《橋望》Our Time 2019 - CUHKCAS Annual Publication Volume 22

Volume 22 Lent 2019

橋 望

OUR TIME The Newsletter of Cambridge University Hong Kong and China Affairs Society

劍橋大學香港及中國事務會會刊

OUR TIME 2019 | 3

Cover Photography / Cody Kwok

橋 望

OUR TIME The Newsletter of Cambridge University Hong Kong and China Affairs Society

劍橋大學香港及中國事務會會刊 Volume 22 Lent 2019 Editor’s Note

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The Masquerade (Justin Chan)

38

Wayne to Go - A Path Beyond Ambition

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Lantau Tomorrow Vision (Doris Mok)

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言語治療師之語

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黨國體制，自由何價 ？（鄒嘉奇）

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“Who Am I? Where Did I Come From?

Where Am I Going?”

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Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition

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CHOICE (Jamie Lai, Adriana Lee)

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President’s Remark

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點解寫粵文 （陳翊翹）

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CUHKCAS Events Overview

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Nosedive (Rita Kan)

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Acknowledgements

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Published in the United Kingdom in Febraury 2019 by the Cambridge University Hong Kong and China Affairs Society.

Established in 1990, Cambridge University Hong Kong and China Affairs Society (CUHKCAS) was set up with the aim of broadening and promoting understanding of economic, social and political affairs in Hong Kong and China amongst students at Cambridge and beyond. Our Society seeks to develop communication and exchange between the East and the West, enlightening minds on key issues that the Greater China region is currently facing through active discussion and publicity.

Our Time is a non-profit student publication that officially serves as the newsletter for CUHKCAS. We hereby declare that the copyright of any photographs researched from the Internet and other sources remains with their copyright holders, and CUHKCAS is not responsible for misinformation from external resources.

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Editor’s Note

Dear Reader, In this issue, we chose social enterprises and education as the two main themes for three featured interviews. With the proliferation of various start-ups as well as an increasing emphasis on the quality of education around the world, we would like to use these themes as starting points to stimulate you to reflect upon current social, economic, and political affairs in Hong Kong and China.

It is my earnest belief that, as the main publication of the Cambridge University of Hong Kong and China Affairs Society (CUHKCAS), Our Time not only epitomises the core values of the Society, but also provides a multilateral platform to raise the political awareness of young minds and readers. I genuinely hope that the contributions of Cambridge-HK students in this publication will be a thought-provoking read to you all. Hereunder, allow me to briefly walk you through the contents encapsulated in this issue of Our Time.

Bowie Wong Editor-in-Chief & CUHKCAS Publicity Officer 2018-19

Our Time 2018-2019 Sub-Committee: Belinda Ng Cody Kwok Jeffrey Yeung Jess Ma Mandy Ip Mervyn Tong Sandy Ng Stephanie Lui

Working in Hong Kong Our attorneys provide integrated U.S., Hong Kong and English law advice on a wide variety of transactions and disputes, and they are recognized as leaders in structuring many of the largest, most high-profile deals in the region. Our lawyers have been recognized for leadership in their fields in several publications, including Chambers, International financial Law Review and Asia Pacific Legal 500. Lawyers in our Hong Kong office work closely with our other offices in Asia Pacific – Beijing, Seoul, Shanghai, Singapore and Tokyo – as well as with our global network spanning the Americas and Europe. Our team throughout the region speaks numerous languages, including Cantonese, Mandarin, Korean, Japanese, Tagalog and English. The breadth of our practice affords Skadden strength and stability over time, positioning the firm to take on the most current and challenging legal work. As our ideas multiply, so do our clients’ achievements.

Our first featured interview, ‘Wayne To Go – A Path Beyond Ambition’, stars Mr. Wayne Chau, founder and CEO of Agent of Change. We probe into the inspiring story of how he founded such a successful social enterprise – successful not just in terms of the scale of impact Agent of Change has been able to effect in Hong Kong, but also the sheer amount of challenges he had to overcome along the way. In this interview, Mr. Chau also airs views on the power and different forms of education, from the lens of his own education background, as well as his unique experience on education in Finland, where he was appointed the first Honorary Ambassador of the University of Lapland.

In the second featured interview ‘言語治療師之語 —— 香港社企的「童話」故事’, we look into the story of Mr. Raymond Wong and Mrs. Viola Wong, who founded Confiserie Benji Ltd. in 2002 in memory of their son who used to suffer from speech delay. Through setting up this speech therapy centre, Mr. and Mrs. Wong aim to help children in Hong Kong with speech disorders by providing them with speech therapy at a very low price, since support to these groups is scarce in Hong Kong. To turn this social enterprise into a financially sustainable one, during the past decade, the Wongs’ transformed it from the distributor for a brand of Belgian chocolates, to an operator of multiple chocolate shops, a French restaurant, a Japanese restaurant, and bakery workshops under their own brand – Benji’s.

Trainee Solicitor Program Our trainee solicitor program is uniquely comprehensive. Drawing on the experience and teaching abilities of Skadden partners, counsel and associates; qualified external consultants; and our global training and development team, we regularly offer training seminars and workshops for associates and trainee solicitors at all levels and across practice areas. Additionally, a partner will act as your mentor and principal throughout your training contract, providing advice and guidance.

Vacation Placement Schemes Our vacation placement schemes are important for candidates interested in a training contract in Skadden’s Hong Kong office. The schemes provide hands-on experience with active transactions and cases from a diverse client base, often with an international aspect, as well as insight into the firm’s culture.

For the third featured interview, ‘Who Am I? Where Did I Come From? Where Am I Going?’, we are delighted to have Cambridge freshers who studied secondary school in Hong Kong share their stories with us. In particular, the series of short interviews feature interesting stories about their education backgrounds, aspirations, as well as thoughts on contemporary political themes and different education systems available in Hong Kong.

We hope that these short stories will strike a chord with you, especially in how we and our thoughts were moulded by our unique experiences and identities, as well as show you how we plan to put our talents to good use in light of the opportunities that we were granted with.

Placements are for four weeks and are offered in the summer. Students are assigned mentors during their time with us, who give substantive assignments with proper supervision and feedback. Students also have the opportunity to get to know current associates and peers on a more informal level by attending social events.

Recruitment Deadlines:

In addition to the featured interviews, we are pleased to publish submissions from Cambridge-HK students as well, which cover a wide range of topics from Cantonese culture to the housing problem in Hong Kong; from the Chinese Social Credit System to governance relations between Hong Kong and China. Moreover, we feature six award-winning essays of the Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition, from both the Chinese and English section, where Hong Kong secondary school students shed light on contemporary political themes in Hong Kong and China.

Bowie Wong Editor-in-Chief & CUHKCAS Publicity Officer 2018-19

Summer Vacation Scheme 2019: February 1, 2019 Training Contracts 2021: August 1, 2019 2019 Vacation Scheme students will be eligible for 2021 training contracts.

Last but not least, I would like to take this opportunity to offer my heartfelt gratitude to the Our Time sub-committee and my fellow CUHKCAS committee members for their unfailing support from the initial brainstorming stage back in September 2018, to the interview process from October to December, all the way to the final editing and publication stage in January 2019. This publication would not have been possible without their tremendous input.

Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom 42/F, Edinburgh Tower, The Landmark 15 Queen’s Road Central, Hong Kong

Without further ado, on behalf of CUHKCAS, I am proud to present to you this year’s Lent issue of Our Time. I hope you find it enjoyable and rejuvenating. skadden.com/recruiting

T: 852.3740.4700 E: asia.careers@skadden.com

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Wayne to go A Path Beyond Ambition

Wayne to Go | 7 goods sold to the people is enough to maintain a revenue stream that keeps the social enterprise operating. Wayne is also careful to ensure that other collaborations are established in line with the social enterprise’s mission to provide dignity and hope. For example, collaborations with an American dental group aimed to provide free dental service for the poor teenagers. Wayne recalls his conversation with the dentist, who was “shocked to see over twenty cavities” in a teenager from a low-income household.

To be able to access those in need, Wayne strategically positioned these pop up stores in old and subdivided housing estates, as there remains a recurrent problem of “access to things of high quality in close proximity” according to Wayne. Wayne was able to do this by reaching out to NGOs, community organisations, local district councillors and regional legislators. That is because “it is also in the interest of these groups to help” by making services more accessible to the local people. This has ensured that Agent of Change does not need to pay rent for their stores, and over time, they have built up a strong network within the local community.

The Rector of University of Lapland appoints Wayne Chau as their first Honorary Ambassador.

Founding of the social enterprise

S

Agent of Change was founded in 2014, with the aim of providing low cost but high quality products for those living in poverty.

Since then, the social enterprise has grown in scale of operation, the organisation now has a shop in the New Territories, and more volunteers than what they had initially started out with.

From the beginning, Wayne had established a key vision for the social enterprise, namely “The five C’s”. By giving people living in poverty “choices” and “chances”, Agent of Change hopes to nurture their “courage’ and “confidence”, and consequently, “change” their current situation.

ocial entrepreneurship has become a buzzword, a hybrid blend of profit-making and corporate social responsibility, that seems to be the future for “doing good” in the world. In Hong Kong, the social entrepreneurship scene has grown significantly in recent years. One key figure paving the way for social entrepreneurship in Hong Kong is Wayne Chau, Founder & CEO of the social enterprise Agent of Change. The story of how he founded a successful social enterprise is remarkable, not just because of the scale of impact Agent of Change has been able to make in Hong Kong, but also because of the sheer amount of challenges Wayne has needed to overcome. Amidst his busy schedule traversing different countries and regions, we had a chance to sit down with Wayne to find out more about his remarkable story.

Personal experiences at school and at home

Belinda Ng

Jess Ma

Wayne’s personal experiences living in poverty was what instilled within him the drive to help others. Wayne was born in a poor area in Guangxi; and at the age of twelve, he migrated to Hong Kong with his younger sister. His teenage years were spent in subdivided housing in Sham Shui Po. “The conditions were appalling,” Wayne recalls. “I suffered from depression, and there were multiple times I attempted suicide,” he says. When he went up to the roof to calm himself down, “I noticed these old unmarried ladies, [who] always brought food and oil of poor quality to eat,” he describes. Upon striking up conversations with them, Wayne found out that “they had no choice but to eat the food because they had no money. They would feel unwell afterwards, come back from the doctor, [only to] eat it again.” It was from this experience that Wayne was inspired to establish an organisation that could “give these poor people the choice for quality products”. At the time, Wayne was also living in poverty, but he characterises the fundamental value of giving these people “dignity and hope” within the situation, “this is very important,” he says.

“The idea [for the business model] was quite straightforward,” Wayne says, “We focused on how to use capitalism to resolve a problem caused by capitalism.” He cites Harvard professors Michael E. Porter, along with Mark R. Kramer’s concept of “creating shared value” as part of his business model.

Wayne makes sure to distinguish this from corporate social responsibility (CSR), as “CSR is about doing good things for the society after you get money… but what about the possibility of being able to resolve societal problems and have a positive impact for society? This concept is a win-win situation and it is the one we use,” Wayne says. His previous career in PR and event management meant that he was in contact with many big clients. Wayne got in touch with Hop Hing, a local oil supplier in Hong Kong, and persuaded them to use their excess capacity for original equipment manufacturing (OEM) to help Agent of Change. This was on the basis that Wayne noticed “the factory has excess capacity , and there is also the gutter oil situation in the market which they believe every edible oil producer has the responsibility to solve. They would have needed to increase the market share of edible oil through another way,” he says. Hence, what Agent of Change was doing is to help build future customers for big companies like Hop Hing, by giving them access to the poorest in society, people they would otherwise not be able to reach. “When [the customers] move up the social ladder, due to social mobility, these people will continue to use the brand”.

It is this brand loyalty which “creates future loyalty, hence, the win-win situation,” Wayne explains. The profit margin for the

Social media has also been used as a platform for projects within Agent of Change and beyond. There is a limited usage for actually selling the products to the low-income demographic on social media since their online presence is very little. As an active user of Facebook to write posts on topics such as education, Wayne realised the potential of social media to access a vast audience.

One concept that Wayne has adopted is called ‘suspended

Appointed as the first ever Honorary Ambassador of University of Turku, Finland’s second largest university.

8 | Wayne to Go

Wayne to Go | 9 encourages students to think about aspects they are passionate about. “Don’t do it for the sake of a title,” he says. “Also, never forget your original goal, as it can be easy to go astray over time.

Work to create a platform to attract people to take action on your platform,” he suggests. Most importantly, Wayne stresses the importance of never giving up, particularly at times when there is discouragement from all around.

The Power of Education

Volunteers of Agent of Change running a charity musical on life education with more than 2000 audience, with the support of Mr. John Tsang, the former Financial Secretary of Hong Kong.

consumption’. This concept first originated in coffee shops in Italy, whereby a person can choose to buy extra coffee, and leave it for the homeless and poor to have. “It’s all about trust, and it’s a beautiful thing,” Wayne explains. Agent for Change now adopts a suspended mooncake promotion strategy following the same principles, but this only applies to certain products and not all.

Instead, Wayne has used social media for multiple other purposes.

For example, Wayne has worked on campaigns tackling suicide prevention and anti-bullying for students, with a particular focus on increasing exposure and discussions surrounding mental health issues in close partnership with Facebook. Given the close association between social media and mental health, Wayne also hoped to make Facebook usage safer and healthier. Facebook has also been used to share the dreams, stories, and achievements of grassroot communities in Hong Kong. (Wayne is now a member of Facebook’s global Youth Advisory Committee which helps it to build a safer and healthier community for its over 2 billion users.)

But the path for a social enterprise is never easy, and Wayne faced and continues to face multiple challenges. The first one is a budget problem. There is not a lot of profit generated, but “we are lucky, because we’re doing the right thing, there are right people appearing in the right places to help us,” Wayne says. There are also issues with permits from the government. “We really wanted to expand to door-to-door delivery, where each building has someone in charge as a way of expanding our access,” Wayne says. But they faced barriers that the existing policies did not permit this. As the social enterprise has expanded in the last four years, there is now also the issue of maintaining the stock keeping unit, and this is a continuous “struggle”. Furthermore, lack of manpower is another challenge facing Agent of Change. But Wayne remains optimistic about how much people are willing to help. “We have not lost anyone over the last four years, and

there are loads of passionate people coming to help”, Wayne says.

In fact, many of them had come from corporate backgrounds with highly specialised knowledge to contribute to the social enterprise.

To be a social entrepreneur Over the years, Wayne has culminated in many proud moments as a social entrepreneur. His social enterprise has become well known in the social welfare circle, associated with its immense capability to tackle grassroot problems of poverty. Personally, Wayne has also become a member of the Commission on Poverty, which was completely unexpected given the huge competitiveness of the role. Wayne has also actively branched out to engage and become a member of other commissions, such as Social Enterprise Advisory Committee, Community Care Fund, and Social Innovation and Entrepreneurship Development Fund in hopes that he can do more as an individual to make an impact.

In his personal definition of success, Wayne makes sure to see himself as a member of a wider community. To Wayne, success lies in the bliss and health of his family, and persevering in the pursuit of one’s dreams and goals. He also hopes to be a good leader by creating a platform for others to become leaders too.

More specifically, “it’s about enabling every other member to be stronger than me,” he says humbly.

Based on his experiences, Wayne believes that a social entrepreneur that can “do good” and “do well”, they must have several key qualities. Firstly, they need to have the qualities of an entrepreneur, equipped with a business mind-set. This can be trained, but there must also be inborn qualities, such as sympathy, integrity, and creativity because social entrepreneurship is all about innovation and collaboration. For aspiring social entrepreneurs, Wayne has a few words of wisdom to share. He

Education is undoubtedly an important pillar towards Wayne’s success. During his secondary school days, the beam of hope amidst all the bullying and discrimination Wayne experienced came from achieving prizes and participating in social services.

The road to prizes and accolades began with a teacher’s effort to teach him poetry, and enrolling him in competitions. Poetry became both an emotional outlet and lifeline of self-esteem for Wayne. “Getting those prizes was the only point where my name wasn’t associated with negativity,” Wayne says. Eventually, he built up confidence through his achievements and attained the prestigious title of Hong Kong’s Outstanding Student. This award was a watershed for Wayne as not only was his confidence boosted, he was exposed to the wider world as well. There it was his first time meeting students from top Band 1 schools. The difference did not batter Wayne’s confidence but bolstered it - as Wayne marvelled at the standards of other elite students, the fact that he attained the same award as these students did show him that despite coming from a humble background, he has a chance to shine as well.

Before this upsurge of positive self-image and confidence, Wayne gained courage to interact with others through social services.

Being a timid person with no confidence in himself, his task of making phone calls in the Youth Police programme was a critical step to his courage. Initially, he was afraid of calling strangers to deliver information. However, as people thanked him for the information he provided, Wayne’s attitude changed. The slight gesture of recognition illuminated his self-esteem and instilled confidence in him. “It made me feel my own existence”, Wayne said. This experience was a pivotal validation of his worth, and laid the ground for him taking up leadership roles later, stepping out of the zone of fear and unfurling his confidence.

With the influence of education on his character, Wayne credited much of his success to the impacts of achievements and service. Thus, Wayne has his view of an ideal education system.

He believes that a good education system should make it easy for students to find the right school. Wayne recalls his recent experience with Hong Kong’s education system, “when I was looking for a kindergarten for my daughter, my principle was to find the closest one, but there were 8000 applications to the school”. Not only did he find school enrolment difficult in Hong Kong, but finding the right school was even more of a headache.

After successfully enrolling in the kindergarten closest to his home, Wayne received frequent complaints from teachers that his daughter was a threat to classroom management as she had raised too many questions in class, and encouraged others to do the same. Soon, Wayne has to face the rat race again, this time for primary school applications. He can still recall a principal’s disbelief that he had only applied for two schools. Wayne sighted and lamented about the difficulty to find a suitable school in Hong Kong, “if you go for the closest school, there are 8000 applications for the few hundred places; even if you are accepted, you may not succeed there. For the school you find suitable for your child, competition may be fierce, or it is too far away, or simply too expensive.” He furthered by saying that he often tells his friends that “we [Hong Kong] have the smartest people to be government officials, especially in education. It’s because they are smart enough to send all their kids overseas or to international schools.” When asked about students’ responses to the education system, Wayne simply smiled, shrugged, and shook his head.

To Wayne, this is Hong Kong’s education system - officials who designed it recoil from the system, students do not commend it, and it is an obstacle-filled rat race to find a suitable school for a child.

Tackling the Finnish Line While facing the bleak landscape of Hong Kong’s education system, Wayne found the Finnish education system aweinspiring, “the time Hong Kong children spend on homework is double the amount of time of Finnish kids, but the latter came top in the PISA table on its first implementation.” What’s even more striking about the Finnish education system is that “all students are among the top 5% in the world in Finland; for Hong

10 | Wayne to Go Kong, the top students are the cream of the crop worldwide, but perhaps not for others,” Wayne exclaimed.

With Hong Kong’s reputation as an international finance centre, Wayne could not help but evaluate this claim against Finland.

“In Finland, kids would not be aware that they have just taken a test as important as PISA. Their parents wouldn’t have known as well. Whereas in Asian countries, some students are trained to take PISA,” he said. He furthered the comparison as he extends the lens beyond PISA. To Wayne, Hong Kong may be an international financial centre, but he is fixated on the question of how many international brands this international financial centre has. “If you try to count, perhaps not even five,” Wayne said, “whereas Finland has a litany of international brands - look at Santa Claus, Moomin, Angry Birds with its 3 billion downloads, Nokia, KONE, Linux and many more - many top games companies in the world being Finnish.” Wayne proceeded to list Finland’s other successes, but what he really wanted to say beneath the impressive chain of brand names is that Finland, being a small country in Scandinavia, has a larger international footprint than Hong Kong, the proclaimed international finance centre, because it owns more brands that create international impact. “Finland only has a population of 5.5 million, but look at the amount of international brands they have.” Wayne says.

