










BY MADELINE FENING
Aman and his 3-year-old son were browsing paper towels in Kroger when CityBeat approached.
“Hello! I’m a reporter with Cincinnati CityBeat. Do you think I could talk to you about the recent ICE arrests in the neighborhood?”
There’s a pause: “I have a translator here – she’s my intern, also a reporter.”
She introduced herself in Spanish, and his face relaxed slightly.
Under Kroger’s fluorescent spotlight, the man, who chose not to share his name, shared his immigration status with two total strangers.
“Do you have citizenship status? Or a visa?” CityBeat asked.
“For now, no,” he said as his toddler peeked from behind his dad’s leg.
Originally from Guatemala, the man has lived in the Price Hill neighborhood with his family for 15 years. Naturally, he wants to keep it that way.
“With everything that’s going on lately, are you worried about deportation?” we asked.
“At times we worry, but we put our hope in God that everything is fine,” he said.
Since President Donald Trump reentered office in January, immigrant families like this have been living on hope and seeking legal advice to avoid arrest by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).
Speaking at Madison Square Garden a week before the 2024 election, Trump made a promise to his supporters: his second administration would carry out “the largest deportation program of criminals in the history of America.”
Press secretary Karoline Leavitt shared the administration’s definition of “criminals” in January.
“The 3,500 arrests that ICE has made so far since President Trump came back
into office — can you just tell us the numbers?” One reporter asked. “How many have a criminal record versus those who are just in the country illegally?”
“All of them, because they illegally broke our nation’s laws, and therefore, they are criminals as far as this administration goes,” Leavitt replied. “I know the last administration didn’t see it that way. So it’s a big culture shift in our nation to view someone who breaks our immigration laws as a criminal, but that’s exactly what they are.”
Trump border czar Tom Homan maintains the administration has prioritized arresting “public safety threats and national security threats” since “day one.”
But summer is here and the data is in: they’re not.
More than 75% of people booked into ICE custody in fiscal year 2025 had no criminal conviction other than an immigration or traffic-related offense, according to ICE records. The data covers the more than 185,000 immigrants who have been booked into ICE custody between Oct. 1, 2024 and May 31, 2025, which includes Biden’s final months in office.
Those convicted of serious crimes like murder, assault, rape or robbery made up less than 10% of booked detainees.
DHS Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin told CNN, which reviewed the data, that ICE targets “the worst of the worst — including gang members, murderers and rapists.”
“In President Trump’s first 100 days, 75% of ICE arrests were criminal illegal aliens with convictions or pending charges,” she told the network. But McLaughlin did not respond to CNN’s request to clarify the nature of those convictions or pending charges.
Although the Trump administration has declared undocumented immigrants criminals because they entered the country without express permission, they are not held criminally or charged with a crime once in ICE custody — the matter is civil.
“There’s no other area of civil law
where you get put into jail while your case is pending,” said Lynn Tramonte, director of the Ohio Immigrant Alliance.
“Like, if I’m getting evicted from my home, they don’t put me in jail. If I don’t pay my taxes to my local government, they don’t throw me in jail, right? They give me a payment plan, and I work it out with them. That’s how immigration law should be.”
Research published in the American Economic Review analyzed two centuries of incarceration data and found that immigrants have had lower incarceration rates than U.S.-born people for 150 years. Those rates have only declined since 1960; immigrants today are 60% less likely to be incarcerated. The non-partisan American Immigration Council compared crime data to demographic data from 1980 to 2022 — the most recent data available — and concluded that crime rates actually declined in communities where immigrant populations grew.
Despite most immigrants never committing crimes, many noncitizens are finding themselves handcuffed in courthouses thanks to a new ICE arrest tactic.
Sarah C. Larcade is an immigration attorney with the firm Larcade Law. She’s practiced immigration law for eight years, serving both Ohio and Kentucky clients.
“I became an immigration attorney under the first Trump administration, so I was kind of thrown into the fire, which prepared me for this second administration,” she said. “This time, it’s like times 100.”
Trump’s deportation numbers, even in his first term, are nothing compared to former President Barack Obama, who removed 438,421 people in 2013 alone — a 21st-century record.
“Obama deported more people than any U.S. president, but he also was trying to make sensible programs for people — except the most extreme people — that shouldn’t leave here, like children
who came here when they were very young,” Larcade said. “There’s no balance under [the Trump] administration. It’s all scorched earth. We’re going after everyone. We’re taking you out of your home. We’re going to get rid of all the sensible measures that have been taken by previous administrations. They want numbers.”
But Trump recently reached his own immigration crackdown milestone. On June 3, ICE set an arrest record of more than 2,200 arrests in a single day, according to the agency.
Trump’s Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller has been pushing for an even higher daily quota.
“Under President Trump’s leadership, we are looking to set a goal of a minimum of 3,000 arrests for ICE every day, and President Trump is going to keep pushing to get that number up higher each and every single day,” Miller said.
To this end, senior ICE officials have urged officers to “turn the creative knob up to 11” by arresting “collaterals” — noncitizen immigrants encountered by agents while serving arrest warrants for others — according to internal agency emails viewed by The Guardian. One of the apparent strategies used to raise the numbers is deploying ICE agents to immigration hearings at courthouses across the country to issue final deportation orders. Larcade sees the tactic as a due process workaround.
“It’s actually really, really bad,” Larcade said. “If you are in the immigration court in front of the judge, they can’t give you an expedited removal order. That’s why [ICE] is now showing up, dismissing the case, and then as soon as the noncitizen walks out with their case dismissed, [ICE is issuing them] expedited removal. It’s really sneaky, and it’s really gross.”
A leaked memo from the Department of Justice (DOJ), dated May 30 and obtained by NBC News in June, instructs immigration judges to dismiss cases to speed up expedited deportations by removing a 10-day waiting period
immigrants casts a dark cloud over Cincinnati, but
designed to allow the immigrant’s lawyer to respond.
Although immigration judges work for the DOJ, not DHS, both departments report to the same executive. Larcade believes the bottleneck muddies their ability to rule independently.
“It’s not a court that was created by the Constitution,” Larcade explains. “ICE is the party that files cases in immigration court, and they are housed under DHS. They are two separate agencies, but ultimately they’re all under the executive branch, and their boss, all of them, is the President.”
Historically, ICE would issue the expedited removal orders to noncitizens apprehended within 100 miles of the border after recently crossing. Not anymore. During his first days in office, Trump signed an executive order titled “Protecting the American People Against Invasion,” which expanded expedited removals nationwide to anyone who has been in the United States for less than two years, no matter their location.
Larcade said the expedited removal orders are final and do not guarantee due process, but she said having a lawyer by your side raises your chance of avoiding deportation. Just make sure that lawyer has a laptop handy.
“If it does happen, reserve your right to appeal, because as soon as you appeal, then you are still in the immigration court system, and they can’t give you an expedited removal order,” Larcade said. “But you have to reserve your right and get the appeal filed [immediately]. With ICE being [in the courthouse], unless you have an attorney with their laptop and before you exit the courtroom you file your appeal, it’s kind of hard to preserve that.”
With so many federal orders and laws stacked against noncitizens, it’s a dark time for both immigrants and their attorneys. Larcade’s phone started ringing off the hook immediately after the
November election.
“There was a panic,” she said. “Like an increase in the volume of calls, even from current clients, saying, ‘What do we do with Trump being president?’
She said her new client numbers have nearly doubled, and many firms are at capacity, especially nonprofits that offer free or low-cost representation. With the demand for immigration attorneys high and firms overwhelmed, Larcade said it’s still important to be selective when choosing a lawyer.
The tips she shared with CityBeat are not to be taken as legal advice, but she said identifying red flags and knowing what questions to ask could help you find the right attorney.
Larcade said more noncitizens are seeking legal help from people without attorney licenses, who are more affordable but come with big risks.
“One of the things we see often, especially in the Hispanic community, there are people who are not attorneys, and they call themselves notarios, or notaries,” she said. “Because in immigration, there are some circumstances in which you don’t have to be an immigration attorney. You don’t have to be an attorney to help fill out paperwork and all that stuff. So we’ve been seeing nonattorneys that are advertising services, and of course, they charge a lot less.”
Beyond being a licensed attorney, Larcade recommends asking if they’re members of the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA).
“I don’t work for AILA and I don’t get paid by AILA at all — I am involved in my local chapter — but the resources and the alerts that you get, I personally believe it is impossible to keep up with the changes if you don’t have access to AILA’s resources,” she said.
“Beware. You do get what you pay for,” she said. “So if you are speaking to someone who is actually an attorney and the price is significantly lower than quotes you’ve received from other places, you do have to kind of remember that.”
Larcade clarified that she’s not referring to no-cost nonprofits. “They do amazing work,” she said. “It’s just that their caseload is so high that there’s a waitlist.”
If you do find yourself speaking to an attorney with a very attractive price, ask why. Best-case scenario, they might receive grants to make their services so affordable. Worst case, you could be looking at a short relationship.
“The purely private firms — and I don’t even know that they do it on purpose — to reel people in, they might charge a very low down payment,” Larcade said. “I would ask, ‘Do you receive funding from any grants or anything like that?’ But I
would also ask, ‘Are you going to represent me throughout the entire case?’ I’ve seen people paying a low payment to an attorney, and they’ll do one thing and then drop them.”
When choosing an attorney, Larcade said there are ways to keep costs down while still speaking with someone who is trained. Ask about payment plans or opt for a one-time consultation session.
“A lot of firms charge for an initial consultation, but when you pay the consultation fee, the lawyer can give you concrete advice, even if you don’t end up hiring,” she said. “You can at least arm yourself with some knowledge.”
“If you are going to hire an attorney, the agreement needs to be in writing,” she said. “A good attorney is going to sit down and go through the contract with you in a language that you understand before you sign it.”
Larcade also cautioned against signing a blank form. She said it’s like signing a contract before it’s been written.
“Don’t sign a form that you don’t know what is in it,” Larcade said. “Even if they
ICE to report to their office, only to be arrested upon arrival. Similar cases have been seen in Alabama, California, New York and Ohio.
ICE defended the practice in a statement to NBC News.
