The Border by beth_snelling

Donegal

Sligo Roscommon Mayo Monaghan Westmeath Meath Louth Longford Dublin Cavan Laois Carlow Leitrim Kilkenny Offlay Kildare Clare Limerick Kerry Wexford Cork Wicklow Tipperary Waterford Galway Down Armagh Fermanagh Tyrone Londonderry Antrim — Erin Hunter

“The only true borders lie between day and night,” between life and death, between hope and loss.”

– Erin Hunter

001–013

036–053

016–033

The Border as a Construct History of Tensions

056–073

one/ two/ three/ four/

What is the Border

Politicians Views in 1921

“Borders

six/ seven/ eight/ Politicians Views in 1998 Life Along the Border Hardline Border Life 096–113 116–133 136–157 five/ 076–093 History After the Partition

may define territories on maps, but they don’t define our shared humanity” – Ban Ki-moon

THE BORDER THE BORDER

Through words and visuals, this book seeks to bridge the gap between understanding and curiosity in Ireland

THE BORDER

Through words and visuals, this book seeks to bridge the gap between understanding and curiosity in Northern Ireland.

The border between Ireland and Northern Ireland holds a special place in the array of global borders — it is not just a point of separation, but a space of contention for years. This book aims to unravel the layers of this border, shedding light on the tangible and intangible barriers.

From the exchange of kilometres to miles, the exchange of Euros to Pounds, and the language shift from Irish to English, the disparities that unfold either side of the border is a balance of subtle and stark. This exploration extends beyond mere numbers and currencies; it encompasses the rich cultural, historical, and social landscapes that have evolved.

one/ 1

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border

The border is in between. The border

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

Tá an teorainn

The border is in between. The border

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

Tá an teorainn

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

IN BETWEEN

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between. The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between. The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between. The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

The border is in between.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

eatarthu.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu.

teorainn idir eatarthu.

Tá an teorainn idir eatarthu. is in between. is in between.

eatarthu.

teorainn idir eatarthu. eatarthu. is in between.

3 one/

3 2

The first consequence of a border theory defined by the social process of division is that the border is not reducible to the classical definition of the limits of a state, offered by many early theoreticians. This is the case not only because the techniques of social division precede the development of states historically, but because even as a division between states the border is not contained entirely within states. The border is precisely “between” states. Just as the cut made by a pair of scissors that divides a piece of paper is definitely not part of the paper, so the border, as a division, is not entirely contained by the territory, state, law, or economy that it divides. While the technologies of division themselves may differ throughout history according to who wields them, when, where, etc, the cut or process of social division itself is what is common to all of its relative manifestations.

4 STATES

STATE LAW ECONOMY

BET WEEN

This is an important consequence for a theory of the border since it means that the study of borders cannot be viewed solely according to any type of division or social force — between territories, between states, between juridical and economic regimes, and so on. This is the case because what is common to all these types of borders is the status of the “between” that remains missing from each of the regimes of social power.

4 5

TERRITORY

ON ONE SIDE THE BORDER TOUCHES ONE STATE

And is thus part of.

AND

ON THE OTHER SIDE THE BORDER TOUCHES THE OTHER.

And is thus part of.

What remains problematic about border theory is that it is not strictly a territorial, political, juridical, or economic idea but equally an aterritorial, apolitical, nonlegal, and noneconomic phenomenon at the same time. For example, take the border between states. The border of a state has two sides. On one side the border touches (and is thus part of) one state, and on the other side the border touches (and is thus part of) the other. But the border is not only its sides that touch the two states; it’s also a third thing: the thing in between the two sides that touch the states. This is the fuzzy zone-like phenomenon of inclusive disjunction that theorists have identified as neither/nor, or both/and. If the border were entirely reducible to the two states, nothing would divide them

For example, if a piece of paper is cut down the middle, there remains something in between the two pieces of paper that is not paper and that divides the two pieces. Similarly, in between the two sides of the cut that touch each of the states is the division itself, which is not the state nor part of the state. The “in-betweenness” of the border is not a lack or absence. The border is a positive and continuous process of multiplication by division — the more it divides social space the more it multiplies it. It is thus important to distinguish two different kinds of division: extensive and intensive.

7 one/

7 6

This is the fuzzy zone-like area of phenomenon of inclusive disjunction, has been identified as neither/nor, or both/and.

9 one/ 9 8

SEAM

The first kind of division (extensive) can introduce an absolute breaking point, producing two quantitatively separate and discontinuous entities. The second kind of division (intensive) adds a new path to the existing one such as a fork or bifurcation producing a qualitative change of the whole continuous system. The point of bifurcation diverges from itself while still being considered the same pathway.

BIFURCATION

POINT

BIFURCATION POINT BIFURCATION POINT

LESS

CONTINUITY

Although borders are typically understood according to the extensive definition, this is only a relative effect of the intensive kind of division. Borders emerge where there’s a continuous process that reaches a bifurcation point. The result of this point is that the border is then experienced as continuity by some and as a discontinuity by others. For some people a border may function as a relatively seamless space of continuity between those two areas.

11 one/

11 10

The material border technologies are the concrete conditions for the principles and ideas of social life. However, the border is not soley in between the inside and the outside of two territories, states, and so on, it is also in between the inside and the inside itself: it is a division within society. This is one of the key consequences of the in-betweenness of borders that has been important for recent border studies. As Chris Rumford underscores, Border studies now routinely address a wide range of complex “what, where, and who” questions. What constitutes as a border (when the emphasis is on processes of bordering not borders as world things)? Where are these borders to be found? Who is doing the “bordering”? It is still possible to ask these questions and still receive a straightforward and predictable answer: “The State.” This is no longer a satisfactory answer. Seeing like a border involves the recognition that borders are woven into the fabric of society.

POLITICAL CONFLICT

IDENTITY

QUESTIONS OF

In this sense, borders are the key to understanding networked connectivity as well as various questions of identity, belonging, political conflict, and societal transformation. Recent border theory has become significantly multidisciplinary.

BELONGING SOCIETAL TRANSFORMATION

As David Newman writes, “For as long as the study of boundaries was synonymous with the lines separating the sovereign territory of states in the international system, the focus of this research was geographical. As our understanding of boundaries has taken on new forms and scales of analysis, so too the study of the bordering phenomenon has become very multidisciplinary, with lots of sociologists, political scientists, international lawyers and anthropologists taking an active part in the expanding discourse of borders.”

13 one/

13 12

Within the context of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, the concept of borders as constructs takes on heightened relevance. The border between these two regions, once a physical manifestation of the political strife and divisions, now stands as a symbol of the delicate balance between conflicting identities and aspirations. As we examine the intricacies of this border, we uncover layers of historical, cultural, and social significance that transcend simple demarcations on a map. The legacy of past conflicts, coupled with the complexities of identity and allegiance, underscores the nature of borders in this region.

THE BORDER AS A CONSTRUCT

two/

15 14

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

The border is not static. The border is not static. The border is not static. The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. The border is not static. The border is not static. The border is not static. The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The The Níl Níl

IN MOTION

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

static. static. statach. statach.

The border is not static.

The border is not static. an teorainn statach.

an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. The border is not static. The border is not static. The border is not static. The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorain n statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

The border is not static. The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

The border is not static. The border is not static. Níl an teorainn statach. Níl an teorainn statach.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

The border is not static. The border is not static.

The border is not static.

Níl an teorainn statach.

