be dealt with separately since they have different needs, different mechanisms and different timings Research and innovation policies are critical. Nevertheless, they inexplicably fail to meet the real needs of Europe as a whole. Therefore, with its current structure, and R&I policies which depend on the individual nation-states of which it is made, it seems that the EU is not committed to regaining its leadership Catalan International View

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in research that it held for a long time and subsequently lost after the Second World War. Europe has done some things right, however. For example, we learned how to move away from the unwritten rule that basic research is the sole responsibility of its member states. The founding of the European Research Council (ERC) in 2007 is probably one of the most important milestones for Europe if we take a long term view, since basic research may bear fruit in the short term, but it is far more likely that the results won’t be socially beneficial until years or decades after a discovery is made. It is a risky investment that ought to be left in the hands of the best. Therefore the stiff competition to gain ERC funds serves as a guarantee to the taxpayers who pay for such public investment.

The European Commission has done well to promote the concept of Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI), since it involves empowering all stakeholders in research and innovation to pursue socially desirable outcomes As for Spain, and Catalonia in particular, there was a before and an after to joining what is now the EU, in 1986.

The country’s research system took advantage of the EU’s research framework programmes and structural funds as a means to obtain an additional source of funding, to raise the level of research and to facilitate a rapid internationalization of the scientific community through networks; a community that until then was limited to a small number of scientific groups. Joining the EU also provided us with a certain enthusiasm that allowed us to advance much faster than anyone 14

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could have anticipated. In the case of the ERC, Catalonia, and Spain in turn, has been particularly competitive as demonstrated by the quantity of funds obtained

by Catalan researchers over the years. A sign of a healthy research system.

For these reasons, it is understandable that people say that the European Commission and the European Parliament, with all their faults, have provided successful support, since R&I are both seen as activities which are beneficial to society. Unfortunately, the EU member states and the political leaders who make up the European Council, who ultimately hold the power, seem determined not to do what for some is obvious. The EU leadership speaks of research and innovation when it suits them, in public.

Nevertheless (with certain notable exceptions) it lacks a commitment which would allow for any real optimism. I envy other world powers that classify research and innovation as one of their political priorities.

Returning to the digital revolution, which I consider a good example of how Europe could do much better, brings us to the need for a well-prepared workforce. In other words, we could say that the digital revolution calls for university graduates with STEM degrees (science, technology, engineering and mathematics). The lack of STEM graduates could endanger our competitiveness. Once again, Europe is doing what other countries did more than 10 years ago: developing policies and providing appropriate economic resources to encourage under graduates to choose degrees in STEM. In China, for example, STEM graduates represented 41% of the total in 2011, which doubles that of many other developed countries. In fact, since mid-2000 it became clear that Europe needed nearly a million more researchers if it wished to ensure that Europe was the most powerful

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economy in the world, which was one of the objectives of the 2000 Lisbon Strategy. The reports were well written, but the actions failed to follow the arguments and the calls for dynamic policies which would have represented a quantum leap forward in this field. The inaction of member states, distracted by the economic crises and other issues, made it impossible.

It is worth keeping in mind that a demand for decent training would serve as a stimulus to education, something which the European member states did not take sufficiently into account. Once again, we are at the mercy of the policies of the individual member and also, therefore, a lack of coordination; this is in spite the Commission’s efforts, since it

often acts as a spokesperson for some of the sectors concerned.

On a positive note, we can also say that the European Commission has done well to promote the concept of Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI), since it involves empowering all stakeholders in research and innovation to pursue socially desirable outcomes.

This is the essence of RRI. The participation of the public in the processes of research and innovation should constitute a guarantee that the investment is truly social in nature. If we follow this strategy, strongly promoted by the Commission, Europe as a whole would be able to choose a path that the political parties seem reluctant to take. If we do so, our future will be much brighter.

(*) Enric Banda PhD in Physics, 1979, at the University of Barcelona. PhD at the ETH in Zurich. Research Professor of the Spanish High Council of Scientific Research in 1987. In 1994, S.G. National R&D Plan. In 1995 Secretary of State for Universities and Research. CEO European Science Foundation 1998-2003. Director of FCRI and ICREA (2004-2007. Director of Innovation at La Seda de Barcelona. Director of Science and Environment at “La Caixa” Foundation (2009-2015). Has been Vice-president of the European Geophysical Society, editor-in-chief of Tectonophysics and European editor of Geophysical Research Letters (American Geophysical Union). Author of more than 160 peer-reviewed scientific papers. Member of the Academia Europaea. Fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society. Former President of Euroscience (2006-2012). Member of the Reial Acadèmia de Ciències i Arts de Barcelona.

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The Eko Community and its ties to the Catalan people

by Sara Montesinos*

Some 1,200 asylum-seekers are currently living in the Eko Community, where more than twenty Catalan volunteers have proposed a twinning agreement at a municipal and national level in order to dignify the refugee’s wait for onward transport.

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n 13 June, two weeks after the eviction of refugees from Idomeni, 400 Greek riot police came to evict everyone from the Eko Station camp, one of the few remaining unofficial camps in Greece. Some 1,500 people were bussed to Vasilika, a military-run refugee camp, to live in inhumane conditions and with a complete lack of institutional presence or attention. The police arrived at dawn and the asylum-seekers hid the volunteers among the families.

By seven o’clock in the morning, the camp was full of people screaming and crying. Children cried at the sight of the police wearing balaclavas and carrying weapons, while the feeling of uncertainty coupled with a lack of information added to their parents’ anxiety. The voluntary workers decided to come out and say their goodbyes while the families packed their belongings without offering resistance. A demonstration calling for the opening of the 16

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borders served as a farewell between the international aid workers and the asylum-seekers, after having spent almost four months together. They were all witnesses to how the Greek state literally dismantled the projects they had created between them.

More than thirty volunteers were arrested that day for helping the refugee families collect their belongings and for wanting to say goodbye to friends and acquaintances.

Eko Station

Early March. Rain, cold and smoke from numerous campfires. More than 18,000 people are trapped in Idomeni, the largest makeshift refugee camp on the continent, thanks to the European Union. When the team which subsequently established Eko Station refugee camp arrived in Idomeni, the scale of the crisis was overwhelming and it was clearly an impossible task for the five volunteers who had travelled from

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Eko Camp’s first school, run by Syrian teachers, launched in late March.

the beaches of Lesbos in a van. After arduous days and nights of handing out aid in difficult conditions, with inadequate equipment, the team arrived at the Eko petrol station, in Polikastro.

Twenty kilometres from the border with Macedonia, on the main road which crosses into Greece, in the middle of nowhere, people who a few days earlier had arrived in the Greek Islands by boat began to gather.

Four busloads of people in search of refuge arrived from Athens in the middle of a torrential rainstorm at two in the morning with no tents and nothing except the clothes on their backs to protect them from the cold and rain. Many of them were exposed to the elements for days, with only a roof made out of straw which was totally inadequate. Eventually they obtained enough tents to rehouse everyone.

The scene was endlessly repeated on a daily basis. When the population of Eko Camp reached a thousand or so,

the team decided to start from scratch in the small cemetery of hopes, dreams and lives cut short.

When the team which subsequently established Eko Station refugee camp arrived in Idomeni, the scale of the crisis was overwhelming Their work with –and not for– the refugees formed the basis of the project for several days, once they had met the basic need of being able to sleep sheltered from the rain. Meetings with refugees on the other side of the road were the only activity possible while they waited for the camp to become self-organized.

The short-term needs were met as the community began to take control, combining the regular distribution of Catalan International View

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The new school in Eko 2 opened its doors in mid-August to host eight sessions for different ages and subjects.

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clothing, shoes and cooking utensils with the construction of much-needed infrastructure.

The school, free clinic, communal kitchen and women’s space are all examples of how self-organisation gained ground and created an oasis of freedom and routine in the progress along a path to a Europe that had turned its back on them. The growing despair at Idomeni and the conditions in Eko Camp meant that by May some 3,000 people had come to live at the busiest petrol station in Greece.

Supervision of the volunteers, fundraising efforts and coordination with other groups led to the creation of the Eko Project, an umbrella organisation in which Catalonia’s contribution had an important part to play. Solidarity of all kinds originating in Catalonia increased as the proCatalan International View

ject became more well-known. From requests for those returning home to give talks, through to the sending of school supplies from Catalan schools and PTAs, to fundraising in neighbourhoods, towns and cities and supplying volunteers to help out and improve the camp.

The volunteers that helped out at Eko Camp became known as the Catalan Team, despite being composed of people from all over the world. This cultural bond led to them holding joint celebrations such as Ramadam, St. George’s Day and St. John’s Day and Newroz. The Eko Community was also able to share opportunities for entertainment and protest with Catalan musicians such as Txarango, Jordi Savall and Marina Gil, together with visits from elected officials such as Quim Arrufat and Oriol Amorós.

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Vasilika Camp

Following the arrests, the Catalan volunteers were released one by one by the police, with strict instructions not to return to Eko Camp. Reunited once more in Polikastro, an atmosphere of defeat and a feeling of fear overcame the group. Nevertheless, the ties which held the Eko Community together weren’t so easily deterred. A few hours later, Feras, a Syrian refugee volunteer at the Eko school, sent word of the location he had been transferred to.

To everyone’s surprise, the Eko Community was transferred in its entirety to Vasilika Camp, situated in the middle of nowhere on a back road on the outskirts of Thessaloniki. That same afternoon, families, friends and colleagues were reunited within the space which was to become their new inferno.

The Greek government had lumped together more than 1,200 people in a former chicken farm converted into a refugee camp. With no access to medical care, temperatures reaching forty degrees inside the sheds, food in short supply and people falling ill on a daily basis. The team of volunteers entered the camp every day through a hole the refugees had made in the fence, and daily visits to the hospital in private cars became the norm. For the first few weeks, the mains water supply was turned off after six in the afternoon and the overflowing portable toilets flooded the yard with human waste.

Fawaz Khalil, in search of refuge since last January declared, ‘This place is meant for animals, it’s not fit for people’. The fact that independent volunteers were refused entry meant it was impossible for them to work on the infrastructure and hindered the entry of materials and medicines.

The rescue of the Eko Community

The firm decision not to participate in military-run camps, combined with the strong ties the Eko Community had forged with the volunteers, led to the latter proposing alternatives. This is when the idea was born to rescue the community: the core group residing in Greece decided to set in motion the machinery necessary to remove their families and friends from Vasilika.

The ambitious project, made necessary by the state of emergency, was envisaged as a new space with no military presence, self-managed and able to handle a thousand refugees living together. The need to build bedrooms, community toilets, multipurpose spaces, free from fences and barbed wire, led the team to search for an abandoned factory and to undertake the necessary steps to relocate everyone.

The Greek government continues to obstruct the refugee community and fails to show any solidarity with it Nevertheless, the Greek government continues to obstruct the refugee community and fails to show any solidarity with it. Moreover, their request for permits, which is not even granted in their camps, hinders the work of voluntary groups due to a lack of political will between the governments concerned.

The initiative is beginning to take shape, however, and as time passes the possibility of a twinning agreement between the Catalan people as a whole and the Eko Community seems more likely.

Personal relationships and the cultural link open up a range of posCatalan International View

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The independent groups work on infrastructure projects outside the militaryrun camps.

sibilities for constructing a series of acts of solidarity between Catalonia and asylum-seekers, namely the people from Eko. The previous Catalan teams that operated in Bosnia and Kosovo and even the Elna Maternity Clinic, serve as examples of solidarity in the proposed municipal and national twinning agreements and the creation of a transversal political and social alignment which aims to be fully up and running in autumn 2016.

Eko 2

Despite the progress and advanced state of the rescue mission, the Catalan public and political institutions took a break during the summer. Faced with a widespread feeling of despair throughout the camp, the group decided to carry out a short-term project that allowed them to keep in touch with the community and resume projects at the former camp.

The project gave birth to Eko 2, the new self-organised camp behind Vasilika, on land leased from a Greek family, where they were able to rebuild the school, the women’s area, the children’s playground, kitchen, library and numerous ongoing initiatives.

Currently, more than twenty Catalan volunteers are working with the asylumseekers in the new camp. Together they are trying to recreate a small oasis of freedom which dignifies the wait and the passage of those fleeing war.

This year, the Eko Community will receive the 33rd International Alfonso ComĂ­n Award for being a model of coexistence, cooperation and solidarity. And also for its ability to empower and develop initiatives that allow people from different backgrounds, cultures and religions to live in dignity, thus becoming one big family.

(*) Sara Montesinos (Barcelona, 1990) is a Catalan journalist who has been based in Greece since January 2016. She has been following the refugee crisis from Lesbos to Thessaloniki and working in self-organised camps.

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Europe

Only 54% of pre-registered asylum-seekers can apply for relocation. It is estimated that the process of clearing the military-run camps may take between eleven months and a year and a half.

According to the UNHCR database, 39,213 people are temporarily residing in mainland Greece, in addition to the 11,322 still in transit in the Greek islands. Of this total, 27,592 people were registered in June and July, of which 1,225 are unaccompanied minors. The UNHCR, together with the Greek government, established a pre-registration process to record those people resident in Greece in order to provide subsequent dates of an appointment for full registration. 32% of the pre-registered adults are men, 22% women and 46% are minors.

Nearly fifty military-run camps are used to house asylum-seekers, in addition to the illegal and unofficial camps, such as squats and spontaneous settlements following a build-up of people. Most of these military-run camps are abandoned buildings; from farm sheds and sports centres, to industrial sites and football pitches.

The military-run camps are all surrounded by barbed wire and independent volunteers are forbidden access.

In Vasilika Camp alone, home to 1,226 people, there are twenty pregnant women, 160 children under six and 11 babies have so far been born in 2016. Chronic illnesses are a big problem, since medical assistance is non-existent or unreliable, thus making follow up treatment impossible. In Vasilika, the 19 people with diabetes and the 11 with chronic anaemia do not receive the medication or nutrition they require.

In addition, there are thirty cases of asthma, a third of which are under 16 years-old, people who continue to live in the dust of the unventilated sheds in the 40-degree midday heat.

Following pre-registration According to the UNHCR’s publicity, asylumseekers have four options following pre-registration; to ask for asylum in Greece, apply for family reunification, apply for relocation or to voluntarily return to their country of origin (in this case they are returned to Turkey as Syria is at war).

The relocation process, which is the most popular option, involves temporary transfer to facilitate the request for asylum in other Member States of the European Union. In which case, if the answer is a negative, they would be returned to Greece. This option is only available to refugees from Syria, Eritrea, the Central African Republic, the Seychelles, the Dominican Republic, Bahrain, Laos, and Saudi Arabia.

54% of those who are preregistered originate from Syria, but this list omits the following three majority nationalities; Afghanistan, Pakistan and Iraq, which total 43% of the refugees.

During the month of August, the refugees were supposed to have received an SMS informing them of the date and time of the appointment with the authorities in order to ask them which of the four options they wish to choose. According to some refugees, the appointment also includes part of an interview in which they are asked which religion they practice, the reason they left their country, which side they were on in the war in Syria and why they are unable to return home.

Although there has been no movement on the part of the United Nations and the UNHCR during August, it was expected that the interviews were to have been conducted in September of this year. However, the information reaching the camps is that the process could take between eleven months and a year and a half.

After the Treaty On 20 March 2016 a treaty was signed between the EU and Turkey, prohibiting from that very same date the reception of people arriving in the Greek islands by boat. Thereafter, it was declared that all asylum-seekers reaching Greek territory will be detained and subsequently deported to Turkey, which was designated a safe country.

Due to the threat of deportation, many of those who arrived after 20 March requested asylum in Greece in order that the procedure would legally halt any form of deportation. This development, together with the continual arrival of asylum-seekers in the Greek islands, means the former registration centres, known as hotspots, and now converted into detention centres, have increased their capacity.

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Eurasia

Russia gains a foothold in the Arctic

by Natàlia Boronat*

The cold, inhospitable Arctic Ocean is currently at the heart of a dispute in which the political and economic interests of several states collide, particularly neighbouring countries: Russia, Canada, USA, Norway and Denmark (acting for Greenland). Sweden, Finland and Iceland are also considered Arctic countries, in spite of not bordering the Arctic Ocean, since part of their territory lies north of the Arctic Polar Circle.

W

hile global warming is leading to the shrinking of the ice sheets, with its attendant negative ecological and environmental consequences for the world as a whole, it is also opening up new economic prospects which accelerate the struggle for control over the Arctic region, which lacks clearly defined borders. According to estimates by the US Geological Survey, the Arctic region is home to a quarter of the world’s undiscovered oil and gas reserves. The melting of the polar icecaps will facilitate the extraction of these hydrocarbons. The area is also rich in minerals and fish stocks. In addition, the shrinking of the ice will allow the opening of new trade routes, such as the Northern Seaway, which is of great strategic and military significance. It will connect the Atlantic and the Pacific year-round, in

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what is the shortest route for transporting goods from Europe to East Asia with the consequent savings in time and fuel. It is expected that in 2016, for the first time, a cruise ship with a thousand passengers on board will cover the route between the port of Seward, Alaska, and New York, through the Northwest Passage –which links the Pacific with the Atlantic via the Canadian Arctic– in 32 days.

According to the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the five countries bordering the Arctic Ocean are entitled to control the 200 nautical miles around their territory, an exclusive economic zone, while the rest remains neutral waters. This area can be extended if the countries scientifically demonstrate that the seabed is a continuation of its continental shelf. This point is the origin of the geographical

Eurasia

conflicts between states which are mediated by the United Nations.

The Arctic region is of great strategic importance to Russia. It is the state with the longest Arctic border, some 20 thousand kilometres, and it is also the state which lays claim to the largest chunk of territory. Russian bases of its Northern Fleet and its atomic icebreaker fleet are spread across the Arctic, besides various types of military, meteorological, geological and scientific bases. In addition, of the four million people living in the Arctic –the area bounded by the Arctic Polar Circle–, around one million are citizens of the Russian Federation.

Following the disastrous situation Russia found itself in with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, in the 2000s the Arctic has regain its prominence in Moscow’s policymaking. During the

Cold War it was a strategic element for the Soviet forces. In 2007 a Russian expedition led by the then deputy speaker of the Duma Artur Chilingarov used a submersible to plant a Russian flag at the North Pole. Aside from this symbolic gesture, which was widely criticized by the international community since the North Pole remains neutral waters, the Russian expedition gathered evidence to prove that the seabed of the Lomonosov Ridge is a continuation of the Siberian continental shelf.

Russia has already presented its territorial claim to the United Nations and expects to have the answer some time next year. Meanwhile, Canada argues that the Lomonosov Ridge is an extension of the US continental shelf, while Denmark supports the hypothesis that it forms part of Greenland’s submarine mountains. All five countries have Catalan International View

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various territorial claims, though the possibility of dividing the sea equally is also being considered, the so called ‘median line method’ (which would divide the Arctic waters according to the longitude of the nearest coastline, under which the North Pole would belong to Denmark) or the ‘sector method’ (which establishes the North Pole as the centre from which the dividing lines emanate).