Fascinated by Finland’s impressive commercial track record, Wayne looked further into its education system and could not extol it more. He found the spirit of collaboration, the respect for equity, and its nurturing environment invigorating and inspiring.

“In Hong Kong, students won’t share knowledge, thinking that if

Wayne to Go | 11 I know something that others don’t, it will facilitate me to win [in the education system]”, whereas in Finland they celebrate progress and achievement; a kid is happy to have progressed to get 70 marks while others are happy for him or her too,” he illustrated. Finnish education also managed to impress Wayne outside the classroom - free basic education, with the International Baccalaureate included, free fresh lunch provided by the school, school bus services for students who live far away, and the policy of ensuring that foreign students will have the chance to pursue quality education in their mother tongue when they study in Finland - all these have left Wayne thrilled, “the Finnish education system is the one that we should really learn from,” he said with great enthusiasm. To him, children can be children under the Finnish education system, with their creativity unleashed in class and progress valued individually; in Finland, equity, or in Wayne’s terms, “fairness”, is key and education is seen as a human right. Wayne could not help but lament about the situation in Hong Kong, “everyone is so stressed; the saddest thing is that we are so scared that the next generation won’t have jobs because they will be replaced by robots, but we are actually training them to become robots.” Wayne furthered that the Hong Kong education “has no place for creativity”. Wayne noted that he once saw a class going out into a park to have a lesson in Finland because the students decided so. All the rote learning and rigid structures in class and homework form a stark contrast with the flexibility and liveliness of a Finnish classroom, “creativity needs curiosity and imagination, but the Hong Kong education system kills them,” Wayne concluded.

Not only was Finland’s education system more conducive to children’s development, its social effects was also lauded by Wayne, “teachers are so respected there [in Finland], they need to have a Master’s degree and their social standing is very high, whereas in Hong Kong, lawyers and doctors are more revered.” The Department of Teacher Education of the Finnish universities is one of the three hardest programmes to get into in Finland. To Wayne, education in Finland is not just a welldesigned, humanistic system, it is a sense of respect throughout society, united in honoring the importance of nurturing the next generation as unique individuals instead of seeing education as an exam machine churning out individuals well-versed in reciting knowledge. An excellent system, and the unanimous respect for the virtue of education, were what enthralled Wayne.

This led to Wayne reflecting on the social impacts of education in Hong Kong and Finland. To him, the banding system in Hong Kong is a signal of detachment to the wider society. “Something you realise when you come out to work is that society is not just composed of people from Band 1 - so how will you cooperate with people from Band 3?”, Wayne questioned. He pinpointed that the inability for one to work well with people from different backgrounds is an issue not to be missed, and the banding system in Hong Kong education, which reinforces a homogeneous environment, is restricting the perspectives students are exposed to and will ultimately be an obstacle when graduates enter the job market. Unfortunately, in Wayne’s eyes many graduates fail to overcome this challenge. Many could not cope with the diverse environment and could not let go of their past glories. As a result, they resorted to nostalgia of their bygone halcyon days. Wayne could not help but bring in the education system when talking about this phenomenon. The cutthroat competition in the system has fostered this kind of narrow-mindedness in its graduates.

Some products of Agent of Change

Looking Ahead In recognition of the challenges for both his social enterprise and education, Wayne remains set upon achieving his vision and goals for the future. For Agent of Change, Wayne has goals to scale up his operations to access more of the those in need. This includes scaling up the the community logistics process. On a personal level, he also hopes to extend his work in advocacy and policymaking. Ultimately, “I hope we don’t need to run this anymore,” Wayne says solemnly, his wish for complete poverty alleviation picked up subtly. As for education, Wayne takes a more proactive stance. “I want to engage in an education revolution”, he said.

Currently, Wayne’s social enterprise organises workshops and projects in schools to campaign against bullying through drama.

However, his ambitions lie miles beyond value education. He hopes to collaborate with Finnish universities, using Finnish education as a foundation, as well as taking in elements of ICT innovation, creativity and entrepreneurship, to create the future of education. In the future, he sees the possibility of opening a sample open school and instigating international teacher training, all with Finnish characteristics.

Having overcome significant obstacles in his early life to realise his ambition and achieve success now, Wayne’s passion for the betterment of society is admirable. His social enterprises combines commercial reality and altruism innovatively to deliver tangible impacts to the grassroots. More importantly, Wayne’s story is one that demonstrates the importance of speaking out and taking action. It is a story of hope, perseverance, and dreams of a better society.

Sharing at the Facebook APAC Safety Summit 2018 in Singapore

Elderlies enjoying the services provided by Agent of Change

Belinda Ng is a first year Geography Student at Christ’s College, Jess Ma is a first year Human, Social, and Political Sciences Student at Corpus Christi College.

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言語治療師之語 香港社企的「童話」故事 香港商界往往以利潤行先，社會企業Confiserie Benji Ltd的創辦人黃家寧先生卻反其道而行，將 社會責任放在首位。 黃先生的獨子庭恩患唐氏綜合症，語言發展遲 緩，夫妻倆為愛子尋找言語治療服務的時候， 卻發現公營服務嚴重短缺，須等候至少一至兩 年，使大部分兒童無法在0至6歲學習語言的黃 金時期接受治療；低收入家庭亦無法支付私營 服務之昂貴費用。至庭恩不幸去世，黃氏夫婦 決定成立庭恩兒童中心，提供言語治療服務， 低收入家庭兒童更可申請減免甚至豁免收費。 身為企業家，黃氏夫婦明白中心需要穩定的資 金來源，因此成立了社會企業「Confiserie Benji Limited」，經營比利時巧克力品牌Leonidas的 香港分店及兩間餐廳，箇中盈利全數撥往庭恩 兒童中心。

言語治療師之語 | 13 記：社企角色對日常運作有特別影響嗎？你們會選用其他 社企的公平貿易食材或為社會上的弱勢社群提供就業機會 嗎？ 黃：我們當然希望社企之間能互相支持，亦曾考慮購入其 他社企的食材。但為保持食材多樣性和品質，我們只能作 出取捨。

企業旗下位於上環的法國菜餐廳 - La Parole

記：記者 黃：黃家寧先生 記：言語遲緩的成因是甚麼？有言語障礙的小朋友在生活 上會面對甚麼問題？言語治療如何協助孩子跨越障礙？ 黃：言語遲緩指孩子的語言能力發展較同齡兒童緩慢，成 因眾多，例如患有唐氏綜合症或自閉症；此外，智力發 展正常的兒童也可能因為口部肌肉發育遲緩而面對同樣問 題。語言障礙限制了他們表達自己和理解他人的能力，使 他們難以表達喜怒哀樂，容易發脾氣，導致他們在社交和 讀書方面都比一般小孩吃力。 言語治療會針對個別兒童的狀況，採取不同的治療方式。 如果言語障礙的成因是口肌發展遲緩，治療師便可以透過 「吹泡泡」遊戲，訓練孩子的口部肌肉。如果孩子有發音 不準的情況，治療師亦會矯正其唇言或齒音。當然，言語 遲緩的形成亦有其心理因素，所以庭恩兒童中心也聘請了 臨牀心理學家、精神科醫生和社工，協助孩子克服心理障 礙，對症下藥；而中心亦為家長提供心理輔導，幫助他們 應對照顧語言障礙兒女的壓力。 記：現時政府對言語遲緩兒童的支援是否足夠？ 黃：我認為有進步空間。在服務數量方面，儘管政府在過 去數年一直積極投放資源，言語治療服務仍未能滿足龐 大需求。因為治療言語遲緩的黃金時期是0至6歲，不宜有 誤；愈早醫治，效果愈好，故供不應求的問題不容忽視。 不過輪侯政府服務需時兩年；且私人服務價格高昂，一千 元一堂，一堂僅四十五分鐘，一般家庭難以負擔。我和太 太正希望紓緩此問題，開設庭恩兒童中心，使低收入家庭 兒童也能接受言語治療。雖然我們已開設深水埗和沙田兩 間中心，但輪候家庭的數目未見減少。 而在服務形式方面，礙於資源所限，政府現時的到校服 務，只能按照學校有需要學生的人數，進行一對十多人的 治療。但我認為一對一的治療才最有效改善兒童的語言能 力；庭恩兒童中心就是以此形式運作。 記：創立社會企業的構想從何而來？經營企業的過程中又 遇上了甚麼困難？

王溥渝 湯顥泓 葉子文 伍詩雅 楊逸朗

黃：開設庭恩兒童中心是為了紀念我的兒子庭恩，Benji。 庭恩是個患唐氏綜合症的孩子，有言語治療的需要。我和 太太發現在庭恩所接受的各種訓練當中，言語治療最能夠 改善庭恩的狀況，既提升了語言和交際能力，也增強他 的自信心。不幸地，庭恩在五歲時離開了我們。為了紀念 他，同時幫助有需要的家庭，我們便有了開辦兒童中心的

想法。當時我們計算過，如果用盡原為庭恩準備的教育和 醫療經費，也只能維持中心運作兩、三年；相反，若以社 會企業的形式營運，資金來源更為穩定，中心便能持續運 作下去。 經營社企面對的困難其實與一般企業無異，商場上「弱肉 強食」的法則同樣適用於我們；作為餐飲和零售業的一 員，我們也須面對租金和薪酬上漲的壓力。 記：在企業發展至今規模的過程中，遇上了甚麼機遇和轉 折？ 黃：現時企業旗下包括Leonidas比利時名牌朱古力店、La Parole法國餐廳及尚善和式料理，運用三者的盈利來支付 庭恩兒童中心的營運開支。其實最初我們並不打算經營餐 飲，只計劃在國際金融中心商場（IFC）租用鋪位代理比利 時朱古力。不過業主要求鋪位在售賣朱古力之餘，亦要提 供餐飲；幸好在機緣巧合下結識一位比利時米芝蓮名廚， 對方願意提供培訓機會，於是在港挑選了幾位有西餐經驗 的廚師出國實習，待其學成回港後便在IFC鋪位兼營朱古力 和餐飲生意。 後來因租金上升，朱古力店在幾經搬遷下落於尖沙咀海港 城現址，而餐廳則在上環The Pemberton三樓繼續營業。那 時我們還一同租下大廈七樓的鋪位，考慮到港人喜愛日本 菜，但大廈各層的餐廳只有二樓的韓國菜餐廳提供亞洲風 味膳食，便萌生經營日本餐廳的想法。幸而自己亦有進口 日本食材的網絡，和式餐廳便水到渠成。

至於聘請弱勢人士方面，透過營運社企為有需要人士提供 就業機會的確是另一種社企模式，但這並非我們的主要社 會目的。部分非政府組織會使用這種模式，但普遍未能獲 取利潤，並不持續。在最初社會企業的概念萌生之時，可 持續性是一個不可或缺的元素，因此我們參考英國社企的 運作模式，選擇營運社企以提供利潤來實踐特定社會目 的，增加可持續性。話雖如此，餐廳亦曾聘請唐氏綜合症 患者及特殊教育需要人士。我們希望能盡量兼顧多方面， 維持餐廳正常運作水平之餘，為弱勢社群創造機會。 記：你和太太均沒有言語治療的相關學歷，起初營運庭恩 兒童中心時會因此特別困難嗎？ 黃：我們並沒因此感到特別困難。為了庭恩，我們曾修讀 一個中文大學言語治療課程，因此對言語治療有一定認 識。不過這並非重點，我認為只要能聘請合適的言語治療 師便可以。中心成立初期，全亞洲只有香港大學提供言語 治療課程，我們亦只能聘請一位言語治療師。發展至今， 各地大學紛紛開辦言語治療課程，現時兩個中心共有十多 個全職或兼職言語治療師為兒童進行專業訓練。 記：庭恩兒童中心提供什麼服務？ 黃：中心除了為兒童提供言語治療服務，也會照顧家長的 需要。中心的服務對象為低收入家庭，他們的財政資源並 不豐裕，加上子女有特殊需要，家長往往面對重大壓力， 甚至引致情緒問題。有見及此，中心安排社工、臨床心理 學家及精神科醫生為他們提供輔導服務，希望幫助小朋友 之餘，亦能支援家長。 其次，中心會舉辦親子社交活動讓不同家長交流，包括旅 行、聖誕派對、步行籌款等。當中步行籌款暨嘉年華會活 動已成功舉辦八年。另外，中心不時獲贈電影門票和主題 樂園門票，用以轉贈有需要家庭。

記：一般人認為社企的主要目的並非牟利或利潤最大化， 你們如何能夠取得平衡，達致持續發展？ 黃：其實社企同樣要爭取最大的利潤，我們跟一般企業分 別在於：所賺的利潤並非歸個人所有，而會被投放至社會 有需要的範疇，負上特定的社會責任，而 Confiserie Benji Ltd 的社會目的為提供言語治療服務。 記：經營Confiserie Benji Ltd會特別強調慈善用途嗎？ 黃：起初經營朱古力專門店時，我們沒有標榜社企或慈善 機構的角色，只希望透過產品和服務吸引顧客，故一直沒 有刻意強調收入的慈善用途。客人滿意之餘，最終得悉我 們背後的故事，是額外的肯定，錦上添花。後來因拍攝飲 食節目與蘇施黃女士結緣，她認為應加以推廣La Porale社 企的身分，我們才開始向顧客展示品牌的社企身分，但並 無意以此作賣點。我們希望能取得平衡，繼續以產品及服 務質素吸引客人。當初選擇代售Leonidas朱古力也是因為 其品質好，能延續我們以客人滿意為上的經營理念。

言語治療師與小朋友進行言語治療訓練

14 | 言語治療師之語 記：香港社企發展如何？香港社會對初創社企有何支援？ 黃：過去十多年，市民對社企的認識或參與度均有提升， 這是一大進步。 於消費者角度出發，其實十多年前，香港人對社企不太理 解，認為社企提供的商品普遍質素較差。但隨著社企不斷 發展、「良心消費」運動出現、政府宣傳增加，人們對社 企認識加深，不再存有誤解。我們亦參與了「良心消費」 運動，希望鼓勵更多人光顧社會企業。 於生產者角度出發，香港社會服務聯會為不同非政府組織 以及社企成員提供了不少支援。此外，隨著社會發展越趨 成熟，更多有心人希望以社企模式服務社會。早期的社企 多由非政府組織建立，但他們忽略了賺取足夠利潤以維持 社企持續運作；即使有政府資助，仍會虧損，故當時社會 往往批評社企缺乏效率。至近年大家開始更關注營商技巧 及留意營商環境，加上社聯提供了相關訓練，例如協助零 售商戶設立銷售時點情報系統、電子付費系統、運用社交 媒體作市場推廣等。總括而言，我認為現時的社企成熟了 不少。 記：現時中心的平均輪候時間多長？如何平衡小朋友的療 程進度以及有增無減的輪候人數？ 答：中心本著「以人為本」的醫療原則，並不會設有一個 治療的期限，只有當言語治療師確認小孩在交流、社交等 方面恢復到合適水平，中心才結束療程。每個兒童掌握語 言能力的所需時間不一，故治療時間也有很大差異。部分 兒童只有簡單的口部肌肉問題，數月已經能「畢業」，部 分則患有比較嚴重的障礙，如腦癱、智力發展緩慢等，則 可能要接受數年的長期治療。輪候時間也視乎人流浮動， 除了小朋友「畢業」完成治療外，六歲以上的兒童若進入 特殊或融合學校的語言支援系統，我們也不需再提供重疊 的療程；不過很多家長都擔心小朋友不適應小學裏非一對 一的課程環境，情況反而退化，所以在小朋友離開中心後 三個月內，我們會繼續提供銜接服務，確保他們能與新學 校接軌，其後才正式終止服務。

言語治療師之語 | 15 說起信仰，它在我們中心資金來源方面也有著微妙的關 係。正如我剛才所說，資本是運營社企的最大挑戰之一； 而在香港，社企要申請資助，最寬裕穩定的來源必定是香 港賽馬會。但我們認為賽馬會鼓勵賭博的盈利方式造成「 病態賭徒」等不良現象，與我們的宗教信仰和核心價值觀 大相逕庭，故我們並沒有選擇申請賽馬會的資助。雖然中 心本身並沒有宗教背景，中心委員會也不乏各界無信仰人 士，但大家都很尊重這種處事理念。儘管經費減少意味著 我們無法迅速擴大服務範圍及提升服務質素，但我們希望 擇善固執，只要走在天父的心意裏、跟隨神的指引，天父 終會為我們供應所需。 記：在您和太太拜訪受惠家庭的過程中，有沒有一些特別 難忘的故事可以和我們分享？ 黃：家訪是我們中心恆常工作的一部分。特別是對那些剛 開始接受語言治療服務的家庭，中心都會派出包括我們自 己在內的義工團隊前往探訪。過程中，我們見證孩子成 長，家長也把我們當成朋友般看待；加上不少家訪對象屬 低收入家庭或新來港人士，他們時有覺得自己的煩惱不被 理解，雖然社區亦有提供社工支援，但他們往往與義工朋 友們更有共鳴、更願意對我們訴說他們的狀況。我相信 這建基於互信的基礎上——家長每星期與小朋友來中心上 課，逐漸熟悉這裡的各個義工朋友，自然建立了友誼與信 任，相信義工能明白和關心他們。還記得有次家訪，同事 甫按響門鈴，開門的家長已經在鐵閘後哭得泣不成聲，如 斯感動的場面教人歷歷在目。但老實說，我們未必能為他 們解決生活問題，只好竭盡所能聆聽他們的心聲，為他們 分擔一點煩惱，這份心靈上的安慰已足以令他們高興。 至於比較深刻的經歷，我們曾到訪劏房，那裡的居住環境 確實不理想。當日剛好下雨，他們一家在樓下手忙腳亂地 收拾著晾曬的棉被，我們無意中感歎道如果房子向南，以 後晾曬衣物就方便得多了。恰巧，家長又提到他們輪候公 屋多時仍未能「上樓」，我們便當場一起祈禱。奇妙的 是，一個星期後，那位家長忽然收到房屋署的選樓信件， 到單位一看，竟然真的向南！我頓時覺得被觸動了，也更 堅固了我們對天父的信心——原來神一直都照顧著我們。

記：除了您們兩夫婦會親自參與中心的義務活動外，社企 內的員工會不會加入義工團隊中？ 黃：社企員工當然也在義工團隊之內。所有員工上班前均 須出席迎新簡介，了解餐廳作為一個社會企業的創辦宗旨 和其與中心的關係。同事們都很了解我們機構的背景，亦 認同我們的運作理念，故不少年資長的職員仍願意留在這 裡工作，目前我們有五名員工已經加入我們十年之久了。 此外，巧克力店和兩間餐廳的同事均有機會參與我們中心 活動，包括剛剛提到的家訪和其他籌款活動。譬如去年我 們參加了一個服裝大賽，員工們裝扮成不同的動漫角色和 其他公司競賽，他們盡興之餘，亦達到慈善的目的，大家 都樂在其中。 記：如果大學生或其他人希望參與你們的活動，會否有途 徑讓他們作出貢獻？ 黃：任何人希望加入中心的義工團隊，我們都無任歡迎。 我們現在有超過一千名已登記的義工；這個數字看似很 大，其實籌辦大型活動所需人手亦不少，例如步行籌款有 二千五百名參加者，就需要二三百名義工。我們以往跟香 港大學社會科學系合作，他們派學生來當實習生，我們就 把部分派到中心，部分則派到社會企業。 為了讓義工們彈性幫忙，我們設了一個義工名冊，有心人 士先在名冊登記，每次有活動的時候我們就在網上發帖 文，能夠出席的人就回應。此外，我們亦跟某些教會團契 有聯繫，安排他們定期來做義工。社會各界人士可通過不 同的渠道參與我們，亦可個別與中心聯絡，安排參觀活 動，加深對我們的認識。 記：除了親子活動，您們也曾舉辦過「恩語之聲」活動， 讓小朋友在商場唱歌，現在還會舉辦嗎？ 黃：「恩語之聲」是個兩年的計劃，每月跟十八區大型的 商場聯絡，借用場地讓小朋友表演唱歌，一共舉辦了二十 四場演出。計劃源於我們成立的一個兒童合唱團，希望透 過唱歌鼓勵他們多發聲。小朋友們熱愛唱歌，表現積極雀