17 two/

17 16

The social process of division is such that the border is not static. Partially, this is a consequence of the fact that the border, as a continuous division, is in between and thus not reducible to any stable, fixed side. The vast consequences of this are that the border is a deep zone of contestation. The border is then always made and remade according to a host of shifting variables. In this sense, the border shouldn’t be analysed due to any motion simply because people and objects move across it, or because it is considered as “permeable.” The border is not simply a static membrane or a space through which flows of people move. In contrast to the vast literature on the movement of people and things across borders, there is relatively little analysis of the motion of the border itself. The movement of the border is not a metaphor. The border is literally and actually in motion.

Firstly, the border can move itself. This is especially apparent within the case of geomorphology: the movement of rivers, the shifting sands and tides along coast, the emergence and destruction of ocean islands, big volcanic transformations of mountain ranges and volcanic valleys, the distribution of the soil through erosion and deposition caused by wind and water, and even the vegetative shifting of tree lines, desertification, and climate change. The border also moves itself in not so obvious ways, such as the constant state of erosion, decay, and decomposition to which every physical object on earth is subject to. This includes the crumbling of mortar that holds walls together, rains and floods that rot wooden fences, fires that burn down buildings and towers, rust that eats holes through various fences and gates, erosion that removes dirt from underneath a building, and so on. Every physical border is subject to the movement of constant self-decomposition.

Second, the border is also moved by others. This is especially apparent in the case of territorial conflicts in which two or more social parties negotiate or struggle over land divisions; political and military conflicts over control of people, land, and resources.

THE BORDER MOVES

MOVES

THE BORDER AND IS MOVED BY OTHERS

ITSELF

19 two/

two/

19 18

social forces

BETWEEN SOCIAL FORCES

one/ 21 two/two/

forces 21 20

social

an Tá an

The border is in circulation.

The border

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

Tá an teorainn

The border is in circulation.

The border

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation. The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

Tá an teorainn

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation. The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

an Tá an

The

Tá

The Tá

The

gcúrsaíocht.

IN CIRCULATION

border is in circulation.

The border is in circulation.

IN CIRCULATION

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

border is in circulation.

The border is in circulation. an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

gcúrsaíocht. teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

is in circulation. circulation. is in circulation.

gcúrsaíocht. teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation. The border is in circulation.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

The border is in circulation. The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht. circulation. circulation.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

gcúrsaíocht.

border is in circulation.

The border is in circulation.

an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

border is in circulation.

The border is in circulation.

an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

The border is in circulation.

Tá an teorainn i gcúrsaíocht.

two/

gcúrsaíocht. circulation.

23 22

DIVISION IS NOT A SIMPLE BLOCKAGE

The social process of division is that the border cannot be properly understood in terms of inclusion and exclusion, but only by circulation. In part this follows from the movement of the border. Since the border is always “in-between” and in motion, it is a continually changing process. Borders are never completely done including, someone or something. This is the case not only because borders are at the outskirts of society and within it, but because borders regularly change their selection process of inclusion such that anyone might be expelled at any moment. The power of the border to allow in and out is profoundly overdetermined by social forces: the daily management of the border technology (the motor), the social acceptance or refusal of the border (the drivers of the border vehicle), and the subjective whims of those who enforce the borders (to accept bribes, and so on etc). The techniques of border circulation only have the strength that society gives them. In practice, borders, both internal and external, have never even succeeded in keeping everyone in or out. Given the constant failure of borders in this regard, the binary and abstract categories of inclusion and exclusion have almost no explanatory power. The failure of borders to include or exclude is not just a contemporary waning sovereignty of post national states; so borders have always leaked. It is direct procedure of bordering as David Newman writes here, “Rather than the border line per se, that has universal significance in the ordering of society.” But border circulation is not just the ongoing process of dividing; its technologies of division also have a direct effect on what is divided. What is divided must be recirculated, defended, and even expanded, but at the same time what is divided must also be expelled and pushed.

Division is not a simple blockage—it is redirection.

IT’S RED ECTION

IT IS REDIR

25 two/two/

THE BORDER THAT CIRCULATES

DIVISON

THE BORDER THAT CIRCULATES

What is circulated does not stop after the division — it comes back again and again. The border is the social technique of reproducing some limit points after which that which returns may return again and under many specific conditions. The border does not logically “decide” it practically redistributes. The border adds to the first division another one, and another and so on, moving further along.

THE BORDER DOES NOT LOGICALLY DECIDE

THE BORDER THAT CIRCULATES

27 one/ DIVISON

two/ 27 26

NFINITY IN BETWEEN TWO SPACES IS NOT ANOTHER SPACE

If this were the case, as Zeno argues, movement between the spaces would be eliminated: there would be nothing but static space. The movement cannot be explained by just spatiotemporalisation. Similarly, the border cannot be explained by states and by presupposed spatial orderings. The border is not the result of a spatial ordering, but precisely the other way around — the spatial ordering of society is what is produced by a series of divisions and circulations of movement that is made by the border.

The border defines society not the other way around. Society is not individuals ceaselessly moving on their own away from one another, but occurs when their motions reach a certain limit and return back on themselves in villages, cities, states, and so on.

AND

Social space is the product of a flow that has turned back on itself in a loop or fold. The process by which these lines are multiplied and re-circulated back on one another is the process of bordering that produces social life. Society and space do not pre-exist the delimitation of flows. In between two spaces is not another space—and so on until infinity.

SO ON UNTIL INFINITY AN D

29 two/

29 28

Methodologically, the multiplication of levels of border analysis continues to pose a serious challenge for any theory of the border. As Corey Johnson and Reece Jones observe, “The expansive understanding of borders and boundaries in recent scholarship has enriched border studies, but it has also obscured what a border is.” If, as Étienne Balibar states, “Borders are everywhere,” then they are also nowhere. Thus Axelsson notes, “We should be careful not to call everything a border” lest we risk “The potential loss of analytical clarity if the border concept is used too broadly.” Therefore a significant methodological problem for a theory of the border is how to create a concept of the border that makes sense of multiple different kinds of borders.

BORDERS ARE EVERYWHERE

AND ALSO NOWHERE

As David Newman observes, “What is sorely lacking is a solid theoretical base that will allow us to understand the boundary phenomena as [they take] place within different social and spatial dimensions. A theory which will enable us to understand the process of ‘Bounding’ and ‘Bordering’ rather than simply the compartmentalised outcome of the many social and political processes.” However, not everyone agrees that such a “Solid theoretical base” is attainable or desired. Anssi Paasi states, “A general border theory seems unattainable, and even undesirable, for two reasons. First, the individual state borders are historically contingent and characterised by context features and power relations.

two/ 31 30

33 two/ 33 32 A state of in–between.

HISTORY OF TENSION

A journey through centuries of intense relations between Ulster and the rest of Ireland, spanning from 1606–1921. This period is marked by a complex tapestry events, including colonisation, religious strife, and political upheaval. From the Plantation of Ulster in the early 17th century to the turbulent years of the Irish War of Independence. By tracing this line of intricate history of conflict and resistance, we gain valuable insights into the roots of contemporary tensions.

three/ 35 34

King James I ordered the plantation of Ulster, at that time the least populated and most Gaelic of Ireland’s provinces. The plantation follows the defeat of the Gaelic chieftains and the Flight of the Earls in 1603. The King grants land in the six counties west of the Bann; Derry, Donegal, Fermanagh, Tyrone, Cavan and Armagh to Scottish and English settlers. Substantial private plantations are also underway involving Scottish settlers in both Antrim and Down, with large areas of the two counties were given to Scottish noblemen. Some four million acres are transferred from Gaelic Irish to planters. 1606

TENSIONS

EMERGE

1630

In 1630, Ireland was under English rule, and tensions between the native Irish Catholics and English Protestant settlers were high. Both the division and conflict between these groups were not new at that time, but they continued to escalate throughout the seventeenth century. The Plantation of Ulster, which began in the early 17th century, saw large numbers of Protestant settlers from England and Scotland being encouraged to settle in the northern province of Ulster.

