IN FOCUS 32
STATEMENTS & LETTERS 46
SPEAKERS & SESSION CHAIRS 56
MEMBERS & PARTNERS 74
Think Freedom. CALD ANNUAL REPORT 2011
Message from the
Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha, MP THE YEAR 2011 was an inspiring one for CALD for it began with a visit to our Honorary Life member Aung San Suu Kyi. We were able to feel at first hand her sterling commitment to liberal democracy. Burma had for years been the most glaring example of dictatorship in countries in which CALD worked, but now it seems that things will improve, though we cannot be sanguine about the speed of progress. 2011 also saw the first ever Liberal International Congress in Asia, when the Philippines hosted the event. Philippine President Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III had in the preceding year made clear his commitment to radical change, and the warmth with which he welcomed us will continue as a beacon for Asian Liberalism. That event saw as well the conferring of the Liberal International Prize for Freedom on our former Chair Dr Chee Soon Juan, and we were able to arrange a ceremony in Singapore in November at which the Prize was awarded. This followed a year of what was radical change in Singapore, when for the first time in decades it seemed that the monolithic hold of the People’s Action Party on the government was being loosened. I am sorry though that the third country in which we function against strong-arm tactics, namely Cambodia, seems as rigid as previously. I can only hope that my successor as Chair of CALD, Sam Rainsy, will be able during his tenure to go back from the exile into which he has been forced. 2011 saw full participation in our programs by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, which hosted an instructive Conference in Bali on pluralism. I was happy, too, that the other Liberal representatives from South Asia contributed so illuminatingly to our deliberations there, confirming my long held view that Pakistan will not escape from the morass in which it is floundering now without the development of liberal perspectives. Elsewhere there were setbacks as well, with the Democrat Party losing the election in Thailand. The aftermath, however, has made clear that its experience in government is sorely missed. In Taiwan, the Democratic Progressive Party has improved its standing from 2008 and, even if it was unable to secure the presidency at the recent election, its enhanced parliamentary strength bodes well for democratic practice in that country. In Malaysia and Sri Lanka, our member parties, though relatively small members of the governing coalitions, have managed to influence government policy and practice in positive ways, with regard particularly to good governance -- though of course much more remains to be done. I should also mention the dynamic meetings held in those two countries by our Youth Wing and our Women’s Wing. The Kandy Conference for CALD Youth was a memorable occasion, and the enthusiasm of the young people who interacted so productively 2
will I hope be replicated. In Malacca we did not have full participation of our members, but the inspiring contributions of those who did attend, including the active representative of the International Network of Liberal Women, bodes well for the future in at least some countries. We were pleased this year to welcome a 10th full member, the Civil Will Party of Mongolia, and we look forward to developing ties with an unfamiliar part of the continent. Ensuring better understanding of liberal principles continues a priority for us, and we hope that our latest project, enunciating a liberal response to climate change, will help to clarify our thinking in a world in flux. As previously, we continue to benefit from interactions with likeminded groups. Several members of CALD were able to attend the Executive Committee meeting of Liberal International in London, and we again benefited from deliberations at the gathering in Rome organized by the Alliance of Democrats to discuss ‘The Future of Democracy.’ We were pleased to welcome old friends from LI and the European, Latin American, and African liberal groups in Manila, and at other events too. We were delighted that some of our fellows in the Middle East contributed to recent changes there, though we hope that liberal principles will ensure that freedom will continue to flourish and not be subject to other challenges to take the place of the political authoritarianism that was overcome. I should add that I continue to regret the absence of explicit liberal thinking in other countries in South Asia. I believe the course change has taken in countries all over the world makes clear the need for stress on social equity as well as free markets, for emphasizing the continuing relevance of modern Liberalism as propounded in the writings of John Stuart Mill and T. H. Green. We need to make clear the distinction between the human face of liberalism and the libertarianism that is confused with liberalism in some reactions to the excessive statism that dominated the region in the immediate post-colonial period. As I said last year, we in CALD have affirmed our continuing commitment to all human rights, civil and political, economic and social. As my tenure as Chair of CALD comes to an end with a Conference on Populism, we need to ensure greater understanding of the importance of individualism from a liberal perspective. Empowering people through education as well as social development, to encourage economic as well as intellectual activity without unnecessary and inhibiting constraints, should be our constant watchword. As the world changes dramatically around us, I hope we will continue steadfast in the pursuit of such a vision.
Message from the
Dr. Neric Acosta “Struggles in 2011, More Hope for 2012”
CALD ended 2011 and began 2012, and the Chinese Year of the Dragon, with great and fiery hopes. We formally brought into the CALD family the Civil Will Party of Mongolia, a clear sign of our growing reach and network in the larger Asian region. CALD made the historic inroads of initiating a workshop for National League of Democracy women leaders in Burma, culminating with a memorable call on Daw Aung Sang Suu Kyi in her lakeside home in Rangoon. The latter event would have been unthinkable over a year ago in the fettered polity of Burma, but there are, in the universe of possibilities, always the limitless opportunities for openness and engagement. That is fundamentally an optimism or hopefulness that is liberal. When political dissidents and freedom fighters are locked in detention or their liberties shackled, we grieve for democracy’s seeming demise. But as we soldier on with the good fight and assert our rights to the democratic spaces of human rights and free elections, we do so with the unwavering belief in the universal rightness of our cause. When we met with Daw Suu Kyi in Rangoon in early 2011 – and following with the workshop later in the year -- our faith in freedom and the individual was affirmed and strengthened. This is our reason for being CALD, waging our struggles tirelessly in our countries and with fellow liberals elsewhere, but celebrating our collective triumphs and breakthroughs as well. This is the very spirit that we extolled and shared with Chee Soon Juan when he was awarded the 2011 Liberal International Prize for Freedom. And since Dr. Chee is barred to this day from traveling out of his country, CALD and LI came to him, joyfully affirming their liberal solidarity and common bonds across political boundaries. Time and again, in the last 19 years of CALD’s existence, we have been through low valleys and soaring peaks. Sam Rainsy continues to fight for his right to return to his home country and push for greater democratic reforms in Cambodia. But the regular elections in the Philippines, Taiwan, Thailand, and Indonesia – even in times when our member parties falter or lose in the polls – prove that even as democracy can have its rough and tumultuous episodes, its trajectories of change and freedom are immutable.
does so with CALD’s – and the world’s – wind beneath her wings, so to speak. When her long-oppressed country shows increasing signs of opening itself to the world and taking strides toward democratic reform, as manifest by the official diplomatic overtures and visits by different countries’ ambassadors to The Lady’s home, we know that all official and individual efforts and interventions from all over the world to push reform and democratization in countries in Burma will bear fruit in time. This is borne out as well by the recognition of three towering and deeply inspiring women leaders of Liberia and Yemen – President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia, Liberian women’s rights activist Leymah Gbowee, and Arab Spring leader in Yemen Tawkkol Karman --- as Nobel Peace Prize laureates of 2011. Every brick of liberalism and freedom laid anywhere in the world is equally important in building the edifice of global democracy. Looking beyond Asia, we in CALD link arms and hearts with our counterparts in Syria, Egypt, and the rest of the Arab world – all of whom are experiencing the turbulent, even bloody, challenges of reorganizing the illiberal features and repressive elements of the body politic in their countries. Bloodshed and flagrant violation of human rights anywhere shake us the core, but we all intuitively know as liberals that there is a high cost to seeking truth and freedom for all. Just as we fundamentally know and believe that for every struggle is eventual redemption and justice, no matter how protracted. All because democracy and freedom are birthrights of every individual and every society. To fight and hope are two sides to a liberal coin. Just as it was in 2011, so shall 2012 continue to bear this out for all of us who call CALD our bastion of noble struggle and blazing hope. Long live Asian – and global – freedom!
As Daw Suu Kyi barnstorms the Burmese countryside as the NLD candidate for parliament in the April by-elections, she 3
Message from the
CALD WOMEN’S CAUCUS CHAIR
Hon. Mu Sochua, MP It started in Burma. It ended in Burma. This was 2011 for the CALD Women’s Caucus. If there is anyone who encapsulates the values that I admire and aspire for as a woman leader, it is Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. In January, I had the privilege to be part of the CALD delegation during its first mission to Burma to meet with Daw Suu Kyi. When we met her, she spoke of nothing but justice, freedom, and democracy. She spoke of the dignity of her people. She spoke of her hope and her vision. She let out no anger, no bitterness, and no revenge. We left the meeting inspired and in awe, and this was the perfect way to set the tone for our work and mission for the rest of the year. In November, I had the opportunity to return but this time for more than a meeting. The CALD Women’s Caucus conducted its first national workshop in Burma for the women’s wing of the National League for Democracy (NLD). It was truly an honor to be part of this historic event, a first for CALD as well. What was even more remarkable and enriching for us was meeting the women of NLD. Just a few days before the workshop, some of them were still serving time as political prisoners. We admire the passion, determination, and fearlessness of these women, and share their hope for a more democratic Burma and Asia. Apart from this, we had what has become our annual capacity-building program for women members of our parties. Our workshop was hosted by the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia’s women’s wing—one of the most structured and strongest women’s wings that we know. Revolving around the theme of marketing and messaging strategies for women candidates, we discussed how to turn whatever misconceptions voters may have about women leaders into strengths. We hope that workshops like this will help women in our parties take on greater leadership roles. We are proud to say that three of our member parties, the Civil Will Party of Mongolia, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan and Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, have women in top party positions. 4
This year, we also saw ourselves expanding our reach beyond Asia. During the 57th Congress of the Liberal International, we joined our friends from the International Network of Liberal Women (INLW) to discuss how the conference theme of free trade affects women’s rights. It was wonderful to learn about the experiences and insights of like-minded women from other regions in the world. More importantly, this has strengthened our partnership with the global network. INLW has been represented at our succeeding activities and has expressed their interest in more areas of cooperation in the future. Another thing we have accomplished is bringing forward women’s issues into the political mainstream. CALD has been more than supportive of its Women’s Caucus and has given us as much space as possible in its programs to promote our agenda. In the CALD Bali Conference, for example, a women’s session was held. This enabled us to present our concerns and our accomplishments to the plenary. For that, we are grateful to CALD. Overall, 2011 was a good year for the CALD Women’s Caucus. We look forward to another year of being inspired by the stories of women from around Asia, and empowering them to bring about freedom, human rights and rule of law in their countries.
Message from the
CALD YOUTH CHAIR
Ms. Selyna Peiris “Calling all youth!”
The participation of youth in politics is an integral characteristic for any successful democracy.
a discredited regime is no more, but young people have the challenge of promoting their country’s new freedom.
The very definition of being young – enthusiastic, innovative, efficient – is often what is needed to take the sociopolitical and economic growth of a nation into the next level. In established democracies, continuity in fundamental political values is necessary to maintain a democratic political system. So long as young people endorse the status quo of an established democracy, their political views will be only marginally different from those of the ruling generation. In such circumstances, the turnover of generations changes who rules, but it does not alter how government works. If young people in such a society rebel against the established values, this would lead to support for anarchic or undemocratic forms of government, destabilizing a democratic system. Having said that, while it is necessary for the youth to support the established systems within a working democracy, it is also necessary that they remain aware and raise questions on decisions made. After all, an integral characteristic of a democracy is that it is what the people want it to be.
It is necessary in any political environment that young people are positively committed to democratic values, for the voice of the youth is key to defining the future. But problems may arise as the character and performance of a political regime fall short of the standards of an ideal democracy; then frustrated idealism can lead to constructive criticism, political cynicism, or violent revolt. Worse yet, the apathetic youth may resign on the Churchillian grounds that an imperfect democracy is better than everything else their country has tried. This is for us to decide. Our roles in defining the future of our countries are varied and there is much to learn through sharing lessons learnt. CALD Youth hopes to be that forum for young liberal leaders in Asia to share experiences, build networks, and create solidarity with each other. Friendships among the like-minded are important in an increasingly divergent world. What are YOU waiting for?
In the new democracies of the world, the role of youth is of special importance as well. Young politicians are freer of association with excesses of the past, and have often been prominent in demonstrations calling for an end to an undemocratic regime. The way in which a new democratic government develops is of special concern to young people, for it promises to rule their future, whether it becomes a completely consolidated democracy or remains an imperfect, incomplete democracy. If a new democracy demonstrates continuing weaknesses, idealistic young people may become indifferent or cynical in reaction. A decline in idealism reduces popular pressure for better governance. The role of youth, therefore, has very different significance in old and new democracies. In the former, young people face the challenge of fitting into an established political system or making changes. In new democracies, 5
PROJECTS CALD Mission to Burma | 29 January-1 February | Bangkok, Thailand / Rangoon, Burma The CALD Mission to Burma 2011 was organized with the general objective of having a dialogue and consultation with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) on how to build, sustain and deepen democratic institutions and processes in Burma. The significance of the mission could be seen in terms of its potential to build and enhance personal and party-to-party relations between CALD members and their Burmese counterparts. These relations, hopefully, could facilitate future projects and programs that assist in gradually transforming Burma’s political landscape.
CALD Workshop on Building a Strategic Campaign Plan | 11-15 March 2011 | Bangkok, Thailand How to build a strategic campaign plan is a crucial topic for CALD member parties, a significant number of which will be contesting national elections within the next three years. In recognition of the importance of strategic campaign plans to electoral success, CALD and the Democrat Party of Thailand (DP), with the support of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (FNF), organized a workshop to enhance the capacity of CALD member parties in contesting elections by highlighting the significance of fundraising, public-opinion research, electoral database management and analysis, and message development and media relations.
CALD Youth Strategic Planning Workshop | 25-27 March 2011 | Kandy, Sri Lanka In 2010, a workshop showed the commitment of CALD member organizations to forming a youth group for CALD. But there remained a need to discuss CALD Youth’s structure, functions and program directions; hence, a follow-up workshop was held in 2011. Hosted by the Liberal Party of Sri Lanka (LPSL), with the support of FNF, the 2011 workshop aimed to define the nature, organizational structure, aims and programs of the CALD Youth, as well as its relations with other national, regional and international youth organizations. It also allowed young leaders representing CALD member organizations to create a strategic plan for CALD Youth while learning strategic planning techniques, which they could then apply within their respective parties. In addition, the participants discussed, analyzed and made recommendations on how to promote liberalism amongst Asian youth given the current political, economic, and social context and developments in the region.
Liberal International 57th Congress | 16-20 June 2011 | Manila, Philippines This event was hosted by the Liberal Party of the Philippines (LP), Liberal International’s (LI) first full member in Asia, and co-organized by CALD and FNF-Philippine Office. The Congress is the prime legislative body of LI and has the power to direct the policy of the organization. Held at least once every 18 months, the Congress aims to gather hundreds of high-level politicians from liberal parties, institutions, and think tanks from all over the world. With the theme “Human Rights and Free Trade,” the 57th LI Congress captured the complex interplay, in both theory and practice, between these two core liberal principles.
CALD Women’s Caucus Workshop | 11-14 August 2011 | Malacca, Malaysia Advancing women in politics, going beyond affirmative action, setting the CALD Women’s Caucus agenda, and training for grassroots organizing have all been tackled by previous meetings and activities of the CALD Women’s Caucus. But another important aspect of increasing women’s political participation has been getting women elected into national leadership positions and campaigning in the same arena as their male counterparts. This workshop on “Marketing and Messaging Strategies for Women Candidates” aimed to identify the challenges that women candidates face in launching electoral campaigns and positive qualities/ advantages that voters seek in women leaders. Hosted by Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM), with the support of FNF, the activity also allowed the participants to learn techniques in training women candidates on marketing and messaging strategies. 6
CALD 2011 CALD Networking for Democracy | 3-4 November 2011 | Singapore With the theme “Networking for Democracy: Towards a Democratic Future for Singapore” and hosted by the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP), this event was a follow-up to the April 2010 Joint Mission to Asia that included visits to Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore. As international/regional networks of democratic and liberal political parties, LI and CALD’s presence in Singapore helped send a strong message of solidarity to the city-state’s democratic opposition and more specifically, to the SDP. Considering that LI also awarded Dr. Chee Soon Juan the 2011 LI Prize for Freedom, this was the most opportune time to hold an event in Singapore that highlighted the value of forging alliances and sharing information for the cause of freedom, democracy, and human rights.
CALD Bali Conference | 4-7 November 2011 | Bali, Indonesia Indonesia, with more than 225 million inhabitants, has the fourth largest population in the world. Yet despite its ethnic, cultural, and religious diversity, it has managed to maintain peace and trek a path toward democracy and development. It is in this light that CALD chose Indonesia as the venue of its conference on “Pluralism and Development in Asia: Issues and Prospects.” Indeed, there is no other place where this reality is more evident than Bali, which has been designated as a “Province of Peace, Democracy and Tolerance.” The conference, hosted by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), with the support of FNF, brought together government officials, parliamentarians, party leaders, academics, and civil- society activists to tackle the issues and problems related to the theory and practice of pluralism in Asia, and consequently, to facilitate a broader understanding and greater appreciation of pluralism among the participants. The event also served to identify and discuss the links between pluralism and development, and the extent to which pluralism can serve as a tool for both political and human development.
CALD Workshop on Women Empowerment | 15-17 November 2011 | Rangoon, Burma A monumental event that marked CALD’s first ever workshop in Burma was hosted by the National League for Democracy (NLD), in cooperation with the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB) and with the support of FNF. Forty women leaders and activists from five states and seven divisions around Burma participated in the workshop that aimed to prepare the women’s wing of the NLD for the 2012 elections, increase the political participation of women in the NLD and empower them to take greater and more influential leadership positions, and establish a sustainable framework of partnership between the CALD Women’s Caucus and NLD women’s wing.
CALD Climate Change Workshop 1 | 28 November – 1 December 2011 | Bangkok, Thailand In cooperation with the Democrat Party of Thailand (DP) and with the support of FNF, CALD organized its first ever climate change event late in the year. Called “Setting CALD’s Climate Change Agenda,” the workshop aimed to: (1) provide a background on the issue of climate change, particularly on those aspects relevant to policy makers; (2) discuss the climate-change initiatives of CALD member-parties and the issues and problems that the parties confronted in their formulation and implementation; (3) identify the areas of climate change most relevant to Asia and which CALD should concentrate on; (4) formulate a liberal climate-change agenda that incorporates the identified priority areas; and (5) devise a strategic plan that identifies follow-up activities, objectives, responsibilities, strategies, and intended outcomes.
Bangkok, Thailand / Rangoon, Burma | 29 January-1 February
CALD Mission to Burma THE 31st of January became memorable for CALD this year, with the date marking the visit of a small CALD contingent to the Rangoon lakeside home of Burmese opposition leader and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. During the visit, the Nobel Peace Prize winner reiterated the importance of genuine dialogue and national reconciliation, conveying the willingness of her party – the National League for Democracy – to “negotiate with honor and security for the people of Burma.” She also agreed with other NLD officials to have programs and projects with CALD and FNF that would be in line with the NLD’s aim to build “networks for democracy.” She even suggested the following as other possible avenues for cooperation: the formation of people’s network, mentioning in particular a farmer’s network; and holding of a capacity-building program in Burma.
Prior to the visit to Daw Suu Kyi’s home, the CALD team had a meeting with NLD officials. Just as The Lady would say later, the NLD officials emphasized the need for increasing peopleto-people contacts and for building networks in different sectors to facilitate social and economic development, even as the talks also touched on other issues and concerns such as political prisoners to trade sanctions as well. CALD’s historic Burma mission, which it took jointly with FNF, actually began in Bangkok two days earlier. There CALD and FNF representatives met with Nyo Myint, Aung Moe Zaw, and Moe Zaw Oo – all officials of the National Council of the Union of Burma. Aside from discussing the possible issues and concerns that might be raised during the meetings in Burma, they also explored areas of cooperation between the NCUB/NLD and CALD and FNF. CALD then hosted a dinner for the NCUB and FNF representatives. The dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, together with NLD officials inside and outside Burma, proved to be very helpful in assessing Burma’s political milieu in the aftermath of the 8
election. A briefing by FNF officials was equally important, as it provided vital information on the dynamics within the NLD and the party’s relationship with other political forces that the members of the delegation would not otherwise known. In the end, the mission resulted in a relatively clear set of possible follow-up programs and projects between CALD/ FNF and NLD, among other things. But it was being up close and personal with Daw Suu Kyi that undoubtedly left a lasting impression on the CALD team. “I was particularly impressed by the effervescent good humor with which she deals with her ordeal,” said CALD Chair and delegation head Rajiva Wijesinha. “That, combined with quiet determination, never to compromise on principles, but willing to understand the feelings of all concerned, augurs well for progress in her aim of bringing democracy to her country.” Apart from CALD Chair MP Rajiva Wijesinha and CALD Secretary General Dr. Neric Acosta, the delegation included MP Mu Sochua (SRP), MP Eva Kusuma Sundari (PDIP), Jayanthi Devi Balaguru (PGRM), MP Henedina Abad (LP), and MP Nataphol Teepsuwan (DP). CALD Executive Director Lito Arlegue and FNF Project Director for Malaysia, Cambodia and Myanmar/Burma Moritz Kleine Brockhoff also joined the delegation.