A Russian doctrine dating from 2009, according to which their policy in the Arctic is based more on cooperation with other states than on confrontation, remains valid to this day Military and defence motives are also highly significant in the jostling for position in the Arctic. The Russian Institute of Strategic Studies’ report The Arctic in International Politics: Cooperation or Rivalry? observes that, ‘the region holds great strategic importance for states with a fleet of nuclear submarines. The majority of the most strategic targets in the world can be reached from underwater positions northeast of the Barents Sea, since it is the shortest path for ballistic missiles destined for any of the Earth’s hemispheres’. The confrontation between Russia on the one hand, and the United States and NATO on the other, continues in this area, though not at the same intensity as during the Cold War. Vyacheslav Shtyrov, former president of Sakha –one of Russia’s Arctic regions– and Chairman of the Board of Experts on the Arctic and Antarctic, believes, ‘there is a high probability that the Russian Arctic will be the first line of defence in the event of a global 24

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military conflict, since it is the most likely direction of an enemy nuclear missile attack’.

Against this backdrop, in 2015 Russia created a new military command to improve coordination in the Arctic involving a newly-formed group of 6,000 soldiers with two motorized infantry brigades. The same year, Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin, on route to a Russian scientific base at the North Pole, made a stopover in the Norwegian archipelago Svalberd. A few days later he declared on Twitter that, ‘The Arctic is Russian Mecca [sic]’. As a result of this trip, Denmark, Iceland, Finland, Norway and Sweden signed a joint declaration stating that, ‘Russia’s conduct represents the biggest challenge to European security’ and called for increased cooperation.

A Russian doctrine dating from 2009, according to which their policy in the Arctic is based more on cooperation with other states than on confrontation, remains valid to this day.

This concept, however, has not been an obstacle to Russia carrying out the reconstruction of obsolete military installations of the Soviet era in 2015 and 2016, such as Novaya Zemlya’s runway which can now handle Russia’s latest generation of jet fighters and also house its new antiaircraft defence systems. They are also building new military infrastructure in the Novosibirsk Archipelago, north of Eastern Siberia, and Wrangel Island. These constructions have been described by Western countries as an example of, ‘the threat of Russian expansion on the world’.

This is precisely how Russia’s Arctic policies were described in a recent report by the UK’s Parliamentary Defence Committee.

However, Moscow is not the only country to strengthen its military pres-

Eurasia

ence in the area around the Arctic and the spectre of an ‘aggressive Russia’ is used once again in this part of the world to justify militarization. Denmark, for example, which also appealed to the United Nations for part of the territory claimed by Russia, decided this year to prepare itself militarily in case it receives an unfavourable reply from the international organization. It plans to militarize the Arctic by establishing a base on Greenland, investing in satellites to monitor the area and increasing the numbers of Danish Armed Forces.

Johannes Riber Nordby, Commander of the Danish Defence Academy, is convinced that, ‘Denmark must prepare for future Russian military activity in case Moscow receives a response from the UN before we do. We want to be prepared for Russian flights over Greenland and the Arctic areas which are also claimed by Denmark’.

The Kremlin, however, sees the defence of their economic interests and security in the Arctic as entirely legitimate. In July of this year the Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov claimed that Russia is prepared to fight in order not to lose any of the territory that Moscow considers belong to it.

Finland and Sweden, who have no direct access to the Arctic Ocean, consider that the policies of Arctic countries which are trying to divide the area between them could lead to confrontation and the destabilization of the region. These and other countries, such as China and Japan, believe that the

Arctic’s resources belong to humanity as a whole and that they should only be exploited according to strict international guidelines. According to this view, every country which has the necessary financial and technical resources should have access to the exploitation of the Arctic’s natural resources in accordance with international law.

The Arctic region is home to a quarter of the world’s undiscovered oil and gas reserves. The melting of the polar icecaps will facilitate the extraction of these hydrocarbons.

The Russian Institute for Strategic Studies’ report goes on to call upon all parties responsible for policy-making involving the Arctic to ensure that the new development strategy, both Russian and international, is based on collaboration and not confrontation, with responsible policies which preserve this fragile ecosystem and take into account the peoples who live in the territory included in the Arctic region. The Russian Arctic alone is home to 26 different peoples who are protected under Russian legislation as ‘indigenous numerically-small peoples’ who should be allowed to retain their traditional lifestyle, particularly in terms of reindeer herding, in spite of industrial processes.

(*) Natàlia Boronat holds a degree in Information Sciences from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and in Slavic Philology from the Universitat de Barcelona. Since 2001 she has spent most of her time in Russia.

She worked in St. Petersburg as a Catalan lecturer at the State University and in the tourism industry. She now lives in Moscow, where she works as a freelance journalist for different Catalan media organizations and reports on the current situation in the post-Soviet arena.

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The Americas

Colombia, time for peace, in spite of everything

by Francesc Parés*

During the summer of 2016, the Colombian government and the FARC concluded four years of talks aimed at reaching a peace agreement. Negotiators representing Juan Manuel Santos’ government and the FARC finalised the finer details of the agreement in Havana. Following marathon sessions of up to 18 hours, all the key points were agreed at the end of August, ready to be made official. Nevertheless, in spite of the solemn presentation of the peace agreement presided over by Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos and the leader of the FARC Timochenko, in the referendum held on Sunday 2 October, some 62% of Colombians abstained, while most of those who did vote, opposed the peace agreement.

D

espite the outcome of the referendum, it is worth reviewing the key moments last summer that allowed for the much-needed peace agreement to be reached. Aside from the outcome of the referendum, the great victors following decades of conflict and violence are the more than 20 million Colombians who did not vote.

For them and for the rest of the world, it is the story of a process which is now more necessary than ever.

It is worth reminding ourselves of the atmosphere at the peace talks during the last three weeks of August. For several days beforehand, representatives of the two delegations, the government and the FARC, could be seen smiling and sharing their satisfaction on social media. Unofficial sources on both sides

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hinted that the negotiations had borne fruit. However, lacking certain crucial details, they did not wish to officially declare that the final agreement had been reached until all the loose ends had been tied up. Neither Colombian society nor the international community was prepared for a declaration of failure.

It is now known, however, that none of the finer details seriously put at risk the definitive agreement.

The conditions governing the amnesty of the guerrillas, their future political role and their return to civilian life were the final topics to be agreed. ‘There will be no final agreement until there is an amnesty law’, declared Marcos Calarcá, one of the guerrilla leaders in Havana.

Nonetheless, by late August an agreement seemed imminent. On the 24th of

The Americas

the month, the guerrilla’s chief negotiator, Iván Márquez, tweeted a symbolic picture: a rectangular table full of papers, computers, coffee cups and bottles of water, the chancellor, two ministers, senators and Colombian government negotiators and the FARC guerrillas. In almost four years of talks it was virtually the first time a meeting between the parties had been so relaxed. The leader of the FARC, who goes by the alias Timochenko, replied to the tweet with an optimistic message: ‘We are on the threshold of important announcements that bring us closer to a final agreement’.

President Santos’ urgency to reach an agreement was a key factor. The president needed a final agreement before he could convene the referendum to ratify the treaty. The Colombian government

did not wish to see the present round of talks delayed beyond the autumn, in order that it would not coincide with tax reforms, that is, with tax rises for Colombians which are to be announced before the end of the year.

The conditions governing the amnesty of the guerrillas, their future political role and their return to civilian life were the final topics to be agreed Meanwhile the FARC had to present the final agreement at a private conference, known as the Tenth Conference, in which the rank and file guerrillas had to approve what has been under

The Americas

negotiations in Havana since 2012, and thereby renounce the armed uprising in order to become a political party.

The journey has not been an easy one. The failed attempts to achieve an agreement with the FARC in the past led many to be pessimistic.

The culmination of a long and complicated journey

The journey has not been an easy one.

The failed attempts to achieve an agreement with the FARC in the past led many to be pessimistic. The image of an empty chair left by the missing head of the guerrilla Manuel Marulanda next to the then President of Colombia Andrés Pastrana during one of the previous attempts to reach a peace agreement, didn’t fail to cause unease. This time however, in spite of the obstacles that existed from the outset, the two sides have managed to overcome their differences. What once seemed impossible has now become a reality.

The first setback facing the peace process was the death of one of the top guerrilla leaders, who went by the alias Alfonso Cano, on 4 November 2011, just as preliminary talks between the government and the FARC were getting underway. ‘It is the biggest blow in the history of the FARC’, declared President Juan Manuel Santos, on hearing the news that Cano had been killed by the army.

Santos was speaking at a time when the country was still unaware of the preliminary moves occurring prior to the start of talks and while those within the guerrilla were unsure as to whether the peace process ought to continue, follow-

ing Cano’s death. Subsequently, Cano’s successor, Timochenko, revealed that at a time of crisis he asked the then President of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, to intervene in order that the FARC remained willing to negotiate. This indeed was the case.

When the formal talks began, both sides insisted on negotiating in midst of the conflict, in other words without calling a halt to hostilities, in spite of attempts by the guerrillas to call a bilateral ceasefire, which was not achieved until June of this year. The agreement was one of the most delicate episodes in the process. Two years after beginning the public phase of talks, the kidnapping of General Rubén Darío Alzate, on 17 November 2014, threatened the talks. The crisis forced President Santos to forbid the government delegates from travelling to Havana until Alzate had been released. For many, the episode served to accelerate the process, providing it with impetus, since until then it had progressed, without major incidents, at a snail’s pace.

The deaths of 11 soldiers in April 2015 triggered another major crisis.

Santos lifted the suspension of bombings of FARC camps and a month later, in an attack in Guapi (Cauca), at least 25 guerrillas were killed, including Jairo Martínez, one of the negotiators in Havana. Although both sides insisted that the negotiations would go ahead, the FARC stepped up its attacks and carried out a series of operations against energy infrastructure. One such attack on an oil pipeline in Tumaco led to 400,000 gallons of oil being spilled, making it the worst ecological disaster of the decade in the region. ‘We are not proud of the result of the actions against the oil infrastructure, neither do we pride ourselves in the deaths of army soldiers when they

The Americas

occur’, noted the FARC in a statement.

Although Santos called the members of the guerrilla group hypocritical, the talks went ahead.

Just a few months ago, in February 2016, relations between the government and the FARC once more hit a rocky patch. Representatives of the guerrilla, Iván Márquez, Jesús Santrich and Joaquín Gómez, held a meeting in Conejo community (La Guajira) without government permission. Following the publication of photos which showed the guerrillas among the civilian population, the government reiterated that it would not let the FARC conduct politics with guns. Once more an obstacle was overcome.

Other problems dogged the talks, areas of disagreement that caused sticking points. At every stage the guarantor countries, Norway and Cuba, played a key role, together with sympathisers, Venezuela in particular, especially at the start of the negotiations. Furthermore, Enrique Santos, the president’s brother, who initiated preliminary talks with the FARC, played a decisive role in ironing out the difficulties in the agreement.

According to the analyst, Ariel Ávila, Enrique Santos ‘was there before the crisis. Solving problems, looking for a way to keep the talks going, to ensure they weren’t derailed’. Moreover, Ávila claims that talks with the FARC could finally bear fruit thanks to the fact that, for the first time, the guerrillas were truly prepared to accept that they would never gain power through armed strug-

gle, combined with the liberal atmosphere of openness in Colombian politics. An agreement had been reached.

An unexpected ‘no’?

Four weeks later, Sunday 2 October, the world awoke to the news that the ‘no’ vote had won in Colombia. A decisive factor: the old politics that refuses to die and the new politics that has yet to emerge.

Four weeks later, Sunday 2 October, the world awoke to the news that the ‘no’ vote had won in Colombia. A decisive factor: the old politics that refuses to die and the new politics that has yet to emerge.

It is deeply disappointing that in contemporary Colombia Uribe is still a political figure who continues to strive –in the gutter press in the political sewers, in the midst of the grief– to play a key role and to contaminate the social and political outlook. How disappointing? It was yet another factor that made it possible for 62% of the population to abstain.

There are other factors to consider: Santos’ poor institutional campaign, the rural, urban divide... But one also needs to understand that new political projects cannot be led by guardians of the old politics, since they don’t want them, they don’t support them, because they bury them.

(*) Francesc Parés (Valls, 1965) has been involved in development cooperation and education for development in Central and South America for many years. His work has focused on development projects and the understanding and recognition of human rights. He specializes in investigating and recognizing indigenous women’s role as agents of memory, social change and the preservation of peace.

Interview

4 Trails 2014 (Kelvin Trautmann)

Interview

Núria Picas ‘If you have a dream you have a treasure’ Interviewed by Francesc de Dalmases Photos by Kelvin Trautmann, Sho Fujimak, Oriol Batista

There are athletes who aspire to more than achieving the goals of their respective sports. They are people who make their sport an honest, frank and disciplined way of life; they are athletes who do not neglect their social function. They express their opinions on issues that affect us as a society and the challenges facing us both nationally and internationally. Núria Picas is one such person. She is much more than a top athlete and much more than an Ultra Trail World Tour Champion: she is a shining example of commitment, humanity and personal growth.

There are sports careers that start off small, but you started at the top: on 1 October 2011 you took part in the Cavalls de Vent1 race and you won. Did you ever imagine such a thing were possible?

No way. I didn’t even think I would finish. My goal was just to get it over with. I thought, look, it’s a beautiful route and I have the chance to do it in one day and I’ll also have refuelling points at every refuge, so I’ll give it a go. But it’s also true that I have a competitive spirit that has revealed itself over the years, following that victory. Without knowing it, it awoke my inner Ultra Trail runner.

And within three years, in 2014, you ended up winning the Ultra Trail World Tour. Another seemingly impossible achievement, since fourteen years earlier the doctors said you wouldn’t be able to race again, due to a climbing accident.

Yes, I was told I would never race again but there are other factors: passion and enthusiasm. I was told that I couldn’t but I was convinced that it

wasn’t to be and in the end, as you can see, it all came right in the end. But the fracture was really bad, very serious...

The talus bone, right?

The talus, that’s right. It was years ago, but I’m still in constant pain. It’s my little friend, or little enemy, who follows me around, but we’ve agreed to live and let live and we get on with it. It’s all about putting up with the pain and getting used to it a bit.

When you speak of your motivations, your way of approaching a race, I heard you use a phrase –and I don’t know if it’s yours or someone else’s– ‘the first sixty or seventy kilometres you do with your legs and the rest you do with your head’. Is this what your recovery and your first victory in Cavalls del Vent was all [1] A legendary mountain race that takes place in Catalonia, between eight mountain refuges in the Pyrenees. The route is close to a hundred kilometres long, with 10,000 meters of cumulative elevation gain.

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Interview

about? Do you see it like that, that running is much more than the purely physical?

That’s right, not everything is physical, there’s a large psychological component and also a great deal of passion, which is extremely important. I’ve learnt this over many races. The first kilometres are run with your legs, it’s true, everyone is trained, everyone can more or less run a certain number of kilometres, but when your strength runs out, other factors are at play. In my case, I can put up with a lot of pain and above all there’s my heart: my passion to get things done, to be present, to find meaning in every step...

I love it when you say that it’s all about passion and about the joy you feel: ‘It’s not about crossing the finish line, it’s not about the award ceremony, both of which are great. It’s about those final kilometres when you know nobody can take the victory from you. This is the greatest joy I have ever felt’.

It’s pure joy. Yes, once you get to that point, you know you’ve made it. But knowing that something is going to happen and knowing for certain it will happen is a fabulous feeling. Sometimes I’ve started crying just before crossing the finish line, nearly drowning in tears. It uses up my energy reserves, since when you cry it saps your strength, right? But it’s an amazing feeling.

In 2000 I was told I would never race again but there are other factors: passion and enthusiasm Speaking of surprise victories, you won first place in the 2013 Emmona Marathon2. Not first place for a woman, overall first place. Does this mean that these long-distance races narrow the gap between men and women somewhat? And does your mind play a part in the preparation, the endurance, the stamina?

That was truly amazing..

Men and women are two different worlds. In terms of muscles and bone structure. Thanks to the physiological changes that we women undergo by default, it’s very difficult for us to compete with men.

It’s true that mentally we are equal to or better equipped than men, but our muscles are completely 32

different, men have 30% more, which means that a well-trained male body is virtually impossible for a woman to beat, if we’re talking about elite athletes.

Has that ever happened again?

No, it’s never happened again. It was a fluke, something that’s unlikely to happen again. I got to the front and I won a mountain marathon.

You often say that you’re lucky to train in the Catalan Pyrenees and foothills of the Pyrenees. You share the area with another of the sport’s global leaders, Kilian Jornet. What role do these mountains play?

Kilian grew up in the Cavalls del Vent area. He was at the Cortals de l’Ingla shelter, he was born in Cap del Rec. He’s always trained in those mountains.

People often ask me what my secret is and I think that it’s the mountains, but it’s also our culture. The Catalan culture is one of hard work, honesty, drive and enthusiasm... and the terrain itself is fascinating. If we combine these two aspects, we are able to produce great mountain runners and even athletes in many other disciplines. It’s simple.

But you and Kilian are two exceptional cases, with two exceptional physiques. You’ve set an example which has created a stir because you have a high profile. This means a lot of people try and imitate you; doesn’t it worry you a little that people don’t understand that it needs a great deal of preparation? That not everyone can go off to the mountains and do seventy or eighty kilometres?

Yes, sure. People can be really brave when it comes to buying a race bib. Buying one is relatively easy.

However, finishing those kilometres without endangering your health is another story. I think people ought to keep their feet on the ground and consider these challenges very carefully and take it easy. It’s common sense. It’s great to get out in the mountains, it’s great to go out for a run, to have dreams and goals you want to fight for. But you have to go one step at a time. It’s how we all do it.

[2] The Emmona Marathon is another long-distance mountain challenge held in Catalonia. More than 40% of the route lies above 2,000 meters. The marathon covers 39.3 kilometres, with 3,465 meters of ascent and 5,914 meters of cumulative elevation gain.

Catalan International View

Interview

But we also have to take risks, right? I went from a marathon to entering the Cavalls del Vent and I won. And it worked out well. So it’s about keeping your feet on the ground combined with a bit of madness, this drive that sometimes leads you to doing something crazy.

In terms of your public persona, you haven’t done what other athletes do, by keeping a distance between their sporting career and their private life or their political or life choices. You don’t shy away from talking about anything: your sexual choices, the death of your father, politics... Why have you chosen this public profile?

It’s my nature, it’s the way I am. I’m very outgoing and I like to show myself as I am, I’m a very transparent person. If one day I begin to hide things, then I’ll stop being Núria Picas. I am who I am thanks to everything I’ve been through. So I like to speak about both the good and the bad. I think life is like an Ultra Trail and Ultra Trails are like life: good times and bad times, which you have to negotiate and overcome with strength and determination. I think that my becoming world champion is thanks to all these events.

And then there’s another aspect to your public persona: event though you’re an elite athlete, at the top of your profession, rather than a former athlete, you have no qualms about appearing on an electoral list, of being part of Junts pel Sí, the list that won the last elections for the Parliament of Catalonia, on 27 September 2015.

Yes, above all you have to have respect for other people, whether they’re from one country or another, or of one colour or another. But above all we must be true to our beliefs. And no one can ban or legislate or fight against this, against the beliefs of any individual. We feel Catalan, we speak Catalan, we think like Catalans, we have our own language, backed up by a very powerful culture, and nothing can beat it.

As for my part, by representing a particular political option I’m trying to achieve the best for our society, for my family, for those who are yet to be born. And it’s also a tribute to the people from the past, to our grandparents, who had to go through so much...

And you’re not afraid you might have to pay a price?

No, I’m not in the least bit worried. I realise I might have lost a few sponsors, but I’m really calm and at

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peace with myself. At the end of the day, what do we want? To be at peace with ourselves.

Being able to look at yourself in the mirror, right?

