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class, not to the families living next to massive well-pads. Standing alongside Polis was Matt Owens of Extraction Oil and Gas and representatives from the League of Oil and Gas Impacted Coloradans, Conservation Colorado, Colorado Rising and the Sierra Club. The governor informed listeners that “industry can operate with reduced uncertainty and significantly reduced political risk, which hurts capital formation.” It didn’t stop there. One speaker after another offered more assurances to industry and capital. Sen. Fenberg proclaimed, “The industry has a level of certainty that any modern industry would seek.” Between offerings to Wall Street, a few speakers made superficial claims promoting the bill’s environmental veneer. Even these came out as Orwellian doublespeak, as when K.C. Becker blustered, “The industry can put health and safety first and continue to thrive at the same time.” Polis then helped us reimagine our personal identities: “We are all environmentalists, we are all oil and gas.” Following these words, he highlighted the importance of local elected officials, calling them the people who “know how to integrate industrial operations into a community.”
Anyone from the political class watching the grand finale of SB 181 knows the takeaway. Colorado is open for the oil business, and under a Democratic Party trifecta, the conflicts of earlier years between communities and the Colorado Oil and Gas industry and its trade organizations like COGA are over. “The framework for SB 181 will allow us to settle our differences in a discreet and reasonable way,” Polis confirmed. As the climate around us descends into greater disorder, this is the state of the Colorado political class and its loyal opposition in the professional activist milieu. If there were ever a time to redefine environmentalism, it’s now. We can’t waste more time playing along with the ingratiating politics of the last 50 years. We know our governing and economic system is not broken, it’s fixed. This understanding tasks us to break from old ideas and pageantry and build power that can break that “fixed”system. The minute we shift from the idealism that too often defines conventional activism, we will do more than become an opposition, we will become a movement. This opinion column does not necessarily reflect the views of Boulder Weekly
ANDERSON from Page 6
DE-STRESSED NEVER FELT SO GOOD.
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GUEST COLUMN from Page 7
MAY 2, 2019
Warren, and it can’t be Sanders,” an anonymous CEO of a “giant bank” exclaimed. Sanders recently released 10 years of his tax returns and was ridiculed for having become a millionaire — a member of the 1 Percent — due to a lot of book royalties. In his New York Times column, economist Paul Krugman said these attacks are “deeply stupid. Politicians who support policies that would raise their own taxes and strengthen a social safety net they’re unlikely to need aren’t being hypocrites; if anything, they’re demonstrating their civic virtue.” Moreover, Krugman criticized the concept of the 1 Percent, saying that putting Bernie in the same class as the Koch brothers is wrong. He said many people don’t realize that the very rich are in “a completely separate social universe.” He I
said that at a recent event, a fellow economist Janet Gornick “was greeted with disbelief when she mentioned in passing that the top 25 hedge-fund managers make an average of $850 million a year. But her number was correct.” Krugman adds: “One survey found that Americans, on average, think that corporate C.E.O.s are paid about 30 times as much as ordinary workers, which hasn’t been true since the 1970s. These days the ratio is more like 300-to-1.” “It’s not about envy. It’s about oligarchy,” he said. The very rich, with a few exceptions here and there, “wield their political power on behalf of tax cuts at the top, a weaker safety net and deregulation.” This opinion column does not necessarily reflect the views of Boulder Weekly. BOULDER WEEKLY