黃生與合唱團小朋友在表演後合照

躍，可惜在學校裏較難被選中表演，「恩雨之聲」正正賦 予了演出機會。小朋友們現在已有豐富表演經驗，自信心 大增，不會怯場，甚至更會搶麥克風呢！每次演出我們更 會設置展板介紹言語治療，向市民介紹何謂語言遲緩、 言語治療如何幫助他們。此外，我們亦有提供現場評估服 務，在演出期間共檢測出數十名需要接受言語治療的小朋 友，並轉介他們接受中心的服務。將來，我們會視乎資金 的充裕程度決定是否延續「恩語之聲」。 記：你們有打算舉辦類似的新活動嗎？ 黃：除合唱團表演外，我們正跟導盲犬機構合作。機構對 導盲犬得要求非常嚴謹，須通過很多考試才算合格。若狗 隻到最後的考試才不合格，縱然牠已經非常馴良、聰明， 過去還是只能讓人領養，變相浪費了訓練牠的大量資源和 精力。現在，這些無法成為導盲犬的狗隻會成為治療犬， 服務老人家、患癌症的小朋友等，單單讓有需要人士撫摸 狗隻已對身心靈有莫大幫助。我們會安排治療犬到訪中 心，本來性格內向或患有自閉症的小朋友也很樂意主動撫 摸牠們，使他們放鬆接受言語治療。

記：您和太太都信奉基督教，宗教信仰對您運營社企中的 日常操作，或營商時面對高低起伏等方面有沒有發揮什麼 作用？ 黃：基督教信仰可以說是中心運作，以致我們日常生活中 非常重要的一環。作為基督徒，我們由始至終都覺得神非 常恩待我們，面臨一些看似不能跨越的障礙，神也奇跡般 為我們開闢出一條道路，讓我們一步一步走到現在。記得 一次親子郊外燒烤活動，有逾千個參加者，共二十輛旅遊 巴，一群熱心的義工朋友在清晨六時便到郊野公園預備燒 烤爐；準備工作如此繁複，天氣預報卻有失預算，不少家 長前一天還在擔心活動能不能在雨中舉行、有沒有後備 計劃等。我們實在不可能把一千人硬擠到一個室內空間活 動，但另一邊廂，大家也非常不希望取消燒烤，令小朋友 失望。在這情況下，我們只能祈禱。奇妙的是，活動當日 天朗氣清，一切順利，直到燒烤完畢、二十輛旅遊巴士都 關上了門準備回程，才開始下起滂沱大雨。 另一次主題樂園遊覽活動，活動前夕突然懸掛三號風球， 但當天不但天氣穩定，更因為颱風預報的緣故令樂園內遊 客數目減少，小朋友們不僅不用為機動遊戲排隊，甚至連 晚上的巡遊煙花都看得額外盡興。後來每逢舉辦活動家長 們都打趣著讓我們祈禱，而我們很感恩神對我們的照顧。 黃生黃太合照

黃生黃太與中心小朋友及家長在活動中合照

16 | 言語治療師之語 記：您曾在英國留學，外國社企和香港社企在運作模式上 有甚麼不同？ 黃：社企的模式其實可以很多樣化，他們服務社會的方式 更是越多樣化越好，因為不同人會視社會中不同的問題作 其負擔，希望在那個領域幫助有需要的人。其實你們也一 樣，也有意關注社會問題，並引起更多人留意；同樣地， 你們關心的事項越多樣化越好，因為會更容易發掘、看到 一些被忽略的問題。這個「看見」、發現的過程是很重要 的。能夠發現社會不同層面的問題，繼而踏出一步，實際 地回應、解決這些問題，才能讓社會變得更好。這個理念 有待你們繼續推廣。 在外國，這個理念通過教育植根於市民心中，成為了基本 的價值觀。反之，香港人常被批評只顧賺錢；賺錢並非錯 事，但港人賺錢只為個人享受，而不懂加以善用、回饋社 會，並不理想。在外國，人們賺錢之餘，有更多空間關注 社會，我認為這非常好；尤其年青人很早就明白這理念， 他們投身職場後，在不同的工作崗位也不忘實踐這個理 念，這點非常重要。 記：上述理念提醒大眾在賺錢享受以外，不妨用來幫助他 人；請問中心怎樣令更多人反思這種價值觀？ 黃：多年來，我們接受過不同訪問，箇中亦有分享這套推 己及人的理念。此外，正所謂「言教不如身教」、「行動 比聲音更響亮」，有時候不必多講，盡力做我們該做的事 就能教別人感受相關理念了。當然，若有機會跟他們聊天 分享，也可深入聊聊一些他們尚未完全明白的道理。 另一件非常簡單的事，便是一直堅持一己理念、低調行 事，別人自會看得見。從社企初成立起，我們已刻意低調 一點，話說得不多，而是專注去做。這種領導和待人處事 的價值觀，大抵都是從基督教信仰而來。 記：基督徒常言「呼召」，即神所給你做的事，您生命中 的呼召為何，是怎樣肯定的？ 黃：呼召可以分為一般的呼召和特別的呼召。一般的呼召 即每一個信耶穌的人被召去分享耶穌的愛。同時，基督徒 不只關心自己，更關心其他人；不只看見自己，更要看見

庭恩兒童中心

四周的人的心，這是很基本的。至於特別的呼召，對我而 言，便是兒子庭恩。神透過庭恩的故事，讓我們專注於言 語治療，以及幫助這些小朋友和他們的家庭。 記：最後，請問您有甚麼想寄語我們的讀者群？ 黃：除了關心自己之餘，我盼望年青人能夠多關心身邊的 不同需要；不論甚麼需要，只要他們覺得有這個負擔、有 這份責任便好了。若他們透過細微的觀察，看見社會不同 層面的不同需要，而且願意踏出那一小步，將其扭轉、改 善，結果定必很不一樣。如果每一個人都盡了自己可以盡 的本分，將帶來很大的改變。 後記： 黃家寧先生理念明確：關心身邊人的需要，付諸實踐。這 理念一直堅定不移，貫徹社企的成立與運作。其故事鼓勵 年青人認真思考社會上各種有待解決的問題，尋找自己的 負擔，幫助有需要的人。

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「我是誰？我從哪裡來？我要 往哪裡去？」 “Who Am I? Where Did I Come From? Where Am I Going?” 作為人生一個重要的中轉站，甫進大學，面對 著新環境、風雨的未知，大家或許會感到惘 然。本專訪以教育為主題，透過訪問不同學科 和背景的一年級學生，讓他們分享入讀劍橋大 學的過程，反思中學和大學生活以及教學模式 的異同，以及展望畢業後的計劃，藉此引起讀 者的共鳴。謹此鳴謝願意跟大家分享故事的同 學。 University is an important milestone and turning point in one’s life, and in the face of a new environment and unexpected obstacles, it is easy to feel overwhelmed. This section focuses on the theme of education, where freshers from different subjects and backgrounds will share the journey they undertook to study at the University of Cambridge, reflect upon the differences between high school and university both academically and socially, as well as their plans after graduation. We would like to thank all freshers who have been so willing to share their stories with us.

Jeffrey Yeung Mandy Ip Mervyn Tong Sandy Ng Stephanie Lui

“Who Am I? Where Did I Come From? Where Am I Going?” | 19

Isaac Wong (Law, Gonville and Caius)

Sharon Tong (Law, Murray Edwards)

1. 對香港和英國教育體制的異同有何看法？如何擇其優去 其劣，兼取兩家之長？

1. Your school offered both IB and A Level. Why did you choose IB?

香港教育制度為學生打下穩固的學術根基，英國教育體制 則重視培養學生批判思維。很多人批評本地教育過分著重 死記硬背，但死記硬背在一定程度上也有其好處：學生在 反覆背誦中釐清概念、鞏固記憶，良好的基礎對高中及大 學的學習尤有脾益。Isaac更坦言英國體制的自由度對他尤 其重要。香港高中生在選科方面有不少限制，除必修科以 外，選修科的組合萬變不離其宗，侷限在文理商中三選 一；反而英國A-Level安排學生專修四科，鼓勵學生發掘自 己的興趣後深入鑽研，不需兼顧自己既沒興趣亦不擅長的 範疇。

I liked all my subjects in GCSE. I wanted to retain all my subjects before having to specialise in something at university. I wanted to understand more of each subject. And I think that the IB course requires you to do many things so I was always packed, and it also allows you to develop your essay writing skills as you need to do Internal Assessments. It provides you with more allrounded training.

2. 對劍橋法律系的看法？如何應用所學？

I feel like the similarity would be that they’re both really busy and packed, but the IB provides you with what you need to do whereas in Cambridge you will have to plan what to do yourself.

Cambridge supervisions are also more directed at what you know and don’t know, so you develop your understanding more each time.

劍橋法律系的特點在於它不但著重律師的職業知識，也強 調法律原則引申的哲學反思，課題深至設立一項法律條文 的歷史背景及道德考慮；廣至法律的理念如何隨時間、社 會模式演變；闊至對公義的理解、對錯之辨。簡而言之， 在劍橋大學讀法律並不僅是學會如何成為一位律師，亦是 認識法律本身。 Isaac期望畢業後成為大律師。在判斷法律原則是否適用於 個別案件時，大律師必須充分認識到每項法律原則背後的 理念，方能作出更精確的立論；故法律之起源與價值觀對 他尤其受用。 3. 初求甫到新生苦樂？ 初到劍橋，Isaac認為面對超出預期的工作量是每位新生 的必經之苦，作為法律系新生的他也不例外。儘管如 此，Isaac仍十分享受他在劍橋的大學生活，其中有兩種樂 趣最為深刻。 其中一樂正是法學系的導修課。外界多認為法律導修課要 事先閱讀海量法律文獻，預備與一絲不苟的導師探討學 術，有如木人巷一步一步驚心。但真實的法律導修其實 比想像中來得輕鬆、愉快：小組討論形式令導修有如師生 同學之間的一場學術交流，乃Isaac在課程中尤其享受的環 節。 作為喜歡各種形式和禮儀的人，劍橋的Formal Dinner正是 Isaac的另一樂趣。由擊鑼以至Fellows離場的一刻，每一個 細節都是英國傳統文化的體現；牆上的每一幅肖像，亦有 如學術精神的傳承。在劍橋，所得到的不只是知識，更是 知識分子的一份自重，一份自豪。

2. What do you think is the biggest difference between the IB system and the Cambridge system?

3. What aspects of the IB course have prepared you to cope with the amount of reading in law?

The reading lists are definitely demanding! In IB, I needed to do an IA for each subject which included a lot of extra reading. I also did an extended essay on a brand new part of history, the IRA, and I had to do all the research myself as I didn’t know much about the topic before. I also needed to citate stuff in my essays, which was quite helpful as it’s the same in essays here.

Ellen Fung (Medicine, Pembroke)

1. 到劍橋或海外升學的原因？ 從小接受培正幼稚園、小學及中學的一條龍教育，Ellen認 為學校和香港是個「安舒區」，故希望在大學時期有出國 歷練的機會，從實踐中學會打點生活細節、分配時間，同 時認識外國文化，擴闊視野和社交圈子；而出國留學就正 是驅使自己進步的良機。 談及到劍橋大學就讀醫科之由，Ellen笑言自己本不打算 報讀劍橋，在母親的鼓勵下決定「不妨一試」，最終卻得 到學院取錄，十分驚喜。縱然香港的兩所醫學院教育質素 高、對本地就業保障亦佳；但Ellen認為就讀劍橋大學是很 多人的夢想，實在機會難得，故毅然放棄入讀本地大學， 遠赴劍橋。 2. 國際視野對香港醫療界的重要性？ 在研究方面，全球各地的醫學研究令醫療技術推陳出新， 須與時並進才能保障本港醫療界的優勢；而香港固有的優 秀研究人員亦須緊貼國際醫療科技發展，方能充分發揮香 港的優勢。 在體制方面，香港現時面對的醫療問題，例如人口老化、 醫護人員過勞、公營醫療飽和等，亦可透過參考外國醫療 體制加以改善，足見國際視野對推動醫療行業進步的重要 性。 3. 經DSE報考劍橋大學所面對的困難？ 在本地中學體制內報考劍橋大學的困難可歸納成兩點。首 先，由於本地中學畢業生大多留港升學，故校方在撰寫個 人陳述、準備劍橋面試時較難為Ellen提供全面而可靠的支 援。對外，各本地中學經DSE報考劍橋的學生為數甚少， 彼此之間亦欠缺交流，故報考過程於Ellen而言有如摸黑前 行。回想面試當天，Ellen因不清楚面試形式，事前集中準 備表述個人特質和創意思維，面對一連串學科問題難免失 措；教授們更針對自己的答案多番追問，實在心有餘悸。

20 | “Who Am I? Where Did I Come From? Where Am I Going?”

“Who Am I? Where Did I Come From? Where Am I Going?” | 21

Vicky Chiu (Law, Newnham)

Christopher Mak (Medicine, Magdalene)

Dora Tse (Land Economy, Trinity Hall)

1. Do you think the IAL course, with fewer deadlines and fixed coursework, has taught you to be more organised with your free time?

1. IB is a research-based diploma. How do you think this helped you develop skills for studying medicine?

1. 你的中學提供DSE與IB兩個學制，為何你選擇DSE？當時 有考慮報讀劍橋嗎？

1. 當時為甚麼選擇到英國留學？現在整體而言認為離港的 決定正確嗎？最大的得著、損失為何？

During my IB course I have encountered platforms such as Google Scholar and learnt how to search for papers. I have also learnt to use different formats for my essays via platforms such as Chicago and MLA.

首先，我喜歡發掘自己感興趣的範疇，而不是因受壓而學 習。IB的功課量比較多，而且當中許多會計入最後成績， 壓力較大，課程亦較具規範性，並不適合我。其次，IB專 注於訓練學生的批判思維、時間管理、寫論文、公開演講 等技巧，主張訓練學生適應大學生活，但我認為這些技巧 可以在大學學習，無須急於一時。加上我當時並未考慮報 讀外國大學，以DSE成績報讀似乎比IB更為容易獲取錄。

其實我早就有修讀法律的想法，但不大喜歡香港的大學風 氣，因此希望在英國修讀；而若要在英國讀大學，我認為 當地的中學很熟悉一切程序，又提供各方面的支援，在當 地讀A-Level會增加被錄取的機會。另一方面，當時我有很 多朋友都已經出國讀書，我也希望隨他們離港。再者，在 香港讀書很辛苦，尤其我以前的中學裡有很多愛好競爭的 人，造成很大的壓力。在英國讀書並非容易，但沒有要與 別人競爭的感覺，反而是與自己的內心競爭。我並無後悔 出國讀書。我的確很喜歡這裡的文化、環境等等，而且最 後考出來的成績不錯，被劍橋錄取，總算開心。最大的得 著是結識到一群志同道合的朋友，我跟他們的文化、背景 挺相似，相處得很好。最大的損失應該是中文退步了，我 希望最終回港當執業律師，中文的確很重要。

When I was doing IALs I also had many extracurricular activities and various responsibilities and duties at school. The linear nature of IAL allowed me to do more things that I enjoy.

However I also had to manage my workload and so I learnt how to achieve work-life balance. Even though the law course here is very demanding, I still manage to find time to do other things that I like, such as theatre and community service.

2. Given that the majority of students in HK take DSE/IB, would you recommend students to take IAL and why?

I think it depends on the person. If you’re like me and have a relatively poor foundation for Chinese and would prefer learning by memory and practising questions, then IAL would be the course for you. If you don’t plan to study overseas then you should do DSEs. IB is more challenging and the workload is greater so if you love challenging yourself then you should give IB a go.

2. Why did you choose to study here when most doctors in Hong Kong graduated locally?

Frankly, I think that the UK education system is better. Medicine has had a longer history in the UK, so the teaching methods and course materials are more refined here. Also, the environment here is more encouraging and positive, unlike Hong Kong as it can get a bit too competitive sometimes. The encouraging environment here motivates me more. More specifically, the HK medical system referenced the UK medical system, so I don’t think it would be too difficult for me to assimilate back into Hong Kong.

Ian Hui (Law, Downing) 1. 劍橋法律系和國際文憑課程各有特點，兩者如何接軌？ 劍橋法律系聚集法律界的知名學者，乃英國的頂尖學府；同時學系對學生要求嚴格， 除了緊湊的課堂內容，導修課論文亦講求精益求精、快且準。對此，我認為IB課程為 自己打穩了學術根基。與香港DSE和英國A-Level不同，IB課程尤其著重學生的批評思 維和論文寫作，我於課程所學，正好適用於法律系這個以思維訓練為綱的學科，讓我 面對繁忙課業仍能應對自如，並抽出空暇參與學業以外的活動。 2. 你可否簡單講述一下你的課餘生活呢？ 課後，我會出席Cambridge Union的講座，了解不同範疇學者對各項議題的真知灼見，以在學識上登高見博。閒時，亦會 參與劍橋大學中國同學會的籌備工作，汲取組織大型活動的經驗，同時聯繫香港同學。我認為，同屬劍橋法律系的一眾 香港同學在生活、學業上均互相扶持、鼓勵，縱然身在異鄉亦不覺落莫愁苦。不過，我不時也會提醒自己要平衡社交生 活，在聯絡舊朋友之餘，也要把握出國留學的機會，認識外國朋友，接觸當地文化。 3. 你對你的前程的有什麼規劃呢？ 畢業後，我打算回港工作，在熟悉的環境一展所長；並以大律師為職業志向，盼能充分運用所學，回饋社會。談及與香 港法律系畢業生之競爭，我認為大家各有長短：劍橋的法學課程重視法律原則之哲學、倫理學基礎，使學生對法律的來 源、法治的本質有更深入的理解；而香港的法律系畢業生則較熟悉回歸後的案例及法律條文的運用。不過，香港的「普 通法」制度源自英國，二者相通；加上海外畢業生也須報考法學專業證書課程，方能在港執業，故尚有機會補充對香港 法律的認知。

2. 讀醫是許多香港人心目中的「神科」，你為何毅然放棄 醫科學位，選擇來劍橋修讀截然不同的土地經濟學呢？ 從中學時期開始，我對人文學科以及科學均有興趣，而且 兩個範疇的成績都不錯，考慮到興趣及所需技巧，其實我 並無偏好任何一方。但考慮到職業生涯，我認為醫科生的 生涯較刻板，大學六年加上一年實習後，你需要考牌，然 後通過不同的考試去變成專科醫生。很多醫生覺得公共醫 院工作量太大而轉至私家醫院或診所去賺取更多的收入， 最後就退休了～其實這並無問題，只是我希望能夠擁有一 個有更多未知之數、更多可能性的將來，所以我選擇了醫 科以外的學科。我希望能於未來三年修讀土地經濟學期間 發掘我真正享受做的事。 3. 現時香港土地問題備受關注，此議題與你的學科息息相 關，你希望回港投身相關規劃工作嗎？ 當然！我對此頗感興趣。香港樓價高企和城市規劃不足是 驅使我修讀土地經濟學其中兩項主要原因，我或許會擔任 公務員或環保顧問，為相關範疇作出貢獻。但由於土地經 濟學是一個內容廣泛的學科，我目前對環境以及房地產等 其他範疇亦感興趣，所以我對未來仍然未有特定方向，對 不同的職業都持開放態度。希望我日後能收窄範圍，尋找 我真正的興趣。

Natalie Lam (Law, Homerton)

2. 你為何認為在英國讀中學增加了你被英國大學錄取的機 會？當地的老師怎樣提供這方面的支援？ 我到英國留學後英文有顯著的進步，文章寫得比以前好。 此外，英國的老師在報讀大學方面為我提供了充足支援， 例如建議我報讀哪幾所大學、為我檢查個人陳述 (Personal Statement)、替我作面試準備、指導我閱讀書籍等等。我認 為他們在這方面的策略及經驗應該比香港的學校優勝。 3. 有些家長在兒女小學畢業後就已經把其送往外國留學， 你卻讀畢中四後才出國讀書，你曾否盼望年紀更小的時候 就已經離開香港？ 我寧願早一點到英國留學考GCSE：我認為這有利於報讀英 國大學，因為現在A-Level的制度改變了，廢除了AS，大學 方面除了A-Level的預計分以外，變相就只能靠GCSE的成 績評估學生。我之前曾被數間英國大學拒絕，這可能跟我 沒有考GCSE有關；因為很多大學跟劍橋不一樣，沒有面試 的環節，若兩位學生不相伯仲，一位考了GCSE，另一位沒 有，他們會寧願錄取前者。另一方面，更早到英國留學或 許亦會更方便結識朋友。

22 | “Who Am I? Where Did I Come From? Where Am I Going?”