This colonisation effort further increased the tensions between the Irish Catholics and the incoming Protestant settlers.

three/

37 36

1641

Ulster explodes in open warfare between English and Scottish settlers as well as the native Irish. Dispossessed Catholics take revenge on settlers, slaughtering thousands. In 1642 Scottish Covenanter, a Presbyterian militia, invade the North and take their revenge on many of the Catholic inhabitants. Tit-for-tat killings continue for the next decade. The murder of Protestant settlers has a deep impact on the psyche of those who settle in Ulster.

“On both sides there is nothing but burning, robbing in cold blood and cruelties such as are not unusual even among the Moors”

Owen Roe O’Neill observes.

BATTLE

OF THE BOYNE

1690

A major battle fought along the Boyne River in Ireland between King William III and the exiled King James II. Having been deposed and exiled after William’s landing at Brixham and his subsequent English desertions, James II sought to retake his throne through an alliance with Ireland and France. A string of the Irish Jacobite victories in the northern country were then followed by a swift but indecisive loss on the Boyne River. Although James’s escape dragged the very first Jacobite Rising into 1691, the Battle of the Boyne assured William’s allies of his commitment to defeating all of the French-aligned forces.

The battle is decisive in consolidating the Protestant domination in Ireland.

three/

39 38

From 1782 to 1800, Grattan’s very shortlived parliament granted some legislative independence to an new Irish Parliament, though it was exclusively composed of members of the Protestant Ascendancy. The 1798 rebellion marked the downfall of Grattan’s parliament, leading to its abolition in 1800 under the Act of Union.

As a result, Irish Members of Parliament were then seated only in Westminster. Throughout the 19th century, the Irish Nationalists strongly advocated for the repeal of the Act of Union. 1782

The Irish Parliamentary Party quickly rose to prominence, becoming the big dominant political force in Ireland. The party succeeded in electing a substantial number of MPs to Westminster, they were then known as Home Rulers.

THE REPEAL

OF THE ACT OF UNION

1882

The formation of the Irish Parliamentary Party marked a significant turning point in Irish political history. Emerging amidst growing calls for both Irish autonomy and self-governance, the party was formed with a clear mandate: to secure home rule for Ireland through the British Parliament. At its helm stood charismatic leaders like Charles Stewart Parnell, whose powerful oratory and strategic sense galvanised diverse support for the cause.

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41 40

1886

The first Home Rule Bill is introduced into the House of Commons by British Prime Minister William Gladstone. The first stirrings of fierce Ulster opposition to home rule are apparent as sectarian riots hit Belfast in June after the Bill is defeated. Dozens are killed. These events underscored the deep divisions within Northern Ireland over the issue of home rule. In response, the Unionist sentiment in Ulster coalesced around the defiant slogan, “Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right,” showing their determination to resist any imposition of Home Rule.

FIRST HOME RULE BILL

SECOND HOME RULE BILL

1892

A second Home Rule Bill navigates its way through the House of Commons, signalling a renewed push for Irish selfgovernance. However, the journey came to an abrupt halt when it faced staunch opposition in the House of Lords. Despite securing passage in the lower house of Parliament, the bill encountered a lot of resistance, leading to its defeat. This defeat of the second Home Rule Bill now highlighted the influence of the House of Lords in shaping the course of British politics, highlighting the barriers that proponents of Irish autonomy continued to face within the corridors of power.

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1912

Once more, the Irish Parliamentary Party found itself in a pivotal position within Westminster, holding the balance of the power and reinvigorating the push for Irish self-governance. In response to mounting pressure, a third Home Rule Bill was tabled in Parliament, signalling a renewed determination to address the long-standing issue of Irish autonomy. This time, however, measures were now taken to curtail the power of the House of Lords to thwart its progress. Although, opposition to home rule remained fierce, particularly in Ulster, where Sir Edward Carson spearheaded the organisation of the Ulster Covenant. This landmark event saw over 450,000 people pledge to resist the implementation of home rule.

THIRD HOME RULE BILL

THE UVF

OPPOSES HOME RULE

1913

The creation of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) marked a significant escalation in the opposition to Home Rule, as armed militias became increasingly prominent within the political landscape. Composed of Unionist factions in Ulster, the UVF emerged as a paramilitary organisation committed to resisting any attempts to impose Home Rule upon Ulster.

In response to increasing threats that the UVF posed, the Nationalist and Irish Republican elements rallied behind the formation of the Irish Volunteers. This paramilitary group was then established with the dual purpose of ensuring the introduction of home rule in Ireland and serving as a counter-militia to the UVF.

As tensions between the Unionists and Nationalists reached a boiling point, the emergence of these rival paramilitary forces underscored the deepening of the divisions within Irish society and foreshadowed the violent confrontations that would erupt in the years to come.

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45 44

1914

The Curragh incident occurs. More than 50 British army officers based in Ireland show that they will resign rather than move against Ulster. The mutiny then convinces Nationalists that the British can’t be trusted to implement Home Rule.

John Redmond concedes the, “Hateful expedient” of partition with the belief that Ulster will be excluded from that initial Home Rule settlement, though the number of counties involved has yet to be decided. He insists on it being timelimited to six years but Unionist leader Edward Carson dismisses the idea of a time limit as a “Stay of execution”.

CURRAGH INCIDENT

The Buckingham Palace conference takes place between Nationalist and Unionist leaders over the implementation of Home Rule. At the same time the British cabinet looks over maps of the border counties examining Nationalist areas that might be included in a home rule parliament.

“We sat again for an hour and a half discussing maps and figures and always getting back to that most damnable creation of the perverted ingenuity of man, the County of Tyrone,”

Prime Minister Asquith notes.

UVF SMUGGLING

HOME RULE ACT IS LAW

No agreement can be reached about what parts of Ulster can be excluded from Home Rule. World War One then breaks out one week later.

In September, amidst the backdrop of World War One, the Home Rule Act finally became law in Ireland, marking a key milestone in the country’s quest for selfgovernance. However, the outbreak of war led to the immediate suspension of the act’s implementation, as attention and resources were diverted to the conflict engulfing Europe. This suspension was a temporary setback for Irish Nationalists, who had long awaited the opportunity to govern their own affairs. The passage of the Home Rule Act reflected the growing momentum of the Nationalist movement and set the stage for renewed efforts for Irish autonomy once the war ended.

In April the UVF smuggle in 20,000 German rifles with three million rounds of ammunition into the port of Larne.

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47 46

1916

The Easter Rising, was a pivotal event in Irish history, unfolded amidst the streets of Dublin in 1916. Rebels, disillusioned with the British rule and determined to assert Ireland’s independence, took up a fight against the British authorities. Rejecting the notion of home rule, which offered Ireland self-government within the constraints of the United Kingdom, these rebels harboured a fervent desire for nothing short of an independent Irish Republic. The rebels actions symbolised a bold rejection of British authority and an assertion of Irish national identity, igniting a spark that would reverberate throughout Irish history.