What is it that enriches us? Having a lot of money in the bank or freedom of expression and being able to run happily in the mountains? I think it’s the latter, I have this vision of life, less material but much more humane.

Returning to your career and your injury, when they ask you about how long you can continue, you usually respond in one of two ways depending on how tired you feel. You can give a quick reply, which is to say when you stop enjoying yourself and then there’s a second, less romantic, answer, which is as long as your left foot holds up. How are these two limits going?

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Awards: 2016

Núria Picas completed the Home to Home project. A challenging 137 km with a cumulative elevation gain of 14,200 meters amongst some of the most spectacular scenery in the Catalan Pyrenees. The choice of the start and finish line is not accidental. La Vall de Boí and Baga have a connection with the Falles del Pirineu, a festival dating back to the eleventh century.

In 2015 they were added to UNESCO’s list of Intangible Heritage. Following the event, Picas was dogged by injury and has been unable to race again this season.

2015

1st 1st 1st 1st

Transgrancanaria 2015 Bastions Marathon 2015 Volta Cerdanya Ultrafons 2015 Marathon Marató dels Cims (Andorra) Buff Epic Run 105k 2015 Ultra Trail Vall d’Aran 2015 3rd Ultra Pirineu 2015 1st Diagonale des Fous, 164km, 2015 Ultra Trail World

Tour 2015 Winner awarded best catalan athlete 2015 1st 1st

2014

1st 1st 1st 1st 1st

Transgrancanaria Mount Fuji Ultra Trail TNF 100 Australia Ultra de la Cerdanya. Catalan Champion on Ultra Trail Salomon 4 Trails Catllaràs Ultra Trail Buff® Epic Trail Aigüestortes 2nd Ultra Trail du Montblanc 1st Ultra Pirineu 1st Course des Templiers Champion of Ultra Trail

World Tour 2014 1st 1st

2013

Spanish Champion of Trail Running, Vilaller (Catalonia) European Ultra Trail Championship, Trans d’Havet (Italy) 2nd Zegama-Aizkorri 2nd Transvulcània 1st Emmona Marathon 2nd Ultra Trail du Montblanc 1st Cavalls del Vent 3rd Gorbeia-Suzien 1st Course des Templiers 2nd

2012

Ultra Trail World Champion Cavalls del Vent. Female Record 10h34’ 1st Course des Templiers 1st Kima 2nd Transvulcània 2nd Zegama-Aizkorri 3rd Mount Kinabalu Climbathon Malaysia Skygames

World Champion 1st Skybike. Les Paüls Duathlon 1st Skymarathon. Vilaller Marathon 1st

2011

World Champion with Catalan Team Cavalls del Vent 2nd Valetudo Skyrace International Cup 4th Arratzu-Urdaibai International Cup 3rd Ordino Trail 1st Les Paüls Duathlon 1st Vilallonga de Ter Duathlon 1st Les Medes-Montgrí Triathlon 1st

2010

Champion of Mountain Running International Cup Toubkal Morocco Marathon 1st Tercourse des Perics 3rd Becca di Nona Skyrace 5th Olla de Núria 2nd Sentiero della Grigne Skymarathon 1st Mount Kinabalu Climbathon Malaysia 4th Marathon du Chaberton Catalan Champion

on Adventure Race. Raid Wiar 2010 1st

UTMF 2014 (Sho Fujimak)

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Ultra Pirineu 2015 (Oriol Batista)

Exactly. It’s like that. It’s sad but true, depending on which part of the season I’m in I think ‘wow, this really hurts, I don’t know if this is gonna get worse or not’. And as for enjoying it, it’s true. It’s absolutely true, because I’m motivated by passion.

When I don’t like something, I get tired, I look the other way. It’s automatic, I don’t need to give it any thought. If I’m here it’s in order to do something. The outcome is positive, I enjoy myself and feel fulfilled and really happy. But not everything is about running, mind. Running has given me other things, such as being on Junts pel Sí’s candidate list, to do my bit for my country, which I love. And many other things. Sometimes I ask myself ‘what do people want from me?’.

Because like it or not people look up to you...

That’s right, which is why I have to be careful, doing things well, not only thinking of myself, but of others too. I think that top athletes have this responsibility.

How do you see the future for your children, Arç and Roc? For my two sons the truth is that all I want is for them to be happy. That they’re happy and they choose what they consider to be the best path. So far they’re crazy about football...

Really!

Yes, but being from this family, with our obsession with the mountains, I’m sure something will stick, don’t you think? But I’m not worried, the most important thing is that they’re healthy and happy.

Do you think that humanity is progressing? In other words, that the world is getting better?

Well, everything is moving really quickly and that worries me a lot. Everything is going very, very, fast and sometimes we don’t appreciate the things around us and sometimes that saddens me somewhat. I wish people would stop and, that they tried to educate themselves more, especially in terms of values. And having a work ethic. I like to talk about having a work ethic because it’s what really makes you struggle every day to overcome the challenges that life presents. It seems we have got used to having everything now, instantly, and having everything handed to us on a plate. But not everything is so easy. I enjoy my victories a lot more when they’ve been much more of a struggle, when crossing the finish line has been tougher... effort makes us value things more and it fulfils us, we respect the people around us more. And yes, I’d feel really sorry if these values were to fall by the wayside.

By the way, there’s a saying of yours I really like...

If you have a dream you have a treasure.

Exactly!

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Opinion

To exhibit is to narrate: museums and a consensus on memory

by Vicenรง Villatoro*

The language of exhibitions is, above all, a narrative genre: its purpose is not so much to show as to relate, to narrate. An exhibition, a museum, acquires its maximum communicative potential when its narrative is clear, which ultimately is what it is trying to explain. This is when the expositive resources, technology, the strength of the exhibit itself, reach their highest level of efficiency. Otherwise, when what one wishes to explain, the narrative line, is confusing and contradictory, the exhibition and the museum become a pure succession of parts and messages without forming part of an organic whole. In this case, neither the quality of the items on display nor the implementation of high technological and museum standards manage to overcome the underlying fragility.

The absence of a narrative is not compensated by the wealth of means. Clearly, in terms of public amusement, a unique, extraordinary piece can fill a museum, even when its narrative is weak. But this does not convert the weakness into strength.

B

efore proceeding, an observation which is relevant to any narrative genre and which, therefore, applies equally to both a novel and a museum: that which must be explained, the underlying narrative, the essential story, is often more of a question than an answer. The complexity of narrative genres allows them to initiate a debate. Marrying them to a simple answer transforms narration into propaganda, whether it be a museum or the life of a saint. If we begin with the assertion that the first requirement of an interpretive space, a museum, an exhibition, is a thorough understanding of the story, clearly defining what one wishes to tell, we can make two kinds of observations. Firstly, technical considerations: certain exhibition experiences have helped or 36

Catalan International View

hindered the prior difficulty of conceptualizing their narrative. Secondly, political or ethical considerations: the extent to which the exhibition has helped to develop an acceptable consensus and accurate story, how it is the expression of a consensus or an enriching thesis and to what extent it is an instrument of propaganda. And one often realizes that an appraisal of the same exhibition experience is often different or contradictory from a political point of view and from a technical standpoint. In other words: in a measurement of its effectiveness when it comes to strengthening and expanding its story.

I would like to refer to certain examples that have nothing more in common than the fact that, by chance, I was able to view them at some point

Opinion

in the last year and that I have found every one of them to be valuable or interesting examples. On a visit to Warsaw I had occasion to visit the new museum dedicated to the uprising in the city of Warsaw just before the arrival of the Soviet army and following the departure of the German troops.

The museum has a clear historical narrative: the events that happened, the episodes related to the uprising of the Polish city and its repression.

But there is an implicit, underlying story, which in my opinion explains the creation of this museum at this particular moment in time: that the Polish popular uprising was crushed by the Nazis because of the calculated indifference of the Soviet troops who were located just across the river.

During the communist era, the of-

ficial line was that the Russians had liberated the city. After communism, with a new political situation, there is a willingness to place Russia’s responsibility for the destruction of the city at about the same level as Germany’s.

From a political perspective, the story is clear, convincing, and therefore controversial. Debatable, yet understandable out of a desire to counterbalance a contrasting story which has prevailed for many years. In any case, the clarity of purpose, the strength of the story, the fact that they know exactly what they want to explain, why and what for, makes the use of exhibitive language, which is innovative and with varied resources, greatly effective.

During the same visit to Warsaw I also had occasion to see the new museum on the history of Jewish PoCatalan International View

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Opinion

The use of exhibitive language, as good as it may be, is unable to hide the conceptual difficulties

Museum of the History of Polish Jews

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land or the Jews in Poland. It is an extremely interesting museum, with the desire to make an impact, central to the city, where sometimes the Jewish past is not presented with much emphasis. The museum’s political objective appears clear: to reconcile the Jewish world with Poland, in contrast to an earlier story found in the Jewish world, and the world in general, that sees the Catholic Polish population as indifferent to the plight of the Polish Jews and in some instances active collaborators with the Nazis in their extermination. The political objective is clear. But the two versions cannot Catalan International View

both be true. It’s not that it wasn’t the case, it’s that it can’t be the case. The Jewish story as to their presence in Poland and the Polish story about the Jews do not always coincide and are often contradictory. Its very definition is complicated: the History of Jewish Poland or the Jews in Poland? Which is the adjective and which is the noun?

The museum has a truly noble political plea, a plea for reconciliation, but it must do so based on conflicting accounts which are fully extant. The space for consensus, the space for connection, is relatively narrow in certain episodes. These the museum must skirt

Opinion

The use of exhibitive language, as good as it may be, is unable to hide the conceptual difficulties

around. It can revel in the moments of glory, on which there is consensus, but it is difficult in times of crisis, about which there is no consensus. The museum is built on complicated conceptual terrain: it must be acceptable to and accepted by diverse worlds which do not think alike. From this starting point, the technical resolution, the use of exhibitive language, as good as it may be, is unable to hide the conceptual difficulties. This process makes the museum particularly interesting, even though its passage through the terrain of dissent is thanks more to circumvention than to contrast and debate.

Here is another example: on a visit to Medellin I went to see its young, enthusiastic Casa de la Memoria [House of Memory]. It is dedicated to the violence that not so long ago made Medellin an extremely turbulent city, with thousands of deaths, as part of a Colombia in which several civil wars were simultaneously in progress. The guerrillas, the repression by the guerrillas, the drug trafficking and so on.

The municipality of Medellin wished to create a powerful museum in support of an extraordinarily noble and necessary goal: to highlight the memory of this period. However, the period is so recent and the turbulent reality was so complex -as all are, when seen in close up- that there is not a single story about what happened, but rather there are many different, contradictory stories. There is not one memory, but many memories. And the Casa de la Memoria, in another relevant and noble political decision, did not wish to ignore them or choose a certain memory or deliberately leave any of them out, but rather to collect them and put them together. The Casa de la Memoria is not, therefore, a place from which to exhibit consensus, from which to narrate the hegemonic story, but rather a place in which to build a consensual story. For foreign visitors, who do not enter with their own memory, the Casa de la Memoria is a kind of encyclopaedia of atrocities, useful for recognizing the magnitude of the drama which we are being shown, but the inCatalan International View

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Opinion

El Born Centre de Cultura i Memòria

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formation is not integrated into a story that makes it understandable. Presumably this is because the museum is not aimed at foreign visitors. Colombian visitors are the intended audience, those who one day will participate in some way in defining the story, and who enter with their own memory, rejecting or ignoring the memory of others who also enter. Imagining a story such as the Holocaust, for example, when several decades have passed and when there was a war with winners and losers, is not the same as trying to build a story about violence in Medellin, when many wounds are still open. It is extremely difficult to make a museum about a war when the war is still in progress, since the story is constructed and selected afterwards. The museum of Medellin is admirable, it uses excellent resources from the point Catalan International View

of view of an exhibition but at the current time, for foreign visitors it is not a functional museum. It is the essential path to a museum that one day will exist.

I have picked three random examples, but the debate over museum narratives, which is ultimately a debate on historical memory, concerning historical consensus, seeing history and memory as a field of confrontation of narratives in search of hegemony, is present in almost every museum experience.

The content determines the shape.

The inexistence or difficulty of a story makes the accumulation of exhibition resources relatively useless, however good they may be. The strength and the consensus of the underlying story lend themselves to certain exhibitive techniques. When there are fundamental, conceptual problems, they end up be-

Opinion

ing visible. A museum is not a warehouse of exhibits, but rather a narrative by means of its pieces. For example, and without going into unnecessary detail, the splendid Quai de Branly Museum in Paris has ended up being known more for its location on the map than by a name that explains what it is, what story it wishes to tell. A museum of the world cultures? ‘A meeting ground for cultures of the world’, as it advertises itself? Obviously not all of the world’s cultures are present. Clearly there are only bizarre, formidable objects from places which have been colonized by the French. The museum inevitably owes a debt to colonialism, while making no reference to it. Shouldn’t it address colonialism? It ought not to exist (but we are glad that it exists, and the visitors leave incredibly grateful!). The name is a problem, because it is an unpronounceable concept. Real, but unspeakable, which ties it to colonialism.

We could, of course, find examples closer to home. Some noteworthy examples can be found in Madrid and in Barcelona. The debate surrounding the Born is down to a clash of narratives: the critique to which the Born has been subject is not aseptic and neutral: while it may claim to be the Born without a story, this is absolutely impossible. Instead, one story is being replaced by another, by the substitution of a story that has no desire to be hegemonic in any case. I mentioned earlier that sometimes this story is not an answer but rather a question. We

at the CCCB are very proud that the exhibition Més humans. El futur de la nostra espècie [More Human. The Future of Our Species] has been a success, the most popular in the centre’s history, precisely because the story is a question and the language to ask it is a mixture of artistic (and therefore humanistic), technological and scientific languages. It has functioned more as a question than others where the story was already an answer. In the CCCB itself, so I can’t be accused of selfpromotion. Since the issue is not who does it right and who does it wrong, but to what point we always ought to think about museums and exhibitions as a thread that gives meaning to different exhibits in different languages.

It is not a matter of awarding grades; it’s about thinking about the issue.

In short, if to exhibit is to narrate, if a museum is essentially a story, imagining a museum is to try and connect what one means to say with how one means to say it. We must think about how we say things. The exhibitive form, the language. We must think about what we mean: the story, the narrative. And we must think about why we want to say it: the ethical or political objective, the mission for society, the opportunity and the need. These are not always complimentary, but imagining a museum -or an exhibition- is thinking about all three. Like a novel. As with any genre of narrative.

(*) Vicenç Villatoro (Terrassa, 1957). Writer and journalist. Holds a degree in Information Sciences. He is director of CCCB (Barcelona’s Center for Contemporary Culture). Former president of the Ramon Trias Fargas foundation and the former director of the Institut Ramon Llull. As a journalist he has worked for numerous organizations. He was the editor of the Avui newspaper from 1993 to 1996 and head of the culture section of TV3. Between 2002 and 2004 was director general of the Catalan Radio and Television Corporation. He has contributed to a range of media companies, such as Avui, El Periódico, El País, El Temps, Catalunya Ràdio and COM ràdio. He has written a dozen novels.

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Opinion

The voiceless

by Carme Porta*

‘In a plural and diverse society, which we help create and in which we actively participate, how come our voice is inaudible and invisible? How does one explain the fact that, despite women making up 51% of the population their presence in the media is continuously and consistently inferior?’. This is an extract from the manifesto On són les dones? [Where are the Women?] which decries women’s absence from Catalan media: half the population have no voice.

Where are we?

[1] http://onsonlesdones. blogspot.com.es/

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The initiative1 is also a heartfelt call for visibility. On a daily basis it analyzes the opinion pieces which appear in the media in order to expose the reality in a tangible manner. Certain media organizations are changing their posture, others are consolidating theirs, a few are self-critical, while most remain unchanged.

Nevertheless, invisibility is not limited to the sheer quantity of opinions, it is found in the content, in the stereotypes, in the stock phrases employed in the news. We saw it during the Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro, the Olympic medallists owed their victory to someone else: their coach, someone with the same surname, they Catalan International View

are the wife of another athlete, or else their achievements are downplayed, while superficial aspects are highlighted: whether they wear makeup or can combine their domestic life with their training, if they are married or single, their degree of physical attractiveness and so on. It is all about negating the women who achieve success, making them invisible, despised and unworthy.

The space dedicated to female medal winners in Rio was far smaller than for male athletes, while they were treated in an infantilizing manner and their achievements derided.

Nonetheless, denial, invisibility and derision is not only reserved for women who have achieved success, nor

Opinion

is it something reserved for the media alone, it is a value system that creates networks of complicity based on sexism, chauvinism and the ideology that sustains them: patriarchy. The media have a key role in this value system, they can opt for outright complicity or they can choose to show realities that go beyond the patriarchal fiction.

Dangerous clothing

One example is the ongoing debate – though this is not the place to resolve it– relating to the treatment of the burkini, and how society and the media deal with it. The debate has been about its use, and the prohibition against those who wear it. Women’s rights are

being debated based on the opinions of others.

The public was shocked by the images of the events in Nice in which four policemen forced a woman to remove her clothing. In the past the debate would have been about the bikini. In both instances we are talking about the ‘decency’ or otherwise of women who wear particular items of clothing, we are not speaking about our value system, nor as to who decides. In any case these are secondary arguments to support a particular decision, rather than expressing an opinion. It is a social debate surrounding how society can ‘safeguard’ the good of women rather than their rights. It is not about resolvCatalan International View

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Opinion

ing the issue but rather approaching it without prejudice and in person. The fact is that essentially external commentators have expressed their opinion without those who are affected having the chance to express themselves, until the events have exposed the divisions within feminism itself, which is where women’s voices have been heard.

Invisibility is not limited to the sheer quantity of opinions, it is found in the content, in the stereotypes, in the stock phrases employed in the news Radically invisible

[2] http://www.media.cat/ [3] http://www.observatoridelesdones.org/

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Another example occurred last June.

Catalonia celebrated the 40th anniversary of its first feminist conference.

Forty years of struggle and three days of political and cultural activities and festivities, with more than two thousand women participants. In addition to the number of participants it is also noteworthy that forty years is a long time for any social or political protest movement, especially when it is a transformative movement which is far from having achieved its goals. The conference’s slogan was ‘radically feminist’ and I could mention in passing some important institutional absences, but I won’t.

Coverage of the conference in the media was almost non-existent. The Media.cat2 observatory conducted a thorough search and encountered only two incidental mentions in news items and a few before the conference began.

None of these featured in major media outlets. Media.cat asked: ‘If they don’t talk about the women who organize and debate, which women do appear in large media outlets?’. This is the Catalan International View

question that reveals a situation which everyone sees as normal, the absence of women in the media or, to put it another way, male over-representation in the media.

This over-representation creates realities which are not covered and generates opinions rather than reporting what exists. In addition, the media’s justification and those who write its opinion pieces, generates arguments full of stereotypes which seek to continue normalizing a thoroughly abnormal situation.

What is the image of women?

We are the queens of diets, the victims, the beneficiaries of health advice, objects of desire, the male crutch. We are the subjects of aesthetics, the perfect body, the origin of sin, those which call for quotas since we are empty, the ones that smile in order to sell that which others create. We are excluded from science, success and centrality.

The Observatori de les dones en els mitjans de comunicació3 [The Observatory of Women in the Media] analyzes the portrayal of women in the media.