Mary Lu (Economics, Murray Edwards)

1. How difficult are you finding your current studies at Cambridge in comparison with your IB studies?

For IB, I had days packed with classes and coursework on top of that, so I actually find that I have more free time at university.

In high school, I would be at school from 8am to 4pm and then various extracurricular activities after school before finally returning home and doing homework in the evening.

In that sense, although I am already having plenty of deadlines (halfway through Michaelmas Term), I find academic work quite manageable in general. Obviously, work does pile up if you procrastinate, as I have two to three supervisions each week, but so far I have had time to do everything I wanted to do - from rowing, playing badminton, working for CUFIS and CCN, attending talks at the Union and the Marshall Society to socialising with ABACUS, CUCS, college and other friends. The most memorable experience I had so far was this conversation on the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis with a linguistics student at the Union Ball - I never expected to have such an academic discussion at a social event, but I guess this is Cambridge - and what makes Cambridge so exciting!

Ambery Harris (Natural Sciences, Emmanuel)

1. 當時可以選擇讀IB或者DSE，你為甚麼選擇了前者？ 我當時認為DSE的課程以考試為本，要求學生蠻力發奮， 多背誦、多做試題，對知識本身的追求不及IB看得重。可 以說是IB的課程要求學生靈活學習，DSE卻主要要求學生 不斷操練。這是當時我要作出選擇的時候，兩者給我的印 象。 2. IB要求學生選讀兩科語言，除了英文以外，你為何選擇 修讀初階西班牙文？你認為沒有選讀中文會對你將來回港 就業造成負面影響嗎？ 世界上大部分人都只懂一兩個語言，香港人卻大多懂三個 語言，我認為讀西班牙文可以讓我進一步擴大這個優勢， 增長我在語言方面的知識；再加上讀了多年中文，讀西班 牙文感覺尤其新鮮，所以我就選讀了。不過，雖然中文是 我的母語，但由於近兩年沒有認真學習，我的中文水平難 免有所下降。溝通上固然沒有問題，但要寫出漂亮的中文 子已經非常困難，文筆不及以前通順，成語也少用了。縱 然如此，如果將來工作對中文語文能力有要求，我仍然有 把握能夠透過多看中文書籍等重拾以前的水平。

2. In what ways do you think your secondary education has prepared you for your studies here?

3. 你曾經希望中學的時候到外國升學嗎？你一直在香港讀 書，到劍橋讀大學有沒有不適應之處？

I studied both International Baccalaureate Middle Years Programme and Diploma Programme at ISF Academy in Hong Kong. I think the IB curriculum was especially helpful as it forced me to take six courses in a broad range of topics and kept me busy with coursework and essays. I took Economics, Mathematics, and English Language and Literature at Higher Level and Chinese Literature, Geography, and Physics at Standard Level. I wrote so many essays for IB that it actually makes university easier. The subject combination I took for IB also quite closely resembles the combination of mathematics and essay-based work I have right now, so I think I have had a good preparation. Finally, at ISF, we had very small classes with interactions that resemble Cambridge supervisions, and that to some extent has made me more comfortable with the teaching at Cambridge.

當我身邊的同學到外國讀中學的時候，我偶爾會考慮這個 可能性，但從來沒有認真作出這方面的打算。我知道到外 國讀中學費用高昂，而我在香港讀書又沒有遇到太大的困 難，因此認為沒有需要在學習環境、制度方面作出重大的 改變，留在香港就行了。初到劍橋當然有不適應的地方， 但我最主要是在學業方面不適應，跟有沒有到英國讀中學 關係不大。以前在中學可以找捷徑，但來到劍橋後學習節 奏緊湊得多：如果缺席一堂課，下一堂課就會一頭霧水， 然後會想：既然不明白，上不上課也罷了，造成惡性循 環。因此在劍橋必定要時時刻刻確認自己理解授課內容， 否則問題只會像雪球般越滾越大。文化方面也有不適應的 地方：出發之前，我以為很容易就能夠融入英國人當中， 但後來發現他們於英國土生土長，聽的歌曲、看的電影跟 我們聽的、看的都截然不同，因此偶爾會有溝通上的困 難。面對這個困難，我會嘗試找辦法突破。畢竟山長水遠 來到了劍橋，也不應該只留在香港的泡泡裡面吧。

“Who Am I? Where Did I Come From? Where Am I Going?” | 23

Lucas Leung (Natural Sciences, Trinity)

1. 經歷過DSE、於香港考試主導的風氣下成長，什麼原因 驅使你建立自學/博學的習慣？ 最大的影響來自我的父母，他們從小開始賦予我各種學習 機會，除了不同的訓練班，更會買書給我讓我涉獵不同知 識。另外，資優教育學院的訓練班讓我接觸到學校課程 以外的知識，相比之下，我明白到DSE課程內容有一定限 制，還有更多知識等待我去發掘。有人指：知識越多的人 越會覺得自己無知，我想這就是驅使我自學學習的原因之 一。 2. 你有沒有在劍橋發掘到其他有興趣想學習的範疇/議題？ 有。我認為劍橋的學習氣氛有其獨特之處，英國普遍大學 主張專注讀一個學科，但也鼓勵學生了解其他學科的知 識，涉獵不同課題。我的學院以及學科均給予我很大的空 間，他們都強調學生可在空餘時間出席任何lecture。假如 為一個學科設一個框架，框架邊界甚至邊界以外的學科， 都有機會去學習。了解更多後，更能融會貫通，鞏固自己 學科的知識，令自己進步。 這讓我明白我能學習的不只限 於自己的學科，我可以接觸更多議題，甚至發掘更適合自 己的學科。 3. NatSci課程內容緊湊，你仍然能夠分配時間學習課外知識 嗎？ 人們常説讀NatSci很忙，我認為這其實取決於一個人的時 間管理。若人對一個議題感興趣，便會自動自覺騰出時間 加以探討，而不會因課程緊湊而連一小時的時間都擠不出 來。暫時我的數學及物理知識尚足以應付課程，因此我會 有時間發掘更多感興趣的議題。 4. 你對香港科研前景有什麼看法？會打算回港投身相關工 作嗎？ 我認為香港科研前景不太樂觀。香港欠缺政治人物推動科 研，政府切身的議題不在於此，對比其他國家，例如瑞 典，它並未投放足夠比例的資金推動有關發展，而香港 歷史上所獲的獎項（例如諾貝爾獎）也不多。因此，香港 科研發展有待進步，但我認為始終有其限制。限制除了來 至於資源上的短缺，也來至於亞洲固有填鴨式文化的影 響。我認為普遍亞洲人傾向相信所學知識的真確性，一旦 學了，便會不停重複使用同一方法，而不作質疑。但科研 不是這樣一回事，其根基在於質疑一個原則或想法的真確 性，以及思考有沒有進步空間。至於回港工作，我未有多 作考慮。我希望能在學術界發展，於大學內教書及做研 究，但香港似乎空間不大。

Kerry Lui (Law, Lucy Cavendish)

1. How did you decide on studying law?

Before coming to Cambridge, I gained some work experience at several law firms as well as attending court hearings at my own interest. I was the Chairlady of Harrow’s Law Society, Captain of Harrow’s Mock Trial Team, and participated in debating throughout my time in primary school.

Studying law enables me to analyse issues through different angles, present ideas and arguments, as well as finding new perspectives through debating. For me, coming up with new arguments is not a chore; although challenging, it is really interesting and intellectually stimulating.

I believe studying law is about how to think critically rather than merely memorising principles of law. At the same time, law is based on concrete evidence instead of vague theories, and that is also a big part of what attracted me to do law.

2. How do you think your gap year experiences have influenced your current attitude to your academic studies and life at Cambridge in general?

I understood that being humble is really important in developing oneself, both intellectually and morally. During my years of working as a radio DJ and scriptwriter, I came across a lot of people from all walks of life. I think being successful is about trying your best, rather than achieving certain criteria in a tokenistic way.

To think less about oneself and more about others, being generous and genuine with people help create a better learning environment for everyone. I find everyone here (at Cambridge) extremely helpful and supportive of each other. I really like this kind of positive and healthy attitude - we all learn from each other. My peers have always been willing to share notes when I need help, and it is just a very nice atmosphere in general. At the same time, everyone here always strives for the best.

4 avv

CHOICE What one can achieve in a one-week service trip

Jamie Lai

Adriana Lee

CHOICE | 25 Jamie Lai:

T

he title to this piece is a question many people have for CHOICE. I argue that there are both short-term and longterm benefits of our service trip, which distinguishes it from “voluntourism”. As a former executive committee member, I also argue that my successors should be mindful of a few changes that should be made to CHOICE. First, we see the trip as a mutual cultural exchange - we learn from the students as much as they learn from us. Through teaching and interacting with Nepalese children, I’ve learnt to be patient, to think from the children’s perspectives, to always express gratitude as they did towards us and to always keep trying and maintain positivity in the face of failure. The children are teachers of values that are much more difficult to attain and of much more important than the English vocabulary and Mathematics equation we teach them. Many volunteers have also been inspired by CHOICE trips to pursue philanthropy work.

Second, the trip, albeit short in duration, inspires long-term change. We hope that our interactive teaching methods ignite students’ lifelong passion for a particular subject or learning in general. However, knowing that such “ignition” realistically may not occur to all students within one week, we shifted our focus to teaching local teachers to continue adopting our creative teaching methods and hope to inspire students for a far longer duration than we are capable of achieving.

Reflecting upon my experience with CHOICE in Nepal last year, there are a handful of recommendations that I wish to propose to the current committee. Many often criticise service trips for doing more damage to the local environment than good.

Admittedly, I had not taken adverse effects on the environment into account when planning elaborate teaching plans that require many materials and chemicals. Even worse, we had not disposed

of the used teaching materials, such as leftover scrap newspaper and plastic bottles, properly after use. One could query whether demonstrating proper waste management and environmental protection in front is children is a far more valuable lesson for them to learn from.

Another common criticism is that university students don’t possess the requisite skills and expertise to educate students properly. We are inevitably amateurs due to the time constraints imposed by our rigorous degrees, but this can be mitigated by allowing volunteers to undertake some form of formal training before embarking on the trip - be it through collaboration with the Education faculty or otherwise. Teaching plans constructed by students should also be vetted and reviewed by those with

professional expertise on education to ensure its effectiveness on and suitability for children. I believe that it is also important for CHOICE to maintain contact with previous partner NGOs and continue to update them with new teaching methods or teaching plans that the society has come to find effective, through some form of publication or newsletter.

To conclude my humble reflections on CHOICE, I believe the organisation has much potential to grow and influence more change in how education is conducted in developing countries. I urge all readers to support CHOICE in their own ways - through participating in its volunteering activities in both Hong Kong and abroad, funding its projects, or just by merely spreading word about the organisation.

Adriana Lee: Under the sweltering heat of Sindhuli, Nepal, a few students excitedly raced up 4 stories of an old green building in the middle of a sandy plateau. They were holding hand-made parachutes, the canopy being a portion cut carefully from a plastic rubbish bag, attached to a plastic cup by some string, its length precisely considered. Inside the cup was a single raw egg. Below a crowd of students of a myriad of ages and sizes quietly waited for the big moment. Upon the count of 3, they erupted in deafening screams of delight as the parachutes gracefully swirled through the air and landed on the ground. Almost every group topped off their performances with dazzling encores, many of the eggs having been very well-protected.

The roaring crowd was in fact the whole school, and the experiment was in fact one of the few real experiments (and, incidentally, craft projects) that many of the students had ever experienced in their lives. The adjective “deafening” is used in a literal sense as I myself stood amongst them and witnessed their screams. I was incredibly touched, and elated that the students could derive such joy despite everything they had to struggle through.

26 | CHOICE I had come to realise on the first day that many of these students were members of the lowest castes in Nepal, which meant their future opportunities would be limited in life. They came from struggling families, reflected through the half-broken flip flops many wore, or the fact that many had to walk long distances through rocky terrain when us volunteers took an automated rickshaw (called a “Tempo”). Moreover, I was aghast that the students, the youngest ones being only around 6, had to navigate what essentially was a dangerous construction site every day.

Right outside their classrooms, there were metal welding workers making furniture, and right where they played football were scrap metal and rubble in piles scattered amongst the ground. It was a relief that no one was injured whilst we were there. Moreover, as some students had to take classes in a building still under construction, there was no actual lighting the classroom, which affected their ability to see the whiteboard. The stark contrast to the environments we were used to truly highlight how affluence mattered in the provision and quality of education.

CHOICE activities require special planning due to the language barrier – instead of verbal instructions, oftentimes pictures are used as replacement and hands-on activities are designed to aid understanding. By letting them design their own parachutes, we compared the relationship between canopy surface area and air resistance. By launching a water rocket, we taught them the physics of “action and reaction”. By using a “telephone” made of two paper cups connected with one string, and observing the silence when the string was curved or pinched, we taught them how sound was produced by vibration. We were very pleased that the students were able to not just memorize the pronunciation of words and phrases, but actually utilise them in a meaningful context.

Education is often portrayed as a set-up for a better future, but perhaps what is more routinely forgotten is the cliché that it is also a gift for the present, to enrich childhoods and instill happiness. Perhaps even the branding of this ideal as “cliché” in itself is a product of the affluence of the developed world. In developed regions like Hong Kong, the competitiveness of the education system and the race for prestigious universities, often in the name of perpetuating wealth and material comfort for the next generation, unfortunately means that a large portion of students feel that schooling is a burden; and that the long, dense exam syllabi entail that a lot of interactive activities are cut out or reduced to make way for lecturing and theory-based learning. Although this is a generalization, there is no denying that studies have shown the emergence (and possible increase) in these trends.

It was refreshing to design lessons activity-based, and to see students truly enjoy learning in the moment, being able to forget that they very possibly had limited futures, or to simply forget the chores and/or fieldwork they would have to assist with after the long walk home. The jubilant screams, radiant smiles and the heartfelt words of gratitude will surely stay with volunteers for a long time. However, what will also stay with me is that the teachers were deeply interested in our methods and vowed to implement them in regular teaching. It is this spark of inspiration that I feel is the most sustainable and valuable consequence of our (sadly) short stay; ultimately, the reality is that external assistance will often be of limited duration in charitable contexts.

I am optimistic that these children will be able to continue to enjoy their education.

Jamie Lai is a second year Law student at Trinity Hall, Adriana Lee is a second year Law student at Robinson College.

I N S T I L L I N G H O P E . RA I S I N G A W A RE N E S S . I GN I TI N G P A S SI O N .

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CHOICE is an entirely student-run non-profit organisation. We believe that education is a basic human right. In the past 7 years, CHOICE has fundraised and taught in schools in Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam and Nepal. If you want to make a lasting impact on young lives and yourself – join us now!

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點解寫粵文 由寫廣東話嘅趨勢睇香 港人身份認同

陳翊翹

點解寫粵文 | 31 香港嘅語文教育一直講「兩文三語」，廣東話「口語」對 應中文「書面語」，但唔少香港人日常又習慣用廣東話「 口語」嚟打字溝通。呢啲寫咗出嚟嘅粵語算係口語定書面 語？廣東話可唔可以有自己嘅粵文文學，可唔可以寫喺正 式場合、學術文章？呢篇文係《橋望》創刊以嚟第一篇用 粵文寫成嘅評論文章，作者會由個人經歷出發，敍述廣東 話喺過去十年點樣由作文功課唔俾寫嘅「口語」變成佔據 香港文學重要市場嘅「粵文」。作者會引用語言學嘅案 例，解釋點解寫廣東話係大勢所趨，並可以鞏固香港人嘅 身份認同、文化優勢。鼓勵讀者，無論語境雅俗，都應該 用多啲粵文。

廣東話，從來都講得出、寫得低 細細個開始，我就知道廣東話係一種有規有矩嘅語言，而 且係寫得出嘅。我阿公係番禺人，媽咪係中學中文老師， 所以屋企講嘅係好標準嘅廣東話。香港嘅主流中小學要學 「兩文三語」，一個「中文」對應「廣東話」、「普通 話」兩語。我知道「書面語」同「口語」嘅分別，又知道 雖然書面語用廣東話教，但其實似普通話多過似廣東話。 諗返起嚟，呢個同我大個咗對學外語同語言學有興趣，都 有啲關係。 小學中文堂學寫便條嗰陣我一啲都唔覺得陌生，因為喺屋 企，媽咪會寫張紙貼係雪櫃門，提我同爹哋有咩早餐食、 有乜嘢要帶等等。但同學校教嘅便條有啲唔同，屋企嘅便 條會夾雜口語，所以「煲湯」、「帶遮」、「落街食飯」 等等地道香港粵語用詞，我都識寫識睇。我高小同初中又 有做話劇，咁劇本就梗係逐字記錄演員應該講乜架啦。所 以我由細就知道點寫廣東話，不過寫廣東話主要係用嚟記 錄口述內容。返學作文、寫啲要登大雅之堂嘅嘢就要用返 中文書面語。 咁點解我要用粵文寫呢篇文？因為我覺得粵文應該係粵語 母語人士嘅通用文學體裁，唔應該局限於口述筆錄。粵文 同世界所有活生語言，都應該有自己嘅大雅之堂。

維基百科成為契機 我做咗粵文推手，契機係2006年創立嘅《粵語維基百科》 。我諗睇呢篇文嘅人應該全部都睇過《維基百科》。我發 現維基百科係2004年嘅事，當時我讀緊中三，對化學好有 興趣，所以就上網查下有關元素週期表嘅資料。睇睇下， 見到有個網站啲資料有漏，但隔籬竟然有個「edit」掣。我 好奇就撳咗落去，點知真係改咗佢版嘢！呢個就係英文維 基百科。後來我又發現原來又有中文維基百科，自此我就 枕住寫維基百科，寫到而家。 2006年，維基百科想開粵語版，要搵啲粵語母語者戥腳。 我當時喺中英文版寫開科學文章，心諗，粵語百科即係將 喺尖沙咀太空館個菠蘿包度睇嗰啲科學大電影嘅旁白寫返 出嚟啫，有心唔難做。所以我就做咗粵語維基百科其中一 個創始管理員，做到而家。我加入咗之後，先至發現原來 粵語維基百科嘅爭議性好大：「維基百科嘅理念係傳遞知 識，但係所有識睇粵語嘅人都識睇標準中文，你開個粵語 版唔啱維基宗旨。」我嗰年去選香港傑出資訊科技學生， 評判又問：「粵語係口語唔係書面語，點解你覺得可以攞 嚟寫百科全書？」問到我口啞啞。 呢個時候反而係我個教咗好多年標準中文嘅媽咪嚟鼓勵 我。「曹雪芹當年寫《紅樓夢》都被人話佢寫白話，唔得 文雅，結果二百年後變成傳世經典。你今日用粵語寫百科 引來爭議，但你唔寫又點知你個粵語維基百科二百年後會