In the aftermath of the Easter Rising, Ireland witnessed profound shifts in its political landscape. The British response, marked by the swift and severe reprisal against the rebels, only served to inflame public sentiment and deepen the resolve for independence. The execution of many rebel leaders, including key prominent figures such as Padraig Pearse and James Connolly, transformed them into martyrs of Irish freedom, further galvanising the support for Nationalist movement. The suppression of the Rising, did not quell dissent, but instead fanned the flames of rebellion and sowed the seeds for a renewed struggle for Irish sovereignty.

The events of the Easter Rising laid the groundwork for the subsequent War of Independence, which erupted in 1919. The rebellion, though initially crushed by British forces, had awakened a spirit of resistance amongst the Irish people and filled them with a new determination to break free from the British rule.

Padraig Pearse, one of the leaders of the rebellion. In his surrender speech on April 30, 1916, Pearse famously stated:

“We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible.”

EASTER REBELLION APRIL.

EASTER RISING

Guerrilla warfare, sabotage, and political agitation became the hallmarks of the Irish struggle for independence, as the aspirations of the rebels found expression in a nationwide campaign against the British. The Rising, although a military failure in its own right, served also as a catalyst for the bigger fight towards Irish self-determination.

Ultimately, the Easter Rising proved to be a pivotal moment in Ireland’s quest for sovereignty. Its impact extended far beyond its suppression, which shaped the course of Irish history. The rebellion, with its uncompromising demand for independence and its legacy of sacrifice, solidified its place as a key moment in the collective consciousness of the Irish people, inspiring the future generations to continue the fight for a free Ireland.

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1920

The Irish Convention, a pivotal gathering in Ireland’s history, convened with the ambitious goal of charting a mutually acceptable path forward for the nation. It brought together both the Nationalists and Unionists, representing divergent ideological and political viewpoints, in a quest for consensus on Ireland’s future. The absence of Sinn Féin, underscored the complexities and divisions within Irish society at the time. Despite their absence, Sinn Féin’s influence loomed large over the proceedings, casting a big shadow of scepticism on the Convention’s potential for achieving genuine unity.

Customs posts emerged as a contentious focal point during the early stages of the Convention. Nationalists argued for a home rule parliament’s authority over customs revenue, recognizing its pivotal role as a primary source of government income. Conversely, Unionists fiercely opposed this proposition, fearing that control could lead to tariffs and customs arrangements detrimental to Northern Ireland’s industrial interests, particularly in relation to its vital economic ties with Britain. This clash of interests highlighted the very intricate economic and political dynamics at play, showing the formidable challenges in reconciling divergent views.

As deliberations unfolded, the Convention grappled with the very formidable task of reconciling competing future visions. The tension between Nationalists’ aspirations for greater autonomy and the Unionists’ concerns over economic ramifications underscored the profound deep divisions entrenched within Irish society.

GOVERNMENT OF IRELAND ACT

66–34 VOTES

Despite efforts to find common ground, reaching consensus remained elusive, this was further reinforced by Sinn Féin’s absence, which symbolised their broader disillusionment with the present political processes among certain sections of the people within local communities.

In a huge momentous culmination, the Convention’s final report was passed with a notable majority, marking a significant milestone in Ireland’s journey towards self-determination. The margin of 66 votes to 34 underscored a measure of agreement achieved among Convention members, yet it also hinted at the discord and unresolved tensions that continued to define Ireland’s political landscape. The Convention represented a pivotal effort to forge a shared, united vision for Ireland’s future, its outcomes reflected the enduring complexities and divisions that would shape the nation’s trajectory in the years to come.

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1921

The 3rd of May, symbolised the formal establishment of Northern Ireland, a very significant development in the complex and very contentious history of Ireland’s partition. With the legal implementation of partition, Northern Ireland emerged as a distinct political entity, separate from the rest of the island. This event was commemorated with the inauguration of its parliament by the King, George V, this symbolised the formal beginning of Northern Ireland’s governance structure. The formation of Northern Ireland has represented a key culmination of political processes and negotiations, reflecting the broader geopolitical realities.

Amidst the backdrop of partition and the birth of Northern Ireland, King George V delivered a very notable speech aimed at fostering reconciliation and unity among the Irish people. His conciliatory words called for a mutual understanding and forgiveness, urging all Irish men to try to embrace a new era characterised by peace, contentment, and goodwill. This message, was delivered by the Monarch, and carried significant symbolic weight, it aimed to transcend the divisions and animosities that have plagued Ireland.

King George’s appeal for reconciliation underscored the recognition of the deep grievances and conflicts that defined Irish history up to that point. His invocation to “Forgive and forget” reflected a desire to move beyond the scars of the past and to forge a path towards reconciliation and cooperation. In emphasising both the collective aspiration for peace and goodwill, his speech encapsulated the hopes for a brighter future for Ireland.

PARTITION OF THE ISLAND OF 3, MAY.

IRELAND TOOK LEGAL EFFECT

The inauguration of Northern Ireland and the King’s address is defined as a pivotal moment in Ireland’s history, that encapsulates both the challenges and the opportunities inherent in the partition of the island. While the establishment of Northern Ireland represented a formal recognition of its political identity, it also laid the groundwork for ongoing efforts to foster reconciliation and unity among its diverse populace. The events of the 3rd of May, served as a reminder of the complexities of Irish history and also the enduring quest for peace and harmony.

1921

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POLITICIANS VIEWS IN 1921

Showing the perspectives of key political figures on both sides of the divide during a pivotal moment within Irish history. As negotiations for the Anglo-Irish Treaty unfolded, politicians grappled with lots of complex questions of sovereignty, autonomy, and unity. Illuminating the diverse perspectives and contentious debates surrounding the 1921 Treaty negotiations. By examining the positions of politicians on both sides, we gain a deeper understanding of complexities and tensions along the border line.

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LASTING SETTLEMENT 1916

It will not give Ulster peace and security.

PARTITION IS NOT AND CANNOT

BE A LASTING SETTLEMENT.

This statement was made by Eamon De Valera, the leader of Sinn Féin, during a speech he delivered in Belfast. This address reflected de Valera’s opposition to the partition of Ireland, which divided the island into two separate entities. De Valera argued that partition would not bring peace or security to Ulster and asserted that it was an unsustainable solution to the political tensions.

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7, MAY.

UNITED 58

WE CANNOT POSSIBLY REMAIN IN

AN IRISH PARLIAMENT.

Said in a speech delivered by Sir James Craig in response to Eamon de Valera’s proposal for a truce and negotiations. As the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party and the future Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, he expressed the Unionist position against participation in an all–Ireland parliament. Highlighted the deep division between Nationalists and Unionists.

24, MAY.

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KINGDOM

stand for a United Kingdom 59 59 58

SIX

From their economic and commercial interests in the rest of Ireland.

OF ULSTER WILL NOT BE SEPARATED

COUNTIES

From their economic and commercial interests in the rest of Ireland. OF ULSTER WILL NOT BE SEPARATED

Eamon De Valera made this statement during his political career, particularly in the period leading up to and following the partition of Ireland.

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Eamon De Valera

MAINTAIN

We cannot disregard that fact.