“Those arrested had executable final orders of removal by an immigration judge and had not complied with that order,” an ICE spokesperson told the outlet. “If you are in the country illegally and a judge has ordered you to be removed, that is precisely what will happen. During the Biden administration, thousands of illegal aliens — including violent criminals — with final orders of removal were on ATD and allowed to roam our communities.”
The Cincinnati teenager targeted by this practice was not “roaming” the community. He was part of it.
Emerson Colindres, a 19-year-old recent high school graduate, grew up on Cincinnati’s west side. His mom, Ada Bell Baquedano Amador, told CityBeat she and Colindres are very close.
“Anywhere I went, he wanted to go with me. We went to church together,” Baquedano said. “He’ll sit in my bedroom with me and we’ll talk for two, three hours.”
She’s lucky now to get a few minutes. ICE called the family on June 4 and ordered Emerson to report to the agency’s local office.
“We woke up in the morning around 9 a.m., they called us, they called Emerson, and they said that he needed to come in, that they were going to put an ankle monitor on him,” she said. “We got to the office, they took us back together, and two or three minutes later they separated us and they took Emerson back alone.”
tell you what they’re going to file and they just hand you the signature page and they say, ‘Sign this,’’ don’t sign something that you haven’t seen the form and it hasn’t been reviewed with you.”
Alongside courthouse arrests, ICE has begun arresting noncitizens who participate in the agency’s Alternatives to Detention (ATD) program, which consists of the Intensive Supervision Appearance Program (ISAP). The ATDISAP program, which began in 2004, allows noncitizens to live and work in their communities while on their path toward citizenship, as opposed to detention and deportation. This strategy saves the department money while providing case management for hopeful citizens, according to a description of the program on ICE’s website.
Now, it’s a trap for deportation.
On June 4, protesters confronted ICE agents in Chicago after a dozen noncitizen immigrants were arrested during these scheduled check-ins. Family members of those arrested told reporters their loved ones were sent a text from
As a family with no criminal history, a pending U-visa application and perfect check-in attendance with ICE, Baquedano didn’t assume the worst for her son. Then she saw him in handcuffs.
“He said, ‘Mommy, they’re going to deport me.’ And I said, ‘Why? Our cases have always been together.’” she said. “It really, really disturbed me.”
Baquedano brought her two young children to the United States in 2014 to escape violence in Honduras. Colindres was 8 years old. ICE agents at the border allowed them to enter the country, and Baquedano immediately started the process of setting up a case.
The family got an attorney and applied for asylum. Between regular check-ins with immigration officials, they made a life for themselves in Cheviot, their new community. Baquedano brought her family to church, served food and cleaned houses with a work permit, and attended her son’s soccer games.
Colindres’ love of soccer was born in Honduras but blossomed in the U.S.
“He had really hoped to go to a college and play soccer,” Baquedano said. “The other young men on the team, Galaxy,
they had been working with him to try to help him apply. There is a university in Kentucky they had all been looking at that seems to be open to immigrants, and he had hoped to one day turn professional.”
In 2019, the family’s asylum case was denied, so they appealed. An order of removal was issued for the family, but that doesn’t mean they were required to self-deport.
CityBeat confirmed the legal nuance with an immigration attorney who declined to speak on the record. Under the law, it is up to the Attorney General to remove noncitizens who have an order of removal or subject them to supervision conditions. ICE approved the latter for Baquedano’s family. They were told to attend routine check-ins with immigration officials, and Baquedano, who has no criminal record, was given an ankle monitor.
“For the past 11 years, I have done every single thing that is asked of me,” Baquedano said. “I’ve been at every [immigration] appointment. I’ve answered every phone call. There has not been a single thing they’ve asked of me that I failed to do. Everything they asked, I say, ‘Yes, yes, yes, yes.’”
Their asylum appeal was denied in 2023, but they’ve had a separate application pending for U nonimmigrant status, also known as a U-visa. The program grants legal status for noncitizens and qualifying family members who have been victims of certain crimes while living in the United States, according to ICE. Applicants can still be granted a U-visa even if they have a removal order or check-in agreement with ICE.
When ICE arrested Colindres, Baquedano asked agents why only her son was being detained. Their immigration cases are together on one docket.
“They were just saying, ‘Well, just because.’ That was all they would say,” Baquedano said.
In the days after Colindres’ arrest, Baquedano searched for an attorney and legal options to free her son. Two days later, ICE delivered another blow.
“They told me [and my daughter that we] now have 30 days to leave the country,” she said. “I want you to imagine that you jump through every hoop that is put in front of you, and at the end, they still lie to you and they still say, ‘No.’”
Word of Colindres’ arrest spread in Cincinnati. His soccer coach and teammates quickly organized a protest on June 8. They assembled outside the Butler County Jail, where Sheriff Richard Jones houses ICE detainees as a condition of a special contract with the federal government.
Roughly 200 people turned out for the protest. One protester ended up in handcuffs of her own.
It would turn Ohio into a police state, facilitating the masked abductions of more community members in all sorts of public places,” Tramonte said. “This bill would cause more Ohio children to lose the daily presence of mothers and fathers.”
“Free Emerson! Free Emerson!” chanted the crowd, which included family, friends and former school teachers, many wearing shirts with the same phrase.
Bryan Williams, assistant coach of Colindres’ former soccer team, told CityBeat he’s coached Colindres since he arrived in the U.S.
“He’s the best player on the field every time we’re out there,” he said. “The last few years, he’s really found his voice and he’s coaching. We were trying to figure out a way to get him into college to play soccer. Now we’ve changed our focus to getting him out of jail.”
Colindres’ former high school history teacher, John Klinger, said the teen was also a stand-out student.
“He was a critical thinker,” he said. “He’s the type of person that you want around, the type of person you want to stay in a country, the type of person that makes society better.”
During the protest, Baquedano addressed the crowd through a microphone, her daughter Allison by her side.
“You have no idea what we suffer every night,” she said. “When the night comes, we know that he’s here. He’s somewhere that’s not safe. He’s never spent the night somewhere he’s not supposed to be.”
Despite legal motions to block Colindres’ deportation, he was transferred out of the Butler County Jail, driven to a Michigan airport, flown to a private ICE prison in Louisiana, and deported to Honduras on June 18.
Catholic Charities Southwestern Ohio, the organization providing legal representation for Colindres, described ICE’s treatment of Colindres as “extremely disturbing.”
“This sort of clandestine and frightening treatment of a non-criminal 19-yearold is extremely disturbing, particularly because Emerson in no way matches the description of those whom the government has stated are priorities for deportation,” the statement reads.
Tramonte, the director of the Ohio Immigrant Alliance, agreed there was no reason for Colindres’ deportation. Even with a removal order, he still had a right to see through the results of his pending U-visa application.
CityBeat asked Tramonte if she believed Colindres would have been deported under any other president — even deportation record-holder Obama.
“No, absolutely not, no way,” she said.
“He has a path to a U-visa. All they had to do was wait and let him get the visa. One branch of the government is processing it and the other branch of the government sped up their process to deport him so that he couldn’t get it. It’s just patent cruelty.”
U-visas are adjudicated by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), Tramonte explained. Again, it’s all under the umbrella of DHS.
Larcade said that the department used to consider U-visa cases, but not anymore.
“They don’t care if you have a U-visa pending,” she said. “If you have an order of removal, they want to execute it.”
It’s another easy wand for DHS to wave to raise deportation numbers, but it’s also a system already backlogged with cases. Larcade said it can take up to 20 years to find out if your U-visa is approved, but allowing these applicants to remain in the country is actually a benefit to DHS and other law enforcement agencies.
“The U-visa is to keep someone here in the event that they are needed to testify or provide evidence or help in an investigation of a crime,” she said. “The administration is actually impeding the criminal justice system by removing people who are witnesses and victims and even defendants charged in state and local cases. You’re removing people, and that’s impeding the criminal justice process.”
Although DHS and all its core agencies are under the direction of the president, Congress has the power to create new laws that would change the way the department operates. Congress created DHS in 2002 through the Homeland Security Act, defining the department’s mission and structure.
But the 2024 election strengthened the power of immigration hard-liners on Capitol Hill. The Republican Party, which listed immigration among its top policy issues in its 2024 platform, secured control of the Senate and narrowed its majority in the House.
Rep. Greg Landsman (D-Ohio) represents Ohio’s 1st Congressional District, encompassing Cincinnati and the neighborhood where Colindres’ family lives. He told CityBeat that there’s a lot to be fixed in the immigration system, but deporting Colindres doesn’t advance the goal of “sensible” reform.
“Americans want a sensible, strategic
and humane immigration system — this isn’t it,” he said. “Emerson came to Southwest Ohio as a young boy. He grew up here, went to school here and played soccer with his friends here. Tearing him away from his family won’t fix a broken system. It’s just cruel. His removal isn’t making any of us safer or better.”
Some Republicans have started to echo similar concerns and are speaking out against Trump’s crackdown on immigrant families with no criminal record.
Rep. David Valadao (R-California) said in a post on X that while he condemned the “violence and vandalism” seen in the L.A. protests against ICE arrests, the administration should “prioritize the removal of known criminals over the hardworking people who have lived peacefully in the [Central] Valley for years.”
Rep. Tony Gonzales (R-Texas) is chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Republican Conference. He told CNN that Trump needs to “focus on convicted, criminal illegal aliens.”
“If we focus there and we’re not going after the milker of cows who’s in 103-degree weather — going after that guy, and we’re going after the convicted criminal, I think we’re on the right path,” he said.
Still, most House and Senate Republicans appear to be in line with Trump’s immigration crackdown. For some, it’s not harsh enough.
“Birthright citizenship — if neither of your parents are a U.S. citizen, you shouldn’t be a U.S. citizen,” Rep. Warren Davidson (R-Ohio) told CNN in June.
Republicans in the Ohio Statehouse are similarly eager to harden immigration policy.
Ohio Senate Republicans approved Senate Bill 172 on June 18. The bill, now headed to the Ohio House, would prevent local officials from intervening against ICE officers arresting individuals without a warrant.
State Sen. Kristina Roegner (R-Hudson) introduced the bill after judges in the Franklin County Common Pleas Court blocked ICE arrests within courtrooms unless ICE received approval from a local judge.