唔會變成經典？」所以我就繼續寫粵語維基，嚟咗英國讀 書之後都繼續得閒就寫下，算係一種興趣。之後嗰幾年， 粵語維基百科除咗改咗名做《粵文維基百科》此外，其實 冇乜大變化，寫文嘅來來去去都係嗰幾丁友。睇嘅人自然 亦都唔多，反正有中文同英文版睇。

簡單嚟講，粵文取代北方話書面語，成為香港嘅普及文 體，係遲早嘅事。我呢篇文用粵文寫，亦只係順應歷史潮 流，唔好阻住地球轉。

直至雨傘革命。

香港傳統嘅教育制度將香港粵語口語同標準中文配對起 嚟，令香港人可以學識中文呢種通用文字，同中文世界嘅 其他母語者溝通。但隨住資訊科技嘅發展，我哋日常生活 打字通訊嘅語境同見面傾偈越嚟越似，粵文其實已經係我 哋日常書寫嘅慣用語文。

粵文同香港身份認同 2015年初，佔領運動無功而還，香港嘅年輕人越來越覺 得，中國咁樣逼迫香港，香港人做咩要做中國人？我點解 要寫中文、講漢語？香港有香港粵語呢種地道語文，呢個 先係我哋嘅文化。寫粵文變成咗一種香港人、以至廣東人 嘅身份象徵，一種特登同「中國」唔同嘅身份象徵。呢股 文化風潮帶動《毛記電視》等等會直接寫粵文嘅大眾媒體 興起，將粵文帶入大眾文化，令香港影視跳出「聽粵語睇 中文書面語字幕」嘅框框。呢股風潮亦帶挈《粵典》呢個 「以粵解粵」嘅網上協作詞典、以至《香港語文：聽陳蕾 士嘅秘密》呢本「粵文範文讀本」。粵文維基百科亦突然 多咗好多有心嘅編輯支持，同埋讀者嘅欣賞。 我2006年開始寫粵文維基百科時，又點會諗到十年後，「 寫粵文」會變咗香港人嘅身份象徵？

言文並行現象 香港人講粵語口語、寫建基於北方漢語嘅標準中文，呢個 現象喺語言學上叫做「雙層語言」，或者「言文並行」。 言文並行係正常現象：隨住語文自然演化，講嘅口語同寫 嘅書面語容易因為語境唔同而慢慢分化，直至兩者明顯唔 同，成為雙層語言。有時一個地方為咗保持同鄰近文化嘅 聯繫，會獨立發展自己嘅口語，但喺書面語教育方面就跟 貼一種同源語言嘅發展。呢款言文並行現象唔只香港有， 塞浦路斯（學希臘文）同瑞士（學德文）都有。 但歷史話俾我哋知，言文並行現象通常唔得持久。每當書 面語同口語嘅分別大到文人都覺得溝通困難，就會衍生一 種建基於當代口語嘅新文體。呢種新文體因為近似日常用 語，自然好快普及，直至官式場合同教育系統決定棄用舊 書面體，改用更近當代口語嘅文體做新書面體。無論係拉 丁文被各種現代西歐語言取代，中文文言文喺民國年代被 現代北方話白話文取代，以至古希臘文喺羅馬帝國時代被 通用希臘文取代、再喺二十世紀被現代希臘文取代，都印 證呢個歷史潮流。

粵文應該係香港文化優勢

今日香港嘅文化主體性被好多政治壓力攻擊。政客羅織各 種大話，話學廣東話無用，因為唔夠中文、英文多人用。 但香港有七百萬人，粵語共有六千萬母語用者，粵語文化 圈仲有世界各地鍾意聽廣東歌、睇港産片嘅受眾。芬蘭得 六百萬人，又唔見芬蘭人話放棄芬蘭文？芬蘭人唔只學芬 蘭文，仲要必學同芬蘭文無同源關係嘅瑞典文同英文，唔 少學生仲會學其他外語，但芬蘭嘅教育系統冠絕全球。香 港粵語做乜妄自菲薄？ 語言習得並唔係此消彼長嘅關係。既然香港學生搞得掂兩 文三語，點解唔索性寫好粵語，變成三文三語？學好唔同 語文、語境之間嘅分別，可以另溝通更加清晰，一個人透 過唔同語文學返嚟嘅概念亦能夠互相增潤。

你今日寫咗未? 如果你睇得明呢篇文，即係你已經識睇粵文。咁我畀你嘅 挑戰就係寫多啲粵文，唔好再覺得廣東話「只係口語，難 登大雅之堂」。大雅之堂係人搭出嚟嘅，要凝聚一個大雅 之堂，首先就要由自己開始。何況正如我以上論證，善用 每一門語文，都會增潤一個人嘅溝通能力；舊文言被新口 語取代又係世界潮流；粵文已經寫得出、睇得明，而且已 經有一股越吹越旺嘅文化風潮，點解唔用多啲？ 今日香港人嘅文化同身份慢慢被外力侵食，粵文正好可以 成為香港人身份認同嘅一個焦點，更加應該努力發展。傳 承語言文化，唔使專業技能，唔使天資異稟，只需多講多 寫。祝大家暢所欲言。

陳翊翹 (Deryck Chan) 係劍橋大學土木工程博士生、維基 百科管理員、《橋望》前助理編輯。

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Nosedive When an unthinkable system is about to become reality, it is time to examine the value we hold in privacy and self-awareness, and whether we are prepared to let them go into nosedive for the sake of collective society.

Nosedive | 35

I

n one episode in the Netflix series Black Mirror, “Nosedive” portrays a system whereby citizens are rated by each other according to their personal interactions, their rating then affecting significantly their actions – where they travel, the meetings they attend, the goods they purchase etc. How they behave would, therefore, lead to a judgement by others in society that in turn has a direct impact on their socioeconomic statuses. What has been explored in the television show as a somewhat dystopian society of citizens obsessed over their ratings may, however, very well become a reality in China by 2020. In a document called “Planning Outline for the Construction of a Social Credit System” published in June 2014, China announced a plan to implement a national trust score system in an attempt to raise standards and prevent corruption, described as an ‘important component part of the Socialist market economy system and the social governance system’ with the ultimate aim of promoting a culture of ‘sincerity’ by 2020. The goal of the plan was to ‘[raise] the awareness for integrities and the level of credibility within society’, focusing on four aspects: sincerity in government affairs, commercial sincerity, social sincerity and the construction of judicial credibility.

There is one major difference between “Nosedive” and the Chinese Social Credit System: in the show, judgements are made by citizens about one another; in the latter the judgement is made by the State about the 1.3 billion people in China. The radical idea of ranking a vast population and in effect placing State-imposed moral obligations on a whole country has sparked debate over what seems to be headed towards a digital totalitarian regime. Johan Lagerkvist, a Chinese internet specialist at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs described the system as “Amazon’s consumer tracking with an Orwellian political twist”. What exactly does the Chinese Communist Party achieve by putting such a system in place? Is it the economic and social integrity that it apparently aims for, or is it more? What are the implications of such aims?

What is also interesting is how the Chinese Social Credit System has been perceived by the Western world – a world that would not be judged and ranked and impacted by the system. To the West, the Chinese Social Credit System is an unthinkable contradiction to liberty and democracy so singsongingly pursued in modern democratic countries. It is hard to imagine, however, that China is putting in place a system in spite of a violation of many of its values – so what are the values that underlie and justify the system? The distant critique of an almost unimaginable system points to a poignant difference in culture that underlies deeper conflicts of policy beyond the Social Credit System.

The Chinese Social Credit System: a brief introduction

Rita Kan

In simple words, the Chinese Social Credit system collects data about all aspects of people’s lives – Internet use, buying habits, materials read and watched, etc., and gives everyone a score, which determines their access to goods and services. To look at some examples, we can turn to the various smaller pilot projects introduced around the country. Starting in 2010, In Suining, in Jiangsu province, a points-based system was put in place to reward and punish behaviour. Good behaviour included winning a national honour, bad behaviour would include practically everything from minor traffic offences to “illegally petitioning higher authorities for help”. Highest scorers would then be eligible for rewards such as fast-track promotions at work or

jumping the queue for public housing. A national network collating information from local governments has been in use since 2015 to blacklist millions of people from booking flights and high-speed train trips. In Hangzhou, “pro-social” activity includes donating blood, volunteering; violating traffic laws on the other hand lowers one’s credit score. In Zhoushan, mobile phone usage or smoking while driving, vandalism, walking dogs without leashes and playing music loudly in public are all behaviour that would lead to a lowering of people’s credit scores; in Yiwu credit scores can be boosted by supporting the elderly and lost for failing to pay utility bills, breaking Communist Party rules or committing fraud. Also in Yiwu, a citizen with a low score would be barred from staying in certain hotels, buying real estate, purchasing a luxury car or sending their children to certain private schools. According to a 2016 government directive, “trust-breakers” would be restricted in employment.

Collaboration with tech companies such as Alibaba and Tencent put an element of practicality in it all – a system of mass surveillance using big data analysis technology to transcribe the State’s judgements of character into numbers seems just about possible considering the data yielded by the established, widely used platforms the government is not partnering up with.

What the Chinese Social Credit System does – and what it really does Under the Social Credit System, the numbers representing each of the 1.3 billion in China represent everything they do, or rather a judgement passed by the State on everything they do. Is there value in such a surveillance system? Despite its claim to raise commercial integrity, the social credit system seems to reach further than the commercial face – if there are scores reflecting

certain things that are ‘right’ to do and some not, the population is encouraged to act a certain way – the government’s. On one hand, the Chinese Communist Party would be one step closer to achieving a Socialist utopia. But it would be one that is ingenuine and unnatural – people would only act, like in Nosedive, a certain way only to earn a higher score, not because it is entrenched in them as a matter of belief and culture. Whether it matters is a question yet to be answered, both by the Chinese government and those controlled under the system.

The implications of the in-progress Chinese social credit system are complicated. However, given the backlash against the system, apart from examining the implications of the system, it is worth thinking if it would ever actually take place. The Social Credit system can be understood as an attempt to maintain public order through a deep intervention in citizens’ private lives.

This is to ensure standards after scandals such as tainted baby formula and financial scandals that leave marks on China’s rise as a formidable but unstable economic superpower, wobbling on a newly successful but poorly regulated, even ill-fitting market economy. The system is a response to scepticism surrounding public institutions and a collapse of trust in the government and market standards after events such as the baby formula scandal.

In simple terms, it is at least in part an economic scheme, and economic schemes can fail easily, especially when it is implemented across such a scale as the great China.

Backlash against pilot projects such as in Suining is a signal that the system is about to be used on no easy audience – and a non-uniform one. A country as big as China contains clusters of different cultures arising out of 1.3 billion unique upbringings, and a nation-wide system would be a stretch even for the allpowerful Chinese Communist Party. If the system is ever

36 | Nosedive going to work, it would need to win over people ideologically even if they are overpowered technologically – a deference that seems unlikely in the wake of rapid economic development.

The Suining project was based on patchy data, and even staterun publications have been critical. A report in China Youth Daily had argued that people’s “political” data should not have been included, and that “people should have rated government employees and instead the government has [rated] the people”.

The Beijing Times compared the Suining scheme to the “good citizen” certification system during the Japanese occupation in the 1930s. Just as the effectiveness of the system is dependent on the power the Chinese government has in running it, it perhaps depends just as much on its reception. Will the Chinese people be willing to be subject to what is described as a totalitarian regime by some, and as a necessary moral restructuring and leadership by others? Only time will tell.

How we understand the Chinese Social Credit System, and how its designers understand it The Chinese social credit system may not be as radical as we think. The use of big data has been around for much of the past decade to cater to users of the Internet and inform businesses of the tastes and preferences of their respective audiences – the rise of tech giants such as Google, Facebook and Instagram, and even health-tracking apps such as Fitbit has made data collection and use part of the norm. The use of personal data by the Chinese government to impose control on its people has been around even longer, dating back to dynastic times. With the roll-out of projects across the country discussed previously, the Communist system taking on ambitiously wide-reaching projects to control the behaviour of the people of China to suit their agenda is no novel concept.

What is worth assessing is not only the implications of the Chinese social credit system, but the difference in reception of it across the world, the rejection of a digital surveillance system makes clear an ideological war between the East and West. What we see as an Orwellian dystopia may simply be a lack of understanding in the Chinese Communist Party’s mindset, evidence of a culture chasm between the Superpowers, and perhaps a need to bridge this vacuum if any constructive international development is to take place in the century to come. The purpose to protect individual rights and freedoms holds very different connotations in the Chinese context – what is deemed unacceptable in the West could very much be a plain reality in the East. Instead of asking ‘how could people be subject to constant surveillance?’ and ‘how can it be right that the State judges people and this judgement has major consequences on the everyday lives of individuals?’, the correct, perhaps more fitting questions to ask are: so what if people are under constant surveillance? So what if people are judged by the State and this judgement affects what they can do in society? Do people see themselves as oppressed?

This form of governance may be alien to the West, but it has proved to function nonetheless.

What is deemed private in other cultures could simply be a necessary ingredient in governance in the Chinese Socialist machine. The Communist Party taking the place of individual moral compasses may seem like a radical challenge to Western democracy, but it is almost a natural step in China’s development as a cultural influence both in the East and worldwide, as it

asserts its newfound power in the global economy. Attempt to control production standards and antisocial behaviour versus an initiative to roll out the Chinese Communist Party’s ‘new socialist utopia’ – can they be reconciled, and is the West correct in putting these two in opposition in its discussion about the social credit system? A true understanding of the Chinese social credit system and its implications require more than a conventional critique of what seems to be a direct contradiction to individual liberty and a traditional Western view on privacy. In short, the social credit system should come as no surprise – it is feasible and a perfect embodiment of the ideal vehicle for the Chinese Communist Party’s propaganda in the wake of China’s newfound role as a leading example of an economic miracle.

So what now?

The Chinese government seems unfazed by its critiques regarding their ambitious system. Plans and collaborations to make this country-wide digital surveillance, “heaven” that makes it “hard for the discredited to take a single step” makes the system an increasingly likely reality. This, however, does not take away the difficulties of implementation. Data collection on the scale needed for a nation-wide system is likely to be extremely difficult, without which the system would not be effective. This difficulty is added to by the challenge of having to convince the 1.3 billion about to be ascribed to a rank and an ideological moral disciplinary system. Can scores reflect integrity? Does the system undermine the role of ensuring credibility by the legal system?

Use of big data is so commonplace that the social credit system is arguably only a step up from what has always conditioned the social and legal culture - for example, pride in judicial process entrenched with use of surveillance technology is a sign that the social credit system is not as draconian as we think, and in fact has been in use in an alternate form all along. These are only some of the many questions both the Chinese government and people have to consider – and answer before rolling out the system. It introduces a form of crackdown, but also a new lifestyle across the country – assuming, of course, the scheme has deep impacts on how people view their own and others’ integrity, and even deeper impacts on how people act in order to prove their trustworthiness.

As for the rest of us, rather than studying the scheme through a looking-glass of Western democratic ideals, what is needed is perhaps a deeper dwelling of the values that had given rise to the possibility of the Social Credit System in China in the first place.

A scheme that raises collective market – and perhaps also moral – standards, in a way, makes people better people – a priority the Chinese government apparently holds above the privacy and personal autonomy of its people. A strong commitment to the traditional values of harmony and honesty ground a deeply invasive, or effective, scheme, depending on interpretation.

We don’t get it. We repel it. It is outlandish to us. But perhaps a better reading of the ideological aims of the scheme would allow us to understand why some might actually welcome it, and in turn allow us to take a small step towards receiving global misunderstandings with a more open mind.

Rita Kan is a first year Law student at Pembroke College.

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The Masquerade

In this British Colony former, Bright red flags drape every corner.

Here he comes, the man of the hour, Go get dressed, don’t you dare look sour.

Men in uniform adorn the street, Marching to the drums on every beat.

And at the square, this symphony meets, With chest held high, their leaders greet.

They say this place is going bereft, Spouting some nonsense about the west.

As you can see, there’s no such unrest, Don’t you worry, Big Brother knows best.

So wipe that damn frown off your face, Give in to the drums, and march apace.

Put on a smile, don’t be a disgrace, It’s national day, you know your place!

Justin Chan

Justin Chan is a first year History student at Girton College.

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Lantau Tomorrow Vision An Antidote or A Poison?

Lantau Tomorrow Vision | 41

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ousing has long been a thorny problem in Hong Kong.

Because of exorbitant property prices, what used to be a basic necessity of mankind – housing – has become a luxury in the eyes of the ordinary citizens. According to the 2018 Demographia International Housing Affordability Survey, the median cost of a flat in Hong Kong was about 19.4 times the gross annual household income, making Hong Kong the city with the most unaffordable housing in the world for eight consecutive years. It is high time the Hong Kong property market actors, namely the government, the property developers and the property buyers and sellers, took the issue seriously.

Hong Kong’s chief executive Carrie Lam has introduced a 1,700-hectare reclamation project near Lantau Island to increase land supply in her 2018 policy address. The new initiative, dubbed the ‘Lantau Tomorrow Vision’, would entail building seven artificial islands, providing up to 400,000 flats, with 70% being public and 30% private housing, accommodating 1.1 million people and creating 340,000 jobs for the coming 20 to 30 years. The project is predicted to cost HK$500 billion, which accounts for about half of Hong Kong’s fiscal reserves. The policy address laid out three key objectives of the initiative, which are summarised as follows: The most noticeable aim of the initiative is to provide affordable housing by unleashing land potential. The first phase of reclamation is expected to commence in 2025, providing 260,000 to 400,000 residential units. It could help shorten the waiting time for public housing, which currently takes 5.5 years on average according to the Housing Authority. The project can help redistribute the dense population in urban areas to the newly reclaimed artificial islands, facilitating redevelopment of dilapidated areas. According to Our Hong Kong Foundation, the project can reduce Hong Kong’s average population density by 12%, making Hong Kong a more liveable city and increasing the quality of life of citizens.

Another objective of Lantau Tomorrow Vision is to enhance connectivity and reinforce the benefits of a “Double Gateway”.

A new transport corridor linking up Tuen Mun, North Lantau, the artificial islands and Central/ Kowloon West could increase accessibility and alleviate congestion significantly. It will therefore strengthen the role of Lantau as a “Double Gateway”, facilitating the formation of the Western Economic Corridor.

Furthermore, the reclaimed land, neighbouring the Hong Kong International Airport and the Hong Kong-Zhuhai-Macau bridge, is strategically located to interact with the Greater Bay Area cities, enforcing the concept of the “one-hour living circle”.

Doris Mok

Reclamation project of 1,700 hectares of land near Lantau Island (not the official plan)

The final goal is to promote economic development. The project aims to create the third Central Business District (“CBD”) – the first two being Central and Kowloon East – for Hong Kong.

Early development plans under the “Lantau Tomorrow Vision” allocate around 100 hectares for the establishment of a third CBD, providing about 43 million sq ft of commercial floor space in an effort to decongest Hong Kong’s two other CBDs. In comparison, the Central CBD covers a mere 170 hectares while the Kowloon East CBD covers only 488. In addition to providing a district for business activities, the project itself is estimated to create 340,000 jobs.