Meeting with NLD officials at the party headquarters
Daw Aung Suu Kyi with the CALD delegation
NLD Chair Tin Oo confers with CALD Chair Rajiva Wijesinha
The CALD delegation at the residence of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Members of the delegation listen to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 9
Bangkok, Thailand | 11-15 March
CALD Workshop on Building a Strategic Campaign Plan NO LESS than Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva was struck by just how apt the site and timing of CALD’s first major activity for 2011 were. After all, on the same day that the Workshop on Building Strategic Campaign Plan began, the Thai premier had announced the dissolution of the Parliament and the holding of parliamentary elections. In his keynote address at the CALD event that was taking place at the Thai capital, Abhisit emphasized that being in touch with the ordinary people’s sentiments and needs is the “key to having an effective political campaign.” But he also took care to remind the workshop participants about the value of democratic institutions, particularly elections, in addressing instability. “Once democratic institutions are in place,” said Abhisit, “countries can address any problems without having to deal with instability on a grand scale.” For sure Abhisit’s address became an inspiration at the workshop, which aimed to identify the strengths and weaknesses of CALD member parties in contesting elections; enhance the capacity of the workshop participants in making a strategic campaign plan; share best practices and lessons learnt regarding successful electoral contestation; and recognize how the CALD network can be used in capacity-building efforts and other activities that aim to increase the electoral chances of CALD member parties. Fittingly enough, Sessions One and Two had the director general of the Democrat Party of Thailand (DP) – Abhisit’s party and one of CALD’s founding members – tackling fundraising and electoral database management and analysis. MP Nataphol Teepsuwan first talked about the nature and objectives of Funds for the Development of Political Parties (FDP) provided by the Thai state, and how the DP makes use of it for its political activities. He noted, however, that these funds were never enough, so the party had to come up with other ways to raise money, such as having fund-raising dinners. Nataphol then discussed the different components of an electoral database, such as election scores, eligible 10
voters, polls and assessment, and mapping program. He said that while such a database may initially mean a lot of time and money, it can be a valuable electoral resource. Next up was Dr. Pia Bennagen,-Raquedan, senior research fellow of Pulse Asia, Inc. (Philippines), who discussed the informative and transformative roles of surveys in elections, as well as the conduct, challenges and impact of electoral surveys. She noted that while surveys are important in elections, they should not be the primary consideration in devising a campaign plan as there may be more important factors that should be part of the electoral equation. Three resource persons discussed the topic of the fourth session on communications strategy, media relations, and social media. Chang Li-ke, deputy director of the Department of Information of Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan (DPP), presented the strategy of his party in the last 2010 special municipalities campaign. Among other things, he observed, “Using new media to deliver information is attractive but weak. It successfully provided a sense of fashion; but the connection was not strong enough for supporters to commit to the party and the candidate.” Ivanpal Singh Grewal, special officer to Dr. Koh Tsu Koon, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department, Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM) then took to the podium, first offering some general pointers on campaign message and then discussing what constitutes a good message. He also drew attention to media relations, pointing out, “Personal relationship between the party and the media is important to ensure that your message is not twisted or skewed for political reasons.” Social media, meanwhile, was taken up in greater detail by Thoth Media Ltd. (Thailand) Digital Marketing Director Kla Tangsuwan. Citing the case of Thailand as an example, he pointed out that social media facilitated not only
Workshop participants with Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva
communication among the Thai people but their political participation as well. “With social media,” he said, “we can create a powerful communication channel, build strong community from members, and make mass actions.” The concluding session had the participants sharing insights on how member parties could tap the CALD network for electoral success. Among the proposals were: creating a virtual academy; enhancing social media presence; assisting in grassroots organization; sharing of campaign techniques; promoting liberal ideology and the CALD brand; and mobilizing overseas organizations for elections. Among the participants were: Nyo Myint and U Aung Moe Zaw, National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB); Keo Phirum and Seng Mardi, Sam Rainsy Party of Cambodia (SRP); Chi Wai Wu, Democratic Party Hong Kong (DPHK); Dr. Andreas Paneira and Hasto Kristiyanto, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P); Ng Lip Yong, Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM); Akram Khurram, Liberal Forum Pakistan (LFP); Chito Gascon and Teodoro Lopez, Liberal Party of the Philippines (LP); Newton Peiris, Liberal Party of Sri Lanka (LPSL); Huaihui Hsieh, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan (DPP); and MP Boonyod Sooktinthai and Nant Thananan, Democrat Party of Thailand (DP).
day, CALD held a Strategic Planning Workshop that aimed to discuss the vision, mission, objectives of of the CALD Academy, as well as the timeline for its institutionalization. “For some reason, CALD always feels rejuvenated when we meet in Bangkok,” remarked CALD Chair and Sri Lankan MP Rajiva Wijensinha. “The quality of the discussions that we had in the past days attests to the fact that CALD remains to be an important venue for analyzing issues of common concern among liberal democratic parties in the Asian region.”
Maaten, Vejjajiva, Teepsuwan and Acosta
Also present were CALD Secretary General Neric Acosta and Executive Director Celito Arlegue; Paolo Zamora, Carlo Religioso, Rosanna Ocampo, and intern Honey Pangilinan, CALD Secretariat. Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (FNF) was also there, represented by Country Director (Philippines) Jules Maaten and members of the FNF Bangkok office Dr. Pimrapaat Dusadeeisariyakul, Karnchanok Khunmuang, Suchaya Tancharoenpol, and Pett Jarupaiboon. Bangkok, though, was host to CALD not just for this event. On 11 March, CALD had held an Executive Committee meeting, mainly on the line-up of activities for the year. The next
Presentation of token to the DP Thailand hosts 11
Kandy, Sri Lanka | 25-27 March
CALD Youth Strategic Planning Workshop THE SITE’S name evoked a childhood confection and the activity was a gathering of young people. But participants at the three-day workshop organized by CALD’s youth wing were far from tackling anything light at the event held at the Sri Lankan hill capital of Kandy. Hosted by CALD chair organization, the Liberal Party of Sri Lanka (LPSL), and organized with FNF support, the three-day activity was supposed to get young leaders from CALD member organizations continue and streamline the planning that began since its inception at the first CALD Youth Caucus Workshop in 2010. Indeed, the workshop proved to be an opportunity for participants to share the problems the youth face within their respective organizations and countries. They also discussed their organizations’ strengths and responses to challenges on strengthening political interest, understanding of political ideology, and increasing the willingness for action among the youth. It was CALD Chair and Sri Lankan MP Rajiva Wijesinha who gave the welcome remarks at the workshop. Describing CALD Youth as bright and enthusiastic group of young people working together with their political parties, he exhorted the workshop participants to establish systems that would ensure the organization’s sustainability and provide space for young people to make contributions to political thought and political activity. Wijesinha then cited CALD’s successful history through its member parties and how it has exhibited solidarity, on a principled basis, with fellow Asians. He said, “We need to help each other and develop principles and practices that we hope can be replicated.” Selyna Peiris, who was selected as CALD Youth chair last year and is president of the Liberal Youth Sri Lanka, briefed participants on the organization, particularly on how it differentiates itself from similar groups and how it aligns itself with like-minded organizations. She also discussed developments since 2010, including CALD Youth’s participation at the International Federation of Liberal Youth (IFLRY) General 12
Assembly and CALD Executive Committee meeting, and the drafting of the organization’s Charter. But she stressed the need for CALD Youth members to take the next steps in order to turn its objectives into concrete results. Acting as workshop facilitators were CALD Secretary General Dr. Neric Acosta, and FNF Philippines Country Director Jules Maaten. A former member of European Parliament and former IFLRY secretary general, Maaten talked about the key ingredients to successful youth organizations, which involve future leaders, issue groups, and young people who want change. He said that youth groups that succeed often attribute their achievements to their strong base of members who stay around for a long time and ensure the continuity and growth of their organizations, and the establishment of their networks. These organizations engage themselves in big politics, training and research, and organization and outreach, said Maaten, who also noted that youth wings of political parties are immensely important in helping these parties garner youth appeal. Acosta, for his part, showed a video on leadership lessons. He told participants that apart from being good leaders, it is also important for them to become good followers. Oftentimes, he said, movements become successful because of courageous followers who also show others how to be a team player. In the end, the workshop was a clear reflection of CALD Youth, which aims to promote liberal and democratic values among the youth through education and capacity building; create regional solidarity among liberal youth on issues related to the violation of liberty, democracy and equality; create regional networks and build relationships among liberal youth and future liberal leaders; and provide for the smooth transition of party youth wings into the political mainstream. The workshop proved the commitment of CALD member organizations to the development of a youth group for CALD and the cultivation of young Asian leaders. Participants, in return, committed to becoming a core group and even
CALD Youth representatives with workshop facilitators and LPSL leaders
formed sub-committees to ensure smooth and strategic communication within the organization. Apart from promoting CALD Youth within their organizations, they were also slated present their Charter at the CALD Executive Committee meeting in June. Participants successfully took on the challenge of taking the next steps that CALD Youth called for. Given their caliber and passion for creating political change together with other young people, it is not unlikely that big leaps will soon follow. Participants included Kyaw Kyaw Bo, National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB); Hour Ratha, Sam Rainsy Party of Cambodia (SRP); Chi-fung Hui, Democratic Party of Hong Kong (DPHK); Eko Suwargono, Indonesian Party of Struggle (PDI-P); Anas Nasikhin, Nation Awakening Party of Indonesia (PKB); Lee Hui Seng, Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM); Batangas Vice Governor Marc Leviste, Liberal Party of the Philippines (LP); L.H.W. Chamil Prasad, Savithri Galapaththi, and Shiham Cassim, Liberal Party of Sri Lanka (LPSL); and Jessie Chou, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan (DPP).
Sri Lanka, Hong Kong and Taiwan representives
FNF Bangkokâ€™s Juliane Schmucker, and Carlo Religioso and Rosanna Ocampo of the CALD Secretariat, were also present at the workshop. Closing dinner hosted by LPSL
Indonesian delegates with FNF Bangkok represntative
Breakout session 13
Manila, Philippines | 16-20 June
57 Liberal International Congress th
THE PARTNERSHIP of CALD and Liberal International (LI) became even stronger with CALD serving as co-organizer of the latter’s 57th Congress, which took place in Manila in June. Founded in 1947, LI describes itself as “the world federation of liberal and progressive democratic political parties” and as “the pre-eminent network for promoting liberalism, individual freedom, human rights, the rule of law, tolerance, equality of opportunity, social justice, free trade, and market economy.” A CALD partner for years now, its 2011 Congress was the first of its kind in Asia, and carried the theme “Human Rights and Free Trade.” Philippine President Benigno Simeon ‘Noynoy’ Aquino III, who also serves as Chair of the host party, the Liberal Party of the Philippines (LP), delivered the keynote address at the presidential palace. In his speech, President Aquino emphasized the need for the government to pursue free market policies to ensure observance of human rights. He also asked rhetorically, “How can an individual enjoy the rights he has on paper, when from birth he has been denied the tools to take his destiny into his own hands?” CALD Secretary General Dr. Neric Acosta, meanwhile, gave a stimulating speech on the theme resolution, where he emphasized the tensions between the system of free trade and the observance of human rights defined comprehensively. The main points of his speech were encapsulated in the adopted theme resolution, which declared the liberal belief that “the observance of human rights is necessary for the achievement of the benefits of free trade.” As a co-organizer, CALD was also given the opportunity to come up with fringe meetings relevant to the theme. Accordingly, CALD spearheaded the organization of events such as: “Free and Fair Trade and Women’s Human Rights (coorganized by CALD Women’s Caucus with INLW)”, “Leading Non-Violent Political Change in the Twitter Generation” (co-organized by CALD Youth with IFLRY) and a regional liberal networks meeting on “Democracy and Development: Regional Experiences and Responses.” (See In Focus) 14
LI President Hans van Baalen described the event as “a great pleasure and success” and thanked CALD and FNF for making it possible. LI Deputy President Juli Minoves echoed this sentiment, saying, “The number of resolutions, the quality of the debates, the commitment of the participants, the very hard work of the Secretary General and of the secretariat, the incredible hospitality of our friends from the Philippines, and the attentive eye and cooperation from FNF, all together created a winning combination for our 57th Congress.” The four-day Congress attracted more than 250 participants, with LI delegates representing various countries across the globe, from Andorra to Zimbabwe. Participants from CALD included CALD Chair and Sri Lankan MP Dr. Rajiva Wijesinha, Kamal Nissanka, Dr. Newton Peiris, and Selyna Peiris, Liberal Party of Sri Lanka; MPs Sam Rainsy, Yim Sovann, Son Chhay, and Saumura Tioulong, and Kouy Bunroeun, Sam Rainsy Party (Cambodia); Maung Maung and Nyo Myint, NCUB; Dr. Aye Kyaw and Moe Zaw Oo, National League for DemocracyLA (Burma); Muhammad Rakyan Ihsan Yunus and Ruth Nina Marsaulina, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle; Ng Lip Yong and Jayanthi Balaguru, Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia; MPs Huang-Liang Tsai and Yi-Jin Yeh, Dr. Ing-wen Tsai, HsiengHwei Chang, Bi-Khim Hsiao, Fu-Mei Chang, Wen-Tsan Cheng, Jessie Chou, Chih-Hao Chang, Huai-hui Hsieh, Cheng-Yi Lin, and Hsuan-tsung Cheng, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan; Jaslyn Go, Singapore Democratic Party; Zia Banday, Liberal Forum Pakistan; Chung-kai Sin, JP, Democratic Party of Hong Kong; MP Harunobu Yonenaga, Democratic Party of Japan; and Dr. Park Sun Song, Lee In Young, Lee Cheol Hee, and Han Sangik, Democratic Party of Korea. The FNF contingent included Dr. Wolfgang Gerhardt, Ulrich Niemann, and Manfred Richter (Germany); Hubertus von Welck (South Africa); Dr. Rainer Adam, Bjoern Wyrembek, Wolfgang Heinze, Dr. Pimrapaat Dusadeeisariyakul, Karnchanok Khunmuang, and Juliane Schmucker (Thailand); Rainer Heufers and Muhammad Husni Thamrin (Indonesia); and Walter Klitz (South Korea).
Philippine MP Ivy Arago welcomes delegates to Laguna for the Executive committee meeting
Wijesinha, van Baalen and Roxas at the welcome reception
Liberal leaders with Pres. Aquino
Delegates of DPP Taiwan during a plenary session
Delegates from Europe and Africa
Delegates write on the FNF freedom wall
CALD Secretariat and FNF Philippines celebrate at the closing dinner
Malacca, Malaysia | 11-14 August
CALD Women’s Caucus Workshop “SELLING WOMEN” usually has negative connotations, but a major activity organized by the CALD Women’s Caucus in August gave it a positive spin. Hosted by Wanita, the women’s wing of Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM), the workshop focused on marketing and messaging strategies for women candidates. With the idea that women can gain more space in the Asian political arena repeatedly reaffirmed regionwide, the workshop aimed to open more avenues for women to assume greater leadership roles. Women leaders and campaign staff members of CALD member parties converged in the Malaysian heritage of Malacca, some 147 kms from Kuala Lumpur, for the four-day workshop. Among the participants were: Kim Natsim and Chea Sokuntheany, Sam Rainsy Party of Cambodia (SRP); Cheng Lai King and Leung Suk Ching, Democratic Party of Hong Kong; Emmy Lumban Raja and Dewi Shinta, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle; Katherine Ooi, PGRM; Gul Farina, Liberal Forum Pakistan; MPs Jocelyn Limkaichong and Linabelle Villarica, Liberal Party of the Philippines; Chandrani Swarnalatha, Liberal Party of Sri Lanka; and Pongsri Tarapoom and Huwaidiyah Pitsuwan Useng, Democratic Party of Thailand. CALD Chair and Sri Lankan MP Rajiva Wijesinha also attended the workshop, as did CALD Secretary General Neric Acosta, CALD Executive Director Celito Arlegue, and Rosanna Ocampo and intern Julius Mitchell of the CALD Secretariat. Representing FNF meanwhile were Wolfgang Heinze, program manager for Malaysia and Burma, and Juliane Schmucker, both of the Bangkok office. CALD Women’s Caucus Chairwoman and Cambodian MP Mu Sochua gave the participants a background on the Caucus and its recent activities. She also told participants, “We hope that this workshop would be a productive sharing of experiences—guided by the knowledge that while we may have different contexts, there are still best practices that we can cull from each other’s marketing and messaging strategies in promoting women candidates.” 16
The workshop began with a context setting on the situation of women in politics in various CALD member countries. Christine de Saint Genois, vice president of the International Network of Liberal Women, led a discussion on issues that women leaders face in different parts of the world, including Europe and Asia. PGRM Wanita Secretary General Jayanthi Balaguru then made a presentation on messaging strategies for women candidates. She discussed the types of political and personal questions candidates must address and how message content must take into account what would move voters to choose a particular candidate, why voters would vote against their opponent, and issues that a candidate would not be willing to compromise on. Messages are not useful unless backed by strong marketing, though, so PGRM women youth bureau head Chia Ting Ting enriched the discussion by talking about “Bringing the Brand to the People.” This included the brand of the party and that of the individual candidate. Chia pointed out that political marketing products include politicians and their manifestos and discussed strategies to engage voters both online and offline, as well as ways of integrating these approaches. Providing a concrete example of the power of a cybercampaign was Jaslyn Go of the Singapore Democratic Party. She shared her party’s recent electoral campaign, which centered on the production of creative videos that had received rave reviews and spreading these through Facebook. Day Two of the workshop began with a presentation of the role of the women’s wings of political parties in driving the electoral campaigns of individual candidates. “It’s important,” Balaguru said, “for women to have a platform because men do not know how to advance women’s issues.” Fortunately, at present, women in Asia have gained the ability to be elected to a party’s central committee and no longer need to rely on appointments for them to have a chance to be heard. Building a movement and preparing women candidates for elections were then discussed by the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP).
Participants proudly pose for an all-women group photo
The SRP women’s wing currently has 20,000 members and is pushing for the inclusion of 550 women as candidates in the general elections in 2012. These candidates are being trained by Kim Natsim, one of SRP’s seasoned master trainers. The training program illuminates the meaning and significance of political participation and civic engagement, improves leadership and communication skills, and equips women candidates to inspire significant change in their communities. Mu Sochua, whose many hats include being president of the SRP women’s wing, remarked at the workshop in Malacca, “For Cambodian women, we build a movement by concentrating on the issue of justice. In encouraging women to enter politics, we must begin with issues of women, not start with party concerns.”
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle delegates
The workshop ended with presentations of sample campaign messages and strategies by each member party present. Participants also attended a consultative meeting in order to evaluate the workshop and propose future programs for the CALD Women’s Caucus.
CALD women representatives with CALD and INLW leaders
At a traditional Peranakan (mock) wedding hosted by PGRM Wanita
The women of Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia 17
Singapore | 3-4 November
CALD Networking for Democracy IT WAS meant to be a ceremony to recognize one man’s contributions to freedom and democracy. Like a true leader, however, that man drew attention away from himself to highlight other people’s role in the long and difficult struggle to democratize Singapore. Like a true leader, he said that while he was honored to be recognized, what he longs for, more than anything else, is “to win that ultimate prize of freedom for the people of Singapore.” That man is Dr. Chee Soon Juan, recipient of Liberal International’s 2011 Prize for Freedom. In a deeply emotional ceremony at Singapore’s Furama Hotel on 3 November, more than a hundred friends and invited guests joined officials of CALD, LI, INLW, and FNF in a “ceremony of reflection and hope.” The LI Prize for Freedom is given annually to an individual who has made an outstanding contribution to the promotion of freedom and human rights. Past awardees include the late Pakistan Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, Burmese opposition leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, former Czech President Vaclav Havel, and former Irish President Mary Robinson. In choosing Chee as the 2011 Freedom Prizewinner, LI noted that he “tirelessly advocates for democracy in Singapore, engaging civil society and campaigning for democracy and the right to speak freely. As a result of his work, the government has been forced to allow limited free speech through a ‘speaker’s corner.’ Dr. Chee has since been able to inspire many Singaporeans to attend or address the Speakers corner, despite constant threat of incarceration by the government.” The 49-year-old Chee is a former chairperson of CALD. He is currently the Secretary General of the opposition Singapore Democratic party, a CALD member organization. Singapore authorities have arrested and jailed him several times already over his political activities, while a defamation lawsuit filed against him by Singapore’s top leaders have left him bankrupt. He is thus barred from standing in parliamentary elections, as well as from traveling outside of Singapore without permission from the authorities. In fact, it was because he 18
was unable to travel to London to receive his prize at a ceremony there that LI decided to bring the award to him in Singapore. Drawing attention to Chee’s political persecution, CALD Chair Rajiva Wijesinha remarked: “The reason Dr. Chee was treated so badly... was because he took on the Singapore regime on its own terms. Indeed, he could have been a favored son of that regime had he not believed that freedom is not only about economic freedom but also about political and social freedom. From a Liberal standpoint, asserting the importance of all freedoms, he exposed the pretensions of the People’s Action Party.” LI President Hans van Baalen, for his part, highlighted Chee’s tireless struggle for democracy, saying, “We admire your record and the dedication of your life to freedom, democracy and human rights.” At the same time, he commented on the gap between Singapore’s economic growth and political development, pointing out, “With democracy, Singapore would be a cleaner, more beautiful, and more prosperous city.” In his moving acceptance speech, Chee reiterated his enduring call to fellow Singaporeans. “Let us have the confidence to see that we have the ability to change the system, not yield to it,” he said, “That we can win over public opinion, not pander to it. In other words let us be leaders, not just politicians... We can – and will – succeed, but only if we stop spending our time doubting our own ability and losing our focus of doing the hard work of organizing ourselves and planning our strategies. The parents of change are persistence and perseverance. There is no shortcut.” Messages of solidarity were also given by LI Secretary General Emil Kirjas, FNF Regional Project Coordinator Juliane Schmucker, Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD) Vice President Maysing Yang, and SDP Treasurer Vincent Wijeysingha. In addition, a video tribute was shown containing the messages of FNF Philippines Country Director Jules Maaten, Philippine Budget Minister and former CALD
The members of CALD and LI delegation with the family of Dr. Chee Soon Juan and SDP officials
Chair Butch Abad, and Philippine Environmental Protection Minister and CALD Secretary General Neric Acosta. “You may be far away in Singapore, suffering, sacrificing for the greater cause of freedom and democracy all over the world,” said Acosta in his video message to Chee, “but we have all taken notice, all through these years, and we salute you for the inspiration, example and the enduring sense of solidarity that you continue to show us.”
Kirjas, van Baalen and Wijesinha at a press conference
Jaslyn Go and Jagit Singh host the ceremony
Family, friends and guests join the celebration
Violinist Lim Hui performs a rousing rendition of Le Marseillaise
Tan, van Baalen, Yang and Go 19
Bali, Indonesia | 4-7 November
CALD Bali Conference “YOU ARE I and I am you.” These were the words of Hon. I Made Mangu Pastika, governor of the Indonesian province of Bali, when he formally opened the CALD Bali Conference 2011 on 4 November that had the theme “Pluralism and Development in Asia: Issues and Prospects.” He was describing a Balinese philosophy that when one hurts others, one also harms oneself. This value of respect for others, said the governor, becomes integral in building and sustaining a modern civilization. The conference was hosted by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-Perjuangan). Given its success in building a national identity based on pluralism, Indonesia was the most appropriate venue for such a conference. Also included in the conference were a CALD Executive Committee meeting, CALD Women’s Caucus forum, and a tour and cultural performances to better understand the heritage and culture of the island. Delegates from CALD member parties and partners attended and served as resource persons for the four-day event. The first session tackled incentives and constraints to building and strengthening pluralistic societies. Liberal International President and MEP Hans van Baalen pointed out, “The state
Acosta, Sundari, Wijeysingha, Yang, Hugua and Mu speak at Session III
cannot be completely neutral, but it must be against all forms of discrimination. That should be the role of the state.” He added, “Pluralism brings a basis for stability because the state protects its citizens. It is a basic liberal instinct.” Thai MP and former foreign minister Kasit Piromya then called upon fellow liberals to be brave enough to fight the negative aspects or interpretations of religious teachings. Win Htein, senior adviser to Burmese democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, meanwhile talked about the political situation of Burma and what CALD and the international community could do for and with them. Dr. Makmur Keliat of the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for his part, answered questions like whose responsibility it is to preserve and promote the idea of a pluralistic society, how to measure a regime’s respect for pluralism, and why the idea of democracy is not necessarily in line with the idea of a pluralistic society. Also serving as Session One speaker was CALD Chair and Sri Lankan MP Rajiva Wijesinha, who stressed the need for a system that does not compartmentalize. This means, he said, benefits should be uniform and not provide undue advantage to the powerful.