THE MAJORITY IN THE NORTH OF IRELAND

ARE DETERMINED TO MAINTAIN THE UNION.

He made this assertion during his time serving as “Lord Chancellor” of Great Britain in the early 1920s, particularly in the context of discussions surrounding the partition of Ireland.

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THE UNION

63 62

Lord Birkenhead

LABOUR IS

James Connolly, was an Irish Socialist and the Nationalist leader, articulated this phrase during his political activism in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This reflects his belief in the connection between the struggle for workers’ rights and the struggle for Irish independence.

THE CAUSE OF LABOUR IS THE CAUSE OF

IRELAND

IS LABOUR

The cause of Labour is the cause of Ireland, the cause of Ireland is the cause of Labour.

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James Conolly

A LINE OF DEMARCATION

He made this statement as the leader of the Ulster Unionist movement, and it was in reference to the partition of Ireland. It reflects Carson’s belief in the necessity of maintaining the union between Great Britain and Northern Ireland to preserve the Protestant character of the region.

THE MOST CATHOLIC HOME IS

SEPARATED FROM US BY A LINE OF DEMARCATION

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And it is better so. 67 66

James Craig

ISIGNED I SIGNED

I TELL YOU EARLY THIS MORNING

MY DEATH WARRANT

I tell you, early this morning, I signed my death warrant.

Collins made this statement during a conversation with his friend and fellow revolutionary, Cathal Brugha, on the day he signed the Anglo-Irish Treaty. This reflects Collins’ awareness of the risk and potential consequence of signing the treaty, which could lead to a division.

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69 68

Michael Collins

BROKEN

Carson made this statement in response to the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty. His reaction reflected his deep opposition to any agreement that he perceived as threatening the integrity of the United Kingdom and the union between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. WE HAVE SACRIFICED MILLIONS

PLEDGES AND GAINED NOTHING BUT

And a country delivered over to a crew of rebels.

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71 70

Sir Edward Carson

72 DEPLORABLE

MISFORTUNE

William T. Cosgrave, the first President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State, made this statement in a speech in Dáil Éireann on April 28. This remark encapsulated Cosgrave’s perspective on the partition of Ireland and the existence of Northern Ireland as a separate entity.

ULSTER UNIONISM

Ulster Unionism is to us a deplorable misfortune.

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William T. Cosgrave

Explore the turbulent decades from 1921 to the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. This era was marked by political unrest, violence, and social change. From the formation of Northern Ireland as a state to the Troubles that rocked the region. This chapter delves into the complex of politics, identity, and conflict, shedding light on the challenges of this period. By tracing this history, we gain valuable insights into the resilience of people and the path toward peace in the North.

Explore the turbulent decades from 1921 to the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. This era was marked by political unrest, violence, and social change. From the formation of Northern Ireland as a state to the Troubles that rocked the region, examine key events like the peace efforts. This chapter delves into the complex of politics, identity, and conflict, shedding light on the challenges of this period. By tracing this history, we gain valuable insights into the resilience of communities and the path toward peace in the North.

HISTORY AFTER THE PARTITION

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1921

The inauguration of Northern Ireland’s parliament under the auspices of King George V marked a significant juncture in Irish history. With this ceremonial act, Northern Ireland was then formally established as a distinct political entity, separate from the rest of the island. King George V’s address during this event conveyed a message of reconciliation and unity, urging all to embrace a spirit of forbearance and conciliation. His call to “forgive and forget” resonated with a vision of a future characterised by peace, contentment, and goodwill, setting a tone for the nascent state’s trajectory.

Simultaneously, the signing of the AngloIrish Treaty constituted a pivotal moment that would profoundly shape the course of Irish history. The establishment of the Irish Free State under this treaty signalled a significant step towards independence, within the framework of dominion status.

These developments laid the groundwork for a complex and often fraught journey towards reconciliation. The inauguration of Northern Ireland, the establishment of the Irish Free State, and the aspirations for reunification embodied in the AngloIrish Treaty epitomised the multifaceted dynamics at play in the quest for Irish independence and self-determination. Yet, as subsequent events would demonstrate, the road to realising these aspirations would be fraught with challenges and complexities, reshaping the contours of Irish identity and politics for generations.

ANGLO-IRISH

TREATY IS SIGNED

However, the unfolding complexities of political realities and entrenched divisions would soon challenge these aspirations reshaping the whole trajectory of Ireland’s political landscape in unforeseen ways.

In the midst of these laid the groundwork for a complex and often fraught journey towards reconciliation. The inauguration of Northern Ireland, the establishment of the Irish Free State, and the aspirations for reunification embodied in the AngloIrish Treaty epitomised the multifaceted dynamics at play in the quest for Irish independence and self-determination. Yet, as subsequent events would demonstrate, the road to realising these aspirations would be fraught with challenges and complexities, reshaping the contours of Irish identity and politics.

A truce is called between Crown forces and Republicans to allow for talks about the future of Ireland.

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JULY.

1922

In January the narrow ratification of the Anglo-Irish Treaty by the Dáil marked a crucial turning point within Ireland’s post-war trajectory. Despite deep debate and deep divisions inside Irish society, the treaty, which then established the Irish Free State within the British Empire, secured a fragile majority. However, the decision did not end the tensions in the country. The following general election in June, was largely won by pro-treaty politicians, failed to stave off the eruption of the Irish Civil War, opposing factions remained deep in their positions, setting the stage for a bitter internal conflict.

In December, the Irish Free State had officially come into existence, therefore solidifying the border between both the North of Ireland and the South of the island as an international borderline. This formal delineation underscored the enduring legacy of partition and the deep-seated divisions it engendered in Irish society. The establishment of the Irish Free State represented a milestone in Ireland’s journey towards freedom, yet it also highlighted the challenges of reconciling competing political visions and also addressing the complexities of governance in a divided nation.

The Irish Free State took a significant step towards asserting its sovereignty with the introduction of a few customs controls along the borderline. These measures, were aimed at regulating the trade and revenue collection, they remained in place until the creation of the Single Market in 1993.

IRISH FREE STATE

COMES INTO BEING

The implementation of customs posts, introduced a new set of challenges, particularly in border areas, where smuggling became normality in life. The varying degrees of efficiency in manning these customs posts, coupled with the economic disparities between Northern Ireland and the Free State, fueled illicit trade and exaggerated the socio-economic tensions.

The period following the establishment of the Irish Free State was marked by a complex interplay of political, economic, and social dynamics. Despite the deep aspirations for true independence and self-governance, the realities of border controls and smuggling underscored the intense enduring complexities and contradictions inherent in Ireland’s quest for sovereignty and unity.

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1923

The introduction of customs controls by the Irish Free State marked a significant development in Ireland’s economic and political landscape. From their inception until 1993, these controls played a key role in regulating trade and movement between the two Irelands. Strategically positioned along the border, they worked as checkpoints with varying degrees of efficiency, symbolising not only economic boundaries but also the great profound political and cultural divisions covering the island. These customs posts became tangible visual reminders of partition’s enduring legacy, shaping daily life and interactions in border communities.

Nevertheless, the narrative surrounding these customs controls extends beyond their administrative function, delving into the complex realities of life in border areas. For many residents, smuggling emerged as a pragmatic response to the challenges posed by customs restrictions. The border transformed from a mere geographical boundary into a dynamic space where the flow of goods and ideas mixed with the resilience of communities facing external constraints and factors. Despite efforts to regulate trades, the porous nature of the border facilitated illicit activities, showing the adaptability of those navigating border life.