Nevertheless, the project has provoked a backlash from the general public due to its economic and environmental implications.

Above all, the astronomical cost of Lantau Tomorrow Vision is what concerns critics the most. It is feared that the initiative would deplete Hong Kong’s reserves in the short run, making Hong Kong vulnerable to any future unforeseen threats to its economy.

More importantly, the project would pose a menace to the environment as it would have undesirable impacts on the biodiversity, and thus the ecosystem in Hong Kong waters.

It would worsen water quality since the reclamation of 1,700 hectares of land will heighten the concentration of suspended solid in seawater. Since the proposed project will inevitably destruct some of the habitats of marine species, the unique biodiversity of Lantau will be upset, disturbing the ecological balance in the long term. The irreversible damage on the marine ecology explains why it has attracted opposition from at least 9 environmental groups, including Greenpeace and the World Wildlife Fund.

Another reason why the project has become a bone of contention is the concern regarding any possible collusion between the government and the business sector, especially the property developers. A public-private partnership (“PPP”) model would likely be adopted to facilitate the construction of the residential units, new transport links, as well as infrastructure for the education, healthcare, creative, technology and sports industries.

With 30% of residential units being private housing, sceptics worried that the completed private residential flats would be sold at prohibitive prices, transferring benefits to private developers.

“Not to set easy goals nor to avoid difficult tasks” in Chinese calligraphy

Some may contend that there are alternatives to increasing land supply through land reclamation, such as developing brownfield sites and agricultural land, which is deemed more

environmentally friendly with less far-reaching impacts on the environment and has always been a popular remedy for acute housing shortage. According to the Task Force on Land Supply, which was appointed by the chief executive to achieve the broadest consensus and to recommend to the government on the overall land supply strategy, major developers hold at least 1,000 hectares of agricultural land in the New Territories, which is about a quarter of the existing built-up area for public and private housing flats. Thus, it is likely that, if the agricultural land in the New Territories is to be developed, a PPP approach or an arrangement between the government and the property developers will be adopted in a bid to resolve issues involving the land premium arising from change of land use, the proportion of public housing units to be developed, and the overall building efficiency. However, such approach or arrangement involving the redevelopment of agricultural land in the New Territories will likely attract the same accusation about the government colluding with the property developers. In fact, regardless of what option the government chooses to increase land supply, it may be accused of colluding with and passing benefits to the private property developers.

Consequently, it is recommended that any PPP or other arrangement between the government and the property developers and the whole decision process be made as transparent as possible. Moreover, checks and balances can be introduced to the process by, for example, setting up an independent committee consisting of professionals and stakeholders to review the details, including the terms and conditions, of the arrangement.

Upholding strict procedural justice could hopefully address some of the concerns of the public.

In conclusion, with the rise of populism, hardly can the government win the support of all citizens and please everyone when it comes to the remedy it should adopt to increase land supply. While it is true that it would be difficult to forge an absolute consensus in the community, it is hoped that the government be courageous enough “not to set easy goals nor to avoid difficult tasks”, as said by President Xi to Mrs Lam during the latter’s annual duty visit to Beijing in December 2018, and tackle the housing problems in Hong Kong head-on.

Doris Mok is a second year Land Economy student at Newnham College.

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黨國體制， 自由何價？

黨國體制，自由何價 ？ | 43 網上輿論廿四小時監管，乃至於網絡防火長城的出現，均 不斷灌輸此種概念，使國民近乎崇拜式認為擁護共產黨 的，才算自由；不擁護的，即為亂民，人人得而誅之。實 際上，自由對他們來說，實在是遙不可及，尤其是思想上 的自由。 大國崛起，自由有何價 中國近四十年崛起，成為在經濟實力上可與美國一較高下 的世界強國。國人一遍為此自豪，自詡中華民族成功偉大 復興，猶未知經濟發達僅大國其中一項，自豪自詡往往成 了黨國宣傳機器之結果。自由之意義正是在於掙脫單向思 想，為邁向獨立思想之路打開一扇窗。想像在一真正自由 的國度下，民眾不必畏懼思考，不必畏懼得罪權力中心。 想法不再單一由上而下灌輸，乃是可由民間得出不同結 論，成政府之異見者。站於兩者間的市民，有其機會接觸 對立資訊，致使誘導其思考當中利害之處，為獨立思考之 第一步。由此下去，國人得以直斥當權者之是非對錯，更 得以周全考慮其作為，實為國家之福。否則，便如當下中 國一般，黨反對而正確的事，無人敢去倡議；黨支持卻錯 誤的事，無人敢去阻止。形況猶如三反五反運動、文化大 革命等等，輕則使國家空轉內耗；重則造成內鬥，發展倒 退。自由可貴之處，正是當《吶喊》自序中，被囚於萬難 破毀的鐵屋子中，喚醒眾人的那位。 英國神劇《黑鏡》 (Black Mirror) 有一集內容是這樣的：世 界中人人都有著一個分數，每個人都可以為對方打數。高 分的有種種優待，諸如是出行時優先候補機票，可居於高 檔住宅區等等；反之低分的卻處處不便，甚至遭人白眼。 這事在劇集播出數年後，卻是在中國成真：國務院於《社 會信用體系建設規劃綱要》中提出要在明年前建立「社會 信用系統」，而此系統已率先在某些地區試行，國民行為 無所遁形。社會信用系統將成為政黨監控國民的機器—— 「老大哥正在看你」 (Big Brother is watching you) 。 社會信用系統上的討論不少，在此不贅。筆者想探討的是 黨政機關背後的意圖：限制國民自由，維護政權穩定。國 民自由與政權穩定本來不應相對，卻是在共產黨手下，打 造成對立的概念——有了自由，政權必會崩潰。故在中共 眼中，要確保自己統治千秋萬世，必壓縮個人自由。 政權底下，自由算甚麼

鄒嘉奇

自由更可貴之處，更是在於尊嚴——國民之自尊，國家之 形象。二千多年來的帝制，為中國人之身份刻下奴性，甘 願順服於權力之下的劣根性。少數人的自由於群體利益下 不被重視，眾人的自由於黨國利益下不被尊重。中國於六

長治久安，自由乃必然 「有了自由，政權必會崩潰。」對，在過往高壓統治 下，黨國依賴不斷統戰，不斷打造「敵人」「戰友」的 概念，不斷開動國家機器，壓迫黨的敵人，更得提防每 一國民，免得成了黨的新敵人。賦予國民自由，恐怕留 下民眾推翻政權的機會，其一向的高壓手段，更是展現 政權是如何不堪一擊——不斷統戰絕非長治久安之道。 自由為國家管治帶來另一種可能，有益於國民自尊、國 家形象。中國若要於世界舞台上得人尊重，賦予國民真 正的自由乃一基本條件，才得與世界接軌。 中國過往不重視個人自由權利，也難怪港人望而生畏， 只得另辟蹊徑…… 鄒嘉奇現為基督聖體學院數學學士二年級學生。

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近代中共高舉國家安全的旗幟，打壓個人自由，甚或以極 端手段對待的例子不勝枚舉。自九十年代末取締法輪功開 始，至打壓劉曉波、李旺陽等異見人士，迫害未被中共承 認的地下基督教會，甚或把整個維吾爾族群拘禁於所謂「 再教育營」，灌輸黨國教育。以上事例被打壓之團體，均 不受中共牢牢控制，非屬共黨爪牙之所能觸及，故為保此 等團體不成反動組織，必先趁其星火燎原之前，將其毀於 萌芽之初——即便其無礙於政權穩定。於此，國民信仰、 言論自由淪為空談；憲法所謂保障少數民族風俗習慣的條 文，又彰顯在哪裡？為了黨國體制，一切自由，通通得讓 步。 國民往往存在一種妄想：只要我不與此等群體為伍，老大 哥就不會找上我，我的自由亦不會遭到甚麼限制。正正相 反，維護共黨執政地位，最重要是在每一位國民上自由的 箝制。當下國人貌似甚麼也可以做，稱他們的現狀就是自 由，諷刺地，實際不然。你可於天安門前高喊「平反六 四」嗎？你可於微博上說習近平的不是嗎？斷乎不可。可 見是，一切不動搖統治階級穩定的事均可作，一切有可能 傷害共黨地位的皆不可作。牆內的所謂自由，不過是黨國 機器的操作。由學校政治教育，至文宣出版之全面控制，

四後經濟發展，正是如此：為補足政治改革之不順，傾 盡黨國重心於經濟之上，一切阻礙經濟發展火車頭的， 均被掃除。於此強勢下，國人劣根性再度發作，不問因 由支持當權者之想法，甚或自發施以群眾壓力，將其中 有所異議的，加以反對、排斥。共黨所說的解放，不過 是為國人帶來另一重枷鎖，叫國人繼續將利益自由置於 黨國利益下，個人尊嚴不復。自由在中國之可貴，於其 成了思想枷鎖的鑰匙，免於國人於每事上的恐懼，劃下 自己的底線，無需事事順服黨國，重拾尊嚴。如此下 來，得到的不止是國人自尊，更是展現大國下國民所得 之自信，非單由國家宣傳鼓動而來，反是由國人思考後 而來，有利國家之形象。

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Get the full story at www.mayerbrownfutures.com @talk2MayerBrown

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“Mayer Brown” and the Mayer Brown logo are the trademarks of Mayer Brown.

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Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition

Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition | 45

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he Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition is the first essay competition organised by overseas Hong Kong students targeting local secondary school students. The competition aims to raise awareness on socio-economic and political issues in Hong Kong and China among our generation, and to promote critical thinking and forward-looking thoughts through argumentative writing.

Given the success of last year’s Essay Competition, we had extended our coverage by establishing a new Chinese section so as to cater the need of all secondary school students, and thus to encourage students of all backgrounds to offer insightful and forward-looking ideas to seek a way out of the adversities in society.

This year we have received over 100 submission pieces from more than 20 secondary schools in Hong Kong and the United Kingdom. While submissions are mostly for the English Section, it is encouraging to see that around 20 of the pieces are for the Chinese Section.

The adjudication process of this year has been divided into preliminary adjudication and final adjudication. In the preliminary adjudication, the essays were first screened by a panel of adjudicators formed by students of different disciplines at the University based on the originality of ideas, understanding to the issues, language and organisation. The best six submissions from each section will then be judged by final adjudicators comprising of renowned social figures and academics in Hong Kong.

Having received many well-performed submissions has made the adjudication process difficult this year. It is encouraging to see many participants are able to provide well-formed arguments with plenty of supporting materials, and to offer insightful solutions to the predicaments mentioned in the questions. We are therefore extremely grateful to our final adjudicators, including:

English Section Dr. Dominic Chan (Associate Director, EMBA Programme, the Chinese University of Hong Kong) Dr. Louis Cheung (Independent Non-executive Director, Standard Chartered PLC) Dr. Rodney Chu (Assistant Professor, Department of Applied Social Sciences, the Hong Kong Polytechnic University) Dr. Tim Summers (Senior Consulting Fellow, Asia-Pacific Programme, Chatham House)

Chinese Section Mr. Joseph Wong (Former Secretary for the Civil Service) Prof. Wilson Wong (Associate Professor, Government and Public Administration, the Chinese University of Hong Kong) Prof. Ray Yep (Associate Head and Professor, Department of Public Policy, the City University of Hong Kong) We wish to extend our gratefulness to our preliminary adjudicators, including: Miss Carmen Chan, Mr. George Ho, Miss Isabella Kong, Mr. Leo Lai, Miss Cindy Lam, Miss Olivia Lam, Mr. Ernest Lau, Miss Adriana Lee, Miss Sabrina Lee, Miss Janet Lei, Miss Venus Ma, Miss Doris Mok, Miss Charmaine Tam, Mr. Timothy Tan, Miss Stephanie Wai and Miss Joey Wong.

The topics for the competition with explanations are found below.

English Section 1. Should Hong Kong focus more on using soft power to keep its competitive edge in the modern day? If so, how? If not, propose alternative ways to boost Hong Kong’s competitiveness.

(In light of Hong Kong’s fading economic position, it has been suggested that the city should move away from its focus on financial services and seek alternative paths of development so as to persist its international competitiveness and influence. The topic is designed to provoke participants’ thoughts on current development, by analysing the importance of soft power in the future and devising feasible methods for the city to continue its success.)

2. There has been an increasing sentiment of political powerlessness among teenagers as a result of recent social movement failures and the government’s response which followed. What should be done to tackle this increasingly pessimistic political environment among the youth?

(Following a series of protests and political incidents, including the Umbrella Movement, Mong Kok Unrest and disqualification of legislators, there is a strong sense of political powerlessness among the younger generation. The topic is set to raise awareness among teenagers on this undesirable situation, by uprooting the causes behind and encouraging them to envision the future of Hong Kong politics.)

中文組 1. 「為維持社會穩定，香港應為國家安全立法。」縱觀全 球局勢，討論以上陳述在多大程度上成立。 （國家安全法一方面被指可維繫香港之獨立政治體系，從 而促進社會穩定；另一方面被評為限制公民自由及政治權 利之舉。國家安全法茲事體大，故設此題以帶動討論，使 同學以中外各例，觸類旁通，分析此法就社會穩定及權利 自由兩者之利害。） 2. 「民生所指，民心所向，國運所繫。」試討論公眾意見 及滿意度對香港政治之影響力。 （在民主體制下，民意為政府管治之重要方向。雖則民意 於香港仍然舉足輕重，有意見擔心香港之民主體制不足以 有效監察行政權，及將民意切實反映於公共政策上。設題 目的在於引導參與者重新審視公眾於政治體制內之角色， 及行政機關與市民大眾之關係。）

46 | Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition

English Section - Champion (Question 2)

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Lam Tak Tsun - Queen’s College

he feeling of powerlessness is bleak and stark; but lest we forget, behind powerlessness lies a fallen cause and a failed pursuit of an ideal. Youth activism in Hong Kong, powered by an active pursuit of democracy and reactions to grievances they face in reality, ultimately led to the Umbrella Movement, by far the most widely participated sit-ins and demonstrations after the handover. Optimists may disagree, but the cold hard fact is that the Movement was ultimately a failure. Worse still, the government adopts a condemnatory tone and accuse them of disrupting social stability. Young people are viewed as no more than rebellious children who don’t know better. In short, the government’s response closed all windows of opportunities of allowing young people and indirectly fuelled more extreme ideas such as independence. Clearly the government could have done better.

In the end, pessimism by far is the most prevalent response to such failure among young people. But is such pessimistic environment purely created by political problems? The failure of the Umbrella Movement was certainly a major cause, but deeper underlying causes such as economic grievances also have a major to play. In fact, many of the political conflicts Hongkongers now face are fundamentally economic questions; think of the issues of Link’s hegemony and unaffordable housing, these hot political issues that are major causes for pessimism and anxiety are ultimately economic questions. Without having solved the economic issues that trouble Hong Kong young people, it would be unrealistic to expect them to be positive in any regard of social development.

Not to mention that low social cohesion also makes political harmony impossible to achieve. How would young people be encouraged by the political environment when they are often antagonised by inconsiderate and harsh comments made by their elders? It is unfair to say all older generations are hostile to young people, but there is certainly a predominant rhetoric that denounces young people’s grievances simply because they are not ‘tough enough’. In short, solving the pessimistic environment requires a comprehensive approach to tackle the amalgam of political, economic and social problems related to young people.

After the tumultuous years of CY Leung’s administration, it would be absurd to think that a direct cure for the political deadlock is possible. In fact, it is impossible to reopen discussions of any political reforms under current social conditions with high levels of suspicion. Therefore, the best solution would be to improve young people’s livelihood before entering into the political aspects. It is necessary to restore faith of young people by addressing their economic grievances and show an active attempt to connect with young people.

What about a comprehensive policy framework that provides young people real solutions for their grievances in each aspect?

In 2017, Carrie Lam’s new administration actually raised a relatively comprehensive framework for increasing mobility in July 2017: ‘Education, Careers and Home Ownership’ (三業) and ‘Discussing, Commenting and Participating in Politics’ (三政). It would be fair to say the framework is a good starting point but

Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition | 47 is meaningless if not supported by actual policy substance. Thus, what has the government done and what should it do more?

‘Education, Careers and Home Ownership’ mostly relates to the economic well-being of young people. At first glance, this framework has huge potential for fundamentally improving young people’s economic quality of life at it provides a clear pathway of transitioning into society and addresses key economic concerns of young people. However, what major policies have been launched under this framework? Apart from ‘the big debate for land use’, no major policy initiative have been launched; not to mention the aspect of home ownership is the least relatable issue for most young people as most of them are either freshmen of society or have not even finished their studies.

Considering Education, the major source of agony is the limited amount of options. Starting from secondary school, the predominant idea is that one must be academically successful and have a professional job to succeed in society. The narrow range of options in tertiary education and underdeveloped vocational education reflects this ossified mindset. On a larger scale, our education system is also a reflection of our ‘factor market’ and the limited range of career options. To solve this, the government should take the first step in changing the social mindset of vocational training being merely a back-up plan for university.

That means active encouragements in developing new industries that are not quite as professional as law, medicine and finance.

On a wider view, it means that the government should display its political will to ultimately diversify Hong Kong’s economy and reduce its reliance on its traditional ‘pillars’.

The government should also display its strength in dealing with the large real estate corporations and players with vested interest.

Take housing as an example, the government has only proposed ownership-oriented housing policies that does not suit the needs of young people. Only small-scale projects of ‘shared housing’ that sounds like a promising solution. Harder and more committed measures should be taken to increase housing supply. Ultimately, the government should challenge Hong Kong’s current mode of economy: highly reliant on professional industries and speculation. In fact, one big reason for a loss of faith in young people is that they feel ‘the game is rigged’. To display courage in solving these issues and confront them directly would be a huge step forward in reclaiming the trust of young people.

Onto the major/ direct focus of this essay: political behaviour of young people and the atmosphere in society, the major flaw of the government’s approach is that political participation has never been inclusive. Rather, it is has always been highly elitist and restricted to a limited group of young people who are likely to obey/ agree with the government. When the government claims to want to engage with young people, what is often perceived by young people is a disingenuous attempt to divide and conquer.

A more sophisticated way to put it is ‘cooptation’: introducing limited amount of insight/ dissent from young people into the establishment. Such consultative system entails that the final policy decisions are not going to be much different from what the authorities initially had in mind. With such limited and distorted representation in the government’s attempts to ‘engage’ with the youth, it is no wonder that young people feel helpless and betrayed.

What society needs is candid conversations between the authorities and the youth and opportunities for the youth to make actual changes and contributions to community and society. Given the post-Umbrella Movement surge in youth participation in community affairs in all districts as reflected by the blooming of community focus groups, the government should actively consider what young people have to propose and to assist them in making such ideas. For example, young people may have really passionate ideas on how they could develop markets in their neighbourhoods to battle hegemony of chain stores and better utilise public space. That is not happening under the status quo with an ossified bureaucracy that makes nearly nothing possible on the community level. Not only are community affairs the least politically charged domains in public policy, the amount of political capital needed to realise such plans is also lower than directly tackling heated political debates.

However, the results can be very encouraging to young people.

Direct and significant changes can be materialised around them within a relatively short period of time. A sense of belonging, engagement and efficacy can also be developed in the process as they play an active role in community building. The sense of efficacy is exactly what is needed as pessimism stems from the frustration of not being able to effect any change. Although this does not answer the demands for universal suffrage from young people, engagement on a community level is already a more democratic, just and humanised way to develop society. Starting small on the community level, on the other hand, can also rebuild bonding of society and trust, which provides society a healthier basis for young people’s political participation. It might even make localists, who now often speak of community engagement and civic participation, soften on their positions. It might be a bit of a stretch to think of community engagement as the final solution for the problem in question, but the government must start small and rebuild before making any daring proposals that are nothing more than stunts as an attempt to reduce dissent.