We improve on the quality of the analysis by including figures on women’s presence, based on information drawn from the quantitative analysis. The Observatory of Women in the Media declares that women are exploited and become ‘Characters who are limited to their function of display before others, clearly restricting any alternatives that may exist. Fantasy characters for a patriarchal libido that shows contempt for any attempt to exercise feminine freedom through the use of aesthetic models combined with attitudes that solely seek the approval of male characters. Aesthetic and narrative models that inhabit some conception of reality which we really ought to begin to see as repeatedly going against the equality laws and plans which have been

Opinion

passed which claim to guard against discrimination and inequality.’

The observatory provides us with detailed information on women’s public image in the media, what areas are reserved for us and how it portrays our bodies, among other topics. Although the reports do not make easy reading, they also show alternatives to the social constructs currently made by the media. Media organizations, it should be pointed out, which are mostly run by the men who defend them.

The journalist Eli Borredà of Media.cat wrote, ‘We are women, not impos-

tors. We can be as good or as bad in any area of life as a man. We are women, not impostors, yet we are often simultaneously almost invisible’. The media makes us invisible, the content disavows us. If half the population suffers from this disastrous result while the rest are overrepresented, we must ask ourselves: What kind of society are we building?

What kind of a media do we want? It is clear that what we do and what we have is not right and that it creates stereotypes and points of reference that ensure a value system persists which goes against coexistence.

(*) Carme Porta (l’Hospitalet de Llobregat, 1964) has extensive experience in the audiovisual industry and as a journalist. She is a member of the International Network of Women Journalists and Communicators and member of the Catalan PEN Centre. Co-author of numerous works, including: Ca la Dona, 20 anys de Feminisme [The Women’s Centre, 20 years of Feminism] and Dones i literatura: passat, present i futur [Women and Literature: past, present and future]. She was an MP in the Catalan Parliament (1999-2006) and the Generalitat of Catalonia’s Secretary for Family Policy and Citizens’ Rights (2006-2011).

Catalan International View

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Barcelona Echoes

The (re)construction of the Catalan Jewish community

by Victor Sorenssen*

This coming year the Catalan Jewish community will celebrate its Centenary in our country. The anniversary refers to the creation, in the years 1917-1918, of a specific organisational structure (community) that served as a social, educational, cultural and religious meeting point for the Catalan Jewish population. Numerically, Catalan Jews are a small minority of the Catalan population, but they warrant further consideration. To this end, we must go back many centuries, to ancient times, when the great Diaspora of the Roman times found Jewish populations settling across Mediterranean lands. Not only did medieval Jews assimilate Catalan culture and adopt its language, they also played a key role in the nation’s history.

W

e can identify the crucial role played by Catalan Jews in the expansion in the Mediterranean: the financial activities in which they participated offered sufficient liquidity for the viability of the economic system as a whole. Meanwhile, thanks to their international connections, Jews often served the monarchy by conducting administrative and diplomatic tasks, acting as advisors to the court. They helped forge the Catalan character. Medieval Catalan Jews and Christians not only shared a common space but also a language, a taste for business, and a unique form of government. Nonetheless, such similarities were not strong enough to prevent the tragedy that befell the Jews and their subsequent expulsion in 1492.

In exile, the emigration of Peninsula Jews varied in terms of destination

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Catalan International View

and timing, but overall the trend was to flee across the Mediterranean to places made enticing by rulers, whether Popes, Dukes, Sultans, Princes, through favourable legislation. During the ensuing centuries, the exiled Catalan Jewish community gradually lost the memory of its past and its Catalan characteristics, a result of being absorbed within the majority of the Castilian Jewry with whom they shared settlement. In this regard it is interesting to note that the use of the name ‘Sepharad’ and the demonym ‘Sephardic’, was introduced to modern European languages from Hebrew. This designation is used today to indicate specific liturgical and cultural characteristics common to Mediterranean Judaism. Sepharad also became the usual term for all the lands of the Iberian Peninsula, with no distinction between the origin of the Christian or

Barcelona Echoes

Arabic kingdoms. Catalonia, however, was not included (as Sephardic) until the late sixteenth century. Perhaps the most remarkable consideration is offered through the language that was crucial in the creation of a certain mythology: beautiful, nostalgic, accredited, but with questionable historical connotations. The fact that Catalan Jews lost their identity does not mean they spoke Spanish in the thirteenth century.

The parentheses in the Jewish presence in Catalonia would continue for four centuries. During this period, Judaism continually evolved, however.

The mid-seventeenth century saw the beginning of a new paradigm, characterised by the philosophical-scientific revolution that would radically transform European society and with it, Judaism. The strands of Judaism as we understand them today (Orthodox,

Reform, Conservative and Secular) emerged during this period, and relate to the position of the Jewish leadership regarding the conflicts between tradition and innovation, the biblicalTalmudic conception of God and a Copernican worldview.

While we might imagine that during the nineteenth century, the century of political freedom and religious tolerance, the Jews would have taken the chance to return to the mainland, this was not the case. The weakness of the Spanish liberal system and the persistence of nostalgic reactionary forces of the old regime, dissuaded them. It is estimated that approximately twenty Jewish families were living in Barcelona in 1887, mainly engaged in business, originating from France and Central Europe. The Jewish Question was a hot topic at the time, stirring passions Catalan International View

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Barcelona Echoes

and political crises in France, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Germany and Russia.

World War I brought change to the existing situation, attracting families from all over Europe to Catalonia. The industrial and commercial weight of the Catalan capital attracted Jews from Thessaloniki, interested in making connections with Greece to supply the Franco-British expeditionary force in the Balkans. Ottoman Jews saw Barcelona as a manufacturing and port city, providing refuge from the war, together with dynamism and prosperity. An influx of around a thousand other individuals, fleeing military service, Central European dynasties and persecution, added to the collective. This growing population provided the seed for the creation of an organisation capable of serving Jewish needs for worship, education and charity. Thus, in 1917, the Comunidad Israelita de Barcelona was born. While there were mostly Turks among the signatories to its statutes, the first president was a German Ashkenazi, Edmundo Metzger. The choice of the term Israelita rather than the traditional Judía, reflects a reluctance to use a word with a negative connotation which prevailed in the collective imagination to refer to the Jews.

Medieval Catalan Jews and Christians not only shared a common space but also a language, a taste for business, and a unique form of government The arrival of the Second Republic, with a new air of freedom, and the secular state undoubtedly improved the social conditions and day-to-day lives of the Catalan Jews. To this must be added Hitler’s arrival in power, trig48

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gering forced migration of hundreds of endangered Jews. It is estimated that in 1936 over five thousand Jews resided in Catalonia, over half of them Poles and Germans. The high degree of politicisation of the new immigrants caused a deep enrichment of Jewish life. A notable example is the creation of the Judischer Kulturbund, related to Catalan orthodox communism, which played a leading role in the preparation of the Popular Olympiad of 1936. The military uprising provoked many Jews to return to their home countries, although some members of the Judischer Kulturbund remained, joined by volunteers from around the world, who embraced the republican cause by joining the anti-fascist militias. They even formed a Jewish company -the Naftali Botwin Company [part of the International Brigades].

A monument in the form of a Star of David was erected in Montjuïc’s Fossar de la Pedrera in order to pay tribute to some seven thousand volunteers of the contingent who died in battle.

The victory of Franco’s army and the outbreak of World War II turned Catalonia into a precarious refuge from Nazi barbarism. Religious services were banned and the President of the Community, Edmundo Greenbaum, was imprisoned. The remainder of the organisation went underground, where their efforts were focused on helping their exiled compatriots. The Franco regime’s policy towards foreigners entering Spanish territory was largely improvised, as far as Jews were concerned.

It changed over the years, as a result of shifts in the course of the war and the origins of those fleeing. In spite of this lack of clarity, the humanitarian acts of certain Spanish diplomats sent to Central European embassies is worthy of note. Since legal entry into Spain was forbidden, it resulted in those individuals wishing to flee from war-torn

Barcelona Echoes

Europe being forced to secretly cross the Pyrenees. Allied embassies and consulates played a key role in forcing the Franco regime to relax its policy towards refugees.

The cosmetic changes introduced by the Franco regime in the fifties gave birth to a Philo-Sephardi myth that consisted of timid measures for the return of Sephardi Jews to Spanish territory. Meanwhile, tantalizing claims that Franco helped save the Jews are merely gestures of pure propaganda. These policies were only applied in response to Western powers when the regime was suffering from intense international isolation. In 1954 the new climate was used by the Jewish community to found the first synagogue on the Iberian Peninsula since the expulsion of 1492, relying on the new Fuero de los EspaĂąoles [Spanish Forum, an attempt to provide the regime with an air of democratic legitimacy] and political pressure from abroad. This historic landmark, with the erosion of the regime and the slow recovery of freedom, made Catalonia once again a host for political exiles.

There have been several migrations which have nourished the Jewish community since that time, such as North African Jews in the sixties, or Jewish exiles from Latin American military regimes in the seventies.

Since 1977 the Jewish collective has been part of a fully democratic framework with broad religious freedoms.

This has allowed the creation of associative channels for exchange and mutual recognition between the Jewish community and the rest of Catalan society,

a result of the process of institutional and cultural complexity adapting to the characteristics of an evolving Jewish population. This heterogeneity has now expanded to four different communities and to multiple non-community associations and entities, which are forming a diverse Jewish framework which responds to increases in the diversity within the Catalan Jewish communities, to the many expressions of their identities, and to the many forms of approaching and living Judaism.

At a time when Catalonia is intensifying its work on restoring historical heritage, it is appropriate to recover the memory that has historically contributed to our country’s structure At a time when Catalonia is intensifying its work on restoring historical heritage, it is appropriate to recover the memory that has historically contributed to our country’s structure. It is a process to which scholars of our history and culture should also contribute. However, currently, those who will normalise the recognition of a Catalan Judaism status are the members of the Catalan Jewish communities. To deal with the challenges of integrating such a specific title into the wider community, perhaps one must look to its acceptance in the past. Especially marked by the use of language, the Jewish identity has lived within Catalonia, with a recognition dating back to the Middle Ages.

(*) Victor Sorenssen is a political scientist and student of Semitic philology at the Universitat de Barcelona. Founder and editor of the Mozaika Cultural Platform. He is currently the director of the Jewish Community of Barcelona.

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Barcelona Echoes

The road to excellence in environmental management

by Joan Fontserè*

The Circuit de Barcelona-Catalunya has a firm commitment to the environment. Its environmental management systems have been ISO 14001-2004 certified since 2008, as part of its aim to progressively and continuously reduce any negative effects on the environment and people’s welfare. The ISO certification proves that the Catalan racetrack meets the specifications of the environmental standard for its activities relating to the holding of events and leasing of its facilities, having worked conscientiously to achieve this end and create a more sustainable facility. Since the year it received the certification, the Circuit has strengthened its commitment to the environment and it continues to work to achieve excellence, through a clear reduction in its environmental impact and by achieving encouraging results.

Over the years, the Circuit has focused its efforts on the sustainable management of resources through waste collection and the use of renewable energy sources. It has put into practice a system of selective collection of all its waste, together with a collection centre for recycling low-volume waste, in an attempt to maximize its recovery. Excellent results have thus been obtained, with 50% of all domestic waste being recycled. In terms of sustainable consumption, we do our utmost to prevent the unnecessary expenditure of resources such as paper and batteries, and encourage the use of low-power appliances and recycled materials. We also 50

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measure our CO2 emissions and energy consumption and try to mitigate them through waste recovery. We compensate for the level of CO2 emissions through its uptake by the forest around the Circuit, which in recent years has been expanded with actions such as the planting of 7,000 trees. Multiple charging stations for electric vehicles have also been installed, together with the holding of seminars and conferences related to this theme.

Sustainability management in motor racing circuits is crucial to improving the behaviour of all stakeholders in order that everyone can enjoy the sport with its environmental and social

Barcelona Echoes

values. For this reason, the Circuit de Barcelona-Catalunya, in addition to hosting events related to environmental issues, widened its commitment to racing, especially during GP races, during which it works on sustainable mobility. The project promotes the use of public transport and the optimization of spaces for private vehicles, together with the use of bicycles. Environmental messages delivered via the PA, together with the ‘Green Meeting Point’, which acts as a platform for the dissemination of information and awarenessraising among the spectators and the ‘Stop Food Waste’ campaign, promoted by the hundreds of catering outlets in

the public area in order to reduce the amount of food which is thrown away, thus reducing its impact on the environment by reducing production. During the MotoGP Grand Prix, the KISS Barcelona Platform (Keep it Shiny & Sustainable) carried out numerous activities to promote a sustainable GP. Another of the key elements is communication and the education of all stakeholders to ensure a correct environmental performance, together with awareness-raising among the public.

The Circuit de Barcelona-Catalunya has a highly capable Environmental Audit Committee, which is well-informed and sensitized, enabling it to Catalan International View

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The Circuit has focused its efforts on the sustainable management of resources through waste collection and the use of renewable energy sources

act effectively through actions aimed at the control and reduction of environmental impact, handling of incidents, awareness-raising and monitoring, not only during major events but also during the Circuit’s day-to-day activities.

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In order to measure the success of all its actions, the Circuit de BarcelonaCatalunya carries out environmental impact assessment on an annual basis using quantitative data relating to environmental indicators: waste, energy, water, the consumption of paper and batteries, mobility, noise, communication and training. We have also introduced new social and environmental criteria in our contracts with suppliers and external personnel.

Throughout this period, the steps taken by the Circuit de Barcelona-Catalunya have gained international recog-

Barcelona Echoes

nition with the presentation of several awards. It was awarded the 2012 FIM Environment Award by the International Motorcycling Federation (FIM), in recognition of its work on the environment. At the time the Circuit was only the second to hold such an award.

The FIM acknowledged the Circuit’s commitment to the Green Meeting Point Project. In 2015 our track became the first Formula 1 circuit to be awarded ‘Excellence’ level by the FIA Institute’s sustainability program following an audit of our procedures and credentials. The FIA Institute certified that the management of the Circuit de Barcelona-Catalunya had demonstrated a commitment to long-term sustainable environmental operations.

The FIA Institute’s Environmental Accreditation Scheme is aimed at improving the sustainability of motor sport worldwide. It provides a framework for environmental management by the

various stakeholders and offers initiatives to promote environmental performance.

Such achievements ensured that the ISO 14001-2004 environmental certification has been renewed annually since it was first awarded. Meanwhile, the Circuit has been reviewing the development of its management system and establishing new targets which allow the sports facility to continue its trend of constant growth and improvement, in order that it continues to be considered one of the top circuits in the world, with an environmental involvement which is ground-breaking in the world of motor sports and racetracks.

The Circuit de Barcelona-Catalunya has made great strides in sustainability in recent years, yet we remain committed to a more sustainable management model, to continue improving and facing new challenges, as part of our duty to society and to future generations.

(*) Joan Fontserè (Sant Feliu de Codines, 1974) holds a degree in Business Administration and Marketing. With a distinguished career in the sporting world, he has worked for companies such as TopFun and Octagon Esedos. In 2011 he became Director of the Centre d’Alt Rendiment [High Performance Centre] in Sant Cugat, where he worked until his appointment as CEO of the Circuit de Barcelona-Catalunya, in June 2015. He is also councillor for Sant Feliu de Codines.

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Green Debate

Where are Spain and Catalonia’s water polices headed?

by Carles Ibáñez*

Catalonia is hydrologically ‘dichotomous’ in every sense: in terms of its geography, climate, administration, water usage, management model and so on. The western half of the country lies in the Ebro basin, which is sparsely populated, with a semi-arid climate and a high demand for water for irrigation, which is managed by central government (Confederació hidrogràfica de l’Ebre). Meanwhile the eastern half falls within what is known as the Conques internes de Catalunya [Catalonia’s Inner Basins], highly populated, with a Mediterranean climate and a high demand for urban water, which is managed by the government of Catalonia. Until now this has led to the existence of two parallel realities with little connection and coherence. However, faced with the challenge of the creation of a new independent state in Catalonia it is vital we reflect on the water policy in Spain and Catalonia and how to move from the current situation to one in which Catalonia has full authority throughout the country and is able to apply a new water policy based on the principles of the European Union and the Water Framework Directive: sustainability, efficiency, cost recovery and the healthy ecological status of water bodies.

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he focus is currently on the Ebro basin, since the Spanish government has recently approved its new Hydrological Plan for the Ebro Basin (PHCE) in the face of opposition from several Autonomous Communities and organizations, in particular the Platform in Defence of the Ebro (PDE) and the Generalitat of Catalonia who have called on central government and the European Commission to make major changes to the document as it stands. If one were to enquire as to the differences between the Ebro water plan that was recently accepted and previous plans, the an-

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swer is ‘very little’. The same is true of most of the Iberian basins, with the exception of the inner basins of Catalonia and the Basque Country, where planning is more in line with European legislation (the Water Framework Directive) although there is still much room for improvement. There exists a longstanding conflict between Catalonia and Spain regarding the management of water in the Ebro basin, which also generates conflict in Catalonia, and in which the role of the European Union could be decisive in bringing about a change in water policy. The civic movement led by the PDE has also played a

Green Debate

pivotal role. It recently mobilized over 50,000 people to attend a rally in Amposta, preceding a visit of the Petitions Committee of the European Parliament paying a visit to the Ebro Delta to compile a report on the PHCE and its effects on the lower reaches of the River Ebro and its delta.

Nevertheless, the key question is why water policies in Spain (and to some extent Catalonia) don’t have the ability to change and adapt to the new political, social and economic context, whether at the European or global level.

The answer is largely down to the deep roots of the old water policies, based on

the ‘regenerationism’ of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, represented by the figure of Joaquín Costa.

This political movement considered that Spain had to modernize at all levels. A major part of the plan involved the construction of a large number of hydraulic works (dams, hydroelectric power stations, canals and irrigation projects). It was a time of war and the post-war period, of population growth, when such a commitment made sense.

The policy was fervently adopted by the Franco regime, whereby the inauguration of dams became General Franco’s favourite pastime. The policy was also Catalan International View

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actively and passively adopted during the subsequent democratic period until it was halted by the economic crisis out of necessity (not because the plans had been re-examined).

The key question is why water policies in Spain don’t have the ability to change and adapt to the new political, social and economic context, whether at the European or global level Society as a whole took it as read that building reservoirs and irrigation projects was a positive thing (and largely still does), without questioning their economic viability, much less its environmental impact. Incidentally, the very same policy has been applied (even more aggressively) in the past in the United States and right now in China, to name two notable examples. This forms part of a broader social and political vision of a global nature, which considers the building of infrastructure (motorways, trains, roads, dams) as inherently a good thing, and anyone who questions it is considered a radical environmentalist and unpatriotic.

Needless to say, this is rooted in the old way of conducting politics, of collusion between governments, political parties and large construction companies, what came to be known in Spain as the cultura del pelotazo or the get-richquick culture which has come back to haunt us in a dramatic fashion with the arrival of the latest economic crisis.

The old water policy is in reality part of the old ways of conducting politics and is closely related to the old agricultural and infrastructure policies, which are still very much in force in Spain and Catalonia. The old policy 56

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retains the old dogma that irrigation projects are good by definition and they must continue to be expanded in order to save the agriculture and ensure food sovereignty (a concept curiously defended by environmental movements).

Many believe that it is not the correct position, and if it is not revised it could lead to the decay of our current production model, leaving it in the hands of large corporate interests which are unsympathetic to our farmers and our powerful food industry.