CUSTOM CONTROLS

CUSTOM CONTROLS INTRODUCED UNTIL 1993

The story of customs controls therefore becomes intertwined with some of the lived experiences of border residents, revealing a multifaceted interplay of the economic survival, cultural identity, and the endurance of communities. The borderlands emerged as sites of both opportunity and adversity, where daily existence was shaped by the interplay between official frameworks and local realities. Against the backdrop of political division, the resilience and ingenuity of border communities persisted, forging connections that transcended national boundaries and challenging the rigid constructs imposed by external forces.

As the customs controls endured over decades, their impact stretched over the border region, shaping social dynamics and shaping the collective identity of its inhabitants. The legacy of the checkpoints extends beyond their physical presence, leaving an indelible mark on the fabric of border communities and contributing to a nuanced understanding of the deep complexities in Ireland’s history.

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1925

The leaking of the Boundary Commission report to the Morning Post sparked a significantly big upheaval within Irish political circles. Contrary to Nationalist expectations, the report proposed only modest adjustments to the border, falling short of the substantial changes desired by many. In response, Eoin MacNeill, the Free State representative, resigned in protest, highlighting the profound, deep disappointment and disillusionment in the Free State government.

The revelation of the report sent shock through the Free State administration, prompting frantic efforts to secure some concessions from both the British and Unionist governments.

When the Boundary Commission report was leaked, it became very apparent that the proposed changes fell far short of the Nationalist expectations. Instead of recommending sweeping alterations to the border, the report suggested only minor adjustments, disappointing those who had anticipated a territorial revision.

REPORT LEAKED

LEADS TO RESIGNATION

However, these efforts proved fruitless, as neither party was willing to deviate from the commission’s mandate to explore potential territorial swaps on both sides of the border. Despite appeals for revisions, the British and Unionist governments remained steadfast in their commitment to maintaining the status quo.

With increasing pressure and very poor options, the very financially strained Free State reluctantly abandoned its demand for the inclusion of Nationalist areas in the North. In a pragmatic move, it agreed to drop this issue in exchange for a debt write-off from the British government.

As part of the agreement, the British cancelled Ireland’s debt obligation, which alleviated a portion of the Free State’s economic burdens but entrenching the existing border arrangements.

Ultimately, the leaking of the Boundary Commission report and its aftermath underscored the enduring complexities and challenges of Irish partition. Despite aspirations for territorial adjustments and reunification, the political realities of the time, coupled with economic constraints, compelled the Free State to accept the status quo. The episode served as a big reminder of the entrenched divisions and external pressures shaping Ireland’s post-independence trajectory.

This sparked significant unrest within Irish political circles, particularly among Nationalists who had hoped for a more favourable outcome from the Boundary Commission process. The report leak and its contents contributed to a sense of disillusionment and frustration among those who had championed the cause of Irish unity and territorial integrity.

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1932

In 1932, the onset of the Economic War between Britain and Ireland had profound implications for commerces along the border. The imposition of import duties on agricultural produce imposed significant financial burdens on both farmers and food producers in border regions. These duties not only added to production costs but also hindered the competitiveness of the border businesses, highlighting economic the hardships in an already challenging period. Resulting in the size of commerce between Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State plummeting, with cross-border trade declining by two-thirds, reflecting the disruptive impact of the Economic War on border economies.

ECONOMIC WAR STARTS BETWEEN BRITAIN MARCH.

1936 AND IRELAND

By 1936, the Economic War continued to cast a shadow over border commerce, perpetuating economic uncertainty and hardship for businesses in the region. The import duties on agricultural produce remained a significant barrier to crossborder trade, impeding the flow of goods and exacerbating financial pressures on border farmers and food producers. The limited number of customs posts through which goods could pass altered the efficiency of trade, creating logistical challenges for businesses seeking to navigate the border.

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1956

The IRA initiated a border campaign that challenged British rule within Northern Ireland and advocating for the unification of the island. Through a series of guerrilla attacks and ambushes targeting British Security Forces and infrastructure along the border, the IRA sought to exploit some perceived vulnerabilities and escalate pressure on the government. However, the campaign faced several challenges, including limited support from the Irish population, stretched military capabilities, and counter-insurgency measures that were employed by British Security Forces.

SMALL ROADS ALONG THE BORDER ARE

CLOSED

1962

The IRA’s border campaign entered a new phase marked by heightened security measures and increased tensions within border areas. As part of their efforts to challenge British rule in Northern Ireland and advocate for the unification of the island, the IRA intensified its activities, leading to the closure of many minor roads along the border. This tactic aimed to disrupt transportation networks and impede the movement of British security forces, further escalating the conflict in the area. Additionally, increased security measures were implemented by both the British authorities and also the Irish government, which lead to a heightened military presence in border areas.

Roads connecting towns and villages in areas such as County Armagh, County Fermanagh, and County Tyrone were among those affected, disrupting daily life and commerce for local residents. The closures not only hindered civilian travel but also complicated some military operations for British security forces and IRA insurgents, intensifying the struggle for control over strategic territories on the border. These road closures became emblematic of the broader conflict, and visualised the barrier.

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1972

The events of August left a haunting mark on Northern Ireland’s troubled history when a bomb, orchestrated by the Provisional IRA, ripped through a customs post in Newry. The explosion shattered the peace of the small town, claiming the lives of nine individuals, including the 3 IRA members who were responsible for planting the fatal device. The attack served as a stark reminder of the relentless violence that engulfed Northern Ireland during the tumultuous time period known as the Troubles, where bombings, shootings, and other acts of terrorism became commonplace.

The bombing within Newry, brought a devastating loss of innocent lives, lasting far beyond the town’s borders, sending shockwaves throughout Northern Ireland and beyond. The deliberate targeting of a customs post underscored the IRA’s relentless campaign against the British rule and the infrastructure symbolising the partition of Ireland. It was a brutal manifestation of the IRA’s determination to challenge British authority and pursue their vision of a unified Ireland.

Three IRA members killed six civilians and themselves in the explosion. The event was one of the bloodiest of 1972, the deadliest year of the Troubles.

BOMB KILLS 22, AUGUST.

NINE PEOPLE

In the aftermath of the bombing, grief and outrage swept through communities on both sides of the sectarian divide. The tragic loss of civilian lives, including those of innocent bystanders, deepened the collective trauma and heightened fears of further violence. The attack exacerbated tensions between Nationalist and Unionist communities, reinforcing deep divisions and fuelling a cycle of retaliation.

Also prompted a significant escalation in security measures as authorities sought to prevent further bloodshed. The incident served as a reminder of the urgent need for a peaceful resolution to the political grievances fuelling the conflict. However, despite intensified efforts to restore peace and stability, the bombing in Newry stood as a harsh testament to the intractable nature of the Troubles and the enduring legacy of violence and loss that scarred Northern Ireland for generations.

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1994

The years 1994 and 1995 marked pivotal moments in the Northern Ireland peace process, with significant ceasefires from both Republican and Loyalist paramilitary groups. In 1994, the IRA announced a big cessation of military operations, signalling a historic shift in their approach towards resolving the long conflict. This ceasefire declaration was followed by a move from Loyalist paramilitary groups in 1995, as they also declared a ceasefire, marking a crucial step towards ending decades of violence and bloodshed. These ceasefires provided a glimmer of hope for peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland, laying the groundwork for subsequent negotiations and the eventual signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998.