Governor Made Mangku Pastika delivers the opening keynote address
Official conference group photo
“Pluralism implies diversity but does not exclude unity,” said Cambodian opposition leader and MP Sam Rainsy during the second session, which dealt with pluralism and political development. Sharing their views and experiences on the session topics were MEP and Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Vice President Niccolo Rinaldi; Japanese legislator Marutei Tsurunen, who considers himself as an example of pluralism in Japan as he is a foreign-born, naturalized Japanese citizen who has become a member of parliament; and Lau Hoi Keong, speaker of the youth wing of the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia, a multiethnic political party. Session Three was on how pluralism and human development work together in order to ensure economic growth, social cohesion, and environmental sustainability. CALD Secretary General Neric Acosta, also an expert on environmental policy, discussed the principles of symbiosis, resilience, and justice. According to Acosta, the right of nature must also be upheld when tackling rights on respecting majority and protecting minority. Also speaking on the subject of environment was Hon. Hugua, regent of Wakatobi in Southeastern Sulawesi, Indonesia, where environmental balance is the basis for policymaking.
Dr. Wolf-Dieter Zumpfort delivers the closing keynote address
Maysing Yang of the Democratic Progressive Party meantime talked about Taiwan’s journey from being an authoritarian state to one that practices democratic pluralism. She described Taiwan now as an open society working toward immigrant integration in areas like employment and education. The session speakers also included Cambodian MP and CALD Women’s Caucus Chairperson Mu Sochua, who discussed land issues, and Eva Sundari, MP, of PDI-Perjuangan, who spoke on how to increase the quality of democracy and make it go from popular to substantial. The role of Islamic pluralism in fostering development was the conference’s last topic. “Diversity is a fact. Pluralism is not,” said Dr. Luthfi Assyaukanie of the Liberal Islam Network, Indonesia. Common misunderstandings of pluralism, he said, are that it is synonymous with relativism, it is a belief that considers all religions as the same, and it threatens Muslim religious identity. To avoid such misunderstandings, said Luthfi, there must be civic education in schools, and the proscription of hate speech and intolerant fatwa. MP Hadjiman Salliman of the Liberal Party of the Philippines then talked about the situation in Muslim Mindanao (southern Philippines) and how, in order to attain peace, the military must show the citizens that that they are protectors
Three doctors: Acosta, Zumpfort and Adam 21
Speakers of Session IV receive their tokens from PDI-Perjuangan
Hon. Marvlei Tsururen, MP: An example of pluralism in Japan
Delegates at the welcome dinner by the beach
Adam perfoms a traditional Balinese dance
and partners in development, rather than oppressors. Fortunately, Zia Banday of the Liberal Forum, Pakistan, ended the session on a hopeful note. He observed that majority of Muslim countries are well-integrated in the global economy; public support for religious-based violence has declined in Muslim countries; and the Arab Spring has given a democratic path to power for moderate Islamists. He added, though, that it would be politically incorrect for a Muslim living in a Muslim country, like him, to embrace everything coming from the West. Acosta summed up the conference by emphasizing that pluralism enables resilience and hope. It allows for the capacity to absorb conflict without destroying systems, he said. Furthermore, he said, it allows individuals and groups to envision themselves as agents, not victims; and as self empowering citizens, not objects of development. During his closing keynote address, Dr. Wolf-Dieter Zumpfort, vice Chair of the FNF Board of Directors, stressed that pluralism is a pre-requisite for development. He observed that it is also something that liberals favor, in the same way they favor social markets that are dynamic and open, because
With traditional Balinese dancers at the Governor’s residence 22
they want as many people as possible to benefit. “Everybody wants development, especially development for themselves,” he pointed out. “Pluralism, on the other hand, goes beyond self-interest.” Among the participants were Hasto Kristiyanto, Dr. Andreas Pareira and Hanjaya Setiayawan, PDI-P; MP Son Chhay, MP Saumura Tioulong, SRP; MP Kasit Piromya and MP Sucheen Angchuan, DP Thailand; Maysing Yang, Huai-hui Hsieh, and Jessie Chou, DPP Taiwan; MP Henedina Razon-Abad, LP Philippines; Nyo Ohn Myint, NCUB; Ng Lip Yong and Lau Hoi Kyong, PGRM; Dr. Vincent Wijeysingha and Jaslyn Go, SDP; and FNF’s Dr. Rainer Adam and Rainer Erkens. The National Democratic Institute and International Network for Liberal Women were also represented.
Rangoon, Burma | 15-17 November
CALD Workshop on Women Empowerment THREE DAYS before the activity, one of the participants was serving time as a political prisoner. But with the spirit and vigor of National League for Democracy (NLD) members like herself, she went straight back to work after her release and participated in a workshop on empowering women in politics. For CALD, 15-17 November 2011 have become dates to remember. It was during these dates that CALD held its first ever workshop in Burma—a result of the discussions during a meeting between CALD officials and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in January this year. Forty women leaders and activists from five states and seven divisions around Burma participated in the workshop facilitated by CALD Women’s Caucus Chair and Cambodian opposition MP Mu Sochua. In a span of three short days, the workshop aimed to accomplish a lot: prepare the NLD women’s wing for Burma’s upcoming elections; increase the political participation of women in the NLD and empower them to take greater and more influential leadership positions; and establish a sustainable framework of partnership between the CALD Women’s Caucus and NLD women’s wing. Participants discussed the issues that affect women and how to empower women to get involved in advancing these. Some of the issues identified were education, land rights, violence against women, human trafficking and gender equality. Participants also planned to strengthen the party’s women’s wing with more capacity-building activities and communications strategies. Commented
one participant: “This workshop organized by CALD is very fantastic. We are encouraged and inspired, and are also impressed by other people from around the world who helped us and worked together with us.” After the workshop, the CALD Secretariat had the opportunity to meet with Daw Suu Kyi. Among the topics they discussed was the need for rule of law and ethnic harmony in Burma’s democratization process. CALD committed to return to Burma for more exchanges with the NLD. The day after the workshop, NLD decided to re-register for the country’s next elections. With developments like this, CALD is hopeful that when it returns to Burma, it will be to a more democratic and inclusive country.
CALD workshop organizers with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi
Paricipants pose for a photo outside the NLD headquarters 23
Bangkok, Thailand | 28 November-1 December
CALD Climate Change Workshop 1 IT WAS still battling all kinds of challenges due to unprecedented flooding in recent years, but that probably made Thailand all the more welcome a raging wave of insights from Asian liberals on climate change. As 2011 drew to a close, 20 international participants joined colleagues from the Democrat Party of Thailand for the Climate Change Workshop: Setting CALD’s Climate Change Agenda in Bangkok. The four-day event was the first in a planned series of activities on climate change by CALD. More importantly, the event led to the creation of the CALD Climate Change Committee composed of CALD Secretary General Dr. Neric Acosta, CALD Chair Rajiva Wijesinha, Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia’s Ng Lip Yong, and the Democrat Party of Thailand’s Monthip Sriratana. The significance of the workshop’s focus was evident at the onset of the event. In his keynote address, Thai opposition leader and former premier Abhisit Vejjajiva shared Thailand’s recent experience with climate change and stressed the global nature of the phenomenon. “Rather than creating restrictions,” he said, “governments have to create the right incentives in the communities to let them live with their natural resources. The work ahead is hard, but for us liberals and democrats, we have to set an example.”
Acosta explains the framework of the workshop 24
Acosta, for his part, highlighted the present effects of climate change in the Philippines and in the rest of the region. He also emphasized the relationship of climate change with other issues such as hunger, poverty and disease transmission. “Every individual has the right to be free from vulnerabilities at this age of climate change,” said Acosta, who also acted as workshop facilitator. “It is not an option; action must be taken now.” He then came up with a liberal framework for addressing climate change that includes transparency, rule of law, free market, and promotion of human rights. Barun Mitra of Liberty Institute India meanwhile discussed the “decarbonization” of the economy, among others. He also noted the devastating effects of climate change on India’s agricultural industry and cited the energy efficiency of Japan compared to other states. He commented as well, “Policy intervention is a means to promote energy efficiency.” A report on the impact of climate change on water was also presented by Hongpeng Liu of the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UN ESCAP). “Most often you will see different kinds of disasters which linked them to water and climate change,” said Liu. “People have to find a way to prevent these in the future.”
Delegates discuss climate change issues during a plenary session
Sitheeanorn, Smutharak, Adam, Former PM Vejjajiva and Sophonpanit
Far from just listening, participants were able to report on their respective political party’s climate change initiatives in one of the sessions. Moreover, they deliberated the areas of climate change that they want CALD to concentrate on. But the participants also took time to enjoy each other’s company and had a festive Thai dinner with the DP members and representatives of FNF Thailand. The workshop participants included: MP Saumura Tioulong, SRP Cambodia; MPs Mylene Garcia-Albano and Mel Senen Sarmiento, LP Philippines; MPs Khunying Dr. Kalaya Sophonpanit, Buranat Smutharak, and Kiat Sitheeanorn, DP Thailand; Taufan Tampubolon, PDI-P Indonesia; Erkhembayar Myagmarjav, CWP Mongolia; Nyo Ohn Myint, NCUB; Tan Hang Chong, SDP; and Dr. Winston Dang, DPP Taiwan.
Philippine delegates with Former PM Vejjajiva
FNF Regional Director for East and Southeast Asia Dr. Rainer Adam led the FNF contingent from the foundation’s Thailand office, among them Dr. Pimrapaat Dusadeeisaiyakul; Juliane Schmucker; Asit Prueangwet, and intern Charlotte Martinez Bandelow. CALD Executive Director Celito Arlegue and Project Assistant Francis Perdon were also present. Mitra, Wijesinha and Ng
Liu of UN ESCAP Bangkok 25
Liberals Worldwide In Manila
Road to Manila Congress ABOUT A month before the start of the 57th Liberal International Congress on Human Rights and Trade in Manila in early June, CALD and FNF began rolling out a trio of forums that had the Philippine experience as focus for discussions on democracy, human rights, and economic development. This was not just because the Philippines was to be the host country for the LI event. As FNF Philippines Country Director Jules Maaten explained, “The Philippines has made a lot of contributions to democracy on the national, regional, and global level. We wish to highlight these in the forums, and these could set the tone for more comprehensive discussions at the LI Congress.” The weekly series – “Road to Manila Congress: Shifting Gears for Democracy” – was open to the public, with each forum having a third co-organizer joining CALD and FNF. The National Institute for Policy Studies (NIPS) co-organized the first, “Philippine People Power Goes Global,” which was held on 18 May at the Liberal Party’s headquarters in Quezon City, Metro Manila. In the wake of the upheavals in the Middle East and North Africa, panelist Maaten noted that there was again “increasing interest” the popular uprising that had toppled a dictator in the Philippines in 1986. Another panelist, Undersecretary Chito Gascon, even said that the images from Tunisia and Egypt took him back to the time when he was a youth leader. Gascon had been an active participant in the 1986 People Power Revolution. “In a personal way,” he said, “I could identify with what was happening.” He added that Philippine people power itself had been inspired by earlier, “similar initiatives of facing power with truth and violence with non-violence.” But, he said, “Philippine People Power is one of the first models that succeeded and the reason the Philippine case has gone global is the succession of similar events that followed, including the Velvet Revolution, Orange Revolution, Tulip Revolution and Reformasi in Malaysia and Indonesia.”
But what exactly is “people power”? According to Dr. Benjie Tolosa of the Ateneo de Manila University, it is a struggle for social and political-economic democratization, a non-violent struggle and an unfinished struggle for genuine democracy. At the same time, the political scientist stressed the importance of building a successor generation in order to defend and deepen democracy today. He said that following the call to continue the struggle, young people should be given more leadership roles, mechanisms and multiple venues to engage in politics. “People power should be viewed as a work in progress, rather than a project completed,” pointed out another panelist, Batanes Rep. Henedina Abad (LP). “This has been true in the Philippines, and this would also be true for recent democratizers like Tunisia and Egypt. They need to be oriented on building institutions that really work, so that the gains that the revolutionaries worked so hard to achieve would be preserved.” NIPS President Mario Taguiwalo chaired the first forum. Arpee Santiago, deputy executive director of the Ateneo Human Rights Center (AHRC), chaired the next, which was held on 26 May at the Ateneo de Manila University Rockwell campus. AHRC was also the third co-organizer for the second forum, which posed the question, “Did the Philippines sacrifice human rights in the altar of free trade?” The answer to that, said panelist Wigberto Tanada, Chair of the Philippine Working Group for an ASEAN Human Rights Mechanism, was “No.” Free-trade policies, he said, have a remarkable capacity to widen human rights, fundamental freedoms and even advance women’s rights. But he conceded that these policies could also undermine the fundamental principles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and national constitution that uphold dignity and social progress. He said that free trade may impair, undermine, and place at risk equality 27
IN FOCUS | Liberals Worldwide In Manila before the law and having equal access to public services without discrimination. According to Tanada, the Philippines was not prepared when it joined the World Trade Organization in 1994. That is why the promised safety nets and expected gains, including benefits and jobs, did not materialize. Today the Philippines continues to face deepening poverty, increasing inequality, rising unemployment, and a decline of industries and the agricultural sector. Prof. Felipe Medalla of the Foundation for Economic Freedom meanwhile said that in some countries, the only way for free trade to exist is to violate human rights, by preventing union bargaining, for example. The Philippines, however, is a different case. The reduction of trade barriers came together with democracy and human rights, particularly because artificial trade barriers existed during martial law.
students, to take action. “You are powerful,” she said. “You will make a difference.” In truth, her response to the forum’s main question was simple: “It’s up to you.” CALD Secretary General Dr. Neric Acosta then pointed out that given how Philippine democracy has oftentimes been described as elitist, populist and exuberant, countries like Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia, may have moved more democratically ahead of it. “In Asia,” he said, “democracy is not independent of discourses on development. The Philippines must keep up to speed with those who have gone ahead of us in terms of stronger democratic institutions, the rule of law, and overall economic performance.” Still, Acosta remained optimistic, saying, “We can lead the way with the glorious examples of 1986, which should not be diminished no matter how badly subsequent administrations have governed.”
Medalla said that there are many reasons why poverty exists in the Philippines or why human rights may not be upheld. But the roots of these are deep and due to terrible institutions, particularly the justice system, he said. He added that the solutions to this problem should be the improvement of tax collection, providing value for money for taxpayers, ensuring judges with fair decisions, making sure that policemen are not criminals themselves and improving the educational system. The Philippine Commission on Human Rights Chairwoman Loretta Rosales, meanwhile, proposed strengthening regional ties within Southeast Asia through ASEAN. Previously, regional trade agreements had not allowed this to happen. She said that having national human rights institutions come together to discuss critical human rights and trade issues will result in collective regional strength that could be leverage against more developed countries. The third and last in the forum series was “Saving Democracy: Can the Philippines Lead the Way?” that was co-organized by De La Salle University and held on 1 June at the DLSU Taft campus. Dr. Julio Teehankee, head of La Salle’s International Studies Department, chaired this forum, which included a presentation on how democracy, particularly in Asia, can be best measured. According to Dr. Rainer Adam, FNF regional director for Southeast and East Asia, a good yardstick to use would be the Freedom Barometer Asia, an index that tracks democracy particularly in key areas like political freedom, rule of law, and economic freedom. At first, though, it seemed that journalist and academic Maria Ressa’s reply to the query title of the forum would be in the negative. After all, she said that the Philippines, “since 1986, exhausts me.” But then she also talked about organizations that deliver and the use of technology to strengthen democracy. Media for social change is not a fantasy and can bring about cataclysmic change in a democracy that has often been characterized as feudal and patronage-driven, she said. After discussing the effects of social networks and how they can be used to spread hope, Ressa ended her presentation by encouraging the audience, mostly Facebook-age De La Salle University 28
Maria Ressa speaks before students at the De La Salle University
Regional Liberal Networks Respond to Democracy and Development DISCUSSIONS on democracy and development can sometimes lead to nasty debates, but thoughtful analyses and comparisons were fortunately the norm in an LI Manila Congress forum that took these up on 19 June. Divided into two sessions, the forum had CALD joining delegates from Asia, Europe, North America, and Latin America in presenting and discussing, quite soberly, the state and prospects of democracy and development in different regions of the world. Session One, “The Linkage between Democracy and Development: Experiences from the Regions,” allowed delegates to present the historical background of their regions with regard to democracy and development. One of the speakers, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Vice Chair Niccolo Rinaldi, acknowledged the importance of trade and the economic aspects of development in sustaining democracy. He incorporated recent political uprisings, such as the recent Arab Spring, in his call to his regional partners to consider the benefits of trade to simultaneously support democracy and economic development. But Red Liberal de America Latina (RELIAL) Chairperson Otto Guevara Guth thought there was a need to first closely define development, which to him “is related to the maximization of the well-being of the population in the long-run.” He then explained how economic development and the expansion of free trade throughout Latin America remains a challenge to the region, even though most countries in South and Central America are already democratic states. Said Guth: “You can be democratic without any economic growth.” African Liberal Network (ALN) President Dr. Mamadou Lamine Ba meanwhile stressed the need for the spread of political and civil freedoms throughout Africa because, he said, “Freedom and democracy [are] important for development.” He believes Africa cannot be the center of the world economy in the near future unless stable democratic institutions and political freedoms secure today’s rapid economic growth in the region.
Speakers from Asian economic powerhouses Taiwan and South Korea took care of the next session, “Promoting Democracy and Development: Responses from the Regions.” Former CALD Secretary General and DPP’s Bi-Khim Hsiao explained the extensive economic and political diversity of Asian countries. She also described a new shift in the systematic balance of power in Asia as U.S. and Japanese power decline while that of China rises. In the terms of development and democracy, she recommended economic policies that would share wealth among the vast majority of the population instead of promoting income disparities and initiatives to strengthen Asian democracies. “We are still facing vulnerabilities,” she said. Dr. Park Soon Seong, president of the Institute for Democracy and Policies of the Democratic Party of Korea (DPK), for his part, spoke about the increasingly stronger relations between China and North Korea, two communist states in the region. He also presented the South Korean view regarding democracy and development. The forum, which had the floor open after each session for remarks from participants, was chaired by FNF East and Southeast Asia Regional Director Dr. Rainer Adam. CALD Secretary General Neric Acosta provided the synthesis and closing remarks for the event.
Dr. Park Soon Seong and Ms. Bi-khim Hsiao 29
IN FOCUS | Liberals Worldwide In Manila
Liberal Women Meet on Trade and Women’s Rights THEY are often the invisible force in the workplace, but women took to the fore in a joint meeting held by the CALD Women’s Caucus and the International Network of Liberal Women at the 2011 LI Congress in Manila. Called “Free and Fair Trade and Women’s Human Rights,” the meeting that was held 17 June demonstrated the primary concerns of both the CALD Women’s Caucus and INLW. Ma. Isabel “Beng” Climaco, deputy speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives chaired the event, which had speakers talking about best practices and policies to tackle the risks women may face when pursuing the breadth of economic opportunities afforded to them through the expansion of free trade. Climaco opened the discussion with a brief history -- or “herstory” as she stated in her warm welcome remarks -- of the role of liberal women in the struggle for a more liberal Philippines, including that of the pioneers of the Filipino women’s suffrage. The first speaker, INLW Vice President Christine de Saint Genois, went straight to heart of the matter at hand, warning against differentiating women’s rights from the broader set of human rights, especially in the context of gender-based job and wage disparity. Even as she acknowledged the success of women around the world in the economic sphere, she said, “By definition, free trade doesn’t securitize human rights.” Equal opportunity in business and the workplace, she asserted, is the key element to bolster a platform for women to experience true fair trade, human rights, and economic security for themselves and their families. INLW Secretary General Margaret de Vos van SteenwijkGroeneveld then spoke on behalf of INLW’s current president, Joaquima Alemany. She noted the tough economic challenges and the vulnerability of working women in the Asia-Pacific, Australia, and other countries around the world. In her discussion of women in the Asia-Pacific region, she pointed out, “The Asian economic miracle was largely due to the incorporation of women, especially young and unmarried 30
women, who were paid wages lower than their male coworkers and who, after marrying, often left their jobs again.” Maria Carmen Zamora-Apsay, LP member of the Philippine House of Representatives, meanwhile discussed the severe lack of opportunity provided to women in the developing world. She then explained the need to improve the women’s economic status so that they can reap the financial benefits of free trade and economic globalization. Jayanthi Devi Balaguru, vice chair of CALD Women’s Caucus and Secretary General of the PGRM Women’s Wing (Malaysia), concluded the discussions joint by presenting possible national, regional, and global responses to the challenges faced by working women today. She directed participants to three primary areas of focus: education, social policies, and legislation. Balaguru also pointed to several international agreements that must be upheld in order to guarantee the economic independence of women including the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. In a final proposal to the meeting’s participants, Balaguru expressed hope for the development of an organization made up of members of both CALD Women’s Caucus and INLW to simultaneously promote women’s human dignity and economic empowerment globally. Shortly after the meeting, women delegates convened further to discuss areas of future cooperation between CALD Women’s Caucus and INLW.
Liberal Women delegates
Young Leaders Convene for Non-violent Political Change ANYONE still in doubt about the power of the youth in affecting political change need only to look at the snapshots and videos of those who participated in the recent political upheavals in the Arab world. Fittingly enough, one of the forums at the LI Manila Congress was a joint discussion by CALD Youth and the International Federation of Liberal Youth regarding the significance and efficacy of the youth movement and social media in fostering nonviolent democratic change cross the globe. IFLRY Bureau Member Ivo Thijssen and CALD Youth Chairperson Selyna Peiris, CALD Youth Chair chaired the event that took place 17 June. During the welcome remarks, Peiris reminded participants that the youth are no longer a future generation, but, she stated, “We are the present generation.” Thijssen then opened the discussion by holding a snap poll on whether a revolution can occur with youth leading the way. When asked to raise their hands, an overwhelming majority of the delegates raised their hands in favor of the possibility of a youth-led revolution. Thijssen encouraged participants to use social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook during the meeting as well. Two former youth leaders in nonviolent revolutions were the forum’s speakers. Moe Zaw Oo, now vice president of the International Affairs Committee of the National League for Democracy (Liberated Area) in Burma, addressed the present-day challenges for youth movements in nondemocracies by sharing the experience of Burmese youth in two major political movements: the 1988 Uprising and the Saffron Revolution of 2007. He was himself a young participant in the 1988 Uprising that he said was initiated largely by impassioned students. The next major movement in Burma consisted of anti-government protests called the Saffron Revolution. Though led primarily by monks, Moe Zaw Oo said it was also driven by modern technology and the courage of citizen journalists. In fact, the Burmese government even tried to harness complete control over Internet and shut down access to email in the country. Internet communication
still presents a dire threat to those who use it in Burma today, said Moe Zaw Oo. He ended with a quotation from the Nobel Peace laureate and NLD General Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi: “Please use your liberty to promote ours.” A discussion of the role of Filipino youth in politics, as well as how to sustain the spirit of political activism among the younger generation, came next, courtesy of Chito Gascon, currently political affairs undersecretary of the Office of the President of the Philippines. Gascon designated college students as a key group for successful political activism since they are at a time in their lives during which they don’t have to work and are exposed to a lot of information. He stressed, though, that the youth cannot conduct a successful revolution on their own. Said Gascon: “Social change, particularly non-violent social change, must appeal to a broader segment of any given society.”