Democrats have criticized the bill as “state-sponsored racial profiling.”
“It would turn Ohio into a police state, facilitating the masked abductions of more community members in all sorts of public places,” Tramonte said. “This bill would cause more Ohio children to lose the daily presence of mothers and fathers.”
CityBeat has confirmed that Colindres has arrived safely in Honduras. Thousands of miles separate the teen from his mother, his sister and the community that fought to keep him.
“It is the most difficult thing I have ever gone through,” Baquedano told CityBeat through tears. “I miss him so much.”
Por Madeline Fening, traducido por la Alianza de Solidaridad con Inmigrantes de Pleasant Ridge
Un hombre y su hijo de tres años se encontraban en un pasillo de un Kroger cuando CityBeat se les acercó.
“Hola! Soy reportera de Cincinnati CityBeat. Podría yo hablar con usted sobre los recientes operativos de ICE en el vecindario?”
Hubo una pausa. “Tengo una intérprete conmigo, dijo, es mi pasante y también es reportera.”
Ella se presentó en español, y el rostro del hombre se relajó un poco.
Bajo la luz fluorescente del supermercado, el hombre, quien prefirió no compartir su nombre, habló de su estatus migratorio con dos completas desconocidas.
“Tiene usted algún tipo de estatus migratorio? Una visa?” preguntó CityBeat
“Por ahora no,” respondió, mientras su niño asomaba la cabeza por detrás de su pierna.
Originario de Guatemala, vive desde hace 15 años con su familia en el vecindario de Price Hill. Y naturalmente, quiere que así siga siendo.
“Con todo lo que está pasando últimamente le preocupa la deportación?” le preguntamos.
“A veces sí nos preocupa,” dijo, “pero ponemos nuestra esperanza en Dios, confiando en que todo estará bien.”
Desde que el presidente Donald Trump regresó al poder en enero, familias inmigrantes como esta viven aferradas a la esperanza y buscan asesoría legal para evitar ser detenidas por el Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés).
Una semana antes de las elecciones de 2024, durante un acto en el Madison Square Garden, Trump hizo una promesa a sus seguidores: su segundo mandato llevaría a cabo “el programa de deportación de criminales más grande en la historia de Estados Unidos.”
En enero, la secretaria de prensa Karoline Leavitt ofreció la definición que la administración da al término
“criminales.”
“De los 3,500 arrestos que ha realizado ICE desde que el presidente Trump regresó al cargo, puede decirnos cuántos tienen antecedentes penales, y cuántos simplemente están en el país de manera irregular?,” preguntó una reportera.
“Todos lo tienen, porque infringieron las leyes de nuestra nación, y por lo tanto, son criminales de acuerdo a esta administración,” respondió Leavitt. “Sé que la administración anterior no lo veía así. Pero este es un gran cambio cultural para nuestro país al denominar a alguien que rompe nuestras leyes migratorias un criminal, pero eso es exactamente lo que son.”
El zar fronterizo de Trump, Tom Homan, sostiene que desde el “día uno” la administración ha dado prioridad a la detención de lo que considera “amenazas a la seguridad pública y a la seguridad nacional.”
Pero el verano llegó y los datos están sobre la mesa y se puede confirmar que esto no es lo que está sucediendo.
Más del 75 % de las personas ingresadas en centros de detención de ICE durante el año fiscal 2025 no tenían condenas penales, salvo por violaciones migratorias o infracciones de tránsito, según los propios registros de ICE. Los datos cubren a más de 185,000 inmigrantes detenidos entre el 1º de octubre de 2024 y el 31 de mayo de 2025 que incluyen los últimos meses del mandato de Biden.
Quienes fueron condenados por delitos graves como asesinato, agresión, violación o robo representaron menos del 10 % del total de los detenidos.
Tricia McLaughlin, subsecretaria del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional (DHS), declaró a CNN, quien tuvo acceso a los datos, que ICE se enfoca en “lo peor de lo peor: pandilleros, asesinos y violadores.”
“En los primeros 100 días del presidente Trump, el 75 % de los arrestados por ICE eran inmigrantes ilegales con condenas o cargos pendientes,” dijo a la cadena. Pero McLaughlin no respondió a la pregunta de CNN de precisar el tipo de condenas o cargos a los que se refería.
Aunque la administración Trump ha declarado que los inmigrantes indocumentados son criminales por haber ingresado al país sin
autorización, una vez bajo custodia de ICE no se les acusa de un delito penal: el proceso es de carácter civil.
“No existe otra área dentro del derecho civil donde te metan a la cárcel mientras tu caso está en trámite,” explicó Lynn Tramonte, directora de la Alianza de Inmigrantes de Ohio. “Si me van a desalojar de mi casa, no me encierran. Si no pago mis impuestos locales, no me mandan a la cárcel, o sí? Me ofrecen un plan de pagos, y lo resuelvo con ellos. Así debería ser la ley migratoria.”
Una investigación publicada en American Economic Review analizó dos siglos de datos carcelarios y concluyó que los inmigrantes han tenido tasas de encarcelamiento más bajas que las personas nacidas en Estados Unidos durante los últimos 150 años. Desde 1960, esas tasas no han hecho más que disminuir: actualmente, los inmigrantes tienen 60 % menos probabilidades de ser encarcelados. El American Immigration Council, una organización no partidista, comparó datos criminales y demográficos entre 1980 y 2022 (el periodo más reciente disponible) y concluyó que las tasas de criminalidad han disminuido en las comunidades donde ha crecido la población inmigrante.
A pesar de que la mayoría de los inmigrantes no cometen delitos, muchos no ciudadanos están siendo esposados en tribunales debido a una nueva táctica de arresto de ICE.
Sarah C. Larcade es abogada de inmigración en el bufete Larcade Law. Lleva ocho años ejerciendo esta especialidad, atendiendo a clientes tanto en Ohio como en Kentucky.
“Me convertí en abogada de inmigración durante la primera administración de Trump, así que fue una etapa muy difícil,” comentó. “Eso sin embargo, me preparó para esta segunda administración pero ahora la situación es cien veces peor.”
Incluso durante su primer mandato, las cifras de deportaciones de Trump fueron menores a las del expresidente Barack Obama, quien en 2013 deportó a 438,421 personas, estableciendo un récord en el siglo XXI.
“Obama deportó a más personas que cualquier otro presidente de EE. UU., pero también trató de
crear programas razonables para quienes no debían ser expulsados, como los niños que llegaron muy pequeños,” explicó Larcade. “Con la administración actual no hay ningún equilibrio. Es tierra arrasada. Van por todos. Te sacan de tu casa. Eliminaron todas las medidas sensatas que implementaron gobiernos anteriores. Lo único que les importa son los números.”
Trump acaba de alcanzar su propia marca histórica en materia de deportaciones. El 3 de junio, ICE batió un récord al realizar más de 2,200 arrestos en un solo día, según informó la propia agencia. Stephen Miller, subjefe de gabinete de Trump, busca aumentar aún más esa cifra.
“Bajo el liderazgo del presidente Trump, buscamos establecer una meta mínima de 3,000 arrestos diarios por parte de ICE, y el presidente seguirá presionando para aumentar ese número cada día,” declaró Miller. Para lograrlo, altos funcionarios de ICE han instado a sus agentes a “subir al máximo el nivel de creatividad,” arrestando también a los llamados “colaterales” inmigrantes no ciudadanos que los agentes encuentran mientras ejecutan órdenes de arresto dirigidas a otras personas, según correos electrónicos internos obtenidos por el periódico The Guardian. Una de las tácticas más evidentes para inflar las cifras es desplegar agentes de ICE en los juzgados de inmigración de todo el país para emitir órdenes de deportación exprés. Larcade considera esta estrategia una forma de eludir el debido proceso. “En realidad es algo muy muy grave,” dijo. “Si estás en la corte de inmigración frente a un juez, no te pueden emitir una orden de deportación expedita. Por eso ahora ICE aparece, pide que se desestime el caso y, apenas el no ciudadano sale con su caso desestimado, ICE le entrega una orden de remoción exprés. Es muy astuto y muy sucio.” Un memorandum filtrado del Departamento de Justicia (DOJ), con fecha del 30 de mayo y obtenido por NBC News en junio, instruye a los jueces de inmigración a cerrar casos para acelerar las deportaciones exprés eliminando el plazo de 10 días que se otorgaba para que el abogado del inmigrante respondiera. Aunque los jueces de inmigración
inmigrantes oscurece el panorama en Cincinnati, que aún hay maneras de resistir y salir adelante.
dependen del DOJ y no del DHS, ambos departamentos están bajo la autoridad del mismo poder ejecutivo. Larcade cree que esta estructura enturbia la independencia judicial. “No es un tribunal creado por la Constitución,” expresó. “ICE es la parte que presenta los casos ante la corte de inmigración, y pertenece al DHS. Son dos agencias distintas, pero al final todas responden al mismo jefe: el presidente.”
Históricamente, ICE emitía órdenes de deportación exprés a personas detenidas dentro de un radio
de 100 millas de la frontera y que habían ingresado recientemente. Ya no es así. En sus primeros días de gobierno, Trump firmó una orden ejecutiva titulada “Proteger al pueblo estadounidense contra una invasión,” que extendió la aplicación de deportaciones exprés a nivel nacional para cualquier persona que lleve menos de dos años en el país, sin importar su ubicación.
Larcade explicó que estas órdenes son definitivas y no garantizan el debido proceso, pero tener un abogado a tu lado puede mejorar tus
probabilidades de evitar la deportación. Solo asegúrate de que lleve su laptop.
“Si te llega a ocurrir, debes reservar tu derecho a apelar, porque en cuanto presentas la apelación, vuelves a estar dentro del sistema de cortes migratorias, y ya no te pueden dar una orden de remoción expedita,” dijo Larcade. “Pero tienes que reservar tu derecho y presentar la apelación de inmediato. Con ICE presente en los juzgados, a menos que tengas un abogado con laptop que pueda presentar la apelación antes de que salgas del tribunal,
es difícil conservar ese derecho.”
Con tantas órdenes federales y leyes en contra de los no ciudadanos, este es un momento oscuro tanto para los inmigrantes como para quienes los representan.