CONCERNS

1995

The Troubles brought about the closure of numerous minor roads and established a pervasive presence of regular British army checkpoints, notably influencing daily life, especially in the region of south Armagh. This period was marked by a protracted conflict involving sectarian violence and political unrest. The closure of minor roads, coupled with the start of checkpoints, served as a response to the heightened security concerns and ongoing guerrilla warfare, creating a landscape where movement was restricted and daily routines were significantly affected.

The Troubles, had their complex historical and political roots, which then ultimately contributed to a challenging and tense atmosphere in the areas all along the borderline. This conflict persisted until the eventual resolution that culminated in the Good Friday Agreement of 1998.

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HEIGHTENED SECURITY

1998

Devolution of Powers: Brought about the establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly, granting the region a degree of self-governance. Under this arrangement, certain legislative powers were devolved from the UK Parliament to the Northern Ireland Assembly, enabling locally elected representatives to make decisions on matters such as education, health, and transportation. Moreover, power-sharing mechanisms were implemented to ensure that both the Nationalist and Unionist communities were represented within the government, with key job positions allocated on the basis of proportionality.

The Decommissioning of the Paramilitary Weapons: This crucial step was aimed to disarm the paramilitary organisations that had been active participants in the conflict, thereby reducing the potential for violence and creating a more stable and secure environment conducive to peace building and reconciliation. The decommissioning process, overseen by some independent international observers, involved the voluntary surrender and the destruction of weapons by paramilitary groups, signaling a tangible commitment to the whole process of peace.

Early release of prisoners: meant that some provisions were then made for the early release of paramilitary prisoners as a confidence-building measure and a demonstration of commitment to the peace process. This release process was conditional upon the maintenance of a ceasefire by the paramilitary groups that were associated with the prisoners.

THE BELFAST AGREEMENT IS A STEP 10, APRIL.

TOWARDS STABILITY

Human Rights Protections: Recognising the importance of upholding human rights and also promoting equality in Northern Ireland, the Good Friday Agreement had incorporated such provisions that guard fundamental rights and liberties. These included measure which enhanced the accountability and transparency of the policing, ensured fair treatment and due process for individuals, and addressed systemic inequalities and discrimination within society. Additionally, it established functions for monitoring and addressing human rights abuses, providing a frame for building trust and confidence among communities and promoting a culture of respect for human dignity and diversity.

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POLITICIANS VIEWS IN 1998

Explore the perspectives of key political figures on the Good Friday Agreement. This chapter delves into their views on the agreement’s significance, its potential impact on their constituents, and the challenges it posed. From supporters to vocal critics, each viewpoint sheds light on the complexities of achieving and maintaining peace in Northern Ireland. Through their insights, gain a clearer understanding of the dynamics surrounding this pivotal moment.

Explore the perspectives of key political figures on the Good Friday Agreement. This chapter delves into their views on the agreement’s significance, and the impact on their constituents. From both the supporters to the vocal critics, each viewpoint sheds light on the complexities of achieving and maintaining peace within Northern Ireland. Through their insights, we can gain a clearer understanding of the dynamics surrounding this moment.

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BUT THE OVERALL GOAL

OF

CERTAIN CONCESSIONS MAY POSE CHALLENGES

David Ervine was a former member of the UVF and the leader of the PUP for 5 years. He is known for his commitment to peace and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. He played a significant role in the negotiations leading to the Good Friday Agreement and was a strong advocate for various Loyalist communities.

REMAINS PARAMOUNT PEACE

Certain concessions may pose challenges, but the overall goal of peace remains paramount.

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97 97 96

David Ervine

WHIL E IM

He made this statement regarding the Good Friday Agreement. As a prominent figure within the Social Democratic and Labour Party and also a key player within the Northern Ireland peace process, he regularly emphasised the importance of compromise for the sake of peace.

NECESSARY COMPROMISE

PE RFECT FOR THE SAKE OF PEACE

While imperfect, the Agreement represents a necessary compromise for the sake of peace.

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99 99 98

Seamus Mallon

PAVES THE

100

He made this statement in the context of the signing of the Agreement. As the chief mediator in the Northern Ireland peace negotiations, Mitchell played a crucial role in facilitating dialogue and reaching consensus among the parties.

THIS AGREEMENT

WAY

FOR A SHARED FUTURE

Where the people of Northern Ireland can live in harmony.

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101 101 100 MITCHELL

George Mitchell

A NEW ERA

102

Ahern made this statement within the context of the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. As the Taoiseach of Ireland at the time, he played a pivotal role in the negotiations leading up to it.

A TRIUMPH OF DIPLOMACY

OF HO PE FOR THE PEOPLE

A triumph of diplomacy, the agreement signifies a new era of hope for the people.

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103 103 102

Bertie Ahern

IT IS A

104

DOCUMENT

SUR

Paisley made this statement after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement. This reflected his deep belief that the agreement represented a concession to Irish Nationalist and Republican demands, rather than a genuine path to peace.

THIS IS NOT A DOCUMENT OF PEACE

RE NDER

This is not a document of peace. It is a document of surrender.

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105 105 104

Ian Paisley

AGAINST REJECT

106

IT IT

McGuinness made this statement in the context of discussing different attitudes towards the Good Friday Agreement. He was a key figure in the Northern Ireland peace process and served as the Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland from 2007 until his resignation in 2017.

IT’S ABOUT THOSE WHO ARE AGAINST

THE AGREEMENT

McGuinness

It’s about those who are against the agreement and those who reject it.

107 one/ six/ 107 106

Martin

WORK IN

108

As the leader of the SDLP Durkan made this statement regarding the Agreement. His remark emphasises the view that the agreement is not a static document but more of a framework that requires continuous engagement and effort to address the evolving challenges.

THE AGREEMENT IS A

PROGRESS

To address the evolving challeneges.

REQUIRING ONGOING COMMITMENT

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109 109 108

Mark Durkan

STABILIT FOR ESSENTIAL FOUNDATION

110

STABILIT Y

NOT EVERYONE AGREES ON EVERY DETAIL

Mo Mowlam was the Secretary of State in Northern Ireland between 1997 and 1999 made this statement regarding the Good Friday Agreement. She acknowledges that achieving consensus on every detail of the agreement was challenging, given the diverse perspectives and interests involved in the peace process.

But the Good Friday Agreement is an essential foundation for stability.

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111 111 110

Mo Mowlam

E NDING DE CADES

112

He served as First Minister of Northern Ireland and as a key architect for the agreement. He reflects on the significance of it in addressing the conflict in Northern Ireland. He viewed the Agreement as a bold and transformative step towards ending the decades-long conflict.

FOSTERING A CLIMATE OF COOPERATION

OF CO NFLICT

The agreement is a bold step towards ending decades of conflict and fostering a climate of cooperation.

113 six/ 113 112

David Trimble

LIFE ALONG THE BORDER

All about the communities nestled along the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. This chapter captures the rich experiences, traditions, and the relationships that define life in these border towns. Through personal anecdotes, interviews, and observations, uncover the resilience and solidarity of those who call these communities home. This chapter highlights key experiences during times of trouble on the island.