During an engaging open forum with youth leaders 31
SPEECHES Keynote Address of His Excellency
BENIGNO S. AQUINO III President of the Philippines
57th Congress of the Liberal International 18 June 2011 | Rizal Hall, Malacañan Palace, Manila
The current global milieu has been described by some thinkers as “postideological,” and one would find it hard to argue with such a description. Schools of thought have come and gone; ideological frameworks meant to describe the world we live in—and to prescribe the best ways to survive and flourish—have gained popularity, then fallen by the wayside. While it cannot be denied that advances in human knowledge have provided us with comforts and allowed us to address some of the greater, more complex problems that humankind has had to face, I think we can all—as Liberal thinkers—agree that, by the moment, more and more questions arise, and answers cannot always be at hand. It is in this context that we find ourselves gathering as Liberals in a world that gives greater value to a certain ideological dexterity; a nimbleness of thought that allows governments to respond quickly to crises, to foresee trends, and to utilize these trends for the benefit of the people. This of course requires the clarity of vision to recognize what is happening on the ground, and the humility to adjust accordingly. The lines that have traditionally defined us, at least politically, have become blurred. While in some corners of the globe, Liberals have for generations been a small but staunch opposition, in others they have banded with other parties in order to pursue their agenda. While on one hand we may have pushed for greater deregulation of industries, on the other we have called for governments to step in, in order to save an ailing economy. 32
And so the question persists: What does it mean to be a Liberal today? Our governments have all had to operate within different environments, and we’ve all had to adapt in order to face the challenges of our individual nations. Perhaps the question I must first answer, then, is: How am I as a Liberal? My candidacy was organized along two tracks: there was the hard work and organization required of the Liberal Party, and there was the cooperation without undue integration of the many other groups and associations that wanted to help campaign so that the people’s mandate might be obtained. As we have seen, there is plenty of room for both, whether in a campaign or in governance. And when in the past, the ruling party in its quest to perpetuate itself in power recognized no limits and no other voice but its own, we now choose to be as consultative and inclusive as possible. When before the law was used to harass and silence those who brooked opposition, today we choose to consider the law as a means to engage others in discourse. When before, authority was used to quell hope, today we use it to realize hope. In other words, in power, we choose to be different from those whom we replaced. This is what we have constantly communicated to our people. Our blueprint for governance—our Social Contract with the Filipino people—acknowledges the dissatisfaction with the status quo that got us elected in the first place. Our policies
have been crafted on the basis of firm lines of principle. When I announced my candidacy for the presidency, I said my job is about the efficient allocation of resources. We made zero-based budgeting the basis of all our public spending. We refused to accept previous assumptions and went back to basics. We also felt that only through a thorough reexamination of contracts and expenditures could we achieve the fiscal prudence that has allowed us, in April, to record our highest monthly surplus in 25 years. In turn, this has allowed us to ensure that we will have adequate resources for the administration of justice as well as programs such as conditional cash transfers for the poor. And while these policies of my government are in response to the needs of our people here and now, they are also firmly in keeping with principles first laid down by our party when it was organized in 1946. In essence, it is also what has called our people to rally along the “tuwid na daan”—the straight and righteous path. It is also what binds us all as Liberals, even in this so-called post-ideological century of ours: the respect for the individual’s rights and freedoms; the commitment to make growth inclusive and equitable, so that every man and woman may have the means to fulfill their fullest potential; and the unwavering compassion for those with little means to pursue their dreams. We continue to be guided by these principles in every aspect of governance. Whether
it was in my appeal to the Supreme Court to permit the Maguindanao Massacre trial to be televised, so our people may have an opportunity to witness justice served, and to understand the causes of impunity in our country; or whether it was in my pursuing a pocket open-skies policy as part of our liberalization and deregulation efforts; or even in my recent signing of Executive Order 45, which allows our Department of Justice to take legal action in the case of monopolies and cartels—what we are pursuing are these broad things, unbound by narrow-minded dogma, but consistent with our obligation to pursue the greater good. This is also why this Congress has chosen to locate Human Rights as parallel to Free Trade in the articulation of our theme: Because we believe that the latter must be pursued to ensure that the former is upheld. As I have mentioned once before, governments must ensure direction, so that the market might be used as a plow to cultivate the fields of social justice. In rhetorical terms: How can an individual enjoy the rights he has on paper, when from birth he has been denied the tools to take his destiny into his own hands? Such a question continues to persist in my country, and in many of yours. Some of us have already obtained a mandate to address this, and as my people pray—and work—so that my nation may overcome its own set of challenges, so do I pray, and pledge my support, to the ultimate
flourishing and concretization of our principles as Liberals around the globe. The Liberal Party of the Philippines joined Liberal International 23 years ago, the first to do so in Asia. In the span of a generation we have grown from a small band of believers to a multitude capable of passing laws and implementing them consistent with our agenda of equal opportunity, human dignity, and individual freedom. While in 1989 a mere handful of our stalwarts journeyed to Paris to reiterate our beliefs and gain entry into this global Liberal family, today we host this Congress as the party that our people deemed worthy to lead them. And while this indicates that part of our journey has come full circle, by no means has it achieved its full potential. And is that not what we gather here for—the achievement of our potentials as leaders, as parties, and as nations? This is the challenge that lies before all of us as committed party members and committed Liberals—the same challenge that has been posed to the first people to bear the Liberal mandate. May we continue to rise to this challenge. Thank you for honoring my party and my country by coming to Manila to hold this Congress. Mabuhay.
“And so the question persists: What does it mean to be a Liberal today? ... Perhaps the question I must first answer, then, is: How am I as a Liberal?” 33
SPEECHES Speech of
DR. TSAI ING-WEN Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan
57th Congress of the Liberal International 19 June 2011 | The Peninsula Manila Hotel, Philippines
Liberal friends and colleagues, it is my honor and pleasure to be among fellow liberals, particularly in such a session with political leaders from Africa, Europe, Latin America, and Asia. Although I am a relative newcomer to the circle of political leaders, I feel like I am among family. The warmth and support that Liberal International has shared with the Democratic Progressive Party over the past years, tied together by our common values and beliefs, are exhibited today. My party and I are proud to be part of this global network, and we will continue to seek a proactive role in promoting a liberal and democratic global agenda through Liberal International. I am especially pleased to be able to take part in my first Liberal International Congress here in the Philippines, Taiwan’s closest neighbor. Like the Philippines, over the last few centuries, Taiwan has been through periods of colonialism, war, and rule by authoritarian regimes. Yet our peoples have diligently worked to lift our nations through a period of rapid economic development and into the modern industrial age. And in the mid- to late- eighties, our peoples staged peaceful revolutions that inaugurated an era of modern democracy in the region. Yesterday evening several hundred Taiwanese living in the Philippines hosted a political rally for me at Club Filipino, a site that also commemorates the 1986 People Power revolution. That was the same year that we broke the ban on opposition parties under Martial Law and established the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan. And although we continue to cope with challenges in our not yet perfect political systems, our two nations were indeed part of a wave of democratization that demonstrates to the world: Contrary to the claims of a few Asian 34
leaders, we Asians are perfectly capable of building systems and institutions of democracy in which the people are empowered to make decisions about their future. While we celebrate the political achievements of our fellow member parties who lead their nations toward democratic progress, we must bear in mind that there are others who are in much more difficult conditions, and it is our duty as fellow liberals and democrats to extend our concern and support toward the freedom fighters and democracy activists who continue to struggle in tremendous hardship. Among CALD (Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats) members, for example, Sam Rainsy, who is here today (another speaker) has been deprived of his parliamentary immunity and has no choice but to campaign in exile. The LI Prize for Freedom recipient Chee Soon Juan of Singapore is banned from leaving his country and thus cannot be with us here today. Another member party, the Burmese National League for Democracy, had been struggling under conditions where the basic freedoms of many of their leaders and members were restrained. Even though some rudimentary progress is now happening in Burma, there is a long way to go before free and fair elections can become a reality. The even greater challenge for those of us interested in promoting democracy in Asia is China. The rise of China that is authoritarian impacts not only Taiwan’s international survival, it has far-reaching consequences around the world. Therefore it is important for us to work with the rest of the world, especially those concerned about the future of democracy, to engage constructively with China, to ensure that China’s rise is peaceful, stable, and consistent with responsibilities we would all expect of a great power.
The theme of this Congress, Human Rights and Trade, is particularly pertinent as we deal with China. The Congress concept paper asks the question: How do we balance basic human rights with economic interests? All too often, in the current state of the global political economy, economic leverage is applied to silence critics on human rights; economic strength is also utilized as a base for expanding political and military influence. I don’t think we would be so uncomfortable with China’s economic rise if it weren’t for the fact that it is an authoritarian government. Recent moves by the Chinese government to intensify its internet censorship and control, the arrests of more bloggers, lawyers and activists and even artists such as Ai Weiwei, are worrisome. This, added to more aggressive international behavior, most notably in the South China Sea, creates many challenges that we as liberals must jointly face. We are operating in an extremely complex environment, where there is a shift in global power on a systemic level. The United States, which has dominated global politics since the end of the cold war, is over-extended overseas and limited in capacity by rising domestic economic and social troubles. In the meantime, China is rapidly growing in a complex web of global interdependencies, both positive and negative: advances in technologies, transportation, and communication on the one hand, with degradation of the environment, the spread of nuclear weapons, growing income disparities and social unrest on the other. We are all relevant parties to China’s growth, and yet we must all bear together the environmental, security, and social consequences. The international debate around how to deal with China surrounds two main
arguments. Some optimists believe that more engagement with China will give the outside world an opportunity to have an influence on changing China, integrating China into conformity with international rules, norms, and standards of behavior. Others see China continuing on the same path: Liberalizing economically but maintaining an authoritarian system that is also capable of modernizing and adapting to changes. The pessimists worry that a rising China that is authoritarian will attempt to develop an alternative world order, and that a balanceof-power strategy is needed to contain such a scenario. We in the DPP believe that both integration and balance are needed. Integration generates opportunities for business and travel, and it will give more and more Chinese people a chance to witness and experience alternative political systems. At the same time, we must balance and hedge against risks, managing the relationship in a way that would safeguard our values and interests. From a Taiwan perspective, we believe it is in our best interest to deal with China in a multilateral framework, where international rules and regulations help to balance China’s growingly asymmetrical leverage and influence. We must be practical as our business community takes advantage of the growing economic opportunities in China, but at the same time we must be vigilant in guarding our most cherished values, mainly democracy and human rights. The reality is that over a century apart, the two sides across the Taiwan Strait have evolved distinctly. Our politics and societies have evolved on different paths, and we in the DPP are particularly committed to preserving the free choice of the Taiwanese people to determine their own future. Yet at the same time, we also recognize that there are commonalities and shared interests, and that is in the joint pursuit of peaceful development. Therefore the DPP is also committed, for we see it as part of our responsibility to the international community, to play a part in preserving peace and stability in the region, and in establishing a peaceful and stable mechanism for interacting with China without compromising our values. Our doors are open to Chinese visitors who are sincerely interested in understanding the DPP. At our party headquarters and through our think tank, we have engaged in dialogue with some visiting Chinese delegations. We have also taken initiative to invite Chinese dissidents and activists, some of them exiled overseas, to organize election observation trips. Hopefully through such exchanges we can enhance understanding to minimize the chances of miscalculations, and we can also help the Chinese people and government
better understand the functioning of the democratic system that we have worked so hard to build. In dealing with China and other countries, one of the multilateral frameworks for raising human rights questions and promoting democracy is through party-to-party networks such as Liberal International. As political parties representing liberal values, we are not constrained by traditional state-to-state diplomacy that needs to take into account varying sectors of domestic interests and calculations of international power. Of course, whether in and out of government, we must always have a realistic grasp of international circumstances and the conditions under which we operate. But as a political network we also stand for values, and it is our values and policies that distinguish our existence from other political parties. The benefit of having a network to act, instead of leaving the pressures to individual political parties to bear, is that collective and multilateral action adds strength to our voice. Who can better articulate a collective voice of principle, a voice of ideals, and a voice of belief in democracy and human rights, than a network of liberal political parties? That is why we, the Democratic Progressive Party, have chosen to be a proactive member of Liberal International, doing what we can to help strengthen the network’s presence in Asia and with a particular emphasis on human rights. Although my party has been through a very difficult period since our electoral defeats in 2008, our commitment to the promotion of democracy and human rights is unwavering. In April my party decided to nominate me as its presidential candidate for the next election in January. We have been through a difficult three years in our domestic politics, but I believe my party’s selection of me not only as leader of the party but also presidential candidate, illustrates a collective desire for our country to move forward. We must build on past achievements, but we must also constantly reflect and renew, so that we can enhance our competence and refine our capacity to govern, and hopefully we will win back the mandate next year. It is our hope that as we move forward in upholding our values and pursing our public policies, we will continue to have the support of our liberal friends around the world. There is much to learn from each other, whether we are in or out of government. And from our part, the DPP is proud to continue our active participation through this international network of political parties committed to freedom, liberty, democracy, and responsible government.
As we are here enjoying the hospitality of the organizers, I also hope that in the near future we will have an opportunity to host all of you in Taiwan, as the governing party, too. But before that we have tough election campaigns for the presidency and the legislature. The blessing and concern of LI member parties for us in previous election campaigns are memorable and much appreciated. You are all more than welcomed to come through Taiwan again to observe our upcoming elections in January, and we hope we can count on your continuing support for Taiwan’s democracy as we celebrate a new era in Taiwan’s democratic progress.
“... we must bear in mind that there are others who are in much more difficult conditions, and it is our duty as fellow liberals and democrats to extend our concern and support toward the freedom fighters and democracy activists who continue to struggle in tremendous hardship.” 35
SPEECHES Theme Resolution Speech of
DR. NERIC ACOSTA CALD Secretary General
57th Congress of the Liberal International 18 June 2011 | The Peninsula Manila Hotel, Philippines
Let me begin with something out of the box, as it were. I lift from the Herald Tribune yesterday, particularly of the column of Tom Friedman (of Flat, Hot and Crowded fame), naming “the most influential foreign figure of the year in China” – not Obama or Bill Gates or Warren Buffet. He is seen as a rock star in China, Japan, and South Korea: Michael Sandel, Harvard University political philosopher and author of the best-selling book Justice: What is the Right Thing to Do? – who uses real-life examples in his highly popular classes to illustrate the philosophies of the likes of Aristotle, Immanuel Kant, and John Stuart Mill. Sandel tosses out questions to students and varied audiences like “Is it fair that David Letterman or Dirk Nowitzki or David Beckham makes 700 or 1000 times more than a schoolteacher?” “Are we morally responsible for righting the wrongs of our grandparents’ generation?” So in the manner of Sandel – let me begin by posing these questions as a way of proposing a thematic debate that we hope will move us away from just the abstract and academic and focus what provokes thought, sharpen reasoned argument, and even deepen moral understanding. “Are liberals by principle responsible to uphold free trade even if it means the erosion of a basic respect for human rights?
Do the sumptuous sushi and tuna or other seafood delicacies in Tokyo restaurants -justify overfishing and coral-reef destruction in Philippine and Indonesian waters that further impoverish coastal communities or trample on the rights of indigenous peoples? Should mineral resources extracted from critical ecosystems in Africa to fuel industrial growth in the Eastern seaboard of China or urbanization in India or elsewhere be auctioned to the highest bidder? Can Liberals justify food miles or a carbonfood footprint -- if the tropical fruits we buy in, say, European supermarkets, transported across oceans, are produced with cheap, labor union-busting practices in agrarian regions of Central America? Should the free flow of labor, a key pillar of free trade – as with the phenomenon of the over 10 million Overseas Filipino Workers in over 100 countries – include or justify the adverse social costs on families? Even more pointedly, is the so-called emancipation of career women in highly developed city-states like Singapore and Hong Kong attained on the backs of the Filipina domestic helper or nanny who cares for the children and homes of these women?
Should consumerism (of widely affordable and accessible manufactured goods) in Canada be sustained by sweatshops with child labor in Calcutta?
Do OFW remittances that keep an entire economy like that of the Philippines afloat with 15 billion pesos a year or roughly 12 percent of GNP – three times higher than FDI -- justify a three-generation export labor policy to date that is based on the separation of parents or elders from their children?
Should the appetite for finely-crafted luxury items in New York or London be sated by the nimble hands of children trapped in hovels in congested favelas of Rio de Janeiro?
Should liberal governments in power continue to impose economic sanctions on the Burmese junta and insist on Suu Kyi’s release and the Burma’s democratization, or if
because of their rich resources that we may need for our own economic growth, tolerate continued repression? With the rise of a global economic powerhouse like China, should liberal governments or liberal leaders or policy-makers set aside their core human rights and democratic values in favor of benefiting as a trading partner or investment destination? These are the more visceral representations of the thematic resolution before us today, that we as Liberals seek to grapple with and address – not only simply from the vantage of policy or implications for law, but more importantly, from the moral standpoint of justice and the common good. Liberalism, after all, is not just about economic freedom or free markets to lift millions mired in poverty, but about the political freedoms that a state must with its inherent powers enable and protect in a milieu of democratic and open institutions and the rule of law. As schools of thought go, there are three tracks we can take in the deliberation on free trade vis-à-vis human rights. One lens with which to view this would be what we would call the divergent or mutually exclusive frame. Simply put, if we were to pursue the ends of free trade, we must be prepared to overlook or to trade these off with human rights protection. If human rights were to be paramount, on the other hand, free trade is necessarily impeded, recognizing that there would be high opportunity costs to trade because competitiveness, all told, is enfeebled or reduced. The second frame is what we call sequential – that is, one is the antecedent to the other.
Human rights will have to come before free trade – or in broader terms, democracy before development. Or free trade before human rights – in this case, development first before democracy. We call to mind Singapore’s experience and like development models driving the so-called ‘Asian Values’ debate.
The manner by which we grapple with and deliberate – and yes, vigorously debate – the specific and wrenching questions earlier posed will allow us to further refine and define the kind of choices we make, the values that inform those decisions and choices, and, simply put, answer the question, who we are essentially as liberals.
The third lens would be what we call convergent or parallel – that both human rights and free trade are mutually reinforcing or essentially complementary. Simply put, both have to be pursued in parallel terms or trajectories. As President Aquino said this morning, free-trade policies must serve the ends of human rights – or stated differently, development and democracy are inextricably linked.
If we were to metaphorically depict this, we can use the visual of a staircase. The top of the staircase is the perfect marriage as it were of Human Rights and Free Trade. The choices and decisions we make as we answer such questions determine the manner and pace of our ascent and the quality and integrity our choices as Liberals. Or how we move from the real to the ideal, until we reach the point where the ideal and the real become one and the same.
Increasing the spaces of democracy and human rights is not only about more open institutions but even more so, the reduction of what Nobel laureate Amartya Sen would call “unfreedoms.” Democracy, after all, in regions especially like Latin America, Africa, and Asia, cannot be removed from or understood independent of the discourses on development. Sen argues that beyond free elections, a free press and an independent judiciary, democratization requires the removal of major sources of “unfreedoms” – poverty, corruption, tyranny, poor economic opportunities, systemic deprivation and injustice, neglect of public facilities, intolerance, and repression. It should be clear that the latter framework is the Liberal path.
said that when what we say or do becomes dissonant with what we truly feel or believe in, that is the beginning of moral damage. As Liberals, we must only be true to ourselves – in the discourse on human rights and free trade as in all other tenets that give us our raison d’être – not just in terms of being intellectually honest, but also in the fundamental sense of being grounded on moral principle. So let the debates begin here – yet still make convergence happen!
As a case in point, with our Burmese friends here, it should be clear to us as Liberals that while we all want Burma to have an open economy and trade with the world with its vast comparative advantages in natural and human resources, we cannot turn a blind eye to the continued repression of Aung San Suu Kyi and the Burmese people. So as CALD and LI would have it, we advocate for nothing less than the freedom of Suu Kyi and all Burmese, even as we work toward the integration of Burma’s economy into the orbit of free regional and global trade. As we begin our debates, we call to mind a quote from Vaclav Havel – the Czech head of state who rose to power after being a long-time prisoner of conscience during the long years of harsh communist rule – who
As Liberals, we must only be true to ourselves ... not just in terms of being intellectually honest, but also in the fundamental sense of being grounded on moral principle. 37
SPEECHES Acceptance Speech of
DR. CHEE SOON JUAN Recipient, Liberal International Prize for Freedom 2011 03 November 2011 | Furama Hotel, Singapore
Hon. Hans van Baalen, President, Liberal International; Dr Rajiva Wijeysingha, Chair, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats; Mr Jufrie Mahmood, Chair, Singapore Democratic Party; Distinguished guests, colleagues, dear friends, I want to express my deep gratitude to the Liberal International for this award, which is a recognition of that most profound of human aspirations, that is, the desire to live in freedom and dignity. When one receives an award as prestigious as this, the natural feeling is one of celebration. But I must confess that the feeling I had when I learned of the award given to me was not one of joy, but of humility. Because when you think of the many luminaries that have received this prize in years past – people like Aung San Suu Kyi, Vaclav Havel, and Helen Suzman, all of whom struggled so valiantly and gave so greatly for freedom’s cause – one cannot but feel humbled. Then there are the Chia Thye Pohs, Said Zaharis, and Lim Hock Siews of this world who endured the long dark years of political imprisonment and emerged taller than ever. I am but a political dwarf standing on the shoulders of these giants. Their deeds and courage have inspired me and paved the way for many of us to continue this noble struggle for freedom in Singapore. To them as well as to Vincent Cheng, Teo Soh Lung, and others who were so unjustly detained and are now beginning to speak up; to Gandhi Ambalam, my sister Siok Chin, John Tan, and others who faced repeated prosecution all because they stood up for their constitutional rights to freedom of speech and assembly; to all of them, I accept this award not for myself but on their behalf.
But for everyone of us whose name is mentioned there are many others who suffer quietly in the background but whose unwavering support has made the task much more bearable. I’d like to mention two of them tonight. First I’d like to introduce to you my mother, Low Non Neo, whom I love dearly. Twenty years ago when I first told her the crazy idea that I was going to join the opposition, she like most Singaporean mothers went ballistic. But deep down she knew I was doing the right thing and since then she has stoically endured the pain and worried the worries that only mothers can, but she has always there with me and for me. There is this other lady whom many of you know as my better half. When she said “I do” at the altar, I don’t think she knew quite what she was getting into, it was certainly much more than she had bargained for. And yet she has never complained, suffering with quiet resolve the years of difficulty that I’ve put her through. In fact Mei is the strong one in our family and without her support, I would not have been able to do the work that I do. I don’t want to say thank you to her because those are mere words that cannot express adequately how I feel. It would demean all that she has contributed to both our lives. Copying the worst, rejecting the best I want to spend the next few moments to address the challenges that confront our nation. For years, we have been deprived of an opposition and because of this we have had a government that has been left unchecked and whose policies have been left unscrutinized.