El teléfono de Larcade no ha parado de sonar desde el día de las elecciones de noviembre.
“Se desató el pánico,” contó. “Hubo un aumento inmediato en el volumen de llamadas, incluso de clientes
actuales, preguntando: Qué hacemos ahora que Trump es presidente?’”
Afirmó que el número de nuevos clientes casi se ha duplicado, y que muchos despachos están al tope de su capacidad, especialmente las organizaciones sin fines de lucro que ofrecen representación gratuita o a bajo costo. Aun con la alta demanda y la saturación, Larcade insiste en que sigue siendo crucial saber elegir a un abogado.
Las recomendaciones que compartió con CityBeat no sustituyen la asesoría legal, pero conocer las señales de advertencia y saber qué preguntar puede ayudarte a encontrar el apoyo adecuado.
Larcade comentó que cada vez más inmigrantes están buscando ayuda legal apoyándose en personas que no tienen licencia como abogados, lo cual de entrada puede parecer más accesible económicamente, pero esto representa grandes riesgos.
“Una caso que vemos muy seguido, especialmente en la comunidad hispana, es la presencia de personas que no son abogados y se hacen llamar notarios,” explicó. “En inmigración, hay ciertos trámites donde técnicamente no se requiere ser abogado: llenar formularios, por ejemplo. Así que estamos viendo a no abogados que publicitan sus servicios, y claro, cobran mucho menos.”
Es importante que te asegures de que la persona tenga licencia para ejercer, Larcade recomienda preguntar si quien te representará pertenece a la American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA).
“Yo no trabajo para AILA ni me pagan por mencionarla, yo solo participo en el capítulo local, pero los recursos y alertas que ofrecen me parecen esenciales. En lo personal, creo que es imposible mantenerse al día con todos los cambios si no tienes acceso a esos recursos.”
El precio importa
“Cuidado. Lo barato puede salir caro,” advirtió. “Si estás hablando con alguien que sí es abogado, pero su precio es mucho más bajo que otras cotizaciones, debes estar atento.”
Aclaró que no se estaba refiriendo a las organizaciones sin fines de lucro: “Ellos hacen un trabajo increíble,” dijo. “Solo que tienen tantas solicitudes que muchas veces hay listas de espera.”
Si te presentan un abogado una oferta muy atractiva, pregúntate por qué. En el mejor de los casos, el abogado podría estar recibiendo subsidios para ofrecer tarifas bajas. En el peor de los casos podrías estar frente a una relación corta y poco clara.
“Hay despachos privados y no estoy segura de que lo hagan con mala intención, que atraen clientes cobrando un anticipo muy bajo,” explicó Larcade. “Yo les preguntaría de antemano: ‘Reciben Ustedes apoyo de algún fondo o subvención?’ Y además también preguntaría: Van a representarme durante todo el proceso?’ He conocido personas que pagan una
La meta de Colindres era de llegar a ser ciudadano americano, jugar al fútbol en la universidad y, eventualmente, jugar al nivel profesional. Su entrenado dijo a CityBeat que Colindres fue el el mejor jugador en la cancha cada vez que jugamos.
PHOTO: RYON TUNSTULL
cantidad pequeña, y el abogado solo hace una parte del proceso y luego las abandona.”
Al momento de elegir a un abogado, hay formas de reducir costos sin dejar de recibir asesoría profesional.
Puedes preguntar por planes de pago o bien solicitar una consulta única.
“Muchos despachos cobran por la consulta inicial, pero en esa cita el abogado ya puede darte recomendaciones concretas, incluso si no lo contratas para llevar todo el caso,” dijo. “Al menos te vas con información y suficientes herramientas.”
“Si vas a contratar a un abogado, asegúrate que el acuerdo quede por escrito,” enfatizó. “Un buen abogado deberá sentarse contigo y repasar el contrato en un idioma que comprendas, antes de que lo firmes.”
También advirtió nunca firmar un formulario en blanco.
Ahora, ese programa se ha convertido en una trampa para la deportación. El 4 de junio, manifestantes se enfrentaron a agentes de ICE en Chicago después de que una docena de inmigrantes no ciudadanos fueran arrestados durante sus citas programadas con la agencia. Familiares de los detenidos dijeron a la prensa que ICE les envió un mensaje de texto citándolos a la oficina, solo para arrestarlos al llegar. Casos similares se han reportado en Alabama, California, Nueva York y Ohio.
ICE defendió esta práctica en una declaración a NBC News:
“Las personas arrestadas tenían órdenes finales de deportación emitidas por un juez de inmigración y no habían cumplido con esa orden,” declaró un vocero de la agencia. “Si estás en el país de manera ilegal y un juez ha ordenado tu salida, eso es precisamente lo que ocurrirá. Durante la administración Biden, miles de inmigrantes ilegales, incluidos criminales violentos con órdenes finales de deportación estaban en el programa ATD y se les permitía circular libremente por nuestras comunidades.”
El adolescente de Cincinnati atrapado engañosamente por esta práctica no estaba “circulando” libremente. Era parte activa de esa comunidad.
Emerson Colindres, un joven de 19 años recién graduado de preparatoria, creció en el lado oeste de Cincinnati. Su madre, Ada Bell Baquedano Amador, contó a CityBeat que son muy unidos.
“A donde yo iba, él quería ir conmigo. Íbamos juntos a la iglesia,” dijo Amador. “Se sentaba en mi cuarto y hablábamos durante dos, tres horas.” Hoy tiene suerte si logra hablar con él unos cuantos minutos. ICE llamó a la familia el 4 de junio para ordenar que Emerson se presentara en la oficina local de la agencia.
“No firmes un documento que no sepas claramente lo qué contiene,” dijo. “Aunque te digan que ya saben lo que van a presentar y solo te entreguen la hoja de firma, no firmes nada que no hayas leído y revisado con ellos.”
Además de los arrestos en los juzgados, ICE ha comenzado a detener a inmigrantes no ciudadanos que participan en el programa Alternativas a la Detención (ATD), en particular en el Programa Intensivo de Supervisión de Comparecencias (ISAP). Este programa, iniciado en 2004, permite a los inmigrantes vivir y trabajar en sus comunidades mientras avanzan en su ruta hacia la ciudadanía, en lugar de ser detenidos o deportados. Según la descripción del propio ICE, se trata de una estrategia que ahorra recursos al gobierno y proporciona seguimiento de casos para los solicitantes.
“Nos despertamos como a las 9 a.m., nos llamaron a los dos, a Emerson y a mí, y dijeron que debía presentarse, que le iban a poner un grillete electrónico,” recordó. “Llegamos a la oficina, pasamos juntos y, dos o tres minutos después, nos separaron y se llevaron a Emerson solo.”
Como familia sin antecedentes penales, con una solicitud de visa U en trámite y con asistencia perfecta a sus citas con ICE, Amador nunca imaginó lo peor para su hijo. Hasta que lo vio con las manos esposadas.
“Él me dijo: ‘Mami, me van a deportar.’ Y yo le pregunté: “Por qué? Si nuestros casos siempre han estado juntos’,” relató. “Fue algo que me conmocionó profundamente.”
Amador trajo a sus dos hijos pequeños a Estados Unidos en 2014 huyendo de la violencia en Honduras. Emerson tenía 8 años. Agentes de ICE en la frontera les permitieron entrar, y Amador inició de inmediato su proceso migratorio. Contrataron a una abogada y solicitaron asilo. Entre chequeos migratorios y procesos legales, construyeron una vida en Cheviot, su nuevo hogar. Amador llevaba a sus hijos a la iglesia,
consiguió un permiso de trabajo, limpiaba casas, servía alimentos e iba a los partidos de futbol de su hijo. El amor de Emerson por el futbol nació en Honduras, pero floreció en Estados Unidos.
“Tenía muchas ganas de ir a la universidad y jugar futbol,” dijo Amador. “Los otros jóvenes del equipo, el Galaxy, lo estaban ayudando a aplicar. Había una universidad en Kentucky que parecía abierta a aceptar a inmigrantes, y él soñaba con llegar a ser profesional.”
En 2019, su solicitud de asilo fue rechazada, y presentaron una apelación. Se emitió una orden de deportación, pero eso no significaba que debían abandonar el país de inmediato.
CityBeat confirmó con una abogada de inmigración —que prefirió no declarar oficialmente— que bajo la ley, corresponde al fiscal general decidir si se ejecuta esa orden o si se otorgan condiciones de supervisión. ICE aprobó esta última opción para la familia de Amador: debían asistir a sus citas periódicas, y a Amador, sin antecedentes, se le colocó un grillete electrónico.
“Durante 11 años he hecho absolutamente todo lo que me han pedido,” dijo Amador. “He estado en todas las citas, he contestado todas las llamadas. No ha habido una sola cosa que me hayan pedido y que no haya cumplido. Todo lo que me pedían, yo decía: ‘Sí, sí, sí, sí’.”
La apelación fue denegada en 2023, pero tenían pendiente una solicitud de visa U, una forma de estatus legal para víctimas de ciertos delitos ocurridos en Estados Unidos. Aun con una orden de deportación, los solicitantes de esta visa pueden permanecer en el país.
Cuando ICE detuvo a Emerson, Amador preguntó por qué solo lo arrestaban a él. Después de todo, su caso está vinculado al de su madre y su hermana.
“Solo me decían: ‘Porque sí.’ No daban otra explicación,” contó Amador.
En los días siguientes, Amador buscó abogado y opciones legales para liberar a su hijo. Dos días después, ICE dio otro golpe.
“Nos dijeron a mi hija y a mí que ahora teníamos 30 días para salir del país,” relató. “Imagínate que logras saltar todos los obstáculos que te ponen, y al final aún así te mienten y te dicen que no.”
La noticia del arresto de Emerson Colindres se esparció rápidamente por Cincinnati. Su entrenador y compañeros de equipo organizaron una protesta el 8 de junio. Se reunieron frente a la cárcel del condado de Butler, donde el sheriff Richard Jones mantiene detenidos a inmigrantes bajo un contrato especial con el gobierno federal.
Unas 200 personas acudieron a la protesta. Una manifestante acabó esposada.