Nevertheless, the inertia is incredibly strong, meaning the political parties and society as a whole are trapped in a vicious circle, without knowing how to put an end to it without serious repercussions. This is where the European Union could play a fundamental role in obliging change, and so too could the new government of Catalonia, which aims to build a modern state such that will be a shining example to the EU as a whole.

In my opinion, if changes are not made to old politics as a whole, then changes to the old water policy, among others, will prove impossible. The two are inseparable, and in all likelihood little will change in the short term, at least in Spain, where there are no objective prospects for a substantial change of policy in the coming years.

This will undoubtedly have an impact on the hydrological plan for the Ebro in the sense that we will invariably see the same kind of proposals that harm both the final stretch of the River Ebro and its delta. This means that the Autonomous Communities take water reserves (mainly for irrigation) leaving a minimum flow of 100 m3/s in the final stretch of the Ebro (representing 1520% of the original volume). Therefore, the so-called ‘ecological flow’ of rivers is seen in Spain as the ‘surplus’ once water has been used for other uses, in spite

Green Debate

of the fact that the Water Framework Directive (and Spanish law) states the opposite: first the ecological flow must be met, then the water can be diverted for other uses. This minimum flow (by no means ecological) of 100 m3/s was established in the Ebro Hydrological Plan of 1995, which established this figure as ‘an estimate awaiting comprehensive studies’. Twenty years later and following numerous ‘comprehensive’ studies conducted on behalf of central government, the figure comes out ‘miraculously’ the same. What are the chances? Meanwhile, studies commissioned by the Generalitat of Catalonia, conducted by independent research institutions and published in international peer-reviewed journals conclude that the ecological flow needs to be much higher (more than double).

If we examine the case of the River Segre something similar is at play. The difference between the ecological flow

established by the Ebro Hydrological Plan and the independent experts is great, with the aggravating circumstance that the Segre is more highly exploited and that climate change may further exacerbate the decline in water resources. In the part of the River Ebro that flows through Catalonia, the same contradiction exists as in the rest of the basin, therefore: on the one hand we want to expand irrigation and on the other we want to expand the ecological flow. It does not appear possible to achieve both at the same time. Any new water policy should address this contradiction decisively and honestly, in order to change reality and adjust to the needs of the twenty-first century.

The new government of Catalonia will have a great opportunity to promote a new water culture. Attempting to build a new country with an old water policy would be a contradiction, would it not?

(*) Carles Ibáñez has been the Head of the Aquatic Ecosystems Program at IRTA since 2005. He obtained his PhD in Biology at the University of Barcelona and subsequently worked in the Fluvial System Ecology Laboratory of CNRS (France). He has 25 years of research experience in the field of aquatic ecology and sustainable management of water resources and has published over 50 papers in peerreviewed international journals. He has been a member of the Government of Catalonia’s Advisory Council on Sustainable Water Usage and is currently a member of the Advisory Council for Sustainable Development of the same government. He is also a member of the Group of Experts on Climate Change of Catalonia, and he has been an expert reviewer of the Fifth IPCC Report on Climate Change 2013: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability (Working Group II).

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Sport beyond Sport

Messi, a perfect allegory

by Ramiro Martín*

A month after Luis Figo’s debut at Real Madrid, Lionel Andrés Messi Cuccittini arrived in Barcelona from his native Argentina for a tryout with FC Barcelona. The club were quick to sign him, in spite of the large number of factors against him, the main one being a medical problem requiring hormonal treatment.

The fact that Messi’s signing coincided with ‘the Figo Affair’ leads one to conclude: the grandeur of Barça’s football goldmine essentially resides in having been prepared to remain faithful to its goal, in spite of the numerous blows that have struck its first team. Everyone knows that what happened with Figo is the most blatant case of jumping ship in the club’s history.

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essi is an allegory. A perfect allegory, rather than a symbol. Symbols, as opposed to allegories, always allow for two interpretations: a cross represents both salvation or a burden. Allegories don’t allow for such possibilities. They limit them. They are the embodiment of an idea. The human representation of a concept. Messi and La Masia [‘The Farmhouse’, the name of FC Barcelona’s training facilities]. Messi and the values of the club which he joined in the early years of this century. At just

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thirteen years of age. Messi is an allegory of what many barcelonistes [Barça’s supporters] never even dared to imagine. We tend to imagine what’s possible, and the history of Messi and Barça, that magical and accidental union, is anything but.

They say the napkin on which Carles Rexach signed his agreement with Messi’s father that Barça would sign his son Leo is kept under lock and key in a bank in Barcelona. It is jealously guarded. It is like the Holy Grail of the Messi story. But it also represents a way

Sport beyond Sport

of doing business: giving one’s word, commitment rather than documents, the validity of those mythical signings the maestro Oriol Tort sealed with a handshake.

‘I am what I am thanks to La Masia’s values’, declared Leo Messi a couple of years ago in an interview with the Club’s media outlet. There is a healthy excess of informality in his statement.

Messi believes there is little more to say. Values and La Masia, a combination he has lived with since coming to Barça in 2000. The boy from the Ar-

gentinean city of Rosario, who grew up watching the implacable march of Ronaldo’s Barça on TV, arrived both optimistic and unwell at La Masia.

At the time when Rexach and the other coaches saw little Leo Messi’s trial, Barça had been using a methodology for forty years that had been inculcated, improved and perfected by Tort, Laureano Ruiz, Rinus Michels and Johan Cruyff, among others. This meant the club were used to having a genius among its pupils. The image of a prodigy trying to conform to Catalan International View

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Sport beyond Sport

a school’s teachings might have led to some problems. Not for Barça. The club had the tools to enable the small gifted boy from Argentina to learn the club’s football language without it affecting his own superb development.

Determination, the fruit of having stockpiled collective wisdom over the years at the club, led Barça to sign Messi in spite of having everything against him aside from his potential: as a foreigner he was not eligible to play in the Spanish youth league; at just thirteen years of age no one could be sure, in spite of his talent, that he had the makings of a professional footballer; his parents had to move to Barcelona to look for work; a growth problem forced the club to pay for expensive treatment.

When asked what he included in his report to convince the club’s board Rexach replies, ‘I wrote one word to describe how he played football: stunning’.

‘I prefer two languages to one. I never had problems studying in Catalan’, he said following the controversy over the Spanish government’s attack on Catalan linguistic immersion Messi flourished in the warmth of a magnificent generation and coaches who were highly sensitive to grassroots football. ‘Frank Rijkaard knew exactly how to handle me’, Leo often says of his first coach in the First Division. But while it was the Dutchman who invited him to take to the stage at only 17 years of age, it was Pep Guardiola who gave him his starring role. The Catalan coach transformed a football team into the fortuitous, indispensable accompa60

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niment to their star, the 21-year-old Leo Messi, in order that he felt that the number 10 shirt was his own and was able to act accordingly. Which is exactly what happened.

Under Guardiola’s guidance, little Leo became a soccer giant capable of winning four FIFA Ballons d’Or. However, the night for which the ‘Messi Era’ will forever be remembered as a symbol of a victory for the Barça model is the 2010 Ballon d’Or Gala.

For the one and only time in history three players trained in the same school of football appeared on the shortlist: Messi, Andrés Iniesta and Xavi Hernández. Barça and FIFA chartered a plane for the occasion to fly to Zurich the old masters who had made it possible for the Barça school to become an international benchmark for youth football. The Messi phenomenon, his personality, his background, his enormous talent and his mark as the pupil of a school of football and way of life, is largely responsible for La Masia and Barça’s international impact as a club endowed with singularities which make it a unique institution. This means its relationship with Messi is also unique.

It emerged from a completely new look at the concept of a franchise player.

To see Messi as a typical franchise player is a mistake. First off, the concept is an American invention by which a player who is about to end their contract and become what is called a free agent, can receive from their club the label Franchise Tag, which gives the team the option of retaining them. The link between Messi and Barça rises above these technical details. Obviously there are ongoing negotiations for improvements and extensions to a market that lurks, ready to attack at the slightest hint of a disagreement between the two parties. But this has

Sport beyond Sport

not happened and it appears as if it will never happen, to the chagrin of those who wish to profit from such an occurrence. Messi continues the tradition of a player for only one team, like former captain Carles Puyol and to a lesser extent since he is in Qatar, Xavi Hernández, although he retired from playing at the top in order to avoid having to play against Barça.

The sick boy who arrived at a club that was suffering from depression following Luis Figo’s treacherous departure, now appears invincible atop a giant metal mountain of the trophies he has won for a Barça which pays him

homage. He is associated with all of the club’s intangible values: catalanitat [Catalan identity] -’I prefer two languages to one. I never had problems studying in Catalan’, he said following the controversy over the Spanish government’s attack on Catalan linguistic immersion-, effort, belief in one’s ideas, excellence, solidarity, respect for one’s opponent, and so on. Messi has changed the club a little more, he has convinced it that it should be proud of what it does and how it does it. The best thing for barcelonistes is that for now, the Barça and Messi story is still continuing.

(*) Ramiro Martín (Buenos Aires, 1976) holds a degree from the DeporTEA School of Journalism in Argentina. He began his career with El Gráfico magazine and subsequently as a producer for the TyC Sports TV network. He settled in Catalonia in 1999, where he gained an MA in Digital Journalism at the Universitat Autònoma. In Barcelona he worked for the newspapers Marca and El Punt and the weekly Presència and the General Secretary of Sport. In 2003 he joined the editorial staff of El 9 Esportiu where he reported on FC Barcelona from 2004 to 2012, and has visited more than 25 countries on four continents. Currently he is the Barcelona correspondent of various foreign media outlets. He regularly collaborates with the BeIn Sports, RAC1 and Catalunya Ràdio, among others. Messi: Un genio en la escuela del fútbol [Messi: A Genius in the Football School] is his first book.

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Business, Law & Economics

080 Barcelona Fashion,

an international showcase for Catalonia’s fashion industry

by Ariadna Sala*

After 18 editions, 080 Barcelona Fashion has consolidated itself as the fifth stop on the international fashion circuit, together with Paris, New York, London and Milan. The Government of Catalonia has promoted 080 Barcelona Fashion since 2007, through its Consortium of Trade, Crafts and Fashion, in order to highlight the fashion produced in Catalonia, bringing it to the world’s attention.

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or one week, designers and brands present their collections for the following season at 080 Barcelona Fashion. As is usual with the top fashion events, twice a year —spring-summer and autumnwinter—, the top stylists, agents, buyers, coolhunters, celebrities, journalists, fashion editors, and other professionals involved in the world of fashion, get together in order that the leading designers and brands that set the trends can display their creations, and ultimately decide what will be ‘in’ during the following months. For its most recent edition, held in July 2016 at the National Institute of Physical Education of Catalonia, the 080 catwalk welcomed some 38,000 attendees for five days of fashion shows.

With 080 Barcelona Fashion, the Catalan government hopes to highlight two of the nation’s key characteristics: 62

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first, the textile industry’s long tradition in Catalonia, and second, Catalonia’s status (and that of its capital in particular) as a hothouse of talent in design and fashion. 080 aspires to be a meeting point for the entire fashion industry: for this reason, the same catwalk is shared by brands with a long tradition in textiles, plus international brands (such as Custo Barcelona), independent creators and young talent from Catalonia’s prestigious fashion schools.

080’s challenge for the future is to work to maintain itself as an unmissable event on the international fashion calendar and establish itself as an open, diverse, multidisciplinary platform to help internationalize the sector and relocate textile production in Catalonia. The event aspires to consolidate a project that offers credibility and its distinctive identity to the fields of the design, production, distribution and

Catalan International View

Business, Law & Economics

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promotion of fashion, while simultaneously enhancing the culture of fashion and its links to the cultural and creative industries.

Another of 080 Barcelona Fashion’s aspirations is to bring the world of fashion and culture to the city and a wider public. 080 wishes to bring the glamour that surrounds the world of fashion to a wider audience.

Synergies with culture and tourism

One of the characteristics that differentiates 080 from other fashion shows is its openness to the city. The Mediterranean climate, an incredible cultural heritage and the Catalan people’s hospitable nature are all valuable assets 64

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that are an essential component of the Catalan fashion show. For this reason, every edition of 080 takes place at a different location, but always within the emblematic city of Barcelona. Such impressive venues as the Pedralbes Palace, the Llotja de Mar [the former stock exchange], the Maritime Museum, the Olympic Stadium and Ciutadella Park have been settings for the event.

As a result, during the week the event becomes the epicentre of fashion, 080 helps to show the city to the world, thus generating synergies with other sectors, such as tourism.

080’s international aspirations are another of its characteristics. To emphasize its international profile, the Catalan show is always attended by internationally renowned personalities. Previous editions of 080 have been attended by the likes of the designers Manolo Blanhik and Isabel Toledo, the

Business, Law & Economics

decorator Iris Apfel, and the creator Pierre Cardin.

The international nature of 080 is also present in its business side. 080 Barcelona Fashion Showroom is held simultaneously. Run by the 080 organizers in collaboration with the Catalan textile cluster (Modacc), it is an opportunity for professionals to buy and sell, and is aimed specifically at international buyers. In its latest edition, some 300 business contacts were formalized between Catalan fashion companies and international buyers -from countries such as the US, Chile, Mexico, Denmark, the UK, China, Korea, Japan, Greece, Italy and Germany- who visited the showroom during the same week as the 080.

Promoting fashion

Another of 080 Barcelona Fashion’s aspirations is to bring the world of fashion and culture to the city and a wider public. Without sacrificing its professional, exclusive nature, which is characteristic of such events, 080 wishes to bring the glamour that surrounds the world of fashion to a wider audience. To this end, every year it includes an Open Area which is free to enter, which hosts a wide range of entertainment and cultural events, exhibitions, demonstrations, conferences and contests, music and food trucks.

For more information: www.080barcelonafashion.cat/en

Fashion in Catalonia The importance of fashion in Catalonia is thanks to two factors: the long industrial tradition of the textile sector -the driver behind industrialization in the twentieth century up until the early 1970s- and the prestige of its capital, Barcelona, as a hothouse of design and talent.

As part of the manufacturing sector, Catalonia’s textile-fashion sector currently represents 2.7% of the value added by sector for the EU as a whole, 1.7% of employment in the EU in this sector, and 3% of exports in the Eurozone. The Catalan textile-fashion sector consists of an ecosystem comprised of over 4,000 businesses, largely family-run SMEs, covering the entire production chain, from yarn production to finished products and industrial services, such as logistics, distribution and design. Together they provide more than 50,000 jobs. The textile sector is spread throughout Catalonia.

Moreover, the textile-fashion sector represents more than 7.5% of Catalonia’s GDP. Despite the problems of recent years, its size and influence means it is of special importance in Catalonia. In 2015, the sector fared more positively than the economy at large: its industrial output grew by 4.7%, while growth for industry as a whole stood at just 2.45%.

Meanwhile, employment in the textile industry grew by 3% in 2015, higher than in other industrial sectors.

Exports of textiles, clothing, leather and footwear from Catalonia have grown steadily; 6.4% in 2012, 10.6% in 2013 and 9.4% in 2014, when exports reached 5,490 million euros. Although the final figures have yet to be released, exports grew between 8.5 and 9.5% in 2015 compared with the previous year.

(*) Ariadna Sala (Barcelona, 1983) has worked in the fashion world since 2002, for companies such as Armand Basi, Versace, Hoss Intropia, Pikolinos and Red Point. She has organized fashion events since 2013 and has participated in trade fairs such as Rec 011 and Rec 013. A highly creative individual, she has been involved in many areas of the fashion world, from marketing and management, to sales.

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Business, Law & Economics

Catalan wineries explore the Russian market at the International Wine Business Meeting in Lleida

by Joan H. Simó*

Ten of the leading Russian importers of wine and cava took part in the sixth edition of the International Wine Business Meeting, held between 19 and 23 September. It was organized by the Lleida Chamber of Commerce and Industry and aims to bring together Catalan and Spanish wineries of different denominations with the main players in emerging markets. The project has had the backing of the Delegation of Lleida, Prodeca and CaixaBank in the various events it has organized since 2013, all of which have proven to be highly effective.

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s a result of the commercial success of the previous editions, several of the wineries which participated in last February’s edition with South Korean importers asked the Lleida Chamber of Commerce and Industry to organize a meeting with Russian importers. Since September 2014 the market has been suffering from the upset resulting from Russia’s fragile economic situation and the sharp devaluation of the rouble.

This has directly affected imports and the payment of suppliers. In turn this has had an impact on Spanish wine ex66

Catalan International View

ports, which in spite of these problems continue to expand in the Russian market (20%), where the wholesale sector still plays a leading role. Meanwhile, the consumption of wine per capita in Russia has remained stable at 7.5 litres per annum. The consumption of quality wine is concentrated in Moscow (70%), St. Petersburg (10-15%) and other major Russian cities (15%). In other words, it is a significant market for Lleida’s wineries.

The aim of the reverse trade mission is to publicize the quality and diversity of Lleida and Catalonia’s wines

Business, Law & Economics

and also create closer ties between producers and the sector’s major importers in order that the latter can see at first hand the facilities and production processes involved in creating our wine, and thereby help to increase wine exports to Russia. In the first quarter of 2016, Russian imports of Spanish wine grew by 6%, and more importantly imports of bottled wine increased by 38%, which shows a clear trend in favour of bottled wines.

We at the Lleida Chamber of Commerce believe that now is a good time for Catalan wineries to explore the pos-

sibilities of opening up their businesses to the Russian market, which is currently sixth in the world in terms of wine consumption. At present the average wine consumption stands at 7.5 litres per capita, but in the near future it is expected to reach or even exceed 10 litres.

The Lleida Chamber of Commerce continues to support the formula of the reverse trade mission to promote Catalan exports

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Business, Law & Economics

The program consists of various meetings between producers and importers together with visits to the wineries concerned. Currently there are 22 wineries that have already confirmed their presence at the meeting: Mont Marçal, PepWines, Bodegas Esteban Martin, Costers del Sió, Celler La Gravera, Bodegas Bocopa, Roqueta Origen, Cellers Unió, Bodegas Gomez de Segura, Castell del Remei, Vins Grau SL, Celler Credo, Mas Blanch i Jové, BCN Wine, De Muller, Viberic, Alsina & Sardà, Clos Pons, Bodegas Mocén, Pares Baltà, Torre del Veguer and Cofama Wines Export. The wineries are from Lleida’s DO Costers del Segre and also from Catalonia’s Penedès, Cava, Conca de Barberà and Pla de Bages wine regions, together with others from La Rioja and Alicante, among others.

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As for the importers, Vinoterra, Fort Wine & Spirits, Azbuka Vkusa (retail) and Palays Royal have all confirmed their attendance. Vinoterra is one of the leading distributors of wine in the Russian market and the main buyer of Bordeaux wine futures.

Its portfolio also currently contains wines from Italy, Germany, Australia, Chile, South Africa and New Zealand.

Aimed at the Horeca sales channel and wine sellers, the company has 15 offices in Russia, allowing it to reach a large number of clients. Fort Wine & Spirits is a unique importer. It has a distribution network across the nation and operates in every distribution channel (Horeca, retail and B2B). It has an extensive portfolio of high-end wines which include French, Italian, Australian and Spanish. The company wants to increase the visibility of our prod-

Business, Law & Economics

ucts in the region. The most important and fastest-growing distribution chain in Russia is Azbuka Vkusa. It has 79 supermarkets, eight minimarkets, two hypermarkets and three wineries, while managing six Spar supermarkets. It is the only large wine distribution company that imports directly. Its range includes some 800 references, mainly well-known brands -both French and Italian-, and also good-value wines from other regions. Finally, Palays Royal is one of the key players in the Russian market, with a portfolio of some 600 medium-to top-end wines and liquors. They distribute French,

Italian, Portuguese, Spanish and New World wines.