As a result we have built – especially in recent years – an economy based on high finance. Beneath the facade, however, lies a society bankrupt in morality. Our government apes the worst that the West offers in terms of greed and exploitation but rejects the good that it espouses in the values of human rights and democracy. Instead of engaging in productive activity, we learn to get rich by trading bits of paper that Wall Street issues. We engage in vice to raise our GDP and we change our banking laws that attract wealthy tax evaders and illicit funds. If the 2008 financial meltdown in the U.S. has taught us anything, it is that Wall Street bankers’ appetite for lucre is insatiable and that scruples count for nothing when it comes to generating profit. The toxic instruments conjured up by Lehman Brothers and the other banks are but a stark reminder of the greed that Western banks indulge in. The instability and chaos that they wreak in the global financial system, not to mention the utter misery they cause to the average citizen, is great. Yet this system is what our government has copied – lock, stock, and barrel – and Wall Street’s values are the ones we have chosen to adopt. Based on such a setup, we have styled ourselves as a financial center. Today we find such a system in danger of imploding as these banking institutions cannibalize the very economy upon which they are built so much so that they have stirred outrage across the world. We have imitated the crass consumerism in the West, deriving pleasure in accumulating things – and not just things, but expensive things. We are thrilled that Orchard Road
is lined up with glitterati like Prada, Gucci, and Versace; and we are one of the biggest consumers of the latest gadgets and gizmos that technology has to offer. We pursue everything except that which makes life worthwhile. The lust for things material has blinded us to values of human decency. We think nothing of allowing Robert Mugabe to come here on a shopping spree even as he maims and kills his own people to hold on to power. We don’t bat an eye when Burmese generals come here for rest and recreation even as their soldiers torture dissidents, exploit child labor, and rape womenfolk. As long as there is money to be made, nothing else quite matters, does it? We build gated communities with security guards to keep out the have-nots, condominium fortresses that promise ever greater exclusivity and opulence. But outside these high walls, we see the number of poor growing in our midst. We see the lines for free meals lengthening at churches and temples. We see our elderly dragging their aching bodies to work so that they can earn a few dollars to feed themselves. We become calloused and immune to all this. We shrug our shoulders and sigh a sigh of resignation. After a while it even ceases to bother us. We have lost the ability to feel outrage at life’s injustices. Our workers hold down two, sometimes three, jobs just to earn enough to pay the bills. The younger ones are unable to find jobs that pay enough, their dreams of buying a flat and starting a family made exceedingly difficult to realize. The inequality begins even before one enters the labor market. Our school system is designed such that the well-heeled get to send their children to elite schools located in the richer enclaves while the rest of the population have to contend with neighborhood schools with inferior resources. Social and economic inequality in Singapore is striking. In terms of wealth disparity among the more complex economies, ours is the most hideous. Politics of moral engagement Many years ago when the ministers upped their salaries, and believe me they were modest compared to today’s levels, we criticized the move. We accused them of engaging in politics of greed. The PAP countered saying that we were engaging in the politics of envy. Why, they argued, were we unhappy that others were
working hard and making more money? The same can be said of our criticisms of the super-rich in this country. Do they have a point? Are we not casting an envious eye on the wealthy even as we rail against their riches? If all we offer is a call to the make the rich among us poorer and the poor among us richer so that all can consume even more greedily the earth’s limited resources, then we have not moved the moral needle. We are, in fact, merely engaging in the politics of envy. This is why it is important to state clearly our case: We are not opposed to wealth but wealth inequality. We must demonstrate how the widening income gap harms the common good. More than just indignation, we need to offer a platform of why we see egalitarianism as a moral and more effective way in which to organize economic society. To do that we need a national conversation on morality, we need to have a politics of moral engagement. We see the inequity. We see the absence of justice. We see the misery caused by greed and domination. Now we must ensure that an alternative be heard and recognized, one that ultimately replaces the status quo. That alternative is to ensure that even as we narrow wealth disparity, we create a community that is less polarized and more cohesive, one where shared public space between the haves and the have-nots increases rather than decreases. When the wealthy and the needy live in two worlds, it is hard, if not impossible, to create one society. If the rich continue to buy car after car no matter how expensive COEs get while the MRT trains run over capacity, what incentive is there for the rich to want to take public transport? If our missionary and government-aided schools continue to cater to children from affluent families and the neighborhood schools are fed everyone else, how are children from different backgrounds going to mingle? If our condominiums continue to retreat more and more into exclusive havens while HDB dwellers are crammed into smaller and smaller areas, how are the two communities going to co-exist? Such polarization brutalizes society and erodes cohesiveness; it corrodes values that foster societal togetherness; it fuels resentment and, ultimately, instability. Where are the leaders?
So the problem is clear: The socio-economic inequality that exists today cannot continue, not if we are to achieve a stable and progressive society. The remedy is equally obvious and, I might add, compelling. The case for a more egalitarian system where the laws are not stacked in favor of the rich and where society is less economically polarized must be vigorously advocated The question is: Who is going to do it? Who among us is willing to come forward to lead the cause? Sadly political leadership does not come naturally to Singaporeans. We have been ingrained with the notion that only the PAP has the smarts to lead this country. My friends, politics is only as good as the people who practice it and justice is only as alive as the people who are willing to defend it. Singapore will not change if those of us who wish to see democratic politics established in our country remain pusillanimous in mind and parsimonious in energy. Let us not continue to allow fear to dominate us, to freeze us into inaction. Because fear destroys ideals, it blurs moral clarity. In life we are confronted with choices. We can choose to live passionately and for what we believe in or we can continue on this path of timidity and fearful silence. Of course, when we speak out without fearing those who rule over us, we are labeled as confrontational and, worse, destructive. And the powers-that-be do everything they can to marginalize us. We must recognize that this is another form of intimidation. The danger is that if we fear such intimidation and retreat from political engagement in order to appear acceptable and “moderate,” then we will not have the courage to offer an alternative vision and, more important, work to achieve it. Let us have the confidence to see that we have the ability to change the system, not yield to it; that we can win over public opinion, not pander to it. In other words, let us be leaders, not just politicians. For leaders point the way and persuade the people to come along. Politicians seek merely to win votes even if it means imitating those that hold power. We have enough politicians in Singapore. What we need now are leaders. We can – and will – succeed but only if we stop spending our time doubting our own 39
SPEECHES ability and losing our focus of doing the hard work of organizing ourselves and planning our strategies The parents of change are persistence and perseverance. There is no shortcut. Are we rich? Again, I want to thank the Liberal International for this award. But what I long for, more than anything else, is to win that ultimate prize of freedom for the people of Singapore. The journey has been long, but along the way I have had the honor of working with some of the most patriotic Singaporeans on this island, and I have been enriched by the experience. Years ago after picking up our kids from a friend’s birthday party and it was a nice big house, when we got home, my eldest turned to me and asked: “Papa, are we rich?” It was one of those questions that are as simple and innocent as they are complicated. It took me awhile as I searched for and answer and finally I said to her, “Yes, we are. Mum and I may not be able to send you to school in a big car, or we may not be able to live in a big house where you can have your own room, and we may not be able to take you on expensive holidays. But, yes, we are rich and you know why? Because we have you.” I may be a bankrupt and I may not be able to afford many things in this world, but when I
am home with my loved ones, I feel like the richest man on earth.
good enough because of the school that she goes to, we press on.
And when I survey this room and look at all of you this evening, how can I not feel rich? If I had remained an academic at NUS, I would not have had the joy and privilege of knowing you. I may have lost the one thing that I loved, which is doing research and teaching. But what I have lost, I have more than gained in my serving with you in this great cause of freedom. You have enriched me and touched me more than you know, and for that I thank you.
For those who seek a more equal and just society, we press on.
I feel a sense of kindred spirits with you because I know that we share the same ideals and we measure our success not by the type of car that we drive or the size of the house that we live in but by the number of minds that we unfetter, the number of young lives that we give hope to and the number of the poor whom we empower. To accumulate this kind of wealth, the kind that matters most, let us continue on this journey together and press on with what we have started. For that old grandmother in her 80s whose bent and gnarled figure struggles with the sun and the rain just to collect cardboard to sell so that she can feed herself, we press on. For that breadwinner who cannot find a job that pays decent wages so that he can scrape together enough money to send his children to school, we press on. For the child who wants to learn and excel but who is constantly told that she is not
“For those who seek a more equal and just society, we press on.” 40
We press on because the fire of hope and justice still burns brightly in this the Singapore Democratic Party. The harder the oppression, the brighter that fire burns. And that fire can only be doused by the waters of freedom and democracy And so my friends let us continue to fight the fight that so many across the world have fought, so that we too may know the exhilaration that comes with freedom, the compassion that comes with justice, and the wisdom that comes with an open and democratic society. Thank you, God bless, and good night.
Opening Keynote Address of
HON. MADE MANGKU PASTIKA Governor of Bali, Indonesia
CALD Bali Conference 2011 05 November 2011 | Ayodya Resort Bali, Nusa Dua, Indonesia The honorable Regional Director, Friedrich Naumann Foundation; Chair, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats; Secretary for International Affairs, Liberal Party of Sri Lanka; Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats; distinguished delegates; ladies and gentlemen: Om Swastiastu (May Almighty God Bless Us All) . Good morning. Let me take this opportunity, personally, on behalf of the Bali Provincial Government and my people to welcome all delegates to our island, Bali. My attendance today is not just as the Governor of Bali, but also as the representative of the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan), which I take with a great honor. Accordingly, allow me to express my high appreciation to the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats and all distinguished delegates for choosing Bali as the venue of the Council of Asian Liberal and Democrats Bali Conference 2011. It does give a positive credit to Bali that has been designated as a “Province of Peace, Democracy and Tolerance.” Distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, as I stand before you all, noticing pluralism, it does remind me of a great history Bali ever had. In the tenth century, there were many religious sects in Bali that kept arguing whose Gods were the best to be devoted. Seeing it could trigger a breaking in social religious life, a sage Mpu Kuturan in the reign of king Udayana Warmadewa (9891011 A.D.) then initiated to hold a sectarian assembly (or pesamuan). This pesamuan had made a social agreement on the merger of sectarian beliefs to only worship three gods called Tri Murti consisting of Brahma,
Vishnu, and Shiva. The temple, Samuan Tiga (Samuan=assembly and Tiga=three) that became the venue of the great assembly, still stands proudly in Bedulu, Gianyar regency. Surely I would not talk just about something religious here, I just want to remind us all that with the many different interests we have or being in a pluralistic society, it is worthwhile to work for reconciliation as long as it could develop a society that recognizes and respects diversity, creativity, and innovation. Distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, pluralism certainly cannot be separated from multicultural societies. Here in Bali, we have lived harmoniously with different religions (with Balinese Hindu as majority, equal to 90 percent of the population) or races for ages. You could visit Bajar Lampu, Catur Village, Bangli Regency to see a Chinese community living there side by side with the Balinese local people. This Chinese community has lived there for decades, in spite of the fact that they are minority in the village. A member of the Chinese community always gets second position in the village’s traditional organization along with the Balinese leader. Meanwhile in Denpasar City, we have Kampong Islam Kepaon; from its very name it is evident that this village has been inhabited by Muslims for ages. They came from Bugis, South Sulawesi and lived in Bali. On top of that, they had strengthened the Denpasar kingdom’s troops that fought Western colonizers in 1906. Those were realities of multicultural society’s life in Bali in the old days, and which are now taken as potential roots of democracy development in the modern era by the new generation. To this day we live in harmony
with our brothers and sisters from outside Bali, even beyond Indonesia. Distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen: Good governance has given enough room for local values to grow while building a democratic government. In Bali, we have some values that spring from local wisdom, like Paruman and Sangkepan (sit together and discuss a subject for solution), ngaturang ayah or nguopin (working hand in hand to lighten hard work). These have been growing in the daily life of the Balinese community and their existence is strengthened in traditional organization and desa pakraman (villages). I believe that our local wisdom has respected and encouraged the growth of tolerance in Bali. The essence of our local wisdoms can be extracted from the great philosophy of Tri Hita Karana (the three relationships human beings should establish to have a balanced and harmonious life, namely: between man and the Almighty God, with the environment, and among other humans). From Tri Hita Karana, we the Balinese learn about Tattwam Asi, which means “You are I and I am You.” This value of reflection teaches us how to behave and interact with others – that we should respect others as well as respect ourselves. It becomes a wise foundation in building a modern civilization. We have also what we call Salunglung sabayantaka, paras paros sarpanaya (a social value on the need of union and equal partnership that stipulates mutual respect). Menyama braya (as social creatures, we are all brothers). All of it is teaching us that in a social life we should interact respectively with others as if they were our brothers. Such local wisdom has fertilized tolerance in Bali and created balance and harmony in the 41
SPEECHES region’s development. It has been crystallized in the Balinese community daily life. For example, while in other regions general or regional election can trigger chaos, such does not happen in Bali. Balinese people celebrate the election of their governor or those for regional positions; most Balinese wear traditional Balinese clothes while casting their votes. Wearing traditional costume gives them distinguished pride. The Balinese are well known internationally as people who understand about peace and live in peaceful island. Regarding development in Bali, the Provincial Government’s vision is to create prosperity for Balinese people. The vision is Bali Mandara -- Maju= Advanced, Aman= Secure, Damai = Peaceful, and Sejahtera= Prosperous). Advanced Bali is a dynamic Bali that keeps moving along with the world’s development. It maintains metaksu (spiritual vibration) as a tourist destination that is charismatic and religious. An advanced Bali is a modern Bali, but it does not leave behind Bali Hindu beliefs and culture. It strives to have a modern life to enhance quality of life, it is part of the world community while staying true to its homegrown values. Bali Aman (Secure Bali) is “dabdab sekala niskala” -- have order and good life. It is far from having an ideological virus, such as terrorism and anarchism. Bali Damai (Peaceful Bali) is Bali that is blanketed by peace, which creates an atmosphere of “tis” (cool) and is conducive. Bali Damai describes a community layered in
“briyag-briyug, pekedek pakenyem” (many hand light hard works, happily laugh and smile). It is a community optimistic of having a bright future. Bali Sejahtera (Prosperous Bali) is Bali that has prosperity inside its body and soul as the accumulation of advancement, security, and peace. Distinguished delegates, ladies and gentlemen, on this special moment, I kindly invite you to enjoy our ‘richness’ in tourism. Aside from our unique culture and goodnatured community, Bali has been blessed with beautiful landscape of mountains, lakes, rivers, and rice fields that spread across our island, making it picturesque. I do hope your visit will give you unforgettable moments and that someday in the future you will be back to Bali with your colleagues or families. Finally, I wish you rewarding discussions on the issues and prospects of pluralism and development in Asia. And with that I declare the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Bali Conference 2011 officially open. Thank you. Om Santhi, Santhi, Santhi, Om.
“... being in a pluralistic society, it is worthwhile to work for reconciliation as long as it could develop a society that recognizes and respects diversity, creativity, and innovation.”
RESOLUTIONS 2011 Resolution No. 1 S. 2011 Issued 14 March. Reaffirms CALD’s support for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s call for meaningful and inclusive political dialogue; recognizes the National League of Democracy as the legitimate voice of Burma’s democratic opposition; recommends the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Burma; and reiterates its appeal to the military government to establish lines of communication with representatives of all political opposition and ethnic groups so that a consensus could be reached on how to create a more secure and progressive future for Burma’s peoples.
Resolution No. 2 S. 2011 Issued 18 March. Expresses concern over the recent proclamation of the Cambodian National Assembly to strip the Hon. Sam Rainsy of his parliamentary seat, in large part because such a legislative decision will set a dangerous precedent as to other such charges against the members of the opposition, and the use of executive and judicial action to subvert the legislature of Cambodia; and calls for the restoration of Sam Rainsy’s mandate as an elected Member of Parliament.
Resolution No. 3 S. 2011 Issued 20 June. Congratulates former CALD Chairperson and current Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) Secretary General, Dr. Chee Soon Juan, for being awarded the Liberal International Prize for Freedom 2011; recognizes that the award attests to his contributions to making Singapore a freer and more democratic country; and wishes that this award would further strengthen his and SDP’s resolve to fight for the cause of democracy, freedom, human rights, and social justice in Singapore.
Resolution No. 4 S. 2011 Issued 10 October. Acknowledges the importance of the abolition of the Internal Security Act (ISA) to instituting political reforms in Malaysia; recognizes the democratic value of the repeal of the Emergency Ordinance (EO) and of the proposed amendments to laws and on media licensing and public assembly; and acknowledges that these moves of Prime Minister Najib Razak’s government are major steps in furthering and strengthening democracy, human rights and the rule of law in Malaysia, even as it expresses hope that the new security laws to be introduced for preventive decision would adhere to fundamental human rights principles and practices.
Resolution No. 5 S. 2011 Issued 12 October. Recognizes the positive signs of change in Burma, although it acknowledges that despite these, the government has to do more in terms of demonstrating its seriousness to institutionalize and strengthen democracy in the country. It therefore calls for continuing vigilant activism of the international community and the Burmese people to ensure that these encouraging changes would be sustained and possible military backlash averted, promoting swift progress toward the goal of a truly democratic Burma that would uphold human rights and the rule of law.
Resolution No. 6 S. 2011 Issued 11 November. Calls for the abolition of the Internal Security Act (ISA) in Singapore; welcomes the formation of movements and networks pushing for the repeal of the Internal Security Act (ISA) in Singapore; and rejects the claim of People’s Action Party (PAP) officials that the ISA is still needed to counter terrorism, instead acknowledging that the abolition of such an act would lessen cases of illegal detention, torture, and other practices that violate fundamental human rights.
THE WRITE STUFF CALAMITIES natural and man-made had CALD taking pen to paper throughout the year, starting with what would later be called the ‘Great East Japan Earthquake.’ On 11 March, a magnitude 9.0 earthquake struck off the east coast of Japan, with the tremors reaching as far as Tokyo. The quake also triggered a tsunami that swept through coastal towns and cities, leaving thousands dead, billions of dollars of property destroyed, and a major nuclear power plant damaged to the point of raising serious radiation concerns. On 13 March, or two days after the quake shook Japan, CALD sent a letter of condolence and sympathy to Japanese Prime Minister Naoto Kan, also president of the Democratic Party of Japan, a CALD observer party. While recognizing the DPJ’s lead role in the ensuing rescue and relief efforts, as well as in Japan’s upcoming reconstruction challenges, CALD expressed its trust that with Kan at the helm of the government, that country’s people would “find strength and embrace hope in the midst of this terrible global disaster.” That earthquake, however, would not be the only natural catastrophe to hit members of the CALD community in 2011. By 28 October, CALD was again reaching out to another catastrophe-struck nation in the region. In a letter to Thailand’s Shadow Prime Minister and Defense Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, CALD expressed its solidarity with the Democrat Party, headed by Khun Abhisit, and the people of Thailand, as they battled with rising floodwaters that had already inundated about a third of the country’s 77 provinces and had reached Bangkok. CALD noted the efforts of the DP, a CALD founding member-organization, in easing the hardships of the people, and highlighted the leadership and compassion of Bangkok Governor M.R. Sukhumbhand Paribatra in the relief and stabilization activities in the capital. Governor Sukhumbhand’s actions, CALD said, strengthened its conviction that “our Democrat friends would definitely rise up to the occasion and set aside political differences for the greater good of the Thai people.” A few of CALD’s other letters in 2011, though, were prompted by one particular man-made calamity: the violation of the rights of migrant workers in Asia. Indeed, CALD even decided to focus on migrant-worker concerns for its sole statement for the year – not surprising since the region is both migrant-worker source and destination. Unfortunately, many of the Asian countries that attract migrant workers are also among those that have become notorious for foreign-labor abuse. In its sole statement in 2011, which it issued on 13 August, CALD said that it was “alarmed by the abuse and exploitation of vulnerable, young, women workers from Cambodia, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Burma, and Indonesia who have left their countries to work as domestic helpers in other Asian countries and elsewhere.” But it singled out the plight of young girls from impoverished rural families in Cambodia who had somehow wound up as domestic help in nearby nations. Still, while it called on the Cambodian government to “institute and implement measures” that would guard against such exploitation, it also took other nations to task, urging them not only 44
to strictly monitor employment agencies, but also to train embassy officials to guide and help migrant workers, as well as to disseminate pertinent information to those seeking jobs overseas. CALD then urged governments to adopt and fully implement the International Labor Organization’s (ILO) Convention 189 on Domestic Work and expressed support for the full investigation and prosecution of violators of migrant workers’ rights. In addition, it called for the safe and timely repatriation of migrant workers, especially women and children, and the provision of the necessary services for those who may have suffered from trauma. But CALD was hardly done tackling the migrant-worker issue yet. In an 11 November letter addressed to Indonesian Foreign Affairs Minister Dr. Raden Mohammed Marty Muliana Natalegawa, CALD put the spotlight on the ASEAN region and again highlighted the abuse endured by far too many women migrants employed as domestic helpers. It encouraged the Indonesian official to include the issue as part of the agenda of ASEAN, which now had Indonesia as chair. CALD stressed that efforts be taken at the ASEAN level “to address the unacceptable rights abuses” faced by migrant workers from and within the region, and called for a migration regime that would successfully combine mobility with human and labor rights protection. In particular, it said that the ASEAN Committee on Migrant Workers should hasten the progress on the ASEAN Declaration on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Migrant Workers and uphold the provisions of the ASEAN Declaration on Migrant Workers. Five days earlier, CALD had written ASEAN Secretary General Dr. Surin Pitsuwan regarding migrant labor, noting the importance of cooperation between host countries and nations of origin in ensuring the human treatment of these workers and bringing to justice those who violate their rights. It requested that relevant ASEAN bodies take up the issue “in a definitive matter,” and pointed out that “the road toward an ASEAN Community, especially AEC, necessitates a strategy, a plan, and a set of common standards for ASEAN migrant workers.” The “proper and equal treatment of migrant workers is not only a human right issue but a reflection of inclusive principles and the economic principle with regard to an essential factor of production,” CALD said in the letter to Dr. Surin. “Migrant workers contribute positively to the economic development of the host country. It is therefore an obligation, apart from common hospitality, on the part of the host country to ensure the best of treatment and facilitation.” CALD actually sent another 6 November letter to Dr. Surin, but that carried a more positive message on what had been a nagging problem for ASEAN: Burma. Although there had been widespread skepticism over the parliamentary elections about to be held in Burma the next day, there were also those who chose to see these as a sign of change for the better. CALD itself noted in its letter that
STATEMENTS AND LETTERS
Statements & Letters
“ASEAN as a whole and its member states have been a force in bringing about the end of military rule in Burma and the beginning of its democratization process.” Yet CALD’s optimism was also cautious. In the letter, it said that “ASEAN should continue to play its facilitating and contributory role in smoothening and extending the road to peace, stability, and reconciliation in Burma.” CALD also argued that the Burmese government needed to observe inclusiveness for all citizens for the country to have real democracy. It thus said that not only should there be an unconditional release of all political detainees in Burma, all Burmese political exiles should also be invited to return as “free persons and as full citizens.” Similarly, a letter to Burmese opposition leader and CALD Honorary Individual Member Aung San Suu Kyi described the “so-called windows of political change” Burma “far from ideal.” Yet in the missive also dated 6 November, CALD wrote as well that there were increasing opportunities for more open and freer political engagement in Burma, while saluting Daw Suu Kyi’s courage and steadfast commitment to human rights. In addition, CALD took note of the contribution of former political detainee Win Htein of the National League for Democracy in discussions at a major CALD conference in Bali, calling his participation there as a “great honor.” The rest of CALD’s 2011 letters were unquestionably upbeat. Among these was a 20 June greeting to Daw Suu Kyi on her 66th birthday (19 June), which CALD pointed out was also the 150th birth anniversary of the late Philippine national hero Dr. Jose Rizal. CALD then expressed hope that “like the Philippines at the turn of the 19th century, Burma would also become a democratic country whose destiny is defined collectively by your people.” On 30 August, meanwhile, CALD sent a letter of congratulations to newly elected Japanese Premier and DPJ President Yoshihiko Noda. In the letter, CALD expressed confidence in Noda’s proven competence that would undoubtedly be put to good use in addressing the economic and social challenges brought about by natural and nuclear disasters that struck Japan earlier in the year. CALD also expressed support for the new Japanese leader’s call for unity within the DPJ and with the opposition. Then there was yet another 6 November letter, this time to Kenneth Jeyaretnam, secretary general of Singapore’s Reform Party, which it thanked for its interest in joining CALD. It then encouraged the Reform Party continue being involved in international and national networks that “propagate the democratic values and principles” cherished by CALD, and to liaise particularly with CALD member Singapore Democrat Party. CALD promised to take up the Reform Party’s application “after progress has been reviewed.”