“Liberen a Emerson! ¡Liberen a Emerson!” coreaban familiares, amigos y ex profesores, muchos de
““Esto convertiría a Ohio en un estado policial, facilitando detenciones encubiertas de personas en lugares públicos,” advirtió Tramonte. “Este proyecto de ley provocará que más niños en Ohio pierdan la presencia diaria de sus madres y padres.”
ellos vistiendo t-shirts con ese mismo mensaje.
Bryan Williams, entrenador asistente del equipo donde jugaba Colindres, dijo a CityBeat que ha sido su entrenador desde que llegó a Estados Unidos.
“Emerson es el mejor jugador en la cancha cada vez que jugamos,” afirmó. “En los últimos años ha encontrado su voz como líder. Estábamos viendo de qué manera ayudarlo a entrar a la universidad para jugar futbol. Ahora todo nuestro enfoque está en sacarlo de la cárcel.”
John Klinger, su antiguo profesor de historia en la preparatoria, lo recordó como un estudiante destacado.
“Es un pensador crítico,” dijo. “Ese es el tipo de persona que uno quiere tener cerca, alguien que debería quedarse en este país, alguien que ayuda a la sociedad a ser mejor.”
Durante la protesta, Amador tomó el micrófono, con su hija Allison a su lado.
“No tienen idea de nuestro sufrimiento cada noche,” dijo. “Cuando cae la noche, sabemos que él está allí, en un lugar que no es seguro. Nunca él ha pasado la noche en un sitio donde no debería estar.”
A pesar de las acciones legales para frenar su deportación, Emerson fue trasladado de la cárcel del condado de Butler a un aeropuerto en Michigan, volado a una prisión privada de ICE en Luisiana y deportado a Honduras el 18 de junio.
Caridades Católicas del Suroeste de Ohio, que lo representa legalmente, calificó el trato que recibió como “profundamente inquietante.”
“Este tipo de trato clandestino y aterrador hacia un joven de 19 años sin antecedentes criminales es profundamente perturbador, especialmente porque Emerson no encaja en absoluto con el perfil de quienes el gobierno ha dicho que son prioridad para la deportación,” señala su declaración.
Lynn Tramonte, directora de la Alianza de Inmigrantes de Ohio, coincidió: no había justificación para deportarlo. Aun con una orden de remoción, Emerson tenía derecho a esperar el resultado de su solicitud de visa U.
CityBeat le preguntó si creía que Emerson habría sido deportado bajo cualquier otro presidente, incluso bajo Obama, quien ostenta el récord de número de deportaciones.
“No, absolutamente no. De ninguna manera,” respondió. “Él tenía una vía legal hacia una visa U. Solo tenían que esperar y dejar que la obtuviera. Un brazo del gobierno la estaba tramitando y otro brazo del gobierno aceleró su deportación
para que no pudiera recibirla. Es una crueldad evidente.”
Las visas U son gestionadas por el Servicio de Ciudadanía e Inmigración de Estados Unidos, (USCIS), explicó Tramonte. Nuevamente, todo bajo el paraguas del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional (DHS).
Larcade agregó que antes el DHS tomaba en cuenta estas solicitudes. Ya no.
“Ya no les importa si tienes una visa U pendiente,” afirmó. “Si existe una orden de deportación, quieren ejecutarla.”
Se trata de otra herramienta fácil para inflar las cifras de deportación, pero al mismo tiempo, es un sistema sobresaturado. Larcade comentó que puede tardar hasta 20 años en resolverse una visa U. Aun así, permitir que los solicitantes permanezcan en el país beneficia al DHS y a otras agencias del orden.
“La visa U se otorga para que una persona pueda quedarse en el país en caso de que se le necesite como testigo, para aportar evidencia o incluso colaborar en una investigación criminal,” explicó. “Lo que está haciendo esta administración es entorpecer el sistema de justicia penal al deportar a personas que son testigos, víctimas o incluso acusadas en procesos estatales o locales. Están sacando a personas clave, y eso impide que la justicia funcione.”
Aunque el DHS y todas sus agencias centrales responden al presidente, el Congreso tiene el poder de crear nuevas leyes que cambien la manera en que funciona el departamento. Fue el Congreso quien creó el DHS en 2002 mediante la Ley de Seguridad Nacional, definiendo su estructura y misión.
Pero las elecciones de 2024 fortalecieron a los sectores más duros en materia migratoria. El Partido Republicano, que colocó la inmigración como uno de los ejes centrales de su plataforma, logró controlar el Senado y reducir la ventaja demócrata en la Cámara de Representantes.
El congresista Greg Landsman (D-Ohio), quien representa el distrito 1 de Ohio incluyendo Cincinnati y el vecindario donde vive la familia de Colindres, dijo a CityBeat que el sistema migratorio necesita cambios urgentes, pero que deportar a Emerson no contribuye a una reforma sensata.
“Los estadounidenses quieren un sistema migratorio razonable, estratégico y humano y esto no lo es,” declaró. “Emerson llegó al suroeste de Ohio siendo un niño. Creció aquí,
estudió aquí, jugó futbol con sus amigos aquí. Arrancarlo de su familia no arregla nada. Es simplemente cruel. Su deportación no nos hace más seguros ni mejores.”
Algunos republicanos han comenzado a expresar preocupaciones similares, rechazando la ofensiva contra familias inmigrantes sin antecedentes penales.
El congresista David Valadao (R-California) escribió en X que, si bien condenaba la “violencia y vandalismo” ocurridos en las protestas contra ICE en Los Ángeles, la administración debería “dar prioridad a la remoción de criminales conocidos antes de enfocarse en personas trabajadoras que han vivido en el Valle (Central) durante años de manera pacífica.”
Tony Gonzales (R-Texas), presidente del Congressional Hispanic Republican Conference, dijo a CNN que Trump debería “enfocarse en inmigrantes ilegales condenados por crímenes.”
“Si enfocamos los esfuerzos ahí y no vamos tras el hombre que ordeña vacas a 40 °C sino tras el criminal condenado, creo que vamos por buen camino,” dijo.
Aun así, la mayoría de los republicanos en el Congreso parecen respaldar el enfoque de Trump. Algunos incluso piensan que no es lo suficientemente severo.
“La ciudadanía por nacimiento: si ninguno de tus padres es ciudadano estadounidense, tú no deberías serlo tampoco,” dijo el representante Warren Davidson (R-Ohio) a CNN en junio.
Los legisladores republicanos en Ohio también están impulsando políticas migratorias más duras. El 18 de junio, los senadores estatales aprobaron el Proyecto de Ley 172, que ahora pasará a la Cámara estatal. Esta ley impediría que funcionarios locales interfieran con arrestos realizados por ICE, incluso si no hay una orden judicial.
La senadora estatal Kristina Roegner (R-Hudson) propuso el proyecto después de que jueces del condado de Franklin bloquearan arrestos de ICE en tribunales sin autorización de un juez local.
Los demócratas calificaron la ley como un acto de “persecución estatal con motivaciones raciales.”
“Esto convertiría a Ohio en un estado policial, facilitando detenciones encubiertas de personas en lugares públicos,” advirtió Tramonte. “Este proyecto de ley provocará que más niños en Ohio pierdan la presencia diaria de sus madres y padres.”
CityBeat confirmó que Emerson ya se encuentra a salvo en Honduras. Miles de kilómetros lo separan ahora de su madre, su hermana y la comunidad que luchó por mantenerlo cerca.
“Esto es lo más difícil que he vivido en toda mi vida,” dijo Amador a CityBeat entre lágrimas. “Lo extraño muchísimo.”
The Carnegie presents a season of friendship, family and fun
BY JULIE CARPENTER
The Carnegie’s upcoming season blends classic and contemporary musical theater with big ensemble productions and intimate stories of friendship.
“In thinking about our season, I like to think of it as event theater where you want to get a group together to go out and see a show, making memories and traditions together,” said Tyler Gabbard, the Carnegie’s theater director, in an interview with CityBeat. “The feeling of celebration is top of mind when we’re picking shows.”
The season kicks off with The Color Purple, based on Alice Walker’s novel. “The 2015 Broadway revival brought it to people’s attention and back to its roots,” said Gabbard. “It’s a great human story, true to the characters. Very serious, heavy things happen, but there’s so much hope and joy celebrating the power of community, family and tradition.”
Cincinnati theater fans will recognize Ken Early and Deondra Means on stage, under the direction of Torie Wiggins, with University of Cincinnati CollegeConservatory of Music (CCM) student Jordyn Jones as Celie. “It’s so exciting to introduce her in this huge, remarkable role,” said Gabbard. “The vocal prowess of
the cast is pretty unmatched. The music is a breadth of styles — gospel, jazz, blues and musical theater music — and has a flavor of the period but also feels up to date with incredible soaring ballads and anthems. The opening church scene will blow the roof off the Carnegie.”
The season continues with Always… Patsy Cline, featuring Charlotte Campbell as Cline and Sara Mackie as fan-turnedfriend Louise Seger. “Always is a memory play more than a musical review,” said Gabbard. “Louise is a single, divorced woman at a time when there was so much shame around that, but she’s bold and fun. Patsy is a career woman who has kids at home. It’s about her impact on this one particular person, from the point of view of the fan. Charlotte is a remarkable talent and Sara is the perfect fit for this role.” While not a jukebox musical, Cline’s music is woven throughout the show, with a band performing from the stage.
“We wanted to close the summer out with something high energy and a lot of fun,” said Gabbard. “Grease features so much great young talent. They deal with a lot of challenging things in the show and their authenticity makes it understandable. We want it to feel closer to its origins as a gritty satirical portrait of life
for teenagers in Chicago in the ‘50s. It’s a little more rock than pop.”
In addition to the recognizable music from the John Travolta/Olivia NewtonJohn movie, cast member Paige Davis may also be familiar to audiences. Perhaps best known as the host of TLC’s Trading Spaces, Davis brings her Broadway experience to the role of Miss Lynch in this production.
The Rocky Horror Show returns to the Carnegie in October. “Last summer it was hugely popular — people came three and four times to see it,” said Gabbard. “The production fired on all cylinders, a little more polished and elegant, but all the bawdy fun of Rocky Horror.” The 2024 principal cast, including Pam Kravetz and Dusty Ray Bottoms, will return for the autumn performances, including a midnight show on Halloween.