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115 114

I know of an area in County Monaghan where there was one Protestant family left. They were very highly regarded by the locals and were very much part of the community. The old lady lived down there until quite an age. She died recently and had a huge funeral attended by Catholic neighbours. I don’t think that she ever felt threatened but obviously that didn’t go for her entire community. The four or five children – if I may use that term for what are now middle-aged adultsmarried Catholics and reared Catholics. I suppose if the Reverend Ian Paisley was listening to me he would say that this proves his point. But I don’t think they were put under pressure, they were made welcome. I know of three or four Protestant families that were living in that area who left very soon after the troubles started. I have absolutely no evidence and, indeed, don’t believe that anyone threatened them. I suppose the very unfortunate murder of Billy Fox, the Protestant Senator, would not have reassured them in that area. Yet he would not have been a Protestant Senator if Catholics had not voted for him.

It is the repercussions from this whole thing that frighten me. As I used to point out when I discussed it in England before I came home, both Catholic families and Protestant families will have photographs up on the wall. For generations to come they will be able to say, “That was your uncle, that was your grand-uncle Billy, that was who that other so–and–so murdered.” That will take an awful long time to work itself out of the system.

It’s very hard to say that we are ever heading to a permanent peace.

One hopes and prays, and the signs are reasonably good, but Pearse said it, you know that, “The miracle of God which ripens the seed sown in one generation in the hearts of the next generation.”

That’s not an exact quotation but that is roughly what he said. I don’t know if it’s a miracle of God but Nationalism, the word Nationalism applies to both sides, doesn’t it? We are a nation that is cursed with two Nationalisms, two virulent Nationalisms; that’s my belief. You can cap Nationalism. But there are critics of that settlement from both sides of this.

116

IT’S VERY HARD TO SAY THAT WE ARE EVER HEADING TO A

PERMANENT PEACE

It will take an awful long time to work itself out of the system.

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SEAMUS

117 117 116

GERRY

HAS SOLD OUT ON US!

118

If Gerry Adams was to announce that he’d got his 32 county Republic and that all Unionists would sit in Dáil Eireann as and from tomorrow morning, there would be people to scream, “Gerry has sold out on us!” If David Trimble had been able to say that Gerry Adams had surrendered completely to him, that there would be no more struggle, military or political, there would have been other people to scream “David has sold us out!” There would still be people who wanted the other side smashed absolutely, completely.

I think for far too long we tried to make settlements that did not involve the main contenders or contestants. I opposed the Anglo-Irish Agreement because it did not involve the Unionists and was not going to work. Neither did it involve the IRA and was not going to work.

I remember one time there was a great fuss made about, I forget who was the most prominent Unionist, in a meeting with politicians from the south. I said, “How can they sort out the war? They are not at war.” You have to get all the contending factions around the table.

DAVID

HAS SOLD US OUT!

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119 119 118

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ALL 120

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SOCIETY INCLUSIVE

We need an all-inclusive society where each side is respected and where each side is trusted but only trusted because they have earned and deserve that trust.

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121 That’s

121 120

a lot to ask for.

That’s

My name is Dougie, I’m 48 years old and I was born in Bristol. I was always going to join the Army. When I was a kid we would play soldiers. I was fascinated by the First and Second World Wars and all that stuff. So I joined the army in 1976 at the age of 17. I quite enjoyed the training. I didn’t mind being shouted at and the discipline. On Completion of my basic training, I trained as a dog handler. During my dog course I spoke to a soldier who was at Bloody Sunday. I can see this was the turning point in the troubles. The films have obviously highlighted some of the things that went totally wrong. I can’t say because I wasn’t there, I wasn’t a soldier on the street, but it did change everything. If that hadn’t happened Northern Ireland may have gone along a different path. I think the rules of engagement came out after that, the yellow card that you had to carry around. The rules of engagement were clearly stated, you used to have to carry six or seven rule cards around.

I came over on active service to Northern Ireland in 1976. A typical day would be up early feed and walk the dog, pack your kit, receive your briefing, get the dog out from the kennel, into the helicopter and off you go. It could be anywhere. You were dropped off; there was support already on the ground, an inner cordon and an outer cordon and you’d be placed in the middle, so there would be an outer cordon and then an inner cordon looking after you, you also had your own minder with a rifle. Basically you were on the ground, you’d conduct your search and clearance or whatever you were briefed to do, and once that was completed, you’d get back in the helicopter and back off again. During the start of your patrol you’d be shown loads of photographs, you would have to learn the players within your area of operations.

So you’d learn those, and you’d have a guy whose sole job would be to identify those players in the area and go across and speak to them, that was his sole job, just to gain information from them and report back. Sometimes they were photographed covertly. Back in the early Seventies, you could photograph them openly but then it became an invasion of privacy, human rights came into play.

122

I think in the 70’s it became a routine thing for house searches. It would be like, “Here they come now, open the door”

WHY WERE YOU THROWING STONES AT ME YESTERDAY?

AND YOU’RE

BEING NICE TO ME TODAY?

I used to find it very strange that if, for example, somebody was throwing bricks at you across the square in Crossmaglen in the daytime, and you would search the house at three o’clock in the morning, you’d find that some of them would talk to you quite openly. I’d always ask the question because it intrigued me, “Why were you throwing stones at me yesterday and you’re being nice to me today?” The reply was always, “Because we have to be seen to be doing that” I’ve seen it all over the Province, everywhere.

seven/

DOUGIE

123

123 122

I’M NOT A

124

PEOPLE WILL USE RELIGION

AS AN EXCUSE FOR FIGHTING.

RELIGIOUS PERSON

I’ve

seven/

seen too many wars over it.

125 125 124

I’ll never forget this incident, there was an old woman in bed in Ballymurphy one day, she was a staunch Republican, a really staunch Republican, and so you’d go through the process of searching the house. I put the dog up in the loft, and the dog is searching away and he had a shit in the roof. Then he just disappeared, and I thought, he’s fallen through the roof, so I crawled forward and looked down and there was this woman lying in bed and covered in dog shittt and the dog was wagging his tail on the bed, and the whole search team was just in fits, we had to get out of the house. She got quite a lot of money for that though, she called me everything under the sun, I just couldn’t stop laughing; it was funny.

DOG

I think people in Northern Ireland are happy now with what they’ve got. I think it is over but there are that small minority of some dissident Republicans, and even Loyalists, who want to continue doing stuff. I really do believe that while those few want to continue fighting, most of the people here just want peace, because they’re happy with what they’ve got at the moment. And it’s nice to be able to go out and have a beer and not worry about your house getting blown up.

THIS WOMAN

LYING IN BED COVERED IN

SH ITTT

And the dog was wagging his tail on the bed.

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127 127 126

I was born in this little site where you’re sitting at the moment. I was 7 months old when Padraig Pearse entered the GPO in Dublin, which makes me now, 90.

I WON’T SAY

I won’t say I did a bit of smuggling but I assisted in it on one occasion. There was a certain gentleman, a member of the Garda Siochána, and the whole thing at the time was coal and white bread.

My father had a truck here, a ford truck. For the reason that, even amidst the emergency when you had a truck, it was going very important business for the local community in transporting their goods and so forth. This person said, that I can get a few hundred of coal if you could come along with him some evening.

128

EDDIE

I DID A BIT OF SMUGGLING

Well, we drove down to Corrinshigagh Barracks and there was a field at the back. I didn’t know the full story but I was told to wait there, and in a short time I saw a big crowd of fellas coming across the field and they were heavily laden across their shoulders. They had, I suppose, 1500 weight of coal, a bag of coal with each one of them, and they put it up in the lorry, and we pulled up and this gentleman that was with me