At the close of the conference, CALD sent a letter to LI President Hans van Baalen, MEP, expressing its deepest gratitude and appreciation to LI for having chosen the Philippines as its congress site, “enabling CALD and all its members to assist actively and participate fully in the event.” Moreover, it thanked LI for choosing former CALD chairperson Dr. Chee Soon Juan, head of the Singapore Democratic Party, as the 2001 LI Prizewinner for Freedom. CALD then congratulated LI for its congress’s success, as well as van Baalen for his re-election as LI president and for being awarded the FNF Medal for his commitment to liberalism. Philippine President Benigno Simeon C. Aquino III and Liberal Party (Philippines) Secretary General Jose Emilio Aguinaldo Abaya were also recipients of 20 June thank-you letters from CALD. In its letter to the Philippine chief executive, CALD thanked Aquino for hosting the 18 June opening ceremonies and luncheon of the LI congress at Malacanan Palace, as well as for his acceptance of the invitation to deliver the congress’s keynote address. It also expressed confidence that with Aquino at the helm, the Philippines would “soon reap the benefits of genuine democracy and progress.” CALD also thanked congress co-organizer LP Philippines MP Abaya for helping make the event, as MEP van Baalen himself said, “a great success and immense pleasure.” CALD expressed gratitude as well to LP President and then incoming transportation and communication secretary Mar Roxas and House of Representatives Speaker Sonny Belmonte for hosting dinners for congress participants on 18 and 19 June, respectively. Not forgotten was the CALD Secretariat, which received its own letter of thanks from CALD Chairperson and Sri Lankan MP Rajiva Wijesinha for its role in the LI Congress. Addressed to CALD Executive Director Lito Arlegue, the 27 June letter thanked Arlegue and the rest of the Secretariat for their “devoted and productive work” in making the congress a resounding success, as well as for arranging to have the CALD Executive Committee meeting “at such a pleasant rural retreat” in the outskirts of Manila. Months later, CALD held one of its biggest events for 2011 in Bali, Indonesia: the conference on pluralism and development in Asia. On 11 November, CALD wrote to Bali Governor I Made Mangku Pastika, thanking him for delivering the keynote address at the conference, as well as for hosting a reception at his Jaya Sabha residence. The letter also conveyed CALD’s felicitations to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle, which had acted as host party during the conference.
There were also two major events in the CALD community that had CALD busy writing letters of thanks. One of these was Liberal International’s 57th Congress that was held in Manila on 16-20 June. 45
BULLETIN A big party for a great party IT’S the oldest political party in the Philippines and one of CALD’s founding members. And so when the Liberal Party of the Philippines celebrated its 65th founding anniversary, the CALD Secretariat made sure to be part of the festivities. Former senator Mar Roxas, who was re-elected as LP president during the party’s National Executive Council meeting, gave the welcome remarks at the event held 20 January at the historic Kalayaan Hall of Club Filipino in Greenhills, Metro Manila. While noting that LP had reached the ripe old age of 65, Roxas said that the party was far from retiring and would only continue to rise, fight, and stand up against those who would destroy the democratic foundations of the country. Philippine President Benigno S. C. Aquino III then gave the keynote address, recalling the sacrifices that Liberal leaders had gone through for the good of the nation, especially during the years of dictatorship. He said that now that Liberals are in power, every Filipino can dream again. The president, who said he was proud of being part of LP, also thanked Roxas for choosing to unite the party. LP members from the Senate, the House of Representatives, the Cabinet, as well as those from NGOs and the academe were present and accounted for at the event. Among the liberal leaders there were Budget Secretary (Minister) Butch Abad, Senator Franklin Drilon, and House Deputy Speaker Raul Daza, all former chairs of CALD. Hon. Henedina Abad, MP, former chair of the CALD Women’s Caucus, was also in attendance. “We may have thought this day would not have come,” commented LP Vice President for Mindanao Dr. Neric Acosta, who is also CALD’s secretary general, “but now that we have come this far, we affirm our belief that the steadfast adherence to the principles of freedom and democracy will see us through and make us prevail.”
Sam Rainsy and party return to Manila SINCE 2005, the Philippines has been serving as an occasional refuge for embattled Cambodian opposition leader and MP Sam Rainsy and his party. That year, the Sam Rainsy Party held its first ameeting in exile at the CALD Secretariat office. In June 2010, the party had a similar meeting in Manila. This January, the Philippines played host once more to Sam Rainsy and members of the SRP, which held another round of planning sessions away from home. Sam Rainsy is currently in self-imposed exile in Europe to avoid being thrown behind bars in Cambodia, owing to two politically motivated cases against him there. From 13 to 24 January this year, however, he was in Manila for the SRP gettogether, as was an 18-member delegation from Cambodia that included MPs Mu Sochua, Tioulong Saumura, Yim Sovann, Ke Sovannaroth, and Son Chhay. While in Manila, the SRP team made time as well to meet with the CALD Secretariat to discuss upcoming programs for the year. It also discussed strategic directions for future cooperation with Moritz Kleine-Brockhoff, Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Liberty project director for Malaysia, Myanmar/Burma, and Cambodia, with strategy and communications consultant Peter Schroder serving as facilitator. More specifically, the talks with FNF tackled the socio-political situation in Cambodia and in the rest of the region, as well as SRP’s strategy in preparation for the Senate, Commune and National elections in 2012 and 2013. SRP reaffirmed its commitment to prioritize agriculture, healthcare, and employment as key issues for fair, just, and equitable development. Organizational reforms to implement the new strategy and adoption of the 2011 Action Plan were also discussed. It was not all work and no play for SRP, though. The Cambodian visitors also took in the sights at the tourist destination of Tagaytay, about two hours away by car from Manila, and attended the Liberal Party’s 65th anniversary dinner at Malacanan Palace, the official residence of the Philippine president.
Building a better partnership and team players THE beauty of the BellaRocca resort in Marinduque, a province some 170 kms south of Manila, was breathtaking, but the CALD Secretariat was there for some serious teambuilding and planning with members of FNF (Philippine office). So for much of their short stay at the resort, the CALD Secretariat and FNF-Philippines sweated over ideas on how to become more results- and not activity-oriented and discussed the development of benchmarks to quantify results and increase media viability. They also participated in activities that centered on capitalizing the strengths of each member of the team and clarifying each individual’s role in the organization. FNF Philippine Country Director had opened the activity, which lasted from 24 to 26 January, by noting how the work of both CALD and FNF had been affirmed by the Liberal Party of the Philippines being in government and in the decision of Liberal International to hold its 57th congress in the country in June. The CALD Secretariat, for its part, was optimistic that the teambuilding effort would contribute greatly to the success of its 2011 programs. Observed CALD Senior Program Officer Paolo Zamora: “Becoming a vital channel for cooperation to our member organizations and networks begins with a reliable and efficient team within. This activity has helped us become stronger as a secretariat and has shown us that we have the potential and capability to become an even more effective organization in the region.”
Lessons on bridging divisions AWARE that it operates in a region marked by deep-seated societal and political conflicts, CALD only saw it proper to have Executive Director Lito Arlegue attend a 24 February public lecture on the role of political parties in deeply divided societies that was held in Bangkok. The lecture was organized jointly by FNF and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, based on the premise that elected representatives and political parties should be at the forefront of efforts to promote reconciliation and political reforms. It was no fluke that Bangkok was chosen as the lecture’s venue. Indeed, the objective was to expose Thai society -- which had been wracked by political strife -- to political reform and reconciliation efforts that had been successful in other contexts. Arlegue, in fact, would later say that the gathering of politicians from post-conflict societies was “very instructive, particularly for Thailand which is still reeling from the tense political confrontations last year.” Among the four lecturers was Denis Haughey of Ireland’s Social Democratic and Labor Party, who recounted how political parties came up with the Good Friday Agreement, which laid the foundations for lasting peace in his country. Haughey said that in conflictual societies, political parties play an important role in creating a “framework of accommodation” that makes possible democratic decisionmaking and conflict resolution. He added that peace could only be possible once these requisites are met: commitment of all parties to non-use of violence; involvement of all relevant parties in the negotiation process; inclusion of all important issues in the negotiation agenda; subscription to the principle that “nothing is agreed, until everything is agreed”; and ratification of the final agreement by the general public. Mohammad Najib of Indonesia’s National Mandate Party, for his part, argued that the much-touted reformasi in his country would not have been possible without the participation of political parties and parliament. Political parties, 47
BULLETIN he said, “became very effective venues where ideas could interact and be promoted before being put to the test during deliberations....” And as political parties from diverse political ideologies, religious backgrounds and ethnicities interact and associate with one another in the parliament, they learned the value of accommodation and compromise. This moderation of fundamentalist beliefs and attitudes in turn led to the maturation of the political process, which accounts for the remarkable transition to and consolidation of democracy in Indonesia, said Mohammad. Ken Andrew of South Africa’s Democratic Party meanwhile summarized what he learned from what his nation went through with the old adage, “When there’s a will, there’s a way.” He explained: “If the major participants are determined to succeed, if they recognize that, despite the risk and difficulties, it is in the long-term interests of the country and the people they represent to find solutions through negotiations and compromise, it can be done.” But he also stressed the importance of assessing the costs and risks of entering negotiations with the other party, particularly when that party is perceived as a “historic enemy.” In South Africa’s case, he said, “the challenge was to change the perceptions of the other side from being a dangerous enemy to being a potential partner in a peaceful, solution-seeking process.” Interestingly, the fourth speaker spoke of an approach that was the opposite of South Africa’s. Ravi Karunanayake of Sri Lanka’s United National Party noted that to address the threat posed by the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Colombo adopted a militaristic solution. LTTE was defeated and the strategy seemed to bring peace, conceded Karunanayake. But he worried that this may not be sustainable in a country still experiencing inequitable distribution of wealth, ethno-religious tensions, and discriminatory government policies. He thus posed this question: “Is the end of the war necessarily the beginning of peace?”
CALD Youth in Europe SUMMER plus young people usually equals carefree days. Yet while their brief trip to Europe from 27 June to 1 July was anything but that, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan associate researchers Jessie Chou and Kathy Lee came home confident that they had not wasted their time there. The Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, a CALD partner, made sure of that, of course. After all, ALDE was the official host of the two young women who were CALD Youth’s representatives to the ALDE Summer Visitors’ Program. That five-day program was packed with meetings with policy advisors from different ALDE working committees and visits to the European Parliament. Also integrated into the program, however, was the annual ALDE Summer Academy that was jointly put together by the European Liberal Youth (LYMEC) and Young Democrats for Europe (YDE). For the 2011 Academy, the topic on the table was the future of Europe’s energy policy in light of Japan’s tsunamitriggered nuclear crisis. About 14 percent of Europe’s energy supply comes from nuclear power. Speakers from diverse backgrounds – from nuclear energy insiders to European legislators, to members of environment groups like Greenpeace -- took to the podium to discuss issues such as the growing problem of energy supply in Europe and alternative power sources. But participants were able to air their own views on the subjects tackled, including efforts to reduce carbon emissions. Chou and Lee also made time to visit LYMEC’s Brussels headquarters, where they met with its secretary general Slaven Klobucar and researcher Lorenzo Marchese. Klobucar gave the CALD Youth visitors a briefing on the structure and operations of LYMEC, which has been an active advocate of liberal values in Europe. He mentioned the close cooperation his group has with ALDE and the European Democrat and Reform Party. Klobucar also talked about LYMEC’s recent campaigns, one of which focused on debt issues. With its success in identifying key issues and organizing events and campaigns, LYMEC has become a role model for other youth groups around the world.
CALD 2011 “the value of the seminar was not confined on learning more about the topic under consideration, but also on the networks and friendships that one forged in the course of the event.”
Class time for CALD executive director THE mid-year found CALD Executive Director Lito Arlegue back in school… well, somewhat. From 10 to 17 July, Arlegue was in Gummersbach, Germany, attending a seminar on change management at the International Academy for Leadership (IAF). So were about two dozen other participants from Asia, Africa, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East, with all of them receiving a warm welcome from IAF Director Birgit Lamm. The seminar, the first on the topic to be offered by IAF, was aimed at giving participants with the necessary tools to manage transformation and change processes in both political and civil- society organizations. Structured in such a way as to give full participant ownership and management, it kicked off with an input regarding the perspectives, attributes, and dimensions of change. This was quickly followed by the participants grouping themselves according to regions and then discussing the different dimensions of change in both their regional and local contexts. Day Two had them taking up the factors that might facilitate or obstruct change, as well as the different stages of the “change curve.” The participants then resumed their group work and analyzed the key issue/s in the change process that they needed to address. The discussions continued on the next day, where a SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats) analysis of each group’s change process was conducted. A participant from another regional group was also requested to join each group and serve as “consultant” in order to provide fresh insights and perspectives. The fourth day commenced with a discussion of conditions for successful management set-up, followed by particular features of change-management plans. That afternoon, the participants took a break and visited Cologne, the largest city in the German Federal State of North Rhine-Westphalia and the fourth largest in the entire country. But it was back to work on the fifth day and sixth day, with the focus on well thought-out communication plans and overcoming resistance, factors that are deemed crucial for a change project’s success. Dr. Rolf Freier, Bettina Hegmann, and Carina El-Nomany facilitated the seminar, in which Arlegue later described his participation was “productive and fruitful.” He said that he was pleased the Asian group chose CALD as an example of the change project, since this also enabled other participants to learn about the network. “Indeed,” said Alegue,
A Yalie learns at CALD HAVING A constantly full plate means CALD can always use a helping hand or two. Luckily for the organization, it got a pair belonging to incoming Yale University junior Julius Mitchell, who proved to be a valuable – albeit temporary – asset at CALD. In return, Mitchell would return to the United States full of insights about Asian politics that he probably would not have learned in the classroom. A double major in political science and ethnicity, race, and migration, Mitchell spent his 9 June to 14 August internship at CALD assisting the Secretariat in various activities, including those connected to the 57th Liberal International Congress on Human Rights and Trade and preparing the curriculum of the proposed CALD Academy. Each week, he checked developments on CALD member parties. Prior to concluding his internship, he co-organized the CALD Women’s Caucus Workshop on Marketing and Messaging Strategies for Women Candidates, which took place in Malacca, Malaysia. He even traveled to Singapore to help the Singapore Democratic Party during its National Day activity. Mitchell also gave a presentation on “Modern Day Manifestations of Discrimination in the United States” to students of Miriam College in Quezon City, Metro Manila. In addition, he became an interviewee of CALD Secretary General Dr. Neric Acosta, who asked him on radio about his impressions on Philippine politics. But given that Mitchell had been visiting historical and cultural sites in the country during his spare time, he could have probably tackled queries about other Philippine matters as well. Mitchell is CALD’s second intern from Yale. His internship was made possible by the International Summer Award granted by Yale’s Center for International Experience. Prior to working with CALD this summer, Mitchell was appointed head recruitment coordinator at the Yale Office of Undergraduate Admissions. He hopes to attend law school after he graduates. In the meantime, he can mull over the lessons he learned from his 49
BULLETIN CALD stint, during which he was able to immerse himself in the election processes of countries like the Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, and Taiwan, and witness first-hand how parliaments across the region work. Observed Mitchell: “For most of Asia there are, in general, trends in the challenges faced by political parties in regards to fighting corruption, developing free and fair elections, promoting gender equality, and distributing wealth equitably across particular societies.” “I gained a more nuanced and deeper awareness of Asian politics and the challenges faced by its member parties to execute good governance and to promote liberal values in the region,” the young man said of his CALD internship. “Having the opportunity to interact with Asian MPs, party leaders, and other prominent political figures on a firsthand basis enriched my weekly research on and independent study of regional affairs in Asia.”
A Liberal take on R2P WHEN Liberal International held its 187th Executive Committee Meeting and a subsequent conference on a new initiative geared toward protecting civilians, CALD had to be there front and center – in the person of CALD Chairperson and Sri Lankan MP Rajiva Wijesinha and Cambodian opposition leader and MP Sam Rainsy of the CALD member Sam Rainsy Party. That’s even if it meant they had to go to London, where the twin events were hosted by LI’s British Group from 14 to 15 October. As Wijesinha put it later, the executive committee meeting of one of CALD’s partners alone was “a great opportunity to renew contacts with Liberal parties all over the world.” The icing on the cake was a chance to discuss the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine or R2P, which had been put forth by a number of prominent liberals. Soon enough, perspectives on current international developments and the need to build efficient mechanisms to protect civilians across the world were being offered by distinguished speakers and leaders, among them Rt. Hon. Nick Clegg, UK Deputy Prime Minister and Leader of the Liberal Democrats; and John Lord Alderdice, Past President of LI and Convenor of LibDems in the House of Lords, UK. CALD’s own Sam Rainsy also spoke at length about the political situation in his country. CALD had the pleasure of witnessing SRP gain a unanimous endorsement as an LI full member at the meeting. SRP is set to chair CALD beginning in 2012. Other recent positive developments in Asia, in particular the seemingly loosening military grip in Burma, were noted at the LI meeting. The need for more to be done to advance political reform across the region was taken into account as well. Indeed, the consensus was for a more concerted Liberal activity in South Asia and a joint effort between CALD and LI at a November forum on networking for democracy in Singapore. CALD Chairperson Wijesinha, who is a former LI vice president, observed that the setting of the LI meeting, the National Liberal Club, enabled delegates to return “to the roots of Liberalism and the great reforming Liberal governments of the 19th century, when the Club was founded.”
“I was reminded, seeing the many pictures and busts of William Gladstone, of his assertion that all over the world he would back the masses against classes,” he added. “I hope Liberals all over the world remember that as we reaffirm the unique nature of Liberalism as against extremes on either side.”
And then there were ten
IT IS already 10 years old, but the Civil Will Party of Mongolia is the unofficial baby of the CALD family, in which it is the newest member. On 6 November, the CALD Executive Committee that convened in Bali, Indonesia unanimously accepted the application of the CWP as its 10th member.
WINTER can bring a lot of wonders, especially for many Asians who are used to only wet and dry seasons. But for the representatives of CALD Youth who went to Gummersbach, Germany in early December, the wonders were decidedly the intellectual kind.
CWP is one of the three main opposition political parties with seats in the Mongolian Parliament. Party Chairwoman Dr. Sanjaasuren Oyun is a Member of Parliament, together with D. Enkhbat and Z. Altai. The party also holds key positions in the Office of the President, having supported incumbent President Elbegdorj Tsakhia -- Mongolia’s first democratically elected chief executive -- in the 2009 polls.
Gabriel Jess Baleos of the Liberal Party of the Philippines, Adrian Ong of the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia, and Rosanna Ocampo of the CALD Secretariat were in Gummersbach from 4-16 December for a seminar on “Strengthening Political Youth Organizations” that was conducted at the International Academy for Leadership. There they joined youths from other regions working group sessions on organizational setup and statutes, strengthening organizational performance, and new media in political communication with youth, among other activities.
A joint CALD-FNF mission to Mongolia more than a year ago was the start of cooperation moves with CWP. Since then, CWP has been a regular observer in CALD events. Oyun was represented in the Executive Committee meeting by CWP Foreign Relations Secretary Tegshjargal Erdenechimeg, who came with Tsend Enkhtuya and Tseepel Ganbat. In her letter to the CALD Executive Committee, Oyun conveyed her firm belief that CWP’s membership in CALD “will further support our party’s efforts to expand and develop liberal ideas and to bring about swift development within our country.” Erdenechimeg also gave her own speech before the Executive Committee, during which she noted CWP’s commitment to liberal values and principles as seen in the party’s emphasis on protecting human rights, improving civil education, developing open, transparent, and responsible governance, and strengthening democratic institutions. “In order to develop good governance,” she added, “we find the support and assistance of CALD member parties and organizations to be critical. We hope that you can all help us to ground a more liberal ideology into our Mongolian soil.” CWP had also been accepted as full member in Liberal International in October. In September, the FNF Southeast and East Asia Office conducted a capacity-building workshop for CWP.
International networks and cooperation of liberal political youth organizations were among the seminar’s key topics, and CALD Youth and RELIAL (Latin America) lost no time in having presentations on regional international networks. International Federation of Liberal Youth (IFLRY) President Thomas Leys, meanwhile, took care of giving a global perspective to the topic. The seminar, facilitated by Wulf Pabst and Petra Pabst, also discussed Liberal solutions and arguments for key areas of actual political debates. In addition, there were excursions to Dusseldorf, Weimar, and Dresden, which allowed participants not only a chance to stretch their legs, but also allowed to learn more about Germany’s political history. Another bonus was the chance to meet with representatives of the Free Democratic Party (FDP) and its youth organization, Junge Liberale (JuLis). The seminar ended with an exercise on developing political strategies based on case studies proposed by participants themselves and a session on what participants can take home and apply in their respective organizations. The knowledge and insights gained from this seminar will be a big help in strengthening CALD Youth as an organization, as well as the youth wings of its participating members.