Christmas at the Carnegie features two nostalgia-filled performances. “Cozy Christmas is like a Judy Garland Christmas special, with a vintage living room and guests dropping by to sing and decorate the tree,” said Gabbard. “Then we’re doing It’s a Wonderful Life radio play with CCM acting students, including live Foley sound effects and scripts in hand.”
The Carnegie’s partnership with
CCM continues into the new year with a co-production of Anything Goes. “We talk about this collaboration as being a chance for students to work with professionals, but they’re so professional already,” said Gabbard. “This production uses the newish version of the script based on the Broadway revival with Sutton Foster. The musical theater students are going to dance their faces off.” CCM stage management students also participate behind the scenes in both productions.
Individual and subscription tickets are available in one of the more unique package models among regional theaters. “Our subscriptions are flexible to lower the barrier to entry,” said Gabbard. “You can become a subscriber at any time, mix and match between seasons as long as something is on sale and buy as few as two shows to get savings.” Group tickets are also available.
Whether you’re attending solo, on a date night or with friends, the Carnegie’s 2025-2026 season offers something to fit the occasion.
For additional information on the Carnegie’s 2025-26 season, visit thecarnegie.com.
BY JONATHAN KEILHOLZ
BY JONATHAN KEILHOLZ
n a corner of Westwood, inside the walls of BasketShop Gallery, an act of remembrance is made permanent in concrete.
In a corner of Westwood, inside the walls of BasketShop Gallery, an act of remembrance is made permanent in concrete.
Embedded Histories, the new solo exhibition by Iranian-born artist, researcher and University of Cincinnati graduate student Nazanin Najdmofarrah, is on view through July 5. The show invites its audience to consider the emotional residue of personal and political trauma – not through headlines or social media, but through simple objects like children’s shoes, dishware, toys and pieces of fabric — familiar things, buried in likely unfamiliar forms.
Embedded Histories, the new solo exhibition by Iranian-born artist, researcher and University of Cincinnati graduate student Nazanin Najdmofarrah, is on view through July 5. The show invites its audience to consider the emotional residue of personal and political trauma – not through headlines or social media, but through simple objects like children’s shoes, dishware, toys and pieces of fabric — familiar things, buried in likely unfamiliar forms.
Najdmofarrah knows Iran has been in the headlines lately, but she wanted our conversation to focus on her art — in part because of its universality.
Najdmofarrah knows Iran has been in the headlines lately, but she wanted our conversation to focus on her art — in part because of its universality.
“Memories are hidden in objects,” Najdmofarrah said. “They contain forgotten histories that my work seeks to uncover and make visible.”
“Memories are hidden in objects,” Najdmofarrah said. “They contain forgotten histories that my work seeks to uncover and make visible.”
The pieces themselves — concrete blocks embedded with these items — are subtle yet symbolic. Their visual simplicity stems from a layered backstory: the censorship Najdmofarrah faced as an artist in Iran, the lived experience of inequality in its education system and the lasting emotional weight of growing up around unrest. She came to the United States in 2023 to continue her education in a freer environment — one that would allow her to grow both creatively and academically.
The pieces themselves — concrete blocks embedded with these items — are subtle yet symbolic. Their visual simplicity stems from a layered backstory: the censorship Najdmofarrah faced as an artist in Iran, the lived experience of inequality in its education system and the lasting emotional weight of growing up around unrest. She came to the United States in 2023 to continue her education in a freer environment — one that would allow her to grow both creatively and academically.
“There were many reasons behind my decision to leave,” she said. “As an artist and university lecturer, I faced increasing restrictions. Several of my exhibitions were canceled, or my works weren’t allowed to be shown because of their social and political themes. It became exhausting.”
“There were many reasons behind my decision to leave,” she said. “As an artist and university lecturer, I faced increasing restrictions. Several of my exhibitions were canceled, or my works weren’t allowed to be shown because of their social and political themes. It became exhausting.”
In Iran, because her senior thesis explored sensitive social issues, she was barred from continuing directly to graduate school and forced to reenter the highly competitive national exam process. That experience, she said, was disheartening – and ultimately added to the barriers she faced as a woman and artist.
In Iran, because her senior thesis explored sensitive social issues, she was barred from continuing directly to graduate school and forced to reenter the highly competitive national exam process. That experience, she said, was disheartening – and ultimately added to the barriers she faced as a woman and artist.
Shortly after arriving in the U.S., protests erupted across Iran. While Najdmofarrah’s departure was not directly connected to the uprising, she said the timing had a lasting emotional impact on her and deepened the social justice lens of her work.
“My goal was for [audience
members] to see their lives,” she told CityBeat. “This might happen to any people in the world. It’s not just my country; it’s about all countries.”
members] to see their lives,” she told CityBeat. “This might happen to any people in the world. It’s not just my country; it’s about all countries.”
The show draws from a concept that Najdmofarrah calls defamiliarization, a technique coined by Russian theorist Viktor Shklovsky where familiar things are rendered strange to deepen perception and understanding.
The show draws from a concept that Najdmofarrah calls defamiliarization, a technique coined by Russian theorist Viktor Shklovsky where familiar things are rendered strange to deepen perception and understanding.
Objects that might otherwise signify comfort and routine are sealed in concrete, suspended in stillness. The result is reminiscent of loss, displacement and the weight of what remains.
Objects that might otherwise signify comfort and routine are sealed in concrete, suspended in stillness. The result is reminiscent of loss, displacement and the weight of what remains.
[types of] things in Iran,” she said. “I experienced my exhibitions being shut down and my works being taken … or I was banned from continuing education in Iran … I don’t have these [concerns] here, and it’s helped me to grow in art.”
[types of] things in Iran,” she said. “I experienced my exhibitions being shut down and my works being taken … or I was banned from continuing education in Iran … I don’t have these [concerns] here, and it’s helped me to grow in art.”
This fall, she’ll begin her Ph.D. in Art Administration, Education and Policy at the Ohio State University in Columbus. Her academic focus is grounded in the same ideas she explores in her art: how socially engaged creative practices can serve as universal tools for healing, empathy and resistance.
This fall, she’ll begin her Ph.D. in Art Administration, Education and Policy at the Ohio State University in Columbus. Her academic focus is grounded in the same ideas she explores in her art: how socially engaged creative practices can serve as universal tools for healing, empathy and resistance.
Shortly after arriving in the U.S., protests erupted across Iran. While Najdmofarrah’s departure was not directly connected to the uprising, she said the timing had a lasting emotional impact on her and deepened the social justice lens of her work.
“My goal was for [audience
Najdmofarrah’s work has generated a lot of interest. Earlier this year, Najdmofarrah’s exhibit was featured at the Contemporary Arts Center. Najdmofarrah’s work has shifted from painting to installation during her time in Cincinnati – something she describes as both a stylistic and personal transformation.
“I’m not allowed to work on these
Najdmofarrah’s work has generated a lot of interest. Earlier this year, Najdmofarrah’s exhibit was featured at the Contemporary Arts Center. Najdmofarrah’s work has shifted from painting to installation during her time in Cincinnati – something she describes as both a stylistic and personal transformation.
“I’m not allowed to work on these
For Eli Walker, co-founder of BasketShop Gallery and an instructor at UC, the work stands out for both its conceptual clarity and restraint.
For Eli Walker, co-founder of BasketShop Gallery and an instructor at UC, the work stands out for both its conceptual clarity and restraint.
“Nazanin’s got some very specific work,” Walker said. “Everything is inherently political, but not overtly … which I feel is flat most of the time. She’s a strong artist … she was able to
“Nazanin’s got some very specific work,” Walker said. “Everything is inherently political, but not overtly … which I feel is flat most of the time. She’s a strong artist … she was able to
tie everything together.”
tie everything together.”
Walker and his partner Kelly Kroener have been curating shows at BasketShop for about a decade. He emphasized that the decision to exhibit Najdmofarrah’s work predated recent events in the Middle East that have renewed international focus on Iran.
Walker and his partner Kelly Kroener have been curating shows at BasketShop for about a decade. He emphasized that the decision to exhibit Najdmofarrah’s work predated recent events in the Middle East that have renewed international focus on Iran.
“We put it together three days before the bombing in Tehran,” he told CityBeat. “These things have been going on for a long time … It’s not a moment that you capitalize on.”
“We put it together three days before the bombing in Tehran,” he told CityBeat. “These things have been going on for a long time … It’s not a moment that you capitalize on.”
Embedded Histories doesn’t shout. It asks. It waits. It allows room. It creates space for grief, reflection and recognition.
Embedded Histories doesn’t shout. It asks. It waits. It allows room. It creates space for grief, reflection and recognition.
“It’s a kind of healing process,” Najdmofarrah said. “I want to study social justice in education … but also continue making art about it.”
“It’s a kind of healing process,” Najdmofarrah said. “I want to study social justice in education … but also continue making art about it.”
Embedded Histories is on view at BasketShop Gallery through July 5. More info: basketshopgallery.com and instagram.com/basketshop.gallery.
Embedded Histories is on view at BasketShop Gallery through July 5. More info: basketshopgallery.com and instagram.com/basketshop.gallery.
Harry & Shan serves comforting, classic Chinese-American dishes that keep you coming back for more.
REVIEW BY CAROLINE BECKMAN
There is no shortage of Chinese restaurants in the Cincinnati area. They are an American staple and have been since Chinese railroad workers first arrived in the United States in the mid-1800s. In November, one new restaurant, Harry & Shan Asian Cuisine, joined the ranks.
Harry & Shan serves predominantly Chinese-American dishes, such as lo mein and egg drop soup, with some dishes from other Asian countries, such as pad Thai. Unlike many new restaurants in the Cincinnati food scene, the food at Harry & Shan isn’t necessarily innovative or unique. It doesn’t need to be. Harry & Shan serves Chinese-American food at its best. It’s comforting, familiar, affordable and absolutely delicious.
The location of Harry & Shan, 627 Main St. downtown, may be familiar to many Cincinnatians as it is the former location of Deme Kitchen, a previous downtown mainstay. Deme Kitchen closed its Main Street doors in September of last year. (They are currently transitioning into a catering company operating out of Findlay Kitchen while they consider their next move.)