Russian importers came to the capital of Segrià looking for quality products at prices which suit the Russian consumer’s pocket, since it is a product that is not subject to the Russian veto on European agricultural products. The Lleida Chamber of Commerce continues to support the formula of the reverse trade mission to promote Catalan exports. The five previous editions of the International Wine Business Meeting were aimed at the US market (2013), Canada (2013), China (2014), Japan (2015) and South Korea (February 2016) respectively.

(*) Joan H. Simó President of the Lleida Chamber of Commerce

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Physiologus

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Catalan International View

Physiologus

Physiologus

by Carlos Pan

P

hysiologus is the name of the section I have created for Catalan International View. The main characters in these vignettes are humanized animals, or animalized humans, whichever you’d prefer.

The name was inspired by an anonymous manuscript from the second century AD which became popular during the Middle Ages. It described nature in a symbolic, allegorical manner, with a clear moral message.

The animal, vegetable and mineral world form the visible fabric of reality, yet the background remains hidden to most.

For some it is the writing of God Him-

self, that is, the medium through which He communicates with man.

This led me to conceive of this space as the relationship established by the aforementioned manuscript, between the ethical behaviour of man and the animals which they embody. The lion, for example, represents many positive qualities such as courage, strength and so on, besides negative qualities such as anger, since the system is also fraught with ambiguity. This small tome was written a long time ago (which in turn reflects ancient wisdom), yet human frailty and strength remain the same as when it was written.

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A Short Story from History

The Drummer of el Bruc The Drummer of el Bruc is a legend which appeared following the events of 1808 during the Napoleonic Wars in Catalonia.

On 9 February 1808, the Napoleonic Army under General Philippe Guillaume Duhesme entered Catalonia via La Jonquera Pass. By mid-February it reached Barcelona. The French took control of Catalonia, plunging it into a deep economic crisis due to the disruption of trade with the Americas. The economic crisis, combined with hostility towards the anticlerical, revolutionary ideas represented by France at the time, resulted in the Catalans’ fierce opposition to the new French regime.

The significance of the Battles of el Bruc is that they put paid to the myth of the invincibility of Napoleon’s army On 4 June 1808 a French column led

by General Schwartz left Barcelona headed for Lleida and Zaragoza with orders to punish the cities of Manresa and Igualada. The French troops consisted of some 3,800 men, mainly Italians and Swiss. On 6 June, the First Battle of el Bruc began. The army standing against the French partly consisted of professionals, including Swiss soldiers, under the command of Lieutenant Franz Krutter Grotz, and Catalan militia volunteers from Manresa, Igualada, Tàrrega and the surrounding

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areas, making a total of around 2,000 men. The French army was defeated in an ambush, resulting in the loss of 300 men.

On 14 June 1808 the Second Battle of el Bruc took place, of greater strategic significance and lacking the element of surprise. The French returned in greater numbers, led by General Joseph Chabran, an experienced soldier.

The French arrived in el Bruc and faced the regular forces (some 1,500 soldiers) and the militia from Lleida and Tàrrega led by Joan Baget, together with the Swiss regiments. The Spanish artillery was decisive in ensuring the battle went in their favour.

The significance of the Battles of el Bruc is that they put paid to the myth of the invincibility of Napoleon’s army. A local newspaper reported the events on 26 September 1808, in an exaggeratedly heroic manner. This served as the seed of the creation of the legend concerning the fight by an unarmed people against a great invading army. In 1809 the historian Cabanes wrote about a youth from Santpedor who became a general. Later it was said his name was Isidre Lluçà i Casanoves, a boy who played a drum from one of the guilds. Legend has it that the sound of the drum reverberated round the walls of Montserrat mountain range, causing the invading army to believe that the number of Spanish soldiers was much greater than it really was.

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Arts

Carles Fontserè:

a hundred years of a multifaceted artist 2016 marks the centenary of the birth of Carles Fontserè, a multifaceted artist known primarily for his work as a poster artist and in particular his output during the Spanish Civil War. The Department of Culture, on behalf of the Government of Catalonia, has launched an initiative in celebration of Fontserè Year, highlighting Fontserè’s photographic aspect while also making the public aware of the value of the works which he donated to the Government of Catalonia before he died.

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arles Fontserè was born in Barcelona in 1916 and died in Porqueres in 2007. He was an artist who experimented with a wide range of techniques and media: photographer, painter, poster designer, set designer, cartoonist and writer. He started as a poster illustrator while still young, creating many for the Generalitat’s Propaganda Commissariat during the Civil War. In 1939 he went into exile in France where he continued working as an illustrator, while diversifying his work in posters, set designs and comics. In 1948 he lived in Mexico, finally settling in New York in 1949. In the capital of culture he continued to work as a versatile illustrator and also began to work as a photo-journalist for various American and Spanish magazines (such as El Correo Catalan). From mid1973 until his death in 2007, Fontserè lived in Can Tista de Porqueres, an old renovated farmhouse on the shores of Lake Banyoles.

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The commemoration is the result of a collective effort on behalf of institutions and professionals who made possible last February’s presentation of an archive of 50,000 of the artist’s unpublished photographs.

Fontserè Year has led to the publication of a monograph, Carles Fontserè, des de l’exili. Fotografia i assaig social d’un temps viscut [Carles Fontserè, From Exile. Photography and Social Essays of a Life Lived] (1958-1973), which serves as a reference, bringing together the artist’s photographic aspect, while linking it to other photographers of the time such as Joan Colom, Oriol Maspons and Julio Ubiña. Another prominent publication, aimed at the internationalization of the artist, is the English translation of the first four volumes of Fontserè’s memoirs, which he wrote between 1931 and 1939.

For more information: www.carlesfontsere.cat

Arts

Fontserè in New York

by Daniel Giralt-Miracle, Art critic and Historian.

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arles Fontserè i Carrió, born in Barcelona in 1916, is one of contemporary Catalonia’s most interesting historical and artistic individuals. Versatile by necessity and by vocation, throughout his life he held a variety of professional jobs that enriched his life and that of the community which embraced him.

His outstanding work as a poster artist from the early days of the civil war in the service of the revolutionary cause, political parties on the left and government agencies in both Catalonia and Spain, has been recognized by historians and critics alike and has been the subject of major exhibitions.

Fontserè is also known for his etchings and lithographs for his illustrated books, original sets and costumes for plays, his easel painting, his work as a graphic artist, his role as a cartoonist, and so on.

What remained almost entirely unknown, during his lengthy pilgrimage across the world, largely within Old Europe, the US and Mexico, was his photographic output, totalling more than 42 thousand images from around the world.

The city which consolidated his role as a photographer is New York, where he lived for many years and which saw him operate indistinguishably as both

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Arts

a great European artist and a full-time taxi driver. Fontserè’s fascination with the city of skyscrapers, with its multiple, diverse wealth of people, architecture, culture, customs and neighbourhoods, influenced his lens and his clinical eye, transforming his collection into a document with a great informational, sociological and plastic value.

The city which consolidated his role as a photographer is New York, where he lived for many years and which saw him operate indistinguishably as both a great European artist and a full-time taxi driver Fontserè’s photographic images and the substantial literary commentaries

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which accompanied them are proof that he could enter the secret entrails of a city that is as secretive as it is seductive and which he loved as if it were his own.

Aside from his documentary work, Fontserè also acted as a godfather and mentor to many young Catalan artists who undertook the pilgrimage to Manhattan and who have now achieved recognition in the most dynamic and vital metropolis in Western culture.

The city’s most prosperous face, the most cosmopolitan and the forbidden, the stereotypes and the never-beforeseen, work and leisure, life and death, whites and blacks, a constant counterpoint to better understand the most explosive metropolis in the contemporary world. A New York lived in and experienced by a Catalan who was worldlywise and who became an invaluable guide to this great American city.

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Arts

Fontserè, passionately heroic poster art

by Lluís Costa, Professor of the History of Communication at the University of Girona.

T

he Republic and the Spanish Civil War led to the implementation of multiple tools for communication, which crossed the fine line between advertising and propaganda. Posters, brochures, magazines, books, photographs, postcards, sculptures, films and radio broadcasts in the service of goals that moved between a desire to inform and to persuade.

On 3 October 1936, a decree by the President’s Office of the Generalitat of Catalonia, established the Propaganda Commissariat. It was to be responsible for designing the Catalan government’s communication policy. As a result of the armed conflict, there was a need to provide information, but mostly a need for propaganda.

From 1931 to 1936 Catalonia was a perfect setting for the development and consolidation of the advertising phenomenon. Figures such as Pere Català Pi made a dramatic appearance in the context of photography and the psychology of advertising. The publicists Publi-Club organized the Curs Català de Psicologia Publicitària [Catalan Course in Advertising Psychology] in 1933. The contrasts between the Republic and the war in terms of material related to communication can serve to clarify the differences between advertising and propaganda.

Advertising is a scientific discipline that is based on mass communication, whose objective is to inform, persuade

and demand a certain behaviour of the people who receive the information. When we speak of propaganda, however, we refer to a way of influencing public opinion in order to achieve collective behaviour directed towards certain religious, social or political ends.

Propaganda seeks to lead an individual towards an action which they are free to adopt or not, to do something or not, which without propaganda, they would not adopt or do. Propaganda aims to bring about people’s adhesion to an idea or doctrine, achieving support for their opinion and compelling them to adopt certain behaviour.

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Arts

The difference between the two disciplines can be defined as that while advertising is oriented towards commercial profits, propaganda aims at the spread of political, philosophical, moral, social and religious ideas, in other words, ideological communication.

Understanding the concepts in this way, the propagandistic needs of the Civil War are obvious. In fact, the best precedents can be found in the USSR, since the Soviet Union can be considered the creator of the modern propaganda machine. It was already being used there in 1917 and in particular during the civil war of 1918-1920.

Lenin considered cinema to be the most effective means of propaganda, since the majority of the Russian population was illiterate. However, since the film industry was expensive and complex, photographic media was applied

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to graphic products: books and posters, with the latter being considered the Bolsheviks’ foremost weapon of propaganda. Soviet posters are one of the most remarkable products of communism. It is said that the Bolsheviks owe their victory to two factors: Lenin’s formidable organizational and political knowhow; and their propaganda machine.

At the very beginning of the Spanish Civil War, when Carles Fontserè was only twenty years of age, he joined the Generalitat of Catalonia’s Propaganda Commissariat, an organization astutely directed by Jaume Miratvilles from the Empordà region. Fontserè’s technical and artistic skills were remarkable, although at the time it was his work as a poster artist for which he stood out.

It is evident, therefore, that despite the strong tradition of posters

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Arts

in the late nineteenth century, with acclaimed artists such as ToulouseLautrec in Paris and Ramon Casas in Barcelona, inspiration came from the Soviet Union and the poster became a weapon at the service of the republican cause. As Daniel Giralt-Miracle declared, ‘our country was so highly ideologically charged at the time that cartoonists, advertising illustrators, decorators and painters, were transformed into soldiers for an army on paper which exerted a decisive influence on contemporary public opinion, when radio and film -and not to mention television- were still not hegemonic’.

Shortly before his death, Carles Fontserè recalled that the propaganda activities of the Commissariat were not partisan. The artists could adhere to different ideologies and therefore

created posters by the CNT, the ERC or the PSUC. Unquestionably Fontserè’s most emblematic poster is from 1936, for the FAI, depicting a farmer with a raised sickle beneath the caption ‘Freedom!’. In other words, a short text in the form of a slogan, uncompromising, displaying an image of indisputable strength, an image which can be interpreted at first glance, including by the large proportion of the population who were illiterate. It is a poster which contains two elements that are symbols in themselves and it combines them to create the message it wishes to convey: the word freedom and the figure of a farmer engaged in struggle. It was a kind of poster art that Carles Fontserè himself defined as ‘passionately heroic’.

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Universal Catalans

Universal Catalans

Carmen Amaya the most universal gypsy

Carmen Amaya was born 1913 in el Somorrostro, a shantytown located between the city of Barcelona and the sea. Her dancing was set to revolutionize the art of flamenco, since it was a synthesis of two great styles: traditional dance and a fast-paced style with innovative footwork.

Fleeing from the Spanish Civil War, Amaya arrived in Buenos Aires in 1936, where she exceeded everyone’s expectations by becoming a sensation.

Amaya had originally intended to stay for only four weeks but ended up living there for nine months, whenever she performed in a theatre the tickets sold out. They even managed to sell out two months in advance. Proof of Amaya’s enormous popularity in Argentina is the theatre that bears her name: el Teatro Amaya.

Carmen Amaya went on to meet many of the most influential people of the time in the Americas. She visited Hollywood on a number of occasions to appear in movies and the most well-known figures in cinema, music and culture all clamoured to see her dance. The musician Toscanini visited her one day, and declared that never before had he seen an artist with more

rhythm and more passion. Amaya continually improvised. Her meter was of steel, combined with a prodigious sense of rhythm and an incredibly rigorous tempo, which rejoiced in its perfect accuracy in a whirlwind of movement.

No one has ever spun as much as she did, as quickly or with such perfection.

Whilst in America she also met president Roosevelt, while on her return to Europe she was received by the Queen of England.

Amaya did not return to Barcelona until 1947, when she had already become an undisputed international star.

Her time in America helped her perfect her art and made her fame unstoppable.

By then, Amaya’s dance was the most potent flamenco that had ever taken to a stage.

Nonetheless, Amaya was not only noteworthy for her art, she also made an impact for her captivating personalCatalan International View

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Universal Catalans

ity that won over everyone who met her, both for her dance and for her unpredictable behaviour. Moreover, she was extremely generous with her time and money.

With her dancing, Carmen Amaya showed that her flamenco is feeling, soul and passion In 1952 Amaya married guitarist Juan Antonio Agüero, a member of her company, a man from a distinguished family in Santander, who was not a 82

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gypsy. Theirs was a veritable love story with an intimate wedding.

Another of the most exciting moments in Amaya’s life occurred in 1959, on the occasion of the inauguration of the fountain that bears her name on the Passeig Marítim de Barcelona, which runs through el Somorrostro neighbourhood, the very places and fountain where she had walked many years before, barefoot and burdened by her childhood misery.

During the last ten years of her life she was constantly surrounded by people and was treated almost like a saint. Not only by her public, but by those who worked with her. Her instinctive, visceral genius had little to do with academic

Universal Catalans

learning. For her final performance in Barcelona, Carmen Amaya was already terminally ill. She was suffering from a form of kidney failure that caused toxins to build up in her body. Her doctors were unable to find an effective treatment for her condition.

As a result of her precarious health, Carmen Amaya sought refuge by the sea, in Begur, in the heart of Catalonia’s Costa Brava. The village keeps her memory alive and sees itself as an important part of her life story.

Her illness was aggravated by the shooting of her last film, Los Tarantos, in the spring of 1963, in which she was required to dance barefoot. It was so unbearably cold that whenever shooting stopped she immediately put on her coat. They never needed to reshoot a scene due to an error she had

made. Amaya bore the hardships with exemplary fortitude. Once shooting had finished she began a summer tour. On 8 August, she performed in Gandia.

However, she did not finish her performance. In the middle of one of her numbers, she suddenly said to Batista: ‘Andrés, let’s stop’.

Thus ended the life of a bailaora de raza [a born dancer] whose only teachers were the street, her family and her gypsy blood, and who managed to revolutionize flamenco. With her dancing, Carmen Amaya showed that her flamenco is feeling, soul and passion. Her dance seems to arise from a contained rage and violence, lending it an amazing speed and strength which seems to defy the laws of gravity. Today she remains the embodiment of a new way of understanding dance and flamenco.

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Science & Technology

Help in surviving university

by Jordi Llonch*

Who better to help someone pass their degree than someone who has successfully completed it? This is the philosophy behind Sharing Academy, an app for university students that allows them to find and offer private tuition to or from fellow students on the same degree course. The goal: to decrease the level of exam failures.

The project began in Catalonia, and after just one year it has really taken off, winning the Best App Award 2016 at the Mobile Premier Awards, held during the Mobile World Congress.

F

ailing an exam or a course at university is a frequent occurrence.

In fact, one in five students drop out during the first year of study, often as a result of the disappointment, anxiety and depression resulting from their exam results at the end of the academic year. While science degrees, together with medicine, engineering and social sciences, have a dropout rate of 18% during the first year, in arts degrees the number rises to 28%. These figures are even worse if one takes into account the mode of study: two out of every five students studying by distance learning throw in the towel, while only one in ten who attend face to face lessons give up their studies.

Sharing Academy emerged as a response to such disappointing data from the Integrated University Information System and out of a desire to reduce failure and the dropout rate at university. In just one year the multi-platform 84

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app has reached more than 4,000 university students from 50 universities.

So, what can one do if one finds a subject impenetrable and is unable to pass it, no matter how hard they try?

The solution proposed by Sharing Academy is for them to receive help from peers who have already been successful in the subject. But where can one find them? Sharing Academy is a platform for university students to find private tutors, where they can quickly and easily find someone taking the same degree at the same university who has already taken the course and who is willing to teach them and give them the help they need to avoid failure.

If we consider that, according to the Spanish National Statistics Institute, one in five university students attends remedial classes outside of university, with an average expenditure of 3,000 euros over the course of their studies and the fact that college tuition fees

Science & Technology

have increased by 291% in the last 6 years, it appears to be a logical development.

The tutors involved in Sharing Academy have passed the subject which they teach at the very same university as their students. This means they know the ins and outs of the syllabus and what the student needs to do in order to successfully pass. It is another example of a collaborative economy, an economic system that proposes an efficient use of underutilized resources; in this case the underutilized resource is the knowledge acquired by students who have passed a particular subject.

This was the idea behind the platform. It all started with a personal experience. I was studying Multimedia.

Although I like to think of myself as a good student, I had a difficult subject (programming) and needed some help.

It was hard to find someone to help me and it was even harder than actually

passing the course, once I got the help I needed. As the founder and CEO of Sharing Academy I gave up my career as an airline pilot in order to devote myself entirely to the project. I joined forces with my childhood friend Joan Lozano, who has lots of experience as a programmer and together we founded Sharing Academy.

In just one year, Sharing Academy has won numerous awards, with the most important to date: The Best App Award 2016 at the Mobile Premier Awards, held during the Mobile World Congress Extra help for the most educated generation in history

Great achievements are normally achieved with the help of others. The problem for university students who Catalan International View

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Science & Technology

have failed an exam or are struggling in a particular subject is how to find a good tutor to help them pass. Academies offering refresher courses are a possible solution, but they aren’t to everyone’s taste as they offer group classes with too many students, exorbitant prices and a fixed timetable, which doesn’t allow for personalized tuition. But what if students who have already passed the very same subject were to give private lessons -with a flexible timetable and at an affordable price- to all those who needed to pass? It would be a win-win situation as the teacher could earn extra money while their students would gain access to an expert in the material who can give them the means to triumph in a particular subject, while fitting in with their timetable and previous knowledge.

After a year of operation, Sharing Academy now has the support of Incubio, the startup incubator led by Simón Lee and it already has a presence in 50 European universities Traditionally, students have found a private tutor thanks to word of mouth.