This essay does not propose any changes in the government’s stance to fit young people’s needs on key political questions in the short term. Such proposals would never be politically possible given the wider circumstances Hong Kong faces. Dwelling on political divisions would be fruitless, but ignoring the problem brings us greater danger. To tackle the political stalemate and restore faith once again, Hong Kong must look elsewhere and start anew.

Lam Tak Tsun - Queen’s College

English Section - Runner’s Up (Question 2) Tsand Yin Ngo Trevor - Shau Kei Wan Secondary School

T

he political scene of Hong Kong has undergone tremendous changes as the city steps away from its colonial past and integrates in all aspects with the People’s Republic of China.

Many of these shifts have stirred widespread concerns as to the numerous aspects of life as well as the city’s future. The younger generation in particular is said to have conceived a sense of futileness which some considered to be within the canopy of political powerlessness. A group is regarded as ‘powerless if its aggregate policy preferences are less likely to be enacted than those of similarly sized and classified groups’. This political powerlessness, according to Finifter (1970), falls within one of four distinct categories of political alienation, which can lead to political apathy.

It should be stressed however that such powerlessness is commonly found in teenagers and they tend to experience a decreasing sense of powerlessness as they progress to adulthood.

Teenagers also exhibit the characteristic of resorting more to protest or other non-instituted forms of political participation than older counterparts (ditto). Nonetheless, the degree and pervasiveness of such sentiment amongst local teenagers has surpassed that of their foreign counterparts and is deemed to be a cause of concern. Furthermore, there is considerable evidence showing this form of sentiment is gradually becoming ubiquitous even when teenagers reach adulthood.

There are multifarious component causes for the social phenomenon. In particular, the emergence of the social phenomenon is associated with recent social movement failures as well as the Hong Kong SAR Government’s response which ensued.

Instances that may illuminates us on this phenomenon may include protests over the national education program in 2012, the Umbrella Movement of 2014 and the 2016 Mong Kok civil unrest.

The protests over the national education program aimed at nullifying the Government’s the new national education initiatives entirely. The youths’ protests were seen as triumphant as they were able to impel the Government to withdraw the compulsory program completely. As such, most teenagers maintained a strong sense of competence and mission as they believed they were responsible for and capable of influencing politics, in addition to ward off China’s suspected influence in local education.

During the Umbrella Movement, protesters, of which 37% were young people, however, was seen as a failure. They implored the Government to introduce universal suffrage and abrogate the decision made by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (hereinafter SCNPC) on 31st August 2014, which stipulated that candidates running for office of the Chief Executive must ‘love China’ and raised the requirements for the candidates (ditto). This enactment was not well received.

Therefore, protesters importuned the Government to negotiate an electoral arrangement which was acceptable to both sides.

However, the then Chief Executive CY Leung refused to meet

48 | Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition protesters. By December 2014, the movement ended in failure with protesters being cleared by the police and all demands ended in futile. Some teenagers then began to lose confidence in the Government and consider using more radical means to exhort the Government to respond to their demands. On the other hand, some began to feel politically powerless as they felt there were no ways of participating in or exerting influence on the Government, agglomerating a sense of political alienation and apathy.

In the Lunar New Year of 2016, authorities planned to crack down on the unlicensed stalls selling street food in Mong Kok. When the news reached local activists, their supporters, mostly teenagers, rallied to defend vendors against Hawker Control Team and the police (ditto). The tumultuous situation ended in violence. Protesters were arrested and later arraigned for riot. The Government ignored the protesters’ demands and even condemned them as rioters. Teenagers who experimented political participation in any form, be it moderate or violent, may therefore appear to be socially unacceptable behaviour from the Government’s stern response.

From the above discussed social movements and the gestures or responses from the Government, the number of teenagers who feel politically powerless thus increased drastically as not only were they unable to elect representatives, but both mild and radical non-instituted forms of political participation seem unavailing. Teenagers thus suffered an identity crisis as a Hong Kong citizen.

The Government has sought to alleviate this problem through instituting measures. They include inviting young people to become members of five government advisory committees, Be a Government Official for a Day Programme, launching a youth ambassador scheme and setting up a Youth Development Commission. However, the measures lack comprehensiveness and is unable to tackle the root cause of the problem—a lost in Government creditability and trust as well as incredulity in the high degree of autonomy under The Joint Declaration (1984). To considerably alleviate the current dilemma, I suggest that certain measures be adopted.

First, the Government should express sincerity to teenagers through empowerment and endorsement. It can establish and endorse a sort of Hong Kong Youth Legislative Council (hereinafter HKYLC), similar to the United Kingdom Youth Parliament that will debate issues, plan campaigns and propose legislation, measures or policies to the Government. The HKYLC should consist of Members of Youth Legislative Council (MYLCs) and Deputy MYLCs that are democratically elected by eligible voters of 13 to 19 years old from actual constituencies across Hong Kong, with elections held every 2 years so that each constituency has their own MYLC. The MYLCs will represent their constituency in the HKYLC and work with their local District Councilor and Legislative Councilor and work within their constituency to broaden their audience. The HKYLC can involve teenagers in all levels of Governments and allow them to voice out their demands through democratic elections and a MYLC that can propose legislation, measures or policies.

Furthermore, the HKYLC can increase social awareness amongst teenagers through campaigns organized. Additionally, the Government can involve teenagers more in policy formulation by allocating more resources and time to conduct meticulous public consultations. More resources can also be allocated to

Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition | 49 boost uplifting social mobility. This can ensure that teenagers’ demands and preferences are heard and taken into account while formulating policies and that they are able to work towards their aspirations. Teenagers will therefore feel more politically competent and actively engage in politics.

Secondly, in view of the fact that the Hong Kong society is currently divided and polarized between the pan-democrats and pro-establishment that cofound and exploits teenagers in political jousting, an overhaul in national education which steers from propagating a sentimental tie towards China to a more practical revelation of the local and Chinese socio-political status quo to Hong Kong teenagers is thus encouraged. Only by acquainting with the genuine local and Chinese socio-political paradigm could a just, unbiased and accurate evaluation on China and Hong Kong be drawn by local teenagers. National education or all levels of exchange with the mainland would help achieve the aim. The Government can also incorporate more elements of modern China and politics into both the junior and senior secondary curriculum. This can eliminate presumptions and prejudice, minimize resentment and thus foster communication and collaboration between the Chinese and Hong Kong Government as well as teenagers and hence untie the dead knot of rivalry within Hong Kong and between Hong Kong and China. Dialogues between teenagers and the Government can thus be fostered and compromises will more likely be reached. As such, teenagers will be less likely to feel politically powerless. Teenage political participation will then longer be exploited, but fuelled by political illumination among teenagers, and movements supported by inspirational initiatives instead of instigation or manipulation.

The challenge that Hong Kong faces under the “one country, two systems” is unique. Incorporating both Chinese and local characteristics was an onerous task Hong Kong people has to tackle. The importance of one element or the other may be originated and emphasised from different personnel at different places and at different times. As such, the impediments faced

by Hong Kong are therefore unforeseeable and unprecedented.

Teenagers in particular may be especially prone to challenges arisen from conflicts between the Chinese and local ideologies as they were bred with the idea of “Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong” and fused it into an integral part of their identity as they engage in their quest for identity. Furthermore, teenagers are generally idealistic as they may lack life experience and expect reality to be too idealistic. It is imperative the Government be more open to adopt the aforesaid measures to fully develop their potential and help teenagers develop a sense of belonging as a Chinese national not only for the benefit of Hong Kong but for the benefit of China as well.

English Section - Second Runner’s Up (Question 2) Li Ho Yeung - Sing Yin Secondary School

Introduction

T

he failure of the Umbrella Movement; the imprisonment of democracy leaders Joshua Wong Chi-Fung, Nathan Law KwunChung and Alex Chow Yong-Kang. along with 13 other political activists; the disqualification of legislators who represented about 180,000 voters: these instances of failure in recent social movements and of the HKSAR government’s heightened oppression has caused a widespread sentiment of doom and gloom, especially among teenagers. This essay analyses (a) the causal relationship between failure in social movements and the omnipresent political powerlessness among young generations; (b) the causal relationship between the government’s actions to pan-democrats and political powerlessness among teenagers; and (c) changes that should be made to Hong Kong’s political environment.

As regards (a) and (b), as the casual relationships are assumed in the question prompt, this essay does not attempt hypothesis testing; rather, it seeks to provide plausible casual mechanisms to complete the theory.

Definitions ‘Recent’ is taken to be ‘within the previous 5 years’.

Political environment is an ambiguous term. Here it is broadly defined, pertaining to (a) the social structures; (b) citizens’ political efficacy and more generally, the society’s perceptions and attitudes towards political participation; and even more generally (c) the civil society.

The Use Of Examples This essay does not intend to base its discussion upon one example, yet the example of the Umbrella Movement has much significance. The Movement is the most notable example, not only because it reflects the points very well, but also because it is the most significant movement in the timeframe to which this essay’s discussion is limited, in terms of the number of participants, and the particular importance to young generations. It is a turning point at which such student political organisations as Scholarism rose, and at which students primarily drove a large-scale political movement. The Umbrella Movement, then, is a prime example when discussing the political powerlessness among teenagers.

A. Failure of Social Movements and Political Powerlessness The difference between the expected and actual payoffs of social movements in recent years has led to political powerlessness.

Tsand Yin Ngo Trevor - Shau Kei Wan Secondary School

The expected payoff of social movements is high. Many has been calling the Umbrella Movement ‘Umbrella Revolution’. To assess the meaning of that, definitions of revolutions in political science should not be taken, as it is not reflective of the way in

which the word is used to mean in everyday language – which is what matters. A dictionary may be better on that front. The Oxford Dictionary of English characterises revolutions as ‘a forcible overthrow of a government or social order, in favour of a new system’; the Merriam-Webster Dictionary offers multiple characterisations, but three of them point to ‘fundamental change’, one to ‘sudden, radical, or complete change’. At any rate, revolutions cause fundamental, large-scale changes to the status quo in the everyday sense. The characterisation of the Umbrella Movement as a ‘revolution’ hence reflects at least the high hopes of the youngsters: a fundamental change in the existing state of affairs. Genuine universal suffrage was a significant goal of the protest. Indeed, a protest of 79 days – involving overnight sitins – is a large cost the participants were willing to bear. This shows at least some expectation for the payoff, whether or not in collective action people’s decision strictly adhere to the individual cost-benefit analysis.

The actual payoff, however, fell far short of the expected. No concessions from Beijing or the HKSAR government were made, and the protest was suppressed. Given the wholehearted devotion of many to the protest (reflected by the cost they were willing to pay), this was disappointing. As teenage students were one of the greatest forces in the collective action, they naturally felt politically powerless, when so much has been done, and yet not much was achieved.

In other words, Hong Kong’s teenagers, after the failure of the Occupy Movement, developed a low external political efficacy.

Even those who did not participate, those who probably already considered the status quo impossible or at least difficult to change, would confirm their belief and may become even more convinced that the system would not change. It is thus probable that the failure of social movements reduced external efficacy of both the people who took part in the movements and those who did not, though the change for people who did participate is likely to be larger.

B. Heightened Oppression and Political Powerlessness The ways in which oppression causes political powerlessness can be summarised as follows in Diagram 1: Diagram 1: 1. Oppression -> fear -> retreat -> (repeated) failure of social movements -> feeling that the system would not change  lower external political efficacy 2. Oppression -> experience that individual strength is much smaller than state power -> lower internal political efficacy (and external efficacy) These are two possible mechanisms oppression causes political powerlessness. They probably are in effect at the same time, and are not mutually exclusive. Also, this is not meant to be an exhaustive account of the ways in which (aggravated) oppression leads to lower political efficacy (internal or external).

Note that this account is overly simplistic. The following mechanisms may also be in force:

50 | Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition Diagram 2: 1. Oppression -> public anger -> more people join the movement -> feeling of strength inside the participants’ community, or objectively stronger pressure on, and bargaining power against the government -> participants consider a change in the system more probable 2. Oppression -> anger among participants -> fight harder -> stronger pressure on the government to concede some grounds -> success in movements -> higher political efficacy 3. Oppression -> anger amongst participants -> firmer response against the government -> government concedes -> participants feel politically powerful Understanding of this point has significance of two-fold. First, in order to analyse the causal mechanism between oppression and political powerlessness, a finer model is needed. One may collect psychological data from participants (by giving out surveys, etc), find out the exact mechanism(s) that is/are in play, and evaluate, as a whole, the (net) extent to which government oppression leads to people’s powerlessness. Due to resource restrictions, the lack of local literature, and a restriction on the number of words, this paper cannot provide that assessment. Given the question prompt’s assumption of causal relation between heightened oppression and political powerlessness, however, the summation of the positive effects of government oppression on teenagers’ powerlessness (as illustrated in Diagram 1) should more than offset the summation of the negative effects (as illustrated in Diagram 2).

Second, if the dynamics of social movements operate more like those in Diagram 2 rather than those in Diagram 1, social movements could be more successful. This will be explored in the following part.

C. What Changes Should be Made to HK’s Political Environment? i) Social structures Given the primacy of justice, Hong Kong’s basic structures should realise social justice. “Justice is the first virtue of social institutions, as truth is of systems of thought.”

The idea of political equality underlies any reasonable political philosophy. Given there is good reason to impose organisation on people’s shared lives but people do not always agree, democracy is a way of treating people as equals, giving people equal say about what to do.

At any rate, any liberal egalitarian or democratic theory is far from realised in Hong Kong; how to realise them, then, is the practical matter that should be considered. Dworkin’s policy suggestions are conservative, failing to realise his own theory.

On the other hand, Rawls calls for a ‘property-owning democracy’ , the exact details of which remains vague. The closest attempt is probably Roemer’s ‘egalitarian planner’. Hong Kong should implement similar measures to realise democratic socialism. (ii) Attitudes towards political participation A more positive response in face of government oppression is needed. As argued

Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition | 51 in section B, if the dynamics of social movements operate more like those in Diagram 2 rather than those in Diagram 1, social movements could be more successful.

This takes more thought-out plans for social movements.

A decision tree may be produced on what to do when the government takes each action. People may then panic less and respond more strongly towards the government. Social movements may become more likely to succeed, generating a virtuous cycle as people feel more politically powered. (iii) Civil society The use of literature, music, films and popular arts is powerful. Films that share themes of Ten Years but elicit more positive emotions are potent forces to creating memories and narratives that could bind the civil society, help keep a high morale against oppression, and sustain social movements.

The last thing to realise is that any socio-political transformation takes time. Let us not despair.

中文組 — 冠軍 （第二題） 葉健壹 — 聖若瑟書院 所謂「得民心者得天下」，農曆新年伊始，國家主席習近 平向全國人民和港澳台同胞拜年，宣示「民生所指，民心 所向，國運所繫」。國父中山先生在廣州演講 三民主義， 教育國人「政是眾人之事，管理眾人之事就是政治」。民 心所向固然 是理想的政治世界。然而，公眾意見對香港政 治而言，究竟作何角色?香港人看 在眼內，百般滋味湧上 心頭。 我思故我在，常思、常想是人類的本性。市民從四面八方 匯聚，百家爭鳴，形成 民意談何容易。可能只有 1919 年的 山東問題，才真正令民心所向成為國運所繫。民意匯集不 易，是顯淺不過的道理。但放諸香港，我認為公眾意見及 滿意度對政 治的影響力更是微乎其微。 首先，受香港政治制度所限，公眾意見鮮能真正影響政治 運作。在民主國家，選 舉是民意影響政治的關鍵。不論是 總統制還是議會內閣制，採用何種選舉方式，民主選舉始 終是市民最能直接參與政治的途徑。選民投下神聖一票， 政府向選民 負責，也要為下次選舉爭取支持。然而，行政 長官制度基本承襲總統制，但無一人一票選舉之實，選舉 委員多為親建制商界人士，投票取向清晰，星斗市民無從 左右。

任期。民政事務局長劉江華、前教育局長吳克儉和前政務 司長林瑞麟任內劣評如潮，民望急劇下跌，市民始終對他 們的烏紗帽無可奈何。參見台灣和英國等地，政治委任官 員因行政失當引咎辭職是等閒事，令內閣團隊時刻戰戰兢 兢，接受民意檢視。相較之下，香港的高官問責制並不能 達到此一目的。 意見表達渠道方面，下情事實上難以上達。香港政府並沒 有架設官方聯署平台，基本法亦沒有容許公投，民意只留 於泛泛討論，不能量化成數字改變政治。沒有 政府配套， 香港市民並不享有創制權和複決權兩項直接民權來影響政 治。除了代 議政制外，市民在體制內的意見表達渠道只有 參與公眾諮詢及去信政府部門。然 而，此兩途對政治的影 響有限，政府多以「意見接受，態度照舊」的態度應對。 當政府立場堅定，再多反抗聲音也不能動搖政府。在皇后 碼頭去留一事，「好打得」的林鄭局長豪言不遷不拆並不 可能，無半點轉圜餘地。近月開展的土地供應 大辯論，政 府方面多番透露填海無可避免，社會則轉到高爾夫球場泥 漿摔角，種 種跡象教人情何以堪? 其次，香港社會以政治議題掛帥，事涉基本原則，分歧難 以折衷調和。當涉及宗教倫理、價值觀、認同感等議題 時，民心所向注定是南柯一夢。香港獨特的歷史 將人大致 分成民主派和建制派兩種取向，與台灣以統一和獨立區分 藍綠頗為相似。自從 2012 年國民教育風波後，幾乎所有議 題也變得極度政治化，單純的民生議題彷彿（也可能事實 上是）不存在。一路走來，政改方案、佔領事件、旺角事 件、宣誓風波、確認書爭議等議題籠罩全城。個人對上述 事件的取態與其意識形態和政治取向掛鉤，凝聚民意並不 可能，遑論影響政治。政治上，意識形態在不少事 件中成 為指導原則。以上述爭議為例，政治人物只會強調自己的 論點，容不下持平、科學的探討。 泛政治化是十分貼切的形容。近年，發展項目、房屋政 策、食水安全、保安、交通等議題深陷政治旋渦，論者的 黨派背景比內容更令人注目，訴諸人身攻擊、陰 謀論、誹 謗等在網絡世界和街頭更是司空見慣。當前的局面不可接 受，卻可以理解。無論哪一派別，在近年急劇改變的政治 氣候中都受到猛烈衝擊，而 2047 的 未來始終懸而未決， 沒有人能誇下海口保證什麼。相持的局面可以說是命中註 定。 「民生所指，民心所向，國運所繫」永遠是國人的願景， 但在香港，政治制度和 氛圍令公眾意見難以發揮影響力。 這條路，一代香港人沒能走完。 餘下的，值得你我篳路藍縷，以啟山林。

議會方面，區議會按照基本法，並無政權，只屬諮詢機 構，一般難以影響全港政治。市政局是民主派的搖籃，已 於回歸後解散。於是立法會可說是香港民意影響 政治的關 鍵，地方議席從來都是兵家必爭之地。但功能組別議席每 每由建制派壟斷，立法會不存在政黨輪替，重要法案在簡 單多數下必能順利三讀通過。議員基本上沒有空間提出私 人議案。一地兩檢、撥款、引用特權法等在爭議聲中一一 過 關。特例只有政改表決一刻的鬧劇。 政府方面，高官問責制自 2002 年起推行，但問責官員只向 行政長官問責，實際 上不是向全港市民負責。問責制期待 政治委任官員勇於任事，敢於承擔，知所進退。然而，至 今只有四位官員問責下台，大多數司局長不動如山，完成