Harry & Shan’s appearance can best be described as “unassuming” or “inconspicuous.” Located next to the historic Bay Horse Café, Harry & Shan has a dark blue façade and limited signage; the window
features the name and phone number of the restaurant, a menu and a couple of photos of specials. It would be easy to walk past the restaurant and not give it a second thought, but to do so would be to your detriment. The interior is slightly more glamorous — red Chinese décor and a series of beautiful, historic-looking nature prints — but only slightly. It doesn’t need to be glamorous; the food does all the talking here.
The first time I ate at Harry & Shan, I tried vegetable lo mein ($14) and veggie Singapore noodles ($14). Lo mein is one of my go-tos at any Chinese restaurant, so my standards were high. Harry & Shan did not disappoint. The lo mein was savory and delectable, with perfectlysautéed mushrooms, broccoli, peppers, onions and cucumbers.
I had never had Singapore noodles, nor had I even heard of them, before that day. Despite the name, Singapore noodles are a Cantonese dish and a mainstay in Cantonese restaurants in Hong Kong. (The reason they’re called Singapore noodles is up for debate.) They’re seasoned with curry powder, giving the dish a delicious, spicy flavor and a bright yellow color, and mixed with sautéed vegetables such as mushrooms, broccoli, onions and carrots. I cannot overstate how wonderful and flavorful the Singapore noodles were — I was thinking about that delicious dish
long after I’d finished eating it.
Although I was still dreaming of those Singapore noodles a week and a half later, I convinced myself to try something different the second time I went to Harry & Shan. I tried vegetable fried rice ($14), another one of my favorite Chinese-American dishes, and scallion pancakes ($5). The scallion pancakes had a savory aroma, a light, flaky texture and a flavor somewhat reminiscent of an onion ring, but, in my humble opinion, much, much better. The vegetable fried rice, mixed with peppers, green onions, mushrooms, scrambled eggs, broccoli, cucumbers and carrot slices, was delicious and savory as well. It reminded me exactly why I love fried rice so much.
The third time I stopped in, I couldn’t resist getting my beloved Singapore noodles again, but I also got veggie spring rolls ($3) and the veggie house noodles ($14). I don’t normally like spring rolls, but a little voice in the back of my head told me to get these. I’m glad I listened. Filled with cabbage, carrots and vermicelli noodles, they were warm, savory and delightful, a perfect little snack. The house noodles, served in a savory sauce and mixed in with a vegetable medley, were delicious as well, but more similar to the lo mein than I had expected. That’s not a bad thing, but something to keep in mind if you’re looking for variety.
The fourth time I visited Harry & Shan, I was just in the mood for a snack, so I got the veggie gyoza ($6). Gyoza, a Japanese version of a Chinese dumpling called jiaozi, are small dumplings with thin, delicate skins and a rich filling. Although I preferred other dishes to this one, I have never met a dumpling I didn’t like, and the gyoza at Harry & Shan did not break that streak. They weren’t particularly filling, but they would make a good snack or accompaniment to other dishes.
Harry & Shan Asian Cuisine is unpretentious in the best way possible. It’s the kind of place you stumble upon or learn about through word of mouth — not through press fanfare, social media or snazzy advertising. (In fact, Harry & Shan’s social media presence is minimal; I could only find a Facebook page.) It’s the kind of place you’re proud to know about. It’s the kind of place part of you wants to tell the world about and part of you wants to gatekeep. Whether you’re looking for a quick, affordable lunch while you’re working downtown, a snack on a late Friday night (it’s open until 2 a.m. on Fridays and Saturdays) or a new go-to for Netflix binge nights, Harry & Shan Asian cuisine is the place for you.
Harry & Shan Asian Cuisine, 627 Main St., Downtown. More info: harryshanasiancuisine.com.
Mannequin Pussy’s Marisa Dabice talks vocal evolution, life on tour and what’s fueling the band’s latest era.
BY JASON GARGANO
Mannequin Pussy’s fourth full-length album, last year’s I Got Heaven, again rides the dynamic emotional wave of frontwoman Marisa Dabice, whose evolution from guttural yeller to a more nuanced conveyor of her singing voice is now complete. I Got Heaven’s 10 songs clock in at a brisk 30 minutes, opening with the tone-setting title track, which finds Dabice moving from righteous roars to a tempered singspeak approach that borders on sweet. Even better is “Deep Bite,” a moody rumination that rides a fascinating sonic seesaw after opening with this table-setter: “Not a single motherfucker who has tried to lock me up/Could get the collar around my neck or find one that’s big enough.”
The band — which also includes drummer Kaleen Reading, bassist Colins “Bear” Regisford and guitarist Maxine Steen — is as versatile as ever, moving from their hardcore roots to something like the slow-burning, synth-aided “I Don’t Know You,” which is as atmospheric and mysterious as anything the band has yet conjured.
CityBeat recently connected with Dabice through Zoom to discuss Mannequin Pussy’s creative evolution, the pleasures of working with producer John Congleton and their relationship with Epitaph Records.
CityBeat: You guys just got back from a series of shows in Europe. Given the current state of affairs in America, what’s it been like playing shows abroad?
Marisa Dabice: To an extent, you are cultural ambassadors from the place in which you come from, especially when you are traveling abroad and you are a guest in someone’s country. I think it’s really important as Americans, who very often feel as though everywhere we are the world is owed to us. That’s not the experience we have as travelers. We really see ourselves as guests in someone’s country and we try to familiarize ourselves with some of their customs and to be more aware of the fact that we’re travelers and we’ve been invited somewhere to play.
I think our music will always be a conduit for the type of catharsis and rage that we are feeling. I think that increasingly and throughout my entire life I’ve seen how politics tends to make people feel smaller and more oppressed and unheard, and so when you can make these big gestures and statements in your art and music and connect to other people who are seeing the world in a similar fashion as the way you do, obviously it’s a really unifying force that kind of takes place.
CB: You’ve been doing this for more than a decade now. How has your approach changed and evolved over the years?
CB: Your approach as a singer has obviously changed over the years. Was that a conscious choice on your part?
MD: As I’ve grown older, I’m less interested in doing the same things that we always used to do. I’m less interested in destroying my voice. I started taking vocal lessons at the beginning of this year and doing vocal training really seriously every week since January. I want to learn more about the instrument of the voice. I want to learn more about how to care for it and how to maintain it for hopefully the long haul. If I kept repeating the past in how I wrote and sang, I would be doing severe fucking damage to myself.
CB: What was it like working with John Congleton on this record?
MD: His taste level is a big aspect of what makes him so great — how quickly he works, how decisive he can be. As a group, we tend to be a little less decisive sometimes. He is so direct. His ear is just phenomenal. He was present for the writing sessions but in a way where he was just sitting there listening as we write. We might be playing a riff and he would say, “That’s exciting, keep going with that.” To have that external talent inhabit our space really allowed us to focus more on just writing the song than worrying about whether or not it was good too soon.
MD: The biggest change was Maxine joining the band, who’s been a longtime friend and collaborator of mine and my favorite person to write music with. She and I really crafted a lot of the initial ideas of the songs and then you present it to everyone. This is the first time we’ve been able to afford, on Epitaph’s dime, to go away together and spend an entire week just focused on writing.
CB: Do you have an overarching theme or certain topics in mind when you start writing songs for a record, or is it more of an organic thing?
MD: This was definitely one where you kind of figure out the overarching themes after all the songs have been completed. You allow yourself the space to just say whatever it is that you feel needs to be said within the context of the song. After all, the songs are written and you’re in that process of finalizing the lyrics, then you start to pick up on, like, “Oh, this is really what myself and my bandmates have been going through.” It becomes very obvious what those stories are. I would definitely like to try in the future kind of going into a record with a theme or an idea in advance in a conceptual sense and seeing how ideas percolate out of us that way. But, historically, I have not gone into it with a plan. I just allow whatever words to come out to be what comes out.
CB: You mentioned Epitaph earlier. What do you think is the role of a record label at this point?
MD: Ideally, it’s artist development and resources. It’s a business relationship. A label at its best is recognizing young talent that they believe will grow into a more mature version of themselves with every album that they make. They see someone and think, “This artist has something to say for years to come,” and they want to pour resources into the development of letting that artist continue to create greater and greater work with every passing year. That’s what I think ideally a record label should be doing, and that’s what I feel Epitaph has been for us. They approached us after our 2016 album Romantic came out. They saw potential in us far before anyone else did. It was paying attention to what an artist is currently doing and might go on to do and be able to give them the resources to focus on creating the work. I think that’s what’s so exciting for me. I’m in a very small minority of people who actually respect and like the label that I work with. I really do cherish the relationship that I have with Epitaph and the belief that they’ve had in us for almost 10 years now. They’ve really been a huge part of our development and maturation as artists.
Mannequin Pussy play Bogart’s on June 27 at 7 p.m. More info: bogarts.com.
PHOTO: ARTAXERXES, WIKIMEDIA COMMONS THE SUN RA ARKESTRA
lift off and leave the ordinary behind.
lift off and leave the ordinary behind. The Sun Ra Arkestra performs at Memorial Hall on July 1 at 8 p.m. More info: memorialhallotr.com. (Derek Kalback)
The Sun Ra Arkestra performs at Memorial Hall on July 1 at 8 p.m. More info: memorialhallotr.com. (Derek Kalback)
July 11 • Taft Theatre
July 11 • Taft Theatre
It’s hard to believe it’s been 23 years since Iron & Wine’s Sam Beam released The Creek Drank the Cradle — a debut album of delicately finger-picked folk songs, hushed vocals and poetic songwriting that quickly cemented his reputation as one of the great folk artists of the 21st century.
It’s hard to believe it’s been 23 years since Iron & Wine’s Sam Beam released The Creek Drank the Cradle — a debut album of delicately finger-picked folk songs, hushed vocals and poetic songwriting that quickly cemented his reputation as one of the great folk artists of the 21st century.