SPEAKERS & SESSION CHAIRS
SPEAKERS & SESSION CHAIRS CALD Workshop On Building A Strategic Campaign Plan J.R. Nereus “Neric” Acosta Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Mr. Celito Arlegue Executive Director Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Dr. Pimrapaat Dusadeeisariyakul Programme Manager, Thailand Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Mr. Ivanpal Singh Grewal Special Officer to Dr. Koh Tsu Koon, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Mr. Chang Li-ke Deputy Director of the Department of Information Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan Mr. Jules Maaten Country Director, Philippines Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Dr. Pia Bennagen-Raquedan Research Fellow Pulse Asia, Inc., Philippines Mr. Kla Tangsuwan Digital Marketing Director Thoth Media Ltd., Thailand Hon. Nataphol Teepsuwan, MP Director General Democrat Party of Thailand H.E. Abhisit Vejjajiva Prime Minister Kingdom of Thailand
Dr. Rajiva Wijesinha, MP Chair Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats
CALD Youth Strategic Planning Workshop J.R. Nereus “Neric” Acosta Secretary General Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Mr. Jules Maaten Country Director, Philippines Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Ms. Selyna Peiris Chairperson CALD Youth Hon. Rajiva Wijesinha, MP Chair Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats
57th Liberal International Congress Hon. Atte Sugandi Aboel, MP Democratic Party, Indonesia Dr. Hassan Abyaba President of the Liberal Forum for Studies & Research Member of Political Bureau, Union Constitutionelle, Morocco Dr. J.R. Nereus “Neric” Acosta Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Liberal Party of the Philippines
Dr. Rainer Adam Regional Director, Southeast and East Asia Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Mr. Kalin Anev Secretary General European Financial Stability Facility, Bulgaria Hon. Maricar Zamora-Apsay, MP Liberal Party of the Philippines H.E. Benigno Simeon Aquino III President, Republic of the Philippines Chairperson, Liberal Party of the Philippines Hon. Mamadou Lamine Ba President, Africa Liberal Network (ALN) Hon. Hans van Baalen MEP President, Liberal International Ms. Jayanthi Balaguru Vice Chair, CALD Women’s Caucus Secretary General of the Women’s Wing, Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Hon. Feliciano Belmonte, MP Speaker, Philippine House of Representatives Vice Chairperson, Liberal Party of the Philippines Mr. Robert W. Browne Vice President, Liberal International IRC Chair, LibDems, UK Dr. Camille Chamoun National Liberal Party, Lebanon Member of Executive Board of Network of Arab Liberals Dr. Fu-Mei Chang Foreign Policy Advisor to Chairperson Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan
CALD 2011 Hon. Ma. Isabelle “Beng” Climaco, MP Deputy Speaker, Philippine House of Representatives Liberal Party of the Philippines Hon. Raul Daza, MP Deputy Speaker, Philippine House of Representatives Former Chairperson, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Ms. Christine de Saint Genois Vice President International Network of Liberal Women Margaret de Vos van Steenwijk Deputy President International Network of Liberal Women Mr. Ivan Doherty Director of Political Party Programs National Democratic Institute, USA Senator Art Eggleton Former Minister of Defence Liberal Party of Canada Hon. Colin Eglin Patron, Liberal International Hon. Jose Luis Martin “Chito” Gascon Undersecretary (Deputy Minister) for Political Affairs, Office of the President Former Director General, Liberal Party of the Philippines Ms. Jaslyn Go Singapore Democratic Party Hon. Otto Guevara Guth Chairperson, Red Liberal de America Latina (RELIAL) Hon. Tim Harris, MP Shadow Minister - Trade and Industry Democratic Alliance, South Africa
Mr. Kees Hoving Managing Director, Head of TF CMC, Deutsche Bank, Germany Ms. Bi-khim Hsiao Vice President, Liberal International Former Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Vice President, New Frontier Foundation Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan Mr. Emil Kirjas Secretary General, Liberal International Mr. Jules Maaten Country Director, Philippines, Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Former Member of European Parliament Former Secretary General, Liberal International Hon. Fredrick Malm, MP International Affairs Spokesman, Folkpartiet, Sweden Hon. Ramona N. Manecscu, MEP National Liberal Party (PNL), Romania Mr. Maung Maung Secretary General, National Council of the Union of Burma Hon. Louis Michel, MEP Vice President, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Former European Commissioner for Development Mouvement Réformateur, Belgium Mr. Juli Minoves Deputy President, Liberal International Former Foreign Minister and Ambassador to the UN, Andorra Mr. Nyo Ohn Myint International Affairs National League for Democracy— Liberated Area, Burma
Hon. Mozes Mzila Ndlovu, MP Minister for National Healing, Reconciliation and Integration Movement for Democratic Change, Zimbabwe Mr. Moe Zaw Oo Vice President, International Affairs Committee National League for Democracy— Liberated Area, Burma Dr. Park Soon Seong President of the Institute for Democracy and Policies, Democratic Party of Korea Ms. Selyna Peiris Chairperson, CALD Youth Mr. Mark Pursey Managing Director, BTP Advisors Hon. Niccolo Rinaldi, MEP Vice Chair, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Hon. Manuel “MAR” Roxas II President, Liberal Party of the Philippines Former Senator, Republic of the Philippines Roger Albinyana i Saigi Director for Union for the Mediterranean Secretariat for International Affairs, Catalonia Hon. Sam Rainsy, MP Leader of the Cambodian Opposition Sam Rainsy Party, Cambodia Hon. Olle Schmidt, MEP Folkpartiet, Sweden Mr. Sin Chung-kai, J.P. Vice Chair Democratic Party of Hong Kong
SPEAKERS & SESSION CHAIRS
Hon. Herman Otto Solms, MP Deputy Speaker of the Bundestag Free Democratic Party, Germany Dr. Aliou Sow Minister of Decentralisation and Local Collectives Member of the Executive Board, Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS) Mr. Marc Guerrero i Tarrago Vice President European Liberal Democratic Reform Party Mr. Ivo Thijssen Vice President International Network of Liberal Women Dr. Tsai Ing-Wen Chairperson Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan Mr. Javier R. Valladares Former Congressman, Liberal Party of Honduras Former Secretary of State and Chief of Staff of the President’s Office Hon. Rajiva Wijesinha, MP Chairperson, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Liberal Party of Sri Lanka Hon. Yim Sovann, MP Spokesperson Sam Rainsy Party, Cambodia Hon. Harunobu Yonenaga, MP Vice Director-General of the International Department Democratic Party of Japan Hon. Andrej Zernovski MP Member of ALDE Group, Parliamentary Assembly of Council of Europe Vice President, Liberal Democratic Party, Macedonia
CALD Women’s Caucus Workshop on Marketing and Messaging Strategies for Women Candidates J.R. Nereus “Neric” Acosta Secretary General Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Ms. Jayanthi Devi Balaguru Secretary General, Women’s Wing Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Ms. Chia Ting Ting Head of the Women Youth Bureau Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Ms. Christine de Saint Genois Vice President International Network of Liberal Women Ms. Jaslyn Go Singapore Democratic Party Mrs. Kim Natsim Master Trainer, Women’s Wing Sam Rainsy Party Hon. Mu Sochua, MP Chairperson, CALD Women’s Caucus President, Women’s Wing, Sam Rainsy Party Hon. Rajiva Wijesinha, MP Chairperson Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats CALD Bali Conference Hon. Henedina “Dina” Abad, MP Former Chair, CALD Women’s Caucus Vice President for Policy, Liberal Party of the Philippines Sec. J.R. Nereus “Neric” Acosta, Ph.D Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Presidential Adviser for Environmental Protection, Office of the President, Philippines
Dr. Rainer Adam Regional Director, Southeast and East Asia Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Dr. Luthfi Assyaukanie Cofounder, Liberal Islam Network Deputy Director, Freedom Institute, Indonesia Hon. Hans van Baalen, MEP President, Liberal International Member of European Parliament, The Netherlands Mr. Zia Banday President of Islamabad Chapter Liberal Forum Pakistan Mr. Rainer Erkens Resident Representative, Indonesia Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Ms. Jaslyn Go Member, Singapore Democratic Party Mr. Win Htein Senior Member, National League for Democracy Senior Adviser to the Office of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma Hon. Mr. Hugua Regent of Wakatobi, Indonesia Dr. Makmur Keliat Member of the Advisory Group, Bureau of Policy Research and Development, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Indonesia Mr. Lau Hoi Keong Speaker of Youth Wing Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Hon. Hasto Kristianto Vice Secretary General on Secretariat Central Leadership Board, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Hon. Mu Sochua, MP Chair, CALD Women’s Caucus Sam Rainsy Party, Cambodia
Mr. Nyo Ohn Myint Secretary of the Foreign Affairs Committee National League of Democracy (Liberated Area) National Council of the Union of Burma Mr. Ng Lip Yong Chair, Central Unit of International Relations and Affairs Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Dr. Andreas Pareira Chair for Defense, Security and International Affairs Central Leadership Board, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Hon. I Made Mangku Pastika Governor, Province of Bali, Indonesia Hon. Kasit Piromya, MP Shadow Deputy Prime Minister and Former Minister of Foreign Affairs (2008-2011) Democrat Party, Thailand Hon. Niccolo Rinaldi, MEP Vice President, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Member of European Parliament, Italy Hon. Hadjiman S. Hataman-Salliman, MP Liberal Party of the Philippines Hon. Sam Rainsy, MP Leader of the Cambodian Opposition Former CALD Chair Sam Rainsy Party, Cambodia Mr. Hanjaya Setiawan Head of the International Affairs Department National Leadership Board, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Hon. Dra. Eva Sundari, MA, MDE Member of Parliament (2009-2014) Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Hon. Saumura Tioulong, MP Sam Rainsy Party, Cambodia
Hon. Marutei Tsurunen, MP Member of the House of Councillors Vice Director-General, International Department, Democratic Party of Japan Hon. Rajiva Wijesinha, MP Chair, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Presidential Adviser on Reconciliation, Office of the President, Sri Lanka Dr. Vincent Wijeysingha Candidate for Parliament, 2011 General Elections Treasurer, Singapore Democratic Party Ms. Maysing Yang Vice President, Taiwan Foundation for Democracy CALD Founding Member Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan
U Tin Oo Vice Chair National League for Democracy Ms. Kyi Pyar Member, Youth Wing (Tamwe Township) National League for Democracy
CALD Climate Change Workshop: Setting CALD’s Climate Change Agenda Sec. J.R. Nereus “Neric” Acosta, Ph.D Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Presidential Adviser for Environmental Protection, Office of the President, Philippines
Dr. Wolf-Dieter Zumpfort Vice Chair of the Board of Directors Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom, Germany
Dr. Rainer Adam Regional Director, Southeast and East Asia Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom
CALD Workshop on Women Empowerment
Dr. Pimrapaat Dusadeeisariyakul Programme Manager, Thailand Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Leader and Secretary General, National League for Democracy CALD Honorary Individual Member U Win Htein Senior Member of the National League for Democracy Senior Adviser to the Office of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma Hon. Mu Sochua, MP Chair, CALD Women’s Caucus Sam Rainsy Party of Cambodia Dr. May Win Myint In-Charge, Women Working Committee National League for Democracy Ms. Aye Aye Nyein Member, News and Information Department National League for Democracy
Mr. Hongpeng Liu Chief, Energy Security and Water Resources Section Environment and Development Division United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UN ESCAP) Mr. Barun Mitra Founder and Director Liberty Institute, India H.E. Abhisit Vejjajiva Former Prime Minister, Kingdom of Thailand Leader of the Opposition, House of Representatives Leader, Democrat Party of Thailand Hon. Rajiva Wijesinha, MP Chair, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Presidential Adviser on Reconciliation, Office of the President, Sri Lanka
MEMBERS & PARTNERS FULL MEMBER PARTY
The Civil Will Party The Civil Will Party (CWP) was established on 9 March 2000, with Sanjaasuren Oyun was elected as chair. The party won its first seat in the parliamentary election that same year. In 2005, the CWP strengthened its activities by establishing the Civil Will Youth Wing. Soon after, the CWP would also have its own senior, women, youth, and student organizations. In January 2006, the special session of the Fourth National Convention was held and the CWP officially announced that it would work as the opposition in the Parliament. In 2009, the party formed a coalition with the Democratic Party for the presidential election, which saw the victory of Elbegdorj Tsakhia, who became Mongolia’s first democratic president. The CWP consists of the following organizations: the National Convention, which gathers once in every four year; the National Committee, which consists of 200 members who gather annually; the Political Council, with 36 members who gather monthly; and the Monitoring Council, consisting of five members. The party’s main executive organization is the Secretariat, under the direct management of the Secretary General. The party’s municipal branches operate at the grassroots level. There are six policy committees within the party that operate in the field of Budget and Finance, Education, Science and Culture, Legal Activities, Foreign Relations, and Security.
LEADERS OYUN Sanjaasuren Chair GANKHUU Gendendaram Secretary General
CONTACT GANBAT Gongorjav Chair of Secretariat E: firstname.lastname@example.org ERDENECHIMEG Tegshjargal Secretary of Foreign Relations E: email@example.com ENKHTUYA Chuluunbat Secretary T: +976 11 319006 E: firstname.lastname@example.org
CALD 2011 FULL MEMBER PARTY
Democrat Party of Thailand The Democrat Party, founded in 1946, is the oldest political party in Thailand, and is considered one of the oldest in Southeast Asia as well. Since its inception over 60 years ago, the Democrat Party has held ideologies that are opposed to all forms of dictatorship and which are instead committed to the promotion of democracy for the people, and most importantly, by the people. The survival and existence of the Democrat Party has not come easily. The Party has had to go through many political struggles throughout its history, which can be divided into four periods: •
1st Period (1946-1967) Party Building, Pro-Democracy, and Anti-Dictatorship
2nd Period (1968-1979) Party Rehabilitation and Democracy Promotion
3rd Period (1979-1990) Policy Improvement and Participation in National Administration
4th Period (1991-Present) Leading Party of Opposition and of Coalition Government
Throughout its history, the Democrat Party has always stood firm on the principles of democracy, freedom, transparency, accountability, and public participation. These principles, stipulated in the Party Guidelines, have guided the Party in the last six decades, and will continue to guide it for many years and generations to come. Under the leadership and guidance of Mr. Abhisit Vejjajiva and the Executive Committee, the Democrat Party aims to provide the Thai public with a viable, responsible political alternative to the populist political environment that has been permeating the Thai atmosphere since 2001. Through various schemes and measures implemented since 2008, especially the People’s Agenda, the Party has been able to steer national development toward a new direction. It uses the idea of “policy for the people by the people,” which highlights the point that “People must come first.” The Party has assured the inclusiveness of its socio-economic policy and measures. Programs such as 15 years of free education, incomeguarantee initiative for farming population, debt relief and access to micro-credits, and social and health security scheme have been launched.
LEADERS Hon. Abhisit Vejjajiva, MP Leader Hon. Chalermchai Sri-on, MP Secretary General
CONTACT 67 Setsiri Road, Samsannai Phayathai, Bangkok 10400, Thailand T: +66 0 2270 0036 F: +66 0 2279 6086 E: email@example.com W: http://www.democrat.or.th
MEMBERS & PARTNERS
FULL MEMBER PARTY
Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan The Democratic Progressive Party or DPP was founded on 28 September 1986 as the first Taiwanese-born political party in Taiwan and as the first opposition party created during the Martial Law period. At the time of the DPP’s founding, Taiwan existed under the authoritarian control of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang - KMT), which colonized Taiwan after losing against the Chinese Communist Party of China in 1949 in the civil war. Founded mainly by family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners held by the KMT, the DPP consisted of political activists who had risked their freedom and lives to transform Taiwan’s political landscape. With the arrival of the DPP, a new era of rapid democratic change began in Taiwan, transforming a nation previously forced to endure decades of one-party authoritarian rule. The DPP has since evolved into a party dedicated to ensuring social and political justice within Taiwan. The DPP has championed social-welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, laborers, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of society. On the political front, the DPP has won many battles for free speech, free press, freedom of association, and respect for human rights. In 2000, Taiwan entered a new period of democracy when the DPP became the first ruling party in Taiwan other than the KMT. Under two administrations with eight years in government, the DPP earned valuable experience as a young party. Currently, as Taiwan’s major opposition party, the DPP continues striving to preserve democracy and to ensure a balanced and fair system of government that represents the will of the Taiwanese people. For 2011, the DPP aligned itself with the current trend changes in Taiwan, listening to the voices of the public and issuing the 10Year Policy Platform, a policy package that includes major policy recommendations for Taiwan in the aspects of international and cross-strait affairs, gender equality, social fairness, and economic development. In 2012, the DPP entered the presidential election race under the leadership of Dr. Tsai Ing-wen as the party chair and the first female presidential candidate in Taiwan. Although defeated by the incumbent KMT president, the DPP was able to garner a support rate of 45.6 percent, an increase of 4.08 percent from what it had at the 2008 presidential election. Additionally, the DPP won 40 legislative seats, an increase of 13 seats from the last legislative election. Internationally, the DPP continues to adhere to the principles of democracy, human rights, and good governance through close alliances with democratic countries around the world. The DPP is a member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats.
LEADER Hon. Chen Chu Acting Chair
CONTACT Huai-hui Hsieh Acting Director Department of International Affairs 10F, No. 30, Pei-ping East Road, Taipei, Taiwan T: +886 2 239 29989 F: +886 2 239 30342 E: firstname.lastname@example.org W: http://www.dpp.org.tw
FULL MEMBER PARTY
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle The ideology of PDI Perjuangan (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan – Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle) is based on 1st June 1945 Pancasila (Five Principle), which in turn is derived from the old indigenous Indonesian philosophy and way of life. Pancasila reflects Indonesian nationalism, humanity and internationalism, democracy, social justice, and belief in one God. PDI Perjuangan faces a constant challenge to become the uniting power of Indonesia and is always in the forefront of supporting social diversity in Indonesia. Equality among citizens is the basic foundation of the country’s unity in diversity. In the current Indonesian democracy, PDI Perjuangan plays its role to fulfill people and state sovereignty by strengthening democratic institutions, mechanisms, and political practices. It also aims for a self-sufficient economy in the globalization era to bring prosperity and social welfare to the people. A nationalist party, PDI Perjuangan maintains a political stand for pluralism, social welfare, and the sovereignty of the people. In April 2010, PDI-P held its third party congress in Bali, in which Hon. Megawati Soekarnoputri was re-elected as party chair. The congress also solidified the party’s decision to become a major opposition to the government. In addition, the party restructured the organization in 33 provinces, over 500 districts, and more than 6,000 sub districts, down to the village level. PDI Perjuangan held a “National Working Meeting” in Bandung in December 2011, during which it consolidated its party structure and created a workable program aimed toward strengthening the party’s chances at the next election. The meeting produced 15 recommendations that enhance the party’s responses to the problems faced by the people. Party structures were also urged to fight against corruption, propose a simpler election system with more transparent and open recruitment for the candidates, and strengthen party structures through the “Vanguard Branch Program.”
LEADERS Hon. Megawati Soekarnoputri General Chairperson Tjahjo Kumolo Secretary General
CONTACT Andreas Pareira Chairperson for Defense Security and International Affairs Hanjaya Setiawan Department Head for International Affairs Jl. Raya Lenteng Agung No. 99, Jakarta Selatan, Indonesia T: +62 21 780 6028 T: +62 21 780 6032 F: +62 21 781 4472 W: http://www.pdiperjuangan.or.id
MEMBERS & PARTNERS
FULL MEMBER PARTY
Liberal Party of the Philippines The Liberal Party (LP) was founded on 19 January 1946 by Manuel Roxas, the first President of the Third Philippine Republic. It was formed by President Roxas from what was once the “Liberal Wing” of the old Nacionalista Party. Two more presidents of the Philippines elected into office came from the LP: Elpidio Quirino and the redoubtable Diosdado Macapagal. Two other presidents came originally from the ranks of the LP, being former members of the Party who later chose to follow a different path and joined the Nacionalistas: Ramon Magsaysay and Ferdinand Marcos. During the days leading to Martial Rule, Marcos would find his old Party as a potent roadblock to his quest for one-man rule. Led by Ninoy Aquino, Gerry Roxas, and Jovito Salonga, the LP would time and again hound the would-be dictator on issues like human rights and the curtailment of freedoms. Not even the declaration of Martial Law silenced the LP, and it continued to fight the dictatorship despite the costs. Many of its leaders and members would be prosecuted and even killed during this time. In recent times, the LP was instrumental in ending more than half a century of U.S. military presence in the Philippines with its campaign in the Senate of 1991 to reject a new RP-US Bases Treaty. This ironically cost the Party dearly, leading to an LP defeat in the 1992 elections. In 2000, however, the LP showed its mettle by standing against the corruption of the Estrada administration, actively supporting the Resign-Impeach-Oust initiatives that led to People Power II. In 2004, the Party again stood its ground and withdrew its support from President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo following controversies of her election into office. Benigno “Noynoy” S. Aquino III of the Liberal Party was elected as President of the Philippines in May 2010. At present, the LP has four members in the Senate and 84 members in the House of Representatives (approximately one-third of the roster), including the seats of House Speaker Feliciano Belmonte, Jr. and three deputy speakers. At the local level, LP increased its number of governors from eight to 26. It has 17 vice governors and 178 provincial board members. The Party has also significantly increased its number of city and municipal government officials. LP is working to ensure that more Liberals are elected in the midterm 2013 elections.
LEADERS H.E. Benigno S. Aquino III Chair Senator Franklin Drilon and Speaker Sonny Belmonte Vice Chairs Hon. Mar Roxas President Hon. Joseph Emilio “Jun” Abaya, MP Secretary General
CONTACT Ma. Gladys Cruz- Sta. Rita Director General BALAY Expo Centro Building EDSA cor. MacArthur Avenue Araneta Center, Cubao, Quezon City T: +63 2 709 3826 T: +63 2 709 3817 F: +63 2 709 3829 M: +63 917 533 8452 M: +63 999 888 9482 W: http://www.liberalparty.org.ph
FULL MEMBER PARTY
Liberal Party of Sri Lanka The Liberal Party began as a think tank called the ‘Council for Liberal Democracy,’ the first institution to criticize the allembracing statism of the colonial and immediate post-colonial periods. In espousing free economic policies together with wideranging political freedoms, the Council, and then the Liberal Party, opposed both the authoritarian crony capitalism of the United National Party and the socialism of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. Both major parties are now in theory in favor of wide freedoms. To ensure that these are understood and entrenched, however, there is still need of coherent liberal activism. 2010 was a year of major elections for Sri Lanka. At the presidential elections held in January, all parties rallied around either of the two main contenders. The Liberal Party continued to support the incumbent President Mahinda Rajapakse. After the victory at the parliamentary elections that followed in April, the party clinched a slot in the national list of the winning United Peoples Freedom Alliance Coalition. Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha was nominated as an MP from the national list after the election. Since March 2010 the party has chaired the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats, and the party has led delegations to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi in Burma, as well as to meetings of Liberal International, the Italian Alliance of Democrats and the Liberal Democrat Conference in Britain. In Sri Lanka the Council for Liberal Democrats continued discussions with all parties on reconciliation. In 2011 Prof Wijesinha was appointed Advisor on Reconciliation to the president, who also put him on the government team to negotiate with the Tamil National Alliance. Liberal volunteers contribute to the Reconciliation website – www.peaceinsrilanka.org – and the Youth Forum blog, www. reconciliationyouthforum.com. The United Kingdom membership, which tweets as UKLPSL, has a remarkable number of followers and also helps maintain Prof Wijesinha’s personal log, www. rajivawijesinha.wordpress.com. The party contested a few local elections on its own in 2011, and was able to return two members to the Ridigama Pradeshiya Sabha in Kurunagala District.