中文組 — 亞軍 （第二題） 李沂芳 — 香港神託會 「民生所指，民心所向，國運所繫。」所指的是人民生活 的指望和人民心裡的意願會帶領著國家的命運。綜觀中外 歷史，人民永遠是一個社會中最重要的組成。人民心裡的 意願，即公眾意見，看似軟弱無力，實則比刀劍更能傷害 一個政府的軟實力。人民生活的指望，或指人民對生活的 滿意度，簡稱生活素質，是對人民生活直接的影響，人民 對生活滿意與否足以砍斷一個政府的根底。因此公眾意見 及滿意度對香港政治之影響力會十分高。 在西方歷史中，一個領導者可否為民眾的生計帶來希望， 能否得到民心主定了一個國家的命運。阿道夫·希特拉， 一位善於煽動人心的元首用他舌燦蓮花的一張嘴令德國打 響了第二次世界大戰的第一槍。在他執政初期，他的經濟 措施使得德國經濟走出第一次世界大戰後的陰霾，兌現了 「讓德國每一戶人家的餐桌上有牛奶與麵包」的承諾，他 亦得到了基層人民的支持。由此可見，由於他執政時，滿 足了人民對生活的滿意度和人民心裡的意願，令他得以進 行獨裁統治。 「民生所指，民心所向，國運所繫。」在香港同樣成立。 香港是一個特別的地方，由開埠起由港督管治到回歸後由 行政長官管理，市民都無法一人一票選出這個地方的領導 者，但民意在這個地方仍有相當的重要性。 在2014年，一個前所未有的政治活動—雨傘運動，令港人 壓抑已久的不滿爆發出來。一個個民間組織如雨後春筍冒 出，訴說著社會中不同組群的故事，提出平常我們忽視的 問題。即使示威者的訴求全部被拒絕，運動以失敗告終， 歷時81日的運動終干擾了政府的行政並為香港帶來政治新 血。香港人對政治關注度提升及在政治上的分門立派，令 各政黨的支持人數上升，直接影響了香港政治的進程。由 此可見，公眾對政府的不滿會對香港政治造成有利亦有弊 的影響。 在2003年，公眾強烈的意見亦促成了當時回歸已來規模最 大的一場遊行。在沙士和官員以權謀私這兩件對經濟、公 共衛生和香港聲譽大受損害的事件中，負責官員責無旁 貸，但他們互相推委、甚至官官相衛，令市民對政府大失 所望。在市民濃濃不滿上火上添油的更是被質疑會控制民 眾言論自由的二十三條立法。在這次七一遊行後，政府暫 緩了二十三條立法，而時任行政長官董建華經此一役執政 亦寸步難行，間接使他在一年多後辭職。由此可見，公眾 的意見得以左右政府行政，對香港政治具相當大的影響 力。 跟據馬斯洛的需求層次理論的假設，人是一種追求完全需 求的動物，即在滿足了基本的生存要求後會追求更高層次 的需求以滿足自己。理論中指出了人有生理上的需要、安 全需求、社交需求、尊重需求和自我實現需求。從上可見 要穩定民意首要做好的是經濟方面然後在政治和社會方面 與民合作才可保政治和諧。

葉健壹 — 聖若瑟書院

在經濟上，人民需要良好的經濟環境，滿足他們對生理和 安全的基本需求。有了安定的生活，社會治安改善，市民 對政府的好感自然會上升，政府會得到最基本的滿意度， 有利基礎行政，例如法律的修訂和基建的建設。但在一定

52 | Cambridge Hong Kong Affairs Essay Competition 時日後假定政府在其他領域沒有建樹時，市民對執政者的 信任度也會下降。 香港作為多年 的 國際金融都會，自然有良好經濟背景。香 港位於天災較少地區加上政局穩定，市民得以安居樂業滿 足了基本的生存需求。但在近年除了追求溫飽外，香港市 民亦會關注在他們生活週邊的大小事務。回首近年行政長 官，梁振英他的民望和施效能成正比關係。 前任行政長官梁振英在期間民望皆低於警戒線，2017年6 月時更得到民望評分37.6分，民望淨值為負54個百分比。 在他任內出現了雨傘運動和「魚蛋」個百分比。在他任內 出現了雨傘運動和「魚蛋革命」等較激烈的社會運動，但 政府並沒有聽取民意。而第五次人大釋法、濫用特權、多 次失言等的行爲亦影響了香港人對他觀感。受 以上事件影 響， 他雖有多項扶助基層的政策，但亦難以擺脫民望持續 低迷現像並沒在上作出足以影響社會的決擇。 總的來說，公眾聲音對政府施可帶極大優勢但亦會成為執 者拌腳石。故在執行有關政治和社會決策時，府的一舉動 都引來不少公眾意見。公眾意的好壞和民滿度會隨政府行 效能率而改變行事滿足民心談何容易，要成為一個服務的 政府需聆聽社會上不同持分者的意見，與民合作才可以建 造一個和諧社會。

此外，香港秉持言論自由及集會自由兩項核心價值，令市 民得以透過非常規政治參與方式發表意見，並促使政府作 出相應政策調整。2018-19年度財政預算案並未針對N無人 士（未能受惠於社會福利之人士）作出舒緩措施，因此有 市民遊行要求政府派發現金援助基層。政府在遊行後推出 「新關愛共享計劃」向市民發放$4000。透過調整，民意確 保政策為民心所向，政府亦自然具管治威信。社會穩定， 種種產業如貿易、航運、旅遊便應運而生，城市發展指日 可待。 其次，傳媒作為第四權，可代表民意充當監察角色，改善 政府施政效能。以港鐵鋼筋被剪事件為例，港鐵作為公營 機構對紅磡站月台鋼筋被剪短一事知情不報達三年之久， 損害公眾利益。經傳媒報道後，公眾對事件關注度提升， 促使政府成立獨立調查委員會徹查事件，並向承建商禮頓 亞洲問責。這反映了民眾的關注及意見具監督作用，可有 效改善政府施政漏洞。當政府施政即為民生所指，市民生 活素質獲基本保障，便能專注於提高生產力，對社會發展 百利而無一害。 有意見認為，政府政策如基建及援助等牽涉人數眾多，斥 資巨大，如為個別市民意見作出調整，將額外產生大量開 支，因此小眾難以影響政府施政。小眾意見往往被忽略， 反映民意對政治的影響力受人數限制。

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我認為彼方意見有值得商榷之處。香港作為法治社會有完 善的司法制度，市民不論社經地位皆可藉法律援助及司法 覆核向政府反映其缺漏之處，使政府調整政策。以港珠澳 大橋為例，東涌居民朱綺華就其環境影響評估提出司法覆 核並上訴得直。透過司法程序，不論地位、性別、年齡， 每名市民的聲音皆能上達至當權者耳中，協助改善施政表 現。當政府管治符合民生所指，民怨亦不復存在，由此政 策執行更順暢，政府施政效能自然提升。如此看來，民意 無疑與國運同功一體，無法分割。

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李沂芳 — 香港神託會

中文組 — 季軍 （第二題） 譚穎雅 —筲箕灣官立中學 《呂氏春秋》有謂：「天下非一人之天下，乃天下之天下 也」意思是天下並非獨屬君主一人，而是天下人的天下。 這反映早在古代中國人便已建立以民為本的概念，公眾意 見於政治的影響力可見一斑。時至今日，民意和滿意度依 然在香港政治中扮演著至關重要的角色。以下，我將從政 策制定、核心價值、施政表現、公民權利、政府組成五方 面討論公眾意見及滿意度於香港政治之影響力。 香港具有效諮詢制度，為政府提供平台聆聽各方意見，參 考市民訴求制定政策，確保政策在民意基礎上制定執行。 以最低工資為例，委員會於2018年4月進行公眾諮詢，收集 各持份者的意見，以確保標準符合各方利益。當政府以市 民利益作出發點，政策便可在各方意見中取得平衡。政策 符合市民訴求，又何愁不合民意？民心已聚，又何愁社會 不和諧？社稷和睦，又何愁國運維艱？

彼方又指，在現時的代議民主制下，少數否決多數局面存 在，反映政府架構未能反映民意。例如立法會功能組別選 民6與地區直選選民人數相差近十六倍，但少數市民選出的 功能組別卻可否決已有社會共識的民生議案，反映政府架 構未能反映公眾意見。 我認為意見有值得斟酌之處。取消功能組別會忽略為數較 少的功能界別選民利益，令推崇福利主義的地區直選議員 主導議會，使政策向佔大多數的基層市民傾斜，公共開支 如基層補助等將大幅增加。而香港政府稅基狹窄，財政負 擔加重變相削減政府投放於其他領域的資源，不利香港長 遠發展。相反，功能組別採用職業代表制，可平衡不同階 層和行業利益，如漁農界、演藝界等，亦避免地區直選議 員主導議會，出現多數人的暴政。匯合各方意見能夠確保 政策公平性，確保資源有效分配，可供長遠發展使用，裨 益城市發展。 總括而言，公眾意見在現今香港仍擁有不容小覷的地位， 亦與城市命脈緊緊扣連。《尚書》有曰:「民為邦本，本 固邦寧」意思是穩固了國民，國家就會安寧。民生所指是 民眾的訴求，民心所向則為民眾的共識，聆聽民意穩固國 家，無疑便是國運所繫。近年民眾對政府怨聲載道，與政 府施政未能解決民生問題不無關係。香港通脹持續，百物 騰貴;市民居無其所，向政府尋援不果;高等教育普及化令學 歷氾濫，青年流動性低。若政府願意傾聽市民的聲音，將 資源用得其所；市民基本生活獲保障，生產力自然提升;相 信香港昔日欣欣向榮的局面，不日可待。

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56 | OUR TIME 2019

President’s Remark Hong Kong, China and the United Kingdom have all been at political crossroads in the past year. Disqualification of legislative council candidates and denied entry of foreign press symbolises the increased restriction on HK from Beijing. China has entered a new form of authoritative rule by utilising technology in civic repression. The UK is facing post-Brexit shock and tightened relations with one of its largest investors, China, despite having starkly different political visions. With the changing tides of political landscape across these three countries, they will face even more challenges in the decades to come.

This poses grave questions for the next generation, urging for long-term solutions for current structural problems of the political economy.

Jason Lo CUHKCAS President 2018-19 CUHKCAS 2018-19 Executive Committee President: Vice President: Treasurer: Internal Secretary: External Secretary: Secretary: Publicity Officer:

Since its foundation in 1990, Cambridge University Hong Kong and China Affairs Society (CUHKCAS) aims to promote democracy and human rights in the region. To uphold our core values, CUHKCAS must act vigilantly and be at the forefront of political discussions and social movements, focusing on social causes pragmatically and rationally. With the wave of “New Politics” across the globe, CUHKCAS must also reflect and review its visions to align with the international landscape, acting as both an advocacy group and a student society.

As an advocacy group, CUHKCAS should lead forward-looking discussions on regional and global topics, creating progressive impact in both Hong Kong and Cambridge.

Jason Lo To this effect, the upcoming Cambridge Greater China Speaker Series will probe into Jason Chan important yet under-discussed topics in China, such as Xinjiang human rights issues Howard Cheung and Cross-Strait relations. The “Reflections” Annual Youth Conference, held in August Stephanie Xie 2018, attracted 14 major news outlets in Hong Kong and successfully amplified the voices Jack Lam of various groups on recent major policy changes in HK. Our brand new initiative, the Jacky Chow Social Innovators Programme, connected 40+ Cambridge students with 14 prominent Bowie Wong leaders in HK to spearhead progression and incubate future leaders in social, political and business innovation.The 2nd Cambridge Hong Kong Essay Competition also drew 100+ secondary school students a new Chinese category was added to enable students with all backgrounds to express their views and create synergy through our platform.

As a student society, CUHKCAS should continue to form tight-knit bonds with institutions and student groups across the UK and in Hong Kong. Actively seeking opportunities for collaboration and expand our connections, we have collaborated with over 40 student groups in Cambridge and Hong Kong this year. In the Hong Kong community, we express our heartiest appreciation to the HKPASS community and the University of Hong Kong Student Union for their contribution in the “Reflections” conference and the 25th InterUniversity Quiz. In Cambridge, with thanks to like-minded groups such as Wilberforce Society and Current Affairs Discussion Group, our voice was amplified across the campus, reaching to both UK and HK students.

Jason Lo CUHKCAS President 2018-19

It is my humble wish that our successors continue to further expand CUHKCAS’ exposure in the Cambridge academic landscape, but more importantly, to develop it into an organisation that is more than “just a student society”. Stepping into its 30th anniversary I envision CUHKCAS as having the potential to lead progressive and effective discussions, producing tangible results and open-minded solutions to embrace the global changing tides. Our committee will continue to build onto our predecessors’ hard work and to lead CUHKCAS towards this a fresh chapter, and hope that our successors in the upcoming decades will facilitate this evolution of CUHKCAS into an incubator of ideas for the betterment of Hong Kong.

11 CUHKCAS Events Overview

CUHKCAS Events Overview | 59

SIP & Cambridge China Conference

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UHKCAS has continuously strived for a platform of open discussion on social, economic and political affairs, and to effect changes on the society. This year, we are proud to launch two new initiatives, the Social Innovators Programme and the Cambridge China Conference.

The CUHKCAS Social Innovators Programme is the first noncareer-based mentorship programme. By connecting young elites with social leaders who are serving society passionately, we hope to inspire the new generation to not be solely moneyoriented, but to utilise their abilities for the betterment of Hong Kong. With more than 40 Cambridge students and 14 mentors, including Mr. Bernard Chan, GBS, JP and Mr. Allan Zeman, GBM, GBS, JP, this will provide students with a new spectacle in addition to the vision of traditional career paths and engage them at an early point of their lives to further the work of existing social leaders.

Inspired by the ‘Reflections’ Annual Youth Conference, the Cambridge China Conference is another new initiative to enable greater Cambridge presence of CUHKCAS, and to promote Hong Kong and China issues amongst Cambridge students. Adopting a similar format as the ‘Reflections’ Annual Youth Conference, the Conference consists of four panel discussions addressing social, economic and political affairs. The Conference will be held on the 9th February 2019, so stay tuned!

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Fresher’s Trio and Freshers’ Squash

uring summer and throughout the Michaelmas Term, a wide range of events were held in conjunction with Cambridge University Chinese Society (CUCS) and Cambridge Hong-Kong Operation for International Children’s Education (CHOICE), with the aims to extend our warmest welcome to the incoming freshers, as well as to introduce them to the Hong Kong community at Cambridge.

To commence with, we co-hosted the Freshers’ Reception & Dinner and a four-day Orientation Camp with CUCS in August and September respectively. For the Freshers’ Reception & Dinner, it kicked off with a presentation session held by CUCS, giving freshers an overview of student life at Cambridge. The presentation was followed by a buffet dinner, then a mingling session, both of which were hosted at the top floor of the Park Lane Pullman Hotel, with a spectacular night view of the Victoria Harbour. Weeks after the Freshers’ Reception & Dinner, an Orientation Camp was held at the HKFYG Jockey Club Sai Kung Outdoor Training Camp, featuring a day of beach games at the Deep Water Bay Beach, and a day of city tracing around the territory, in addition to a series of exciting games, such as detective and ice-breaking games. Throughout the camp, we were delighted to see freshers indulging themselves in the team activities that we had prepared, which fostered the bonding among freshers.

The Freshers’ Squash was the first event that was organised immediately after the Freshers’ Fair. This year, we co-hosted the Freshers’ Squash with CHOICE, in hopes of providing freshers with information related to the recruitment process of the sub-committees of Our Time and the Inter-University Quiz, and the committee of CHOICE. Throughout the squash, freshers learnt more about the events that we host, responsibilities of different posts, and most importantly, why it is worth it to get involved.

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The 25 Annual Inter-University Quiz th

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s per usual, the Annual Inter-University Quiz (IUQ) has continued to strive to become bigger and better, exceeding expectations this year with the participation of 24 universities in the UK and a livestream of the semi-finals and finals that attracted almost a thousand views on Facebook.

The IUQ takes inspiration from the ‘University Challenge’, and asks contestants a range of interesting questions on literature, current affairs, and science in hopes of encouraging a culture of intellectual curiosity into Hong Kong affairs.

Moreover, the IUQ is a platform for overseas Hong Kong students in the UK to meet not only for a day of intellectual endeavor, but to meet old friends and cultivate new friendships.

Hence this year we have delivered more than before and hosted a formal at Sidney Sussex College and Pembroke College after the event to give the participating universities an insight into life at Cambridge, which was extremely well-received among students from other universities.

We would like to congratulate and thank the sub-committee for their hard work in organizing the event and for making it such a success. It has been a truly enjoyable event and we look forward to see what next year will bring us.

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Reflections

he ‘Reflections’ Annual Youth Conference was successfully held on 18th August 2018, continuing its decade-long mission to promote dialogue between young elites and social leaders.

Themed ‘Synergy for tomorrow: Progressive ideas in action’, the conference aimed to explore innovative solutions to the existing social, political and economic problems in Hong Kong. Inviting veteran social entrepreneurs, independent news reporters, and policy advocates, we hope to lead discussions between youths in Hong Kong and create synergy by putting together experts on each topic. Highlights of the day include the heated argument on the ‘Big Debate on Land Supply’ and diverging views on the future of news media development in Hong Kong.

The conference has successfully drawn around 300 attendees and exposure on 14 major media platforms in Hong Kong, creating impact by generating discussion and advocating for progressive ideas.

We are truly grateful for our sponsors, speakers, and attendees for making the conference possible. As one of the largest youth conferences in Hong Kong, ‘Reflections’ will continue to realise the vision of CUHKCAS, to raise awareness and advocate for forward-looking discussions in Hong Kong.

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UHKCAS has successfully held a speakers’ event in Cambridge and a salon dinner in Hong Kong, exemplifying our persistent dedication to arouse youth’s awareness in social issues and to provide a platform to connect and learn from prominent figures in both Hong Kong and the UK. Titled ‘Hong Kong’s Cultural Independence from China - Learning from the American and Japanese Historical Experiences’, the speaker’s event has drawn nearly 50 youngsters who show enthusiasm towards the current dilemma faced by Hongkongers - identity crisis. We are honoured and grateful to have Professor Joseph Lian (練乙錚) coming to Cambridge to deliver his inspiring idea - harnessing the uniqueness of Hong Kong’s cultures to unify the Hong Kong to stride.

Last August, CUHKCAS successfully organised a salon dinner with six distinguished speakers in Hong Kong. As part of the vision this year to foster a more inclusive community among fellow HKPASSes, the event was opened to our dearest friends in other universities in the UK. Eventually, we had friends from ten other universities joining us that night. We must express our gratitude towards our guests and friends, without whom the event would never have been as valuable as it was.

CUHKCAS will continue to serve as the bridge to bond the brightest minds in our generation with social figures to inspire youngsters and make our voices heard. Most importantly, CUHKCAS will strive to promote to our members and friends the sense of belonging to Hong Kong, a place which we all call home.

Oxbridge Debate & Drinks

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his year, we established the Oxbridge-US University Debate Mixer on top of the Oxbridge Debate we did in the previous years, inviting Oxford, Harvard, Stanford, and Yale. At The Nest HK, we watched a splendid performance by Jason Lo, George Ho, Kerry Lui, Vicky Chiu, and Ludwig Cheng and we would like to thank our debaters for proudly representing us. The event had a high turnout rate of 60+ including many alumni from participating universities and it would not have been so successful without them.

Speakers’ Event and Salon Dinner

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Acknowledgements We would like to thank our sponsors for their generous support.

Gold Sponsors Arup Group Limited Allen & Overy LLP Deacons Esquel Group The Jardine Foundation Latham & Watkins LLP O’Melveny & Myers LLP Shun Hing Education and Charity Fund

Silver Sponsors Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP

Bronze Sponsors Mayer Brown Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP and Affiliates

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