However, the Sharing Academy startup aims to organize and increase confidence in the teacher with a validation system involving their academic results or their colleagues’ opinions. Such measures are key to finding the best tutor for any university subject.

Reputation is the key

Reputation is the key to Sharing Academy’s success. The more private lessons a particular teacher provides via the platform, the better their reputation.

This valuable information is stored in the system along with the number of classes taught, evaluations obtained 86

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and any comments and references they have received.

The platform has five layers of protection to ensure the quality and suitability of those college students or recent graduates who wish to become private teachers: 1. Identity: a person’s identity is verified to confirm they are who they claim to be by using their college e-mail address, since these are only given to those college students who have passed a series of filters at their university (ID card, bank account number, etc.)

2. Course: to verify that the private tutor did in fact study at ‘X’ university, for a particular degree.

3. Results: the applicant must demonstrate that they passed the subject they wish to teach. To this end they must send their academic transcript to the platform. This is vital if tutors wish to be awarded the ‘verified degree’ medal. Not having one counts against you, so all the teachers who want to raise their profile send it in. And, if they send us a fake document we’ll find out.

4. References: when someone creates a profile it can be sent to colleagues for them to leave comments like ‘I know ‘X’ is a good teacher, they’ve helped me a number of times’. Naturally, the platform only allows one reference per friend.

5. Reviews: on completion of a private class the student may leave feedback (based on punctuality, passion for teaching, if the tutor has managed to impart their knowledge and so on).

All this information is interpreted using an algorithm which is similar to the one used by Google to compile search

Science & Technology

results. Sharing Academy’s algorithm evaluates every teacher’s classes in order to present search results so that classes with a better overall result will be ranked most highly and are therefore more likely to find students.

Flexibility above all else

In my opinion Sharing Academy’s greatest strength lies in its flexibility in terms of time and space, for both student and teacher. Thus, it is possible to find classes at night or on the weekend and classes can either be given online or face-to-face.

Using the app is simplicity itself.

Users register on sharingacademy.com or download the app via Google Play for free, whether they wish to teach or receive classes. Students can then see which universities, degrees and subjects are available and contact the teacher that best suits their needs. The search and booking system is quick and easy to use. You can find the tutorial you want in less than 30 seconds.

Going for growth

After operating for over a year, Sharing Academy now has the support of Incubio, the startup incubator led by Simón

Lee and it already has a presence in 50 European universities, mainly in Barcelona, Madrid, Seville and Valencia.

During the coming year we intend to open in every university that expresses an interest, in order to become the first port of call for students who need help or those wishing to help others. All with the aim of putting an end to the eternal fear of flunking college.

To increase the number of users, we’ve launched our Friends Program to promote recommendations, rewarding students who help them attract other tutors and students. Although the platform is currently aimed at universities, we are considering the possibility of extending the offer to schools, colleges, civil-service exams and even in-company training.

In just one year, Sharing Academy has won numerous awards, such as the best startup in Barcelona Startup Week 2015, the world’s first Collaborative City prize at the Smart City App Hack Awards 2015, First Prize at the Ideas Meeting Point 2016 awards (sponsored

by Caja de Ingenieros) and the most important to date: the Best App Award 2016 at the Mobile Premier Awards, held during the Mobile World Congress.

(*) Jordi Llonch Founder and CEO of Sharing Academy

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The Artist

The painting of

Ràfols-Casamada.

A contemporary approach.

by J.F. Yvars *

These are just a few lines to pay homage to the magnitude of the work of the Barcelona-born artist Albert Ràfols-Casamada, undoubtedly one of the most distinguished examples of Hispanic artistic culture in recent years. Ràfols-Casamada’s painting is the model of effective visualization of an old classic aspiration: a job well done –firmly anchored in the Catalan artistic tradition that fluttered, in a more or less veiled manner, within the mythologies of formal legitimation during his years of training: Noucentisme. However, as becomes clear when seen from the perspective of the artist’s subsequent evolution, he was consequently unfaithful to those premises whenever the expressive imperatives, or simply the spirit of the times, required sharp, representational corrective measures. In fact, Ràfols’ plastic art is distinguished by a surprising diversity that sets it apart from the exceptional fellow artists of his generation.

I Ràfols-Casamada has been an extraordinary figure on the artistic landscape over the last sixty years. Always elegant, discreet and attentive, he can also at times be silent or, at others, gently scathing. From my point of view, I should make it clear from the start that Ràfols-Casamada represents the incisive profile of that romantic illusion that is still referred to as the complete artist. He is akin, perhaps, to the unhurried classicalist fables of TorresGarcía, or the closely woven figurations of Togores in the twenties, or the balance of formal and narrative elements in the early painting of Sunyer, and their remarkable stylistic affinities with our painter. Ràfols-Casamada is an artist with transcendent aspirations and sensitivity, never anchored in the usual norms of genre and trends that can often so dramatically con88

dition the veracity of any contemporary work of art.

However, Ràfols-Casamada has been able to transform what we could call the imaginative stimuli of Noucentisme –his father was a well-respected landscape painter– into a complex range of artistic options, which have played a highly active role in the evolution of his painting. He has achieved this without nostalgia or an anachronistic yearning for a lost urban Arcady but simply as a tradition, that imbues the completed work with a will for excellence. Ràfols has also had the good fortune of belonging to a generation of great names in Hispanic art: Picasso, Miró, Tàpies, the Dau al Set group, Hernández Pijuan, Tharrats, Cuixart, Ponç, the figurative radicalism of Estampa Popular in the sphere of critical, objectivist art,

Catalan International View

The Artist

Laguna veneziana [Venetian Lagoon] 1987, Acrylic on canvas, 114x146cm Galeria Joan Prats

and Esteban Vicente, Palazuelo, Saura, the El Paso group, pop art, the visual neoconstructive poetics of the impressive plastic display during the last years of the Franco regime and the Spanish democratic transition. It is a genuine artistic silver age and it is only with the passage of time that we begin to fully appreciate its true magnitude.

In addition, Ràfols-Casamada is a welltravelled, cosmopolitan artist –trained in the Paris that was emerging from the existentialist cultural identity crisis, and within the en-

forced solitude of the bohemia of the Paris Latin Quarter. He managed to encapsulate, along with only a few others of his time, the new sensitivity that still dazzled in Picasso, Braque and Miró, but also the rebellious, rupturist tradition of painting-painting –materismo–, new figuration, North American abstract expressionism, lyrical abstraction, the disconcerting legacy of metaphysical painting, technical art and popular painting.

A creative daydream that seeks any sensitive symptom that awakens aesthetic experience.

II

As if slowly retracing an ancestral rite, Albert Ràfols-Casamada has discreetly completed a prodigious decade and turned eighty, with

neither inopportunely strident gestures nor awe-inspiring premonitions. Through the admirable imaginative vitality of the impres-

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sive range of new colours that characterize his most recent work, the artist once again teaches us a lesson in simplicity that clearly demonstrates that chronological rhetoric rarely does justice to the unpredictable meanders that sensitivity creates when it manages to assert itself in a successful formal solution. In fact, the artistic results during these most recent years of work manage to astound once again.

Ràfols-Casamada’s painting is the model of effective visualization of an old classic aspiration: a job well done, firmly anchored in the Catalan artistic tradition The legendary vital curiosity and intellectual dynamism of this artist coincide on this occasion and lead us to a complex refuge of creative intimacy. This is of course based on reading, writing and reflection but also enhanced by the avidity of a gaze that has grown broader with time –one that allows it few indulgences and continues to be guided by ever-increasing enthusiasm for stringency and the completed work. This is perhaps his latest homage to the aesthetics of Noucentisme, which have had such a lasting influence on his figurative career. Such aesthetics are undoubtedly woven from the balance that expressive emotivism contains but also rely on obsessive research into artistic space as the field of action for the constructive drama elaborated by sensitive forms on canvas or wall –let us not forget that these have been years of intense, audacious mural painting. I was somewhat disconcerted by the sober range of ochre colours that make up the encircling mural that decorates his dining room in Barcelona. In contrast, the great mural at the Forum in the École Normale in Lyon leaves few doubts regarding the masterful synthesis of sensitivity and technical skill.

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The mature work by Ràfols-Casamada represents a determined bid to produce painting that is freed from complexes over genre or the limitations of any particular school of art. This has been his consistent aim. He does however, fulfil an old dream that very few artists are able to achieve: his work manages to assert itself as the consequence of his own pictorial activity, unfettered by any need to either belong to a certain artistic group or accept an identity forced upon it by the era of the time. During his final exile in the Alps, a frail William James made this apt remark to his novelist brother: ‘We should never impose limits that exclude the opportunity to surprise’. Albert adopted these discreet words of wisdom and committed himself to fulfil the unlimited depth and magnitude of this capacity for surprise.

This is not the moment to re-examine the intricacies of affinities or renunciations that have helped forge the art of Ràfols-Casamada, nor to outline for the umpteenth time the extent of his artistic territory. These have been well known for a long time now and accepted with gentle irony by the artist –who is not often disposed to controversy or discussing evanescent historiographical traceries. His work responds to the sensitivities of its time with an unusual perspicacity that stands out from his counterparts of his generation. For it is a generation that has undeniably endowed the art of our era with international splendour, a feat that is hard to emulate. A generation, furthermore, that has exerted a rigorous control over the educated gaze in the late effervescence of the classic avant-garde movements, based on exceptional points of reference such as Matisse, Picasso, Braque and Miró and a persistent Mediterranean classicist virtuosity forged by bonds of friendship in the clandestine Barcelona of the dark years of the dictatorship. It was a disciplined exercise, tested in the discussion and debate that took place between the members, and friends, of that unique group that had brought together Tàpies and Cuixart, Ràfols and Brossa, the maestro Comellas and

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The Artist

the poet Sarsanedas, and the inclement Ferrater with the visionary Cirlot. But, lest we forget that beneath the stimulating shadow of the Cezannism of Sunyer lie the extremism of Foix, the serenity of Salvador Espriu, the clandestine photocopies of Salvat-Papasseit and the biting discord of Rafael Benet, in Ràfols case a regular family presence. Later came the experience of late existential Paris and the down-to-earth bohemia of the period of European reconstruction, marked by the visual display of informalism and the abstraction that had to so powerfully subvert the classicist norms.

In Ràfols-Casamada’s case, moreover, we should not forget the importance to the shaping of his own figurative language, of the wise articulation of modernity and classicism proposed by D’Ors. According to him, the work of art does not possess a unique, distinguishing quality, rather a cluster of different qualities that the artist endows with correct meaningful unity. D’Ors’ canons would suggest that forms become emancipated in atoms, far from the figurative sense of images and their conventional iconography.

Ràfols discovered early on the guidelines he needed for his art, which neither stylistic dysfunctions nor the inescapable weight of avant-garde influences would ever manage to temper. Whichever way you look at it, the work of art is a metaphor, which barely manages to pull together a moment of reality. A reality, needless to say, which is perceived as formally dynamic and may be captured only through the balance between opposites on that lieu of contrasts that is the blank canvas.

The pictorial reality is defined in the work itself, which may have little or nothing to do with the natural or conventional reality of everyday perception. The figurative referent is therefore essentially modified and subjected to the autonomy of sight, which dilutes it into a register of visual stimuli. The motif, in traditional terminology, is thereby reduced to a set of concise, fragmented forms, open to the

light that actively conditions the perceptive effects.

I have pointed out on a previous commemorative occasion that both Ràfols-Casamada and Maria Girona –a fellow painter and his partner for fifty years– belong to a ‘generation of portentous figurative energy that reached maturity perhaps excessively concerned with the passing of time, and with the succession of aesthetic legitimizations transfigured into the multiple -isms that marked the closing years of last century’. With the benefit of hindsight, Albert’s work stands out by virtue of its restraint and virtual condescendence towards the ‘militant fatuousness’ of aesthetic canons and trends –the expression is Santayana’s. The artist offers the convincing simplicity of someone who knows, from the day-to-day discipline of the studio, that the work of art requires us to interpret any visual experience as an artistic experience subjected to the urgencies of a practice that fortunately challenges the ‘absolutisation’ of aesthetics.

In light of recent results, when RàfolsCasamada’s completed work is subjected to the test of time, what stands out is its implausible resistance to the potent figurative mediations that peninsular artistic Darwinism imposed during the turbulent 1960s: normative art and critical realisms. It is true that RàfolsCasamada was involved in the Catalan branch of Estampa Popular and he regarded direct, didactic populism in a series of produced images as effective –at that time, he was teaching at the Escola de Disseny Eina in Barcelona. Just as later, he would assent to the more intellectual political pamphlet of the Equipo Crónica, which he invariably looked upon as a lesson in visual frankness during the years of forced cultural improvisation that heralded the end of the dictatorship.

Nevertheless, by the time of his return to Paris the painter was creatively prepared to face some of the figurative challenges, to whose development his work responds. To start with, a highly imaginative reading of Cézanne from

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the viewpoint of landscape construction, in which volumetric precision seems to be underlined by minimal tonal expression. This was open adherence to Braque’s geometrisation of the landscape, albeit through a post-Cubist formulation in which spatial distortion is regulated by chromatic contrast. Later on, the analysis of the constructional possibilities of NeoPlasticism, particularly through a disciplined study of Mondrian, whose aesthetic stance he admired more than his formal schemas, led Ràfols towards abstraction –albeit to a particular sentimental abstraction that dissolves the figurative motif into a sequence of attenuated, though still Fauvist, spatial gradations.

As if slowly retracing an ancestral rite, Albert Ràfols-Casamada discreetly completed a prodigious decade and turned eighty, with neither inopportunely strident gestures nor awe-inspiring premonitions In time, these compositional strategies were soon to be replaced by the vigorous visual tremors that accompanied the North American Abstract expressionism at the beginning of the 1970s. A deductive abstraction, so to speak, with Jasper Johns, De Kooning, Newman and Rauschenberg –and, to a greater extent, Rothko, contrary to what is commonly believed, stripped of chromatic transcendentalism. However, always instrumental and conditioned by the development of the formal possibilities of the figurative motif: the window first, then the horizon, followed by the tonal blurring of everyday objects. His was a personal path towards abstraction based on volumetric counterpoints diffused by colour as in Picasso, Braque and, above all, Matisse –although recovered by the stringent balance of an intentional, yet far from didactic, NeoPlasticism. The spatial constructions by Julio González also renewed, with unusual formal 92

tension, the figurative language of modern statuary containing abstraction: the forms here are original glimmers from a classical gestuality. Similarly –in close empathy with the work of Ràfols-Casamada– in nature Torres-García discovered the fertile symbology that nurtured his abstract signs of such effective visuality.

The masterly Porte-Fenêtre à Collioure by Matisse gives us an idea of the mature Ràfols’ admitted affinities, which he barely disguises, although due essentially to the fact that it anticipates the dissolution process of Cubism towards formal recomposition and sees the motif –the window– as both a limit and an exit out to the space that lies beyond the painting. This may be a further step in the research into the areas of colour that persistently characterize the Catalan artist’s recent work –from what we can see, dazzled perhaps

by Rothko– although he would soon recover the harmony of the Mediterranean tradition committed to figuratively rebuilding visual sensations arranged on the plane. Nicolas de Staël –of whom Ràfols is a secret admirer– declared in 1954, ‘My painting is on painting, and undergoes a perpetual renewal of its appearances, its violence, its perpetual interplay of forces […] I try to apply a more or less decisive action, from my possibilities as a painter […] and I am overwhelmed by the burden of chance’. Then, a few months before his death in 1955, he admitted to Douglas Cooper, ‘I function as I can, and I need to renew myself, to develop the possibilities of forms without any pre-established aesthetics’.

Ràfols-Casamada wrote in his diary on 17 November 1975, that ‘A painting is never the sum of its component parts; instead it is a complete unit. I do not believe in a good fragment of a mediocre picture […] what counts is quality: something that responds to the originality of the vision, the formal coherence, the adaptation of the matter to the idea’. In December 1975, he remarked even more incisively –in a text that I have often used contextualised in a formal perspective– that ‘We must go beyond the surface and the decoration. We have to work on the depth of

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The Artist

the painting, even though it is a flat surface covered with colours … and the drawing is a provocation with graphite on blank paper.

Only by delving into this depth –of colour, of matter, of form– can we enrich the work with weight, density and vibration, and make the object-painting a different object. This difference is what defines art’.

To the reader’s surprise, Delacroix depicts, in his Diario, the process of transforming the landscape into a stimulus of sensitive experiences for the painter and describes, with unmatched agility, the effect of chromatic formalisation. In an entry dated 25 August 1854 he admits, ‘I studied the landscape meticulously. With the sun behind me, the waves breaking before me turned yellow, while those furthest away reflected the sky. The shadows of the clouds flowed rapidly over the waves, producing captivating effects: in the background, where the sea appeared blue and green, the clouds turned violet; while in the foreground, a rich violet and gold spread over the nearest waves just as soon as they were covered by the shadows. Then the waves turned agate. In the shaded areas, straw-coloured waves, oriented towards the sun, broke one after the other, while those facing the sky were metallic blue’.

It is a curious paradox, from a logical point of view, when painting operates –or rather, acts– with the matter of colours, with elements of arduous reality, an external matter resistant to our visual pretensions that nonetheless is required to transmit the painter’s sensitivity at the time of creating the work of art: the definitive moment of ‘fixing the appearance’.

Painting –Ràfols-Casamada has written in a more personal register– is a succession of instantaneous decisions.

Some years ago, a rather intrigued RàfolsCasamada told me that, while rummaging through a second-hand bookshop in New York, he came across the French translation of War Diaries by Ernst Jünger. An unexpected image immediately struck him: the bark of the days. This same vision had been used by the painter as the title for one of his diaries.

An identical image though a very different

concept, almost an unintended wordplay. In Jünger’s case the bark represents a fantasy of the surface coating on life, while for the artist, it is the delicate mantle that protects his essence. This may be so. Having turned eighty, Albert Ràfols-Casamada continues to astonish us with this sequence of new colours that formulates, with his usual veracity, a longcherished conviction: ‘The desire for beauty is a desire for perfection’, he significantly wrote in his 1980 diary.

The pressing need for influences –we stand on the shoulders of our predecessors– which, from the viewpoint of art critics, permeates the work of all creators, the pictorial oeuvre of Ràfols-Casamada too, justifies hasty periodisation –acute in Cirlot, somewhat narrow in Cirici, trivial in Santos-Torroella, accomplice in Perucho, to limit myself to mentioning only his contemporaries, and declaredly imprecise or whimsical in the rising tide of hype, as we have had occasion to observe elsewhere, from a subtle thread tautened by the Venetian classics of colour and Dutch interior painting on the one hand, and the elegant virtuosity of Matisse, the Neo-Plasticists with their exceptions, and the bold visual syntheses of North American abstraction and of the painters of colour fields, the so-called New York School, on the other. An oeuvre that emerges, moreover, from a generational framework charged with allusions and forged from the ideal artistic excellence of a silenced tradition, of the denied culture that impregnates the artist’s solitary, almost clandestine, training during the dark years of the Civil War and during the turbulent reconstruction that ensued, as we learn from his extensive and transparent poetic output: the laborious precision of a visual poiesis, often transformed into words that seek to be forceful graphic signs. The personal aesthetics of a loner, as it were, put to the test on a daily basis in educational workshops and the pedagogical debate and transformed into a probability ethic of situations when it enlivened tireless public activity, on occasions of restrained cultural agitation in the mid-1960s, carried out in a milieu of tremendous ideo-

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logical control little given to dialogue and reasoned discrepancy, in which, all too often, the ends justified the –artistic– means.