LEADERS Swarna Amaratunga President Prof Rajiva Wijesinha Leader Kamal Nissanka Deputy Leader and Secretary General
CONTACT Dr Newton Peiris International Affairs Officer E: email@example.com Shalini Senanayake Treasurer / Head, Women’s Wing E: firstname.lastname@example.org 88/1, Rosmead Place, Colombo 7, Sri Lanka T: +94 11 269 1589
MEMBERS & PARTNERS
FULL MEMBER PARTY
National Council of the Union of Burma The National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB) works on democratic principles to achieve a democratic federal system in Burma. It believes equality for all can be achieved only through transparent and inclusive participation. NCUB was formed on 22 September 1992 in Marnerplaw. Originally aimed to perform both the responsibilities of the united front as well as Burmaâ€™s Parliament in exile, NCUB was initially made up of four major organizations: National Democratic Front (NDF), Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB), National League for DemocracyLiberated Area (NLD-LA), and the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB). Today MPU or the Members of Parliament Union is working on behalf of the NCGUB. NCUB is at the forefront of the resistance movement against the military junta even as it endeavors to gather Burmaâ€™s peoples together to build mutual trust and understanding. NCUB marches toward the elimination of military dictatorship in Burma and the establishment of peace, democracy, and a genuine Federal Union.
LEADERS Saw David Tharkabaw President Maung Maung General Secretary
CONTACT Aung Moe Zaw Joint General Secretary E: email@example.com Nyo Myint Director of the Foreign Affairs Committee E: firstname.lastname@example.org P.O Box (40), Mae Sot, Tak, 63110, Thailand T: +66 55 542 089 E: email@example.com W: http://www.ncub.org
FULL MEMBER PARTY
Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Since its founding in 1968, the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM) has seen growth and strength despite external constraints and internal problems. Through sincere leadership, pragmatic strategies, and non-communal approaches, PGRM obtained mass support to strive for an egalitarian united Malaysia characterized by racial harmony, social justice, economic equality, political democracy, and cultural liberalism. PGRM’s receptivity to people’s criticisms and advices and its sensitivity to their needs and aspirations are two major factors that contribute in making it a dynamic and resilient political force in Malaysia. As Gerakan expands its organizational base, it will continue to strive to harness greater influence at both the grassroots and governmental levels. The Party will continue to seek the partnership with the people based on the principle that MALAYSIAN NATIONALISM is the most effective weapon to combat the root causes of communalism, extremism, religious fanaticism, and cultural chauvinism. The International Relations and Affairs Bureau under the leadership of Mr. Ng Lip Yong reflects the party’s commitment to playing a greater and more meaningful role in the international and regional political arena. Besides council meetings, members of the Bureau and leaders of Gerakan regularly participate in CALD conferences, workshops, and other programs.
LEADERS Tan Sri Dr. Koh Tsu Koon National President Dato Chang Ko Youn Deputy President Teng Chang Yeow Secretary General CONTACT Ng Lip Yong Chair for International Relations and Affairs Katherine Ooi Deputy Chief Administrator Level 5, Menara PGRM, No. 8 Jalan Pudu, Cheras, 56100 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia T: +60 3 9287 6868 F: +60 3 9287 8866 E: firstname.lastname@example.org W: http://www.gerakan.org.my
MEMBERS & PARTNERS
FULL MEMBER PARTY
Sam Rainsy Party Cambodia’s main opposition party is a political organization with a vision and commitment dedicated toward genuine reform: quality of life and justice for all. The Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) is fully committed to building roads for a peaceful transition toward a liberalized democracy in the Kingdom of Cambodia through its motto of “Integrity, Truth, Justice.” In January 2010, Hon. Sam Rainsy, MP and leader of the Cambodian opposition, was sentenced in absentia to two years in prison. This was in addition to a 10-year sentence handed down in 2009, after Sam Rainsy was convicted for racial incitement and the destruction of public property. Hon. Sam has since been in self-imposed exile in Europe but continues his work with the party through online conferences and international meetings. On 21 October 2010, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on Cambodia that strongly denounced “all politically motivated sentences against representatives of the opposition and NGOs,” particularly those against Hon. Sam Rainsy. It called upon Cambodian authorities to engage in political and institutional reforms to build a democratic state and “guarantee free and fair political expression without intimidation and harassment.” On 19 October 2011, IPU Governing Council adopted unanimously a resolution that stated that the Inter-Parliamentary Union reaffirmed Mr. Sam Rainsy’s gesture of pulling out temporary border markers as a political gesture, and that, consequently, the courts should never have been seized to resolve a political matter, which rather should have given rise to a debate within parliament. In the resolution, the IPU said it deeply regretted that the Prime Minister’s clear statement on the question of border post # 185 had not as yet led to any initiatives with a view to settling this case, which indisputably may impair the democratic process in Cambodia. The IPU then called once again on the authorities, including Parliament, “to take action with a view to Mr. Sam Rainsy’s rehabilitation so as to enable him to resume his rightful place as a member of the National Assembly and to stand as a candidate in the next parliamentary elections.” The Sam Rainsy Party continues to struggle to strengthen democratic institutions and instill democratic reforms in the country. In his New Year message for 2011, Hon. Sam Rainsy stated that “Cambodia needs true progress, modernity, sustainable and equitable economic development, social justice, decent employment for the large number of young people entering the job market, increased well-being for the entire population, and an intelligent and strong defense of the vital interests of the nation.”
LEADER Hon. Sam Rainsy, MP President Hon. Kuoy Bunroeun, MP Secretary General
CONTACT Hon. Yim Sovann, MP Spokesperson No. 576, National Road No.2, Sangkat Chak Angre Leu, Khan Meanchey, Phnom Penh, Cambodia T: +855 23 696 0414 T: +855 23 425 248 F: +855 23 425 249 E: email@example.com W: http://www.samrainsyparty.org
FULL MEMBER PARTY
Singapore Democratic Party The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) was constituted in 1980. It believes in, and is working toward restoring human, civil, and political rights in Singapore; fostering a vibrant and dynamic society based on pluralism and diversity; cultivating a transparent and accountable political system; establishing an economic system based on free competition and equal opportunity for all; removing all policies and practices that discriminate against the less fortunate, women, and minorities; and cooperating with democratic parties and organizations in Asia to achieve peace and sustainable development in the region. It is the first opposition party in Singapore to have a youth wing (Young Democrats) and to deploy Internet as alternative media. It uses blogging, political videos, and online forums to reach out to the people. The Central Executive Committee (CEC) governs the party with Mr. Jufrie Mahmood as its Chair and Dr. Chee Soon Juan its secretary-general. SDP commemorated its 30th founding anniversary in February 2010 in the midst of facing continuing persecution by an authoritarian government for its belief in democracy and human rights. Party leaders and members have had to endure a series of governmentorchestrated court cases, and even imprisonment, for exercising their fundamental rights to freedom of expression and assembly. During the 2011 general elections, the Party garnered 36.8 percent of the valid votes in the constituencies it contested. The SDP was touted to be the most â€œimprovedâ€? opposition party, making the largest gain in share.
LEADER Jufrie Mahmood Chair Chee Soon Juan Secretary General
CONTACT John Tan Assistant Secretary General Jaslyn Go PR Director 12A Jalan Gelenggang, Singapore 578192 T: +65 6456 4532 F: +65 6453 4532 E: firstname.lastname@example.org W: http://yoursdp.org
MEMBERS & PARTNERS
ASSOCIATE MEMBER PARTY
Liberal Forum Pakistan LFP (Liberal Forum Pakistan) is promoting liberal values in Pakistanâ€™s polity by creating awareness about the positive features of democracy, freedom, and secularism. It works toward these objectives by publishing and disseminating literature about liberalism throughout the country; and by holding consultations on the related issues. It also takes out a bi-monthly magazine in Urdu that is the only regular publication covering liberal issues in South Asia. LFP regularly organizes functions in all major urban centers and in places where it has active chapters. The membership of the organization is open to all, subject to approval by LFPâ€™s Membership Committee; a chapter can be formed once it has 20 members. The overall supervision of the organization is in the hands of a Board of Directors that is headed by a Chairperson who is also the Chief Executive of the organization. The four provinces are headed by provincial presidents. LFP also has a youth wing by the name of FYG (Future Youth Group), which holds activities similar to LFP amongst the younger segments of the population. LFP has a website that gives up to date information about liberal developments. In 2010, LFP continued its movement to promote liberalism in Pakistan and expanded its membership to approximately 2,000 members who pay an annual fee and receive a bi-monthly magazine, Liberal Pakistan. Thirty-six chapters are currently functional throughout the country. During the year, LFP held seminars on topics ranging from opposing corruption to promoting liberal values, including good governance, secularism, and the right to information. These activities garnered publicity in the local media. LFP also spread its advocacy through publications on corruption and individual liberty.
CONTACT Mr. Ghulam Mustafa Chair No S1, Second Floor, Rawal Arcade, F-8 Markaz, Islamabad, Pakistan T: +92 51 225 6458 T: +92 51 225 6459 F: +92 51 225 6459 E: email@example.com W: http://www.lfp.org.pk
Martin Lee Martin C.M. Lee (Lee Chu Ming) is the founding Chair (1994-2002) of the Democratic Party, which is one of the largest and most popular political parties in Hong Kong. Prior to the founding of the Democratic Party in October 1994, Lee was Chair of the United Democrats of Hong Kong -- Hong Kong’s first political party that won the first-ever democratic elections to the territory’s Legislative Council in 1991. Since establishment, the Democratic Party has committed efforts to advancing democracy and safeguarding human rights and the rule of law in Hong Kong. In 2008, the Democratic Party merged with another pan-democratic party The Frontier, and further strengthened its political influence in Hong Kong. Lee was also a popular elected Legislative Councillor from 1985 to 2008. 704A, Admiralty Centre, Tower I, 18 Harcourt Road, Central, Hong Kong T: +852 2529 0864 F: +852 2864 2829 E: firstname.lastname@example.org W: http://www.martinlee.org.hk
Sin Chung-kai Sin Chung-kai has served as a Vice Chair of the Democratic Party since 2006, and once served as a Member of Legislative Council representing the IT Functional Constituency from 1995 to 2008. He is well-known as a strong advocate for transforming Hong Kong into a leading digital city that enjoys human rights, rule of law, fair competition, free flow of information, democracy, and economic prosperity. 4/F, Hanley House, 778 Nathan Road, Mongkok, Kowloon, Hong Kong T: +852 2397 7033 F: +852 2397 8998 E: email@example.com W: http://www.sinchungkai.org.hk
MEMBERS & PARTNERS
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is a Nobel Peace Laureate, Burma’s leader of the opposition, and one of Asia’s most revered icons of democracy. She is also founding General Secretary of the National League of Democracy. The Lady has spent most of her life committed to the people of Burma’s struggle for justice, freedom, and democracy. Much of the last two decades has seen her locked up, but she has recently been released from house arrest. In January 2012, she declared that she is contesting the 6y-election in April 2012 under the National League for Democracy (NLD) E: firstname.lastname@example.org
Democratic Party of Japan The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) was created in 1998, when reform-minded politicians from a number of opposition parties came together with the aim of establishing a genuine opposition force capable of taking power from the long-ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Former Prime Ministers Tsutomu Hata and former party presidents Yukio Hatoyama and Naoto Kan, who both later served as prime minister, were among those instrumental in establishing the new party. The DPJ has since grown in size at successive elections. It was further strengthened by a merger with the Liberal Party, led by Ichiro Ozawa, in 2003. In 2009, the party won a landslide election victory, bringing about an historic change of government. Now under the leadership of Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda, the ruling DPJ administration is working to bring about true political reform in Japan by implementing policies that put peopleâ€™s lives first.
CONTACT DPJ International Department 1-11-1 Nagata-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 100-0014 Japan T: +81 3 3595 9988 F: +81 3 3595 7318 W: http://www.dpj.or.jp
Nation Awakening Party PKB is short for Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa or the Nation Awakening Party. The party was established in Jakarta on 23 July 1998 by a number of the famous Indonesian Islamic scholars from the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the biggest Muslim organization in Indonesia. One of the founders of the party was the late Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), the fourth President of the Republic of Indonesia and the father of pluralism and moderate Islam in the country. PKB is a Muslim-based political party that stands for an open, democratic, and just society of Indonesians. It promotes the values of moderate Islam that go hand-in-hand with democratic values to bring about a just and democratic Indonesia. PKB believes in freedom, justice, and brotherhood of the nation, of Islam and of human beings. Although PKB has a strong commitment to Islam, it rejects the idea of an Islamic state and promotes a seculardemocratic state. PKB has participated in the last three general elections in the post-Soeharto era (1999, 2004, and 2009). In the 2009 election, PKB gained around five million national votes. PKB now occupies 28 seats of the national legislature while around 1,000 members belong to the provincial and local legislature. PKB also has a presence in the cabinet of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono via two ministerial posts. With a young leader, A. Muhaimin Iskandar, as general Chair. PKB is working harder to regain its political support with the help of NU and expanding its network of supporters throughout the country.
CONTACT M. Hanif Dhakiri Party HQ: DPP PKB Jl. Raden Saleh No. 9 Jakarta Pusat 10430 T: +62 21 314 5328 F: +62 21 314 5329 W: http://www.dpp-pkb.or.id 69
MEMBERS & PARTNERS
Friedrich Naumann Foundation The Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung für die Freiheit (FNF) is an independent, nonprofit, nongovernmental foundation committed to promoting the value of freedom in dignity worldwide. FNF seeks to promote this core liberal value by working to strengthen: human rights and the rule of law, liberal participatory democracy, and a free market economy. Funded by the German parliament, the Foundation supports a wide range of activities in 65 different countries. Its partners include parliaments, political parties, universities, think tanks, research institutions, NGOs, the media, business associations, and community organizations. Its key tasks are civic education, policy dialogue, and consultancy to help find liberal solutions for the problems facing our societies.
29 BBC Tower, 25th Floor, Sukhumvit 63 Road, Bangkok 10110 Thailand T: +662 365 0570 T: +662 365 0567 F: +662 714 8384 E: email@example.com W: http://www.fnfasia.org
The Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung für die Freiheit has worked in partnership with CALD since 1993. They have collaborated to organize conferences, meetings, networking opportunities, and publications designed to further policy dialogue and cooperation among like-minded Asian political parties.
Liberal International Liberal International is the world federation of liberal political parties. Founded in 1947, it has become the pre-eminent network for promoting liberalism, strengthening liberal parties, and for the promotion of liberal democracy around the world. There are a number of common principles that unite all liberal parties from Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe: human rights, free and fair elections, multiparty democracy, social justice, tolerance, social market economy, free trade, environmental sustainability, and a strong sense of international solidarity. Although there is diversity among liberal parties owing to the application of these principles in different national circumstances, all LI members adhere to the organization’s manifesto.
1 Whitehall Place, London, SW1A 2HD T: +44 20 7839 5905 F: +44 20 7925 2685 E: firstname.lastname@example.org W: http://www.liberal-international.org
Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe The Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) in the European Parliament brings together MEPs from liberal and democratic parties across the European Union. We share the common values and promote an open-minded and forwardlooking approach to European Union politics. We stand for individual liberty, a free and dynamic business culture, economic and social solidarity, sustainability in taking actions, protection of the environment and respect, and tolerance for cultural, religious, and linguistic diversity.
European Parliament, Rue Wiertz, B- 1047 Brussels, Belgium T: +32 2 284 2111 F: +32 2 230 2485 E: email@example.com W: http://www.alde.eu
Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Taiwanâ€™s peaceful transition to democracy is not only a historical accomplishment for its 23 million people, but a landmark in the worldwide spread of democracy. Only after years of struggle and effort could this transformation take place. We must never forget this history, for it shapes the cornerstone of our continued commitment to the principles of democracy and human rights. The Foundation was established with an inter-related, two-tracked mission in mind. Domestically, the TFD strives to play a positive role in consolidating Taiwanâ€™s democracy and fortifying its commitment to human rights; internationally, the Foundation hopes to become a strong link in the global democratic network, joining forces with related organizations around the world. Through the years, Taiwan has received valuable long-term assistance and stalwart support from the international community, and it is now time to repay that community for all of its efforts.
A: No.4, Alley 17, Lane 147, Section 3, Sinyi Road, Taipei 106, Taiwan T: +886-2-2708-0100 F: +886-2-2708-1148 W: http://www.tfd.org.tw
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiated the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy project in 2002. After much research and careful evaluation, the Ministry integrated the required resources from many sectors of society. In January 2003, the Ministry obtained the support of all political parties to pass the budget for the Foundation in the legislature. The TFD formally came into being on 17 June 2003, with its first meeting of the Board of Trustees and Supervisory Board. At that meeting, Legislative Yuan President Wang Jinpyng was elected its first Chair. According to its by-laws, the TFD is governed by a total of 15 trustees and five supervisors, representing political parties, the government, academia, nongovernmental organizations, and the business sector.
MEMBERS & PARTNERS
National Democratic Institute for International Affairs The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) is a nonprofit organization working to strengthen and expand democracy worldwide. Calling on a global network of volunteer experts, NDI provides practical assistance to civic and political leaders advancing democratic values, practices, and institutions. NDI works with democrats in every region of the world to build political and civic organizations, safeguard elections, and to promote citizen participation, openness, and accountability in government.
A: 455 Massachusetts Ave., NW, 8th Floor Washington, DC 20001 T: +1 202 728 5500 F: +1 202 728 5520 W: http:/www.ndi.org
Liberal Network for Latin America RELIAL (Red Liberal de América Latina), the Liberal Network of Latin America, is a Latin America-wide network of currently 52 civil society organizations, political parties, think tanks, and researchinstitutes. RELIAL is forming the institutional frame for leaders and opinion makers, academics, intellectuals, business people, and personalities from the region who share and profess the ideas of individual freedom, limited government, the market economy, the rule of law, and a free democratic system in the continent
RELIAL RED LIBERAL DE AMERICA LATINA
Red Liberal de América Latina Cerrada de la Cerca Nº 82 Col. San Angel Inn México DF 01060 T: +5255 5550 1039 F: +5255 5550 6223 E: firstname.lastname@example.org W: http://www.relial.org
Alliance of Democrats In an interdependent world faced by challenges, global responses are vital. This is the reason why the Alliance of Democrats, an international network of liberal democratic, centrist, and progressive political parties from all five continents, was initiated by various leaders from the European Democratic Party and the U.S. Democratic Party in 2005. From 2005 to 2008 the Alliance of Democrats, which now includes over 60 political parties, organized several meetings and international conferences for strengthening the political dialogue between like-minded democratic political parties with the ambition to build a common “Global Agenda.”
The founding event was the meeting with the theme “Rebuilding Transatlantic Relations: a dialogue between US and EU Democrats” held in Rome on 24-25 February 2005 with the attendance of the Chair of the New Democrat Coalition of the U.S. Democratic Party at the U.S. Congress, Rep. Ellen Tauscher, François Bayrou, Francesco Rutelli, Bronislaw Geremek, and Graham Watson. Romano Prodi, former President of the European Commission and EDP Honorary President, delivered the closing remarks. The conference participants agreed on the need for a stronger and more structured relationship between the EU democratic parties and the U.S. Democratic Party, in order to strengthen the transatlantic political and economic relations. With this, the Chairperson of the New Democrat Coalition, Rep. Ellen Tauscher, and the Co-Presidents of the European Democratic Party, Francesco Rutelli and François Bayrou, a Manifesto on EU-US Relations calling for closer links between democratic parties on the two sides of the Atlantic, and agreed to establish the Alliance of Democrats. Following its engagement to continue building closer relationships with other like-minded parties and organizations around the world, and especially to establish sound links with Asian democrats, the Alliance of Democrats promoted a conference with the theme “A New Europe/Asia strategic partnership: the future is now: A dialogue between Asian and European Democrats” on 1-2 December 2005. The Conference took place in Rome, with the participation of many Asian political leaders representing major political parties such as the Indian Congress Party and members and observer-parties from CALD.
Via di Sant’Andrea delle Fratte, 16 Rome Italy 00187 T: +39 06 6953 2367 F: +39 06 6953 2206 E: email@example.com W: http://www.allianceofdemocrats.org
In a closed-door seminar, politicians and experts focused on issues such as economic integration between the two continents, international security, energy, multilateral cooperation, and global democracy. The seminar helped set up a common political agenda and a permanent network between Asia and European Democrats. Promoting sustainable development, increasing international security while fighting terrorism, and promoting human rights and democracy were the core issues of the discussions. Participants committed themselves to strengthening political dialogue, increasing cooperation and integration between Europe and Asia, and acting in favor of a closer partnership and integration between the European and Asian economies. The Board of Directors consists of Francois Bayrou, Francesco Rutelli, and Ellen Tauscher as Co-Chairs. Gianni Vernetti, Italian MP and former Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, was appointed Coordinator of the Alliance of Democrats.
The Council for Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD) was inaugurated in Bangkok in 1993, with the support of then Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai and South Koreaâ€™s Kim Dae-Jung. CALD, which offers a unique platform for dialogue and cooperation, is the only regional alliance of liberal and democratic political parties in Asia. CALD was formed out of the recognition of leaders of like-minded political parties in Asia of the need for a dynamic forum promoting discussion and exchange of ideas regarding trends and challenges affecting democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the region. The chair parties of CALD since its inception to the present have been the Democrat Party of Thailand (19931995; 2002-2004), the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan (1995-1997, 2004-2005), the Liberal Party of the Philippines (1997-1999; 2005 to 2007), the Liberal Party of Sri-Lanka (1999-2000, 2010-2012), the Sam Rainsy Party of Cambodia (2000-2002; 2012-2014), and the Singapore Democratic Party (2007-2010). The other members of CALD are the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM), the National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB), the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and the Civil Will Party (CWP) of Mongolia. The Liberal Forum-Pakistan is an associate member while the Hong Kong legislators Martin Lee and Sin Chung-kai are individual members. In 2010, CALD bestowed honorary individual membership to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. Through CALD, political parties, groups, and individuals have a continuing discussion on the developments occurring in the various countries of the region. The aim is to assess the possibilities for liberal solutions to problems facing Asian democracies. Accordingly, CALD organizes network meetings including those with its partners (Friedrich Naumann Foundation, Liberal International, Alliance for Liberals and Democrats for Europe, Alliance of Democrats, Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs), international conferences on vital issues affecting the region, and regular workshops on communication, political management, and women in politics. It also sends missions for various advocacies, sponsors internship programs in its secretariat and in the European Parliament, as well as maintains a website, a social network group account and a weekly electronic newsletter.
Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha, MP Chair Dr. Neric Acosta Secretary General CALD Secretariat Unit 410, 4/F La Fuerza Plaza 2 2241 Don Chino Roces Avenue 1231 Makati City, Philippines Telephone +63 2 819 6071 +63 2 496 1388 Facsimile +63 2 8101431 firstname.lastname@example.org www.cald.org facebook.com/asianliberals twitter.com/asianliberals
CALD 2011 ANNUAL REPORT
COORDINATORS Celito F. Arlegue Paolo Antonio A. Zamora
EDITOR C.C. Balgos PROJECT ASSISTANTS Rosanna P. Ocampo Jorgia E. Salonga LAY-OUT & ART DIRECTION Hervi I. Santos Michael A. Gadi