For many, Beam’s name may also conjure memories of his near-ubiquitous cover of The Postal Service’s “Such Great Heights,” featured in commercials and, most famously, in Garden State, the Zach Braff film that captured the pre-smartphone, MySpace-era zeitgeist; a time when emotionally fragile outsiders were still learning to navigate adulthood in a world tilting rapidly toward commercialization and digital disconnection. Since those lo-fi beginnings, Iron & Wine’s sound has grown richer and more expansive. His 2011 album Kiss Each Other Clean marked a notable shift, introducing horns, congas and lush backing vocals that nodded to what Beam described to Spin Magazine as “the music people heard in their parents’ car growing up…that early-to-mid-‘70s AM, radio-friendly music.”
For many, Beam’s name may also conjure memories of his near-ubiquitous cover of The Postal Service’s “Such Great Heights,” featured in commercials and, most famously, in Garden State, the Zach Braff film that captured the pre-smartphone, MySpace-era zeitgeist; a time when emotionally fragile outsiders were still learning to navigate adulthood in a world tilting rapidly toward commercialization and digital disconnection. Since those lo-fi beginnings, Iron & Wine’s sound has grown richer and more expansive. His 2011 album Kiss Each Other Clean marked a notable shift, introducing horns, congas and lush backing vocals that nodded to what Beam described to Spin Magazine as “the music people heard in their parents’ car growing up…that early-to-mid-‘70s AM, radio-friendly music.”
July 1 • Memorial Hall
July 1 • Memorial Hall
For those who have had the privilege of seeing the Sun Ra Arkestra perform, you know that once isn’t enough. The energy, the pageantry and — most importantly — the music are all something to behold. The Afrofuturist legends have been creating music in various iterations since the mid-‘50s. After the death of composer Sun Ra in 1993, the Arkestra has seen a multitude of de facto leaders. At an astonishing 101 years old, saxophonist Marshall Allen still leads the group with no signs of slowing down.
For those who have had the privilege of seeing the Sun Ra Arkestra perform, you know that once isn’t enough. The energy, the pageantry and — most importantly — the music are all something to behold. The Afrofuturist legends have been creating music in various iterations since the mid-‘50s. After the death of composer Sun Ra in 1993, the Arkestra has seen a multitude of de facto leaders. At an astonishing 101 years old, saxophonist Marshall Allen still leads the group with no signs of slowing down.
Their latest release, Lights on a Satellite, is a double LP live recording of their 1978 concert at the Left Bank. The record sees the band moving from blistering, space-age avant-garde jazz to standards by Fletcher Henderson and Miles Davis. The Arkestra has always managed to maintain a fine balance between experimentalism and accessibility. Live, they can effortlessly shift from bouncy bebop to blistering free jazz; horns bleat, blare, rise and dip in sync as Allen directs the band in an almost choreographed spectacle of color, movement and sound.
Their latest release, Lights on a Satellite, is a double LP live recording of their 1978 concert at the Left Bank. The record sees the band moving from blistering, space-age avant-garde jazz to standards by Fletcher Henderson and Miles Davis. The Arkestra has always managed to maintain a fine balance between experimentalism and accessibility. Live, they can effortlessly shift from bouncy bebop to blistering free jazz; horns bleat, blare, rise and dip in sync as Allen directs the band in an almost choreographed spectacle of color, movement and sound.
Sun Ra — born Herman Blount — was something of a musical prodigy, composing original pieces by age 12. Though he did much to dissuade potential biographers from learning too much about his past, a few key episodes can be gleaned. Chief among them is his vision of interplanetary travel, which occurred sometime in the late ‘40s while he lived in Chicago. His time in that city was particularly formative, introducing him to African American political activism and ultimately prompting him to drop what he called his “slave name” in favor of being reborn as Sun Ra.
Sun Ra — born Herman Blount — was something of a musical prodigy, composing original pieces by age 12. Though he did much to dissuade potential biographers from learning too much about his past, a few key episodes can be gleaned. Chief among them is his vision of interplanetary travel, which occurred sometime in the late ‘40s while he lived in Chicago. His time in that city was particularly formative, introducing him to African American political activism and ultimately prompting him to drop what he called his “slave name” in favor of being reborn as Sun Ra.
Mixing esoterica, ancient Egypt, science fiction and African American traditions proved to be the right alchemical formula for his unique sound and musical philosophy. The ‘60s and ‘70s — with their focus on free love and antiestablishment views — were perfectly poised to embrace Sun Ra’s mystical outsider music.
Mixing esoterica, ancient Egypt, science fiction and African American traditions proved to be the right alchemical formula for his unique sound and musical philosophy. The ‘60s and ‘70s — with their focus on free love and antiestablishment views — were perfectly poised to embrace Sun Ra’s mystical outsider music.
Before his death in 1993, Sun Ra had laid the foundation for a musical movement that was as much about cosmic consciousness as it was about sound. The Arkestra’s continued evolution under Allen is a testament to the enduring relevance of that vision. Whether you’re a
Before his death in 1993, Sun Ra had laid the foundation for a musical movement that was as much about cosmic consciousness as it was about sound. The Arkestra’s continued evolution under Allen is a testament to the enduring relevance of that vision. Whether you’re a
longtime follower or a curious newcomer, the Sun Ra Arkestra invites you to tune in,
longtime follower or a curious newcomer,
His latest release, Light Verse (2024), is his first proper solo album since 2017 and follows a collaborative project with Calexico. The record finds Beam reflecting on life’s twists and ironies with both
His latest release, Light Verse (2024), is his first proper solo album since 2017 and follows a collaborative project with Calexico. The record finds Beam reflect-
longtime follower or a curious newcomer, the Sun Ra Arkestra invites you to tune in,
lift off and leave the ordinary behind.
The Sun Ra Arkestra performs at Memorial Hall on July 1 at 8 p.m. More info: memorialhallotr.com. (Derek Kalback)
July 11 • Taft Theatre
It’s hard to believe it’s been 23 years since Iron & Wine’s Sam Beam released The Creek Drank the Cradle — a debut album of delicately finger-picked folk songs, hushed vocals and poetic songwriting that quickly cemented his reputation as one of the great folk artists of the 21st century.
For many, Beam’s name may also conjure memories of his near-ubiquitous cover of The Postal Service’s “Such Great Heights,” featured in commercials and, most famously, in Garden State, the Zach Braff film that captured the pre-smartphone, MySpace-era zeitgeist; a time when emotionally fragile outsiders were still learning to navigate adulthood in a world tilting rapidly toward commercialization and digital disconnection.
Since those lo-fi beginnings, Iron & Wine’s sound has grown richer and more expansive. His 2011 album Kiss Each Other Clean marked a notable shift, introducing horns, congas and lush backing vocals that nodded to what Beam described to Spin Magazine as “the music people heard in their parents’ car growing up…that early-to-mid-‘70s AM, radio-friendly music.”
His latest release, Light Verse (2024), is his first proper solo album since 2017 and follows a collaborative project with Calexico. The record finds Beam reflecting on life’s twists and ironies with both
grace and humor, settling into a kind of zen-like acceptance. Take “All in Good Time,” a duet with Fiona Apple that revisits a complex relationship, warts and all: “All in good time, we suffered enough/ We met our muscle when push came to shove/Swept all that broken glass under the rug/All in good time.” Throughout Light Verse, Beam avoids letting somber themes like death and the passage of time weigh the music down. There’s a buoyancy — an emotional agility — that keeps the songs from sinking into despair.
In June, Beam released a new single, “Robin’s Egg,” in collaboration with the folk trio I’m With Her, who are also joining Iron & Wine on his current North American tour. So if you’re a fan of heartfelt songwriting and luxuriant beards, don’t miss your chance to see Iron & Wine live.
Iron & Wine and I’m With Her play Taft Theatre on July 11 at 7:30 p.m. More info: tafttheatre.org. (DK)
July 12 • Taft Theatre
Once stars Glen Hansard and Markéta Irglová will be releasing their third fulllength album as The Swell Season on July 11, and Cincinnati’s Taft Theatre is set for an early stop on the tour for the new album.
On July 12, The Swell Season will be
performing together in Cincinnati to celebrate their first album in 16 years. The duo is made up of Irish singer-songwriter Hansard and Czech singer-songwriter Irglová, who shot to fame after the release of the 2007 film Once, in which they play a musical couple that is the pinnacle of “right person, wrong time.”
Both Irglová and Hansard are coming off acclaimed solo albums released in the last couple of years, and the Swell Season’s new album seems to be a long time coming, but it seems like the wait will be worth it. The recent singles are steeped in Irglová and Hansard’s long history together that stretches from bandmates to costars and lovers to coworkers. Hansard has earned critical acclaim both as the frontman of his early indie rock band, The Frames, and through his more folk-oriented solo work, beautifully showcased in Once — the film that earned him and Irglová an Oscar for Best Original Song with “Falling Slowly.”
New songs from their forthcoming album Forward, like “Stuck in Reverse” and “People We Used To Be,” feature the duo’s fantastic, heartbreaking songwriting ability, elevated by Hansard’s aged voice, which sounds better than ever, making you feel a little heartbreak in every syllable of the lyrics.
The Swell Season plays Taft Theatre on July 12 at 8 p.m. More info: tafttheatre.org. (Bryce Russell)
34. Creeps around while stepping over outdoor shelters?
39. Bombing raids
40. Looseness
41. Wrong
44. Young seal
45. Baked noodle pudding
16. Projecting part
17. “I can’t believe it!”
18. Rough it for way longer than is healthy? 20. Part-human, part-machine 22. Paesano’s land
“Can’t argue with that”
2024 AL Rookie of the Year Luis ___
“Darn it!”
Attribute
Bus-stop convenience
32. DraftKings rival
46. “Time’s a-wastin’!”
48. Anger
49. Esport enthusiasts
50. Hubbub
52. They’re history
53. Outdoor shelters outfitted with AI, fusion reactors, etc.
56. Kind of Buddhism 58. Attack locale 59. Pack carrier
60. Cheer for a banderillero 61. One of five 62. Mentions
63. Timeworn Down
1. When some bakeries open up
2. With the soft pedal depressed, on some scores
3. Braid relative
4. Floor plan
5. Accustom
6. Five-time Wimbledon champ Bjorn
7. Summer clock setting: Abbr.
8. Court do-over
9. Detect
10. Financial guru Suze 11. Bungle
12. Stir up 13. Horrified
19. Lubricant containers 21. Name on many armored trucks 23. Put on board
24. Guest at a synagogue
25. Completely committed
28.