By the time of his return to Paris the painter was creatively prepared to face some of the figurative challenges, to whose development his work responds Nevertheless, in the pictorial oeuvre of Ràfols-Casamada the echoes of time are sagely disguised by formal discipline governed invariably by the consideration of painting as painting. His insistent return to Velázquez and Zurbarán, to the strategists of effectist, constructive shading, to the ethereal urban atmospheres of metaphysical painting –Ràfols-Casamada confesses to a time-worn weakness for Sironi– to the evanescent realism of Morandi or the dazzling discovery of Motherwell. Surely, it all serves to endorse the statement that Albert Ràfols’ painting conceals a rigorous timeless quest for the chromatic space, for the light that constructs planes and sharpens or dissolves tonal backgrounds into living scenes of formal fantasy? Ràfols’ painting arises from the traditions established by the history of modern figurative painting and its desertions, in a time without regulations whose forms provide him with valid visual arguments to achieve the superb ludic simplicity that characterizes his recent work: pure enjoyment of painting. In an emotive text from 1997 on the painting by Rothko, Els espais de color [The Spaces of Colour], Ràfols-Casamada betrays the inescapable objectivity of aesthetic appreciation and, almost confidentially, confesses to us the reasons why he admires this artist so much in what might be regarded as a succinct declaration of his own aspirations: ‘The path of purification towards the sublime, towards the plenitude of the void, towards the materialisation of the spiritual breath […] subtlety, force, energy and placidity’. The work of art should create the sensitive 94

space in which the observer attains plenitude of vision, that deep intellectual –but above all spiritual– affinity that constitutes the ultimate manifestation of great art.

In the note that introduces El camino del alba [The Path of Daybreak], Alegre Heitzmann has traced out a musical paraphrase of the particular state of contemplation and expectancy that the artistic experience demands and which, perhaps too lightly, we call mystical or transcendental, when it might simply constitute the sentimental distortion needed to achieve full perception. We must never lose sight of the fact that Ràfols-Casamada inevitably turns to poetry to express, I should say symbolically, the process of searching for an aesthetic sense, the definition of which is beyond his reach. ‘It is not a pragmatic but rather a musical will that moves the poet; the poet knows that every painfully erased word reveals a space in which music is silenced. Verticality, a silenced chord that sacrifices musicality and facile dynamism in honour of that brief, unfathomable breath’ (Rosa Cúbica, nº 17-18, Barcelona, 1997).

The painter’s face lights up with the ghost of a smile –half timid, half content– while we review his finished work so far, when at the time of the ‘grey twilight’ of which Yeats spoke, curiously his painting becomes animated with signs and colours in which we glimpse genuine sparks of sensitive pleasure, accents that act as accomplices to optimism and fill our disjointed, presumptuous and mimetic time with life, a time saturated with ambiguous presages that perhaps herald the end of an era. But was it not Goethe who warned that, ‘Is it up to every generation to write its own history’?

In the ‘extreme music’ of the blind organist Salinas, Fray Luis de León found the perfect intonation for his ideal harmonies. Albert Ràfols-Casamada, in a gesture of respectful artistic homage, has transferred to the painter Esteban Vicente the happy visualisation of his ideals of formal perfection: the aesthetic fancies of a poet who paints. Perhaps one could call it a manifesto of shared affinities.

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A Poem

A Poem

Curated by Enric Bou Professor in Iberian Studies, Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia

LA GRAN NOTA

SOL-FA, SO GOOD (or THE FROG IN THE BOG)

DÓna’m rotllo de paper!

REmemoraré granotes MIrant al vàter. Potser FA bo de pensar en pilotes…

SOL al lavabo, convé L’Anivellament de cotes; SI apretes molt: passi-ho bé!

DOrm, i veuràs com les potes, REpenjades a la tassa, MIren de tornar-se anques, FAmiliaritzant la raça.

SOL al lavabo, si et tanques, LA transformació t’abraça SIent verdes tes parts blanques.

DOn’t forget the toilet-roll!

REmember that the jolly frog MErely was a pollywog.

FAmously, nu intégral SOothes the mind and sorts it all.

LAkes and hills can shrink to bog; TEnse those muscles! Time to slog!

DOze upon the lav, and you’ll REgret it when your legs go numb, MEtamorphosing into croup FAmiliar, amphibian.

SO in the bathroom, and blocked up, LAment the transformation scene: TEnder parts have turned frog-green!

[Translated by Anna Crowe]

Josep Pedrals (Barcelona, 1979) is a poet of outstanding versatility and productivity whose poems are always of astonishing quality. He has given hundreds of recitals in numerous countries on four continents.

He has published, among others, Els buits enutjosos (1999), Escola italiana (2003), El furgatori (2006) and El romanço d’Anna Tirant (2012). He was awarded with the Lletra d’Or in 2013. He has worked in newspapers, radio and television. Since 2002, he has coordinated poetry recitals at the Horiginal bar with Ferran Garcia. In 2008 he initiated a prolific musical career as a singer, composer, lyricist and clarinetist with the band Els Nens Eutròfics. Pedrals’ vintage aesthetic apparently inspired in the past plunges the reader into an amazing world of verbal innuendos with high voltage visual mutations, always surprising, demonstrating that literature is an activity that connects us with a long tradition, while simultaneously it is rather archaic yet open to the future.

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Editorial Board Martí Anglada Former foreign news editor at TV3 (Catalonia Television). He has been foreign correspondent in the Middle East, Italy and Great Britain (1977-1984) for the Barcelona newspaper La Vanguardia and TV3’s foreign correspondent in the United States (1987-1990), Brussels and Berlin (2009-2011). He has also been an international political commentator. His books include Afers no tan estrangers [Not So Foreign Affairs] (Editorial Mina, 2008), Quatre vies per a la independència: Estònia, Letònia, Eslovàquia, Eslovènia [Four Ways To Independence: Estonia, Latvia, Slovakia, Slovenia] (Editorial Pòrtic, 2013) and La via alemanya [The German Way] (Brau Edicions, 2014). He was named the Government of Catalonia’s new delegate for France and Switzerland in September 2014.

Enriqueta Aragonès A research professor at the Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica (IAE-CSIC) and affiliate professor at the Barcelona Graduate School of Economics. She holds a degree in Economics from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and a PhD from the Kellogg Graduate School of Management at Northwestern University. Most of her research takes place on the frontier between economics and political science. In particular she examines questions concerning political science using the instruments of economic analysis and game theory. Her articles are published in leading journals in both political science (American Political Science Review, American Journal of Political Science) and economics (American Economic Review, Journal of Economic Theory).

Jordi Basté (Barcelona, 1965). Journalist. ​H​e worked at Catalunya R​àdio, collaborating on Joaquim Maria Puyal’s football broadcasts​(​ 1982​-​2004​)​. He also r ​ eported on basketball matches and presented ​the programs La Jornada and No ho diguis a ningú. ​Later h​e joined RAC1 radio station, where he presented the sports program​T ​ u diràs (​ 2004​-2007​)​. S ​ ince then he has been the director and presenter of the morning magazine El món a RAC1 (​ currently the leading program in Catalan radio history)​ ​ for which​​he received the Premi Nacional de Radiodifusió in 2010 and the Premi Òmnium Cultural de Comunicació​i​ n 2012. O ​ n TV, he has w ​ orked on Basquetmania and a ​ s a c​ odirector and presenter of Gol a gol for Televisió de Catalunya (2001-2003). In 2010 Basté received the Protagonistas award ​for communication and in 2011 he r ​ eceived an Ondas award ​in recognition of his distinguished career in broadcasting.

Enric Canela (Barcelona, 1949). Holds a degree in Chemistry from the Universitat de Barcelona (UB) and a PhD in Chemistry, specialising in Biochemistry. He has taught at the UB since 1974, where he is currently professor of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology and collaborates on research into intracellular communication. He also conducts research on theoretical Biochemistry and regularly publishes in scientific journals of international repute. He is a member of numerous scientific societies. Between 1991 and 1995 he was vicepresident of the Catalan Society of Biology. Between 2007 and 2009 he was president of the Circle for Knowledge. Between 2007 and 2011 he was a patron of the National Agency for Evaluation, Certification and Accreditation (ANECA) in Spain. He is currently vice-rector of Science Policy at the UB.

Salvador Cardús (Terrassa, 1954). PhD in Economics at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB). Visiting researcher at the University of Cambridge, Cornell University (USA) and Queen Mary College of the University of London. Currently he is professor of Sociology at the UAB and the former Dean of the Faculty of Political Sciences and Sociology. He has conducted research into the sociology of religion and culture, media, nationalism and identity. His published works include, Plegar de viure [Giving Up on Life] with Joan Estruch, Saber el temps [Understanding Time], El desconcert de l’educació [The Education Puzzle], Ben educats [Well Educated] and El camí de la independència [The Road To Independence]. In the field of journalism he was the editor of the Crònica d’Ensenyament magazine (1987-1988) and was deputy editor of the Avui newspaper (1989-1991). He contributes to ARA, La Vanguardia, Diari de Terrassa and Deia newspapers. He is a member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. www.salvadorcardus.cat

David Fernàndez (Vila de Gràcia, 1974) is a journalist at La Directa and a member of Coop57. He has been a member of alternative social movements since the 90s, is a member of the Amical de Mauthausen, the Intersindical Alternativa de Catalunya, Entrepobles, and the Coordinating Committee for the Prevention of Torture. He was an MP for the CUP-Alternativa d’Esquerres in the parliament of Catalonia during the 10th Legislature (2012-2015), where he chaired the Commission of Inquiry on Tax Fraud and Corruption.

He currently works in the fight against poverty and social exclusion and as an activist is involved in the anti-corruption project llumsitaquigrafs.cat. He is the author of numerous books, including Cròniques del 6, Cop de CUP and Foc a la Barraca.

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August Gil-Matamala Has been a practising lawyer since 1960, specialising in the fields of criminal and labour law. He has taken part in numerous cases in defence of those on trial for their demands in favour of people’s rights, as well as hearings before the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. Gil-Matamala fought the first successful case against the Spanish state for the violation of basic rights. He is a founder member of the Commission for the Defence of Individual Rights of the Col·legi d’Advocats de Barcelona [the Barcelona Bar Association] and the Catalan Association for the Defence of Human Rights, which he presided over from its foundation in 1985 to 2001. Gil-Matamala has also been president of both the Fundació Catalunya and the European Democratic Lawyers organization. In 2007, coinciding with his retirement, he received the Creu de Sant Jordi (St. George’s Cross, the highest honour awarded by the Catalan government).

Montserrat Guibernau Professor of Politics at Queen Mary College, University of London. Holds a PhD and an MA in Social and Political Theory from the University of Cambridge and a degree in Philosophy from the Universitat de Barcelona. She has taught at the universities of Warwick, Cambridge, Barcelona, the London School of Economics and the Open University. Guibernau has held visiting professorships at the universities of Edinburgh, Tampere, Pompeu Fabra, the UQAM (Quebec) and the Austrian Academy of Sciences. Currently she holds a visiting fellowship at the Centre for the Study of Global Governance, London School of Economics. Montserrat Guibernau is the author of numerous books and articles on nationalism, the nation-state, national identity, and national and ethnic minorities in the West from the perspective of global governance.

Manuel Manonelles A political scientist specialised in international relations and human rights, he has been Director General for Multilateral and European Affairs of the Catalan Government since June 2014; a position he combines with that of associate professor of International Relations at the University Ramon Llull (Barcelona). Member of the Steering Committee of the Jean Monnet Centre of European Excellence on ‘Intercultural Dialogue, Human Rights and Multi-level Governance’ located at the University of Padua (Italy), he has participated in the work of the Leading Group on Innovative Financing for Development (2009-13) under the coordination of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and in support of the International Commission Against the Death Penalty (2011-2). He has been special advisor to the Co-chair of the UN High Level Group for the Alliance of Civilizations, as well as director of the Foundation Culture of Peace and the World Forum of Civil Society Networks (known as the Ubuntu Forum). He has been an international electoral observer and supervisor for the OSCE and the EU on many occasions, and has participated in several international intergovernmental and non-governmental processes. He is currently the Government of Catalonia’s Director General of Multilateral Affairs.

Eva Piquer (Barcelona, 1969).Writer and cultural journalist. Works for several newspapers and magazines. Has been a lecturer at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and a New York news correspondent. Won the 2002 Josep Pla prize for her novel Una victòria diferent [A Different Victory]. Also author of several books, including La noia del temps [The Weather Girl], Alícia al país de la televisió [Alice in Television Land] and No sóc obsessiva, no sóc obsessiva, no sóc obsessiva [I’m Not Obsessive, I’m Not Obsessive, I’m Not Obsessive]. Her latest book is called La feina o la vida [Life or Work].

Ricard Planas (Girona, 1976). Journalist, art critic and cultural promoter. Studied Philology and the History of Art at the Universitat de Girona. In 1999 he founded the magazine Bonart, dedicated to the contemporary art scene in the Catalan Countries. More recently he created and directed the Catalan art fair INART in 2005 and 2006. Has worked as the curator for exhibitions by important artists such as Arranz-Bravo, Lamazares, Formiguera, Cuixart, Ansesa and Grau-Garriga. Ricard has collaborated with Ona Catalana, Catalunya Ràdio, iCatfm and Onda Rambla radio stations. Has also worked for the Diari de Girona, El Punt and El Mundo newspapers, among others.

Clara Ponsatí Professor of Economics at the University of Saint Andrews. Holds a degree in Economics from the Universitat de Barcelona, a Masters in Economics from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) and a PhD from the University of Minnesota. She is a research professor and director at Institut d’Anàlisi Econòmica-C.S.I.C., affiliated faculty and research fellow at the Barcelona Graduate School of Economics. She has been senior researcher at C.S.I.C., associate professor and assistant professor at UAB and Postdoctoral research associate at Bell Communications Research, Morristown, NJ. She is a member of the editorial boards of The International Journal of Game Theory and The Review of Economic Design.

Arnau Queralt Holds a degree in Environmental Sciences from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) and a Masters in Public Management from ESADE, the UAB and the Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Since October 2011, he has been the director of the Advisory Council for the Sustainable Development of Catalonia (CADS), an advisory body of the Government of Catalonia attached to its Presidential Department. Since October 2012, he has been a member of the Steering Committee of the European Environment and Sustainable Development Advisory Councils (EEAC). From May 2010 to October 2011 he was secretary general of the Cercle Tecnològic de Catalunya foundation. He has been on the board of the Catalan Association of Environmental Professionals since 2004 and was its president from 2010 to 2012.

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Editorial Board

Vicent Sanchis (Valencia, 1961). Holds a degree in Information Sciences from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. In his career as a journalist it is worth highlighting that he has worked and collaborated on many publications and with numerous publishers; he is director of El Temps magazine, and he has been director of Setze magazine, the Catalan supplement of Cambio 16, and director of the newspapers El Observador and Avui. He has also excelled as a scriptwriter and director on different TV programmes.

At present he is president of the editorial board of Avui, and vice-president of Òmnium Cultural. Vicent is also a lecturer in the Faculty of Communication Sciences at Universitat Ramon Llull in Barcelona.

Mònica Terribas (Barcelona, 1968). Holds a degree in Journalism from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and a PhD in Philosophy from the University of Stirling (Scotland). She is a lecturer at Universitat Pompeu Fabra. From 2002 to 2008 she presented and subsequently directed the current affairs programme La nit al dia for TV3 (the Catalan public television). From 2008 to 2012 she was Director of TV3 and the following year, the CEO and editor of the newspaper Ara. Since September 2013 she has presented El matí de Catalunya Ràdio, Catalonia’s public service broadcasting flagship current affairs programme.

Montserrat Vendrell (Barcelona, 1964). Has been BIOCAT’s CEO since April 2007. As a cluster organization, BIOCAT’s goals include promoting the development of biotechnology companies and research institutions. Vendrell has been the Chairwoman of CEBR (the Council of European Bioregions) since 2012. She holds a PhD in Biology (Universitat de Barcelona), a Masters in Science Communication (UPF) and a degree in Business Administration (IESE, PDG). Before BIOCAT she was linked to the Barcelona Science Park, where she held several posts such as Scientific Director (1997-2005) and Deputy Director General (2005-2007).

Among other tasks, Dr Vendrell led the design and implementation of the Park’s Strategic Plan, as well as the organization and management of scientific activities and technological platforms. She was a member of the Steering Committee of the Park’s Biotech Incubator, and in charge of international relations.

Carles Vilarrubí (Barcelona, 1954). Businessman. He is currently Executive Vice-President of Rothschild Spain Investment Bank, specialising in key mergers and takeovers in the financial sector on an international scale. President of CVC Grupo Consejero, an equity and investment advisory firm, with a portfolio of shares in consulting and service companies from the world of communications, the media, marketing, technology and telecommunications. President of Doxa Consulting Group, independent consultants on technology, media and telecommunications, leaders in the sector and with a presence in Spain and Portugal. He is a member of the advisory board of the Catalan confederation Foment del Treball Nacional [National Employment Promotion] and patron of the Fundació Orfeó Català - Palau de la Música. He has also been a member of the governing council of ADENA WWF (World Wild Fund for Nature), and sat on the boards of the Fundación Arte y Tecnología, Fundesco and Fundación Entorno. He is vice-president of F.C Barcelona.

Vicenç Villatoro (Terrassa, 1957). Writer and journalist. Holds a degree in Information Sciences. He is director of CCCB (Barcelona’s Center for Contemporary Culture). Former president of the Ramon Trias Fargas foundation and the former director of the Institut Ramon Llull. As a journalist he has worked for numerous organizations. He was the editor of the Avui newspaper from 1993 to 1996 and head of the culture section of TV3. Between 2002 and 2004 was director general of the Catalan Radio and Television Corporation. He has contributed to a range of media companies, such as Avui, El Periódico, El País, El Temps, Catalunya Ràdio and COM ràdio. He has written a dozen novels.

Francesc de Dalmases (Director) (Barcelona, 1970). Journalist and consultant in humanitarian aid and cooperation and development. Has been president (1999-2006) of the Association of Periodicals in Catalan (APPEC); coordinator for the delegation to the Spanish state of European Bureau for Lesser-Used Languages (1995-1999); coordinator for the third conference of the CONSEU (Conference of European Stateless Nations) (1999); and coordinator for the publication Europa de les Nacions (1993-1999). Has acted as a foreign expert in aid projects in such diverse locations as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Mongolia, Kosovo, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Mexico, Guatemala, Morocco and Congo. He is a member of the Cooperation Council of the Catalan government. In 2011 he joined Barcelona’s Council’s Aid Commitee and is a board member of the Federation of Internationally Recognized Catalan Organizations.

Víctor Terradellas (Editor) (Reus, 1962). Entrepreneur and political and cultural activist. President and founder of Fundació CATmón. Editor of Catalan International View and ONGC, a magazine dedicated to political thought, solidarity, aid and international relations. Víctor has always been involved in political and social activism, both nationally and internationally. The driving force behind the Plataforma per la Sobirania [The Platform for Self-Determination] as well as being responsible for significant Catalan aid operations and international relations in such diverse locations as Peru, Bolivia, Chile, Argentina, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Albania, Afghanistan, Mongolia, Pakistan and Kurdistan. Currently he is General Secretary of International Relations for Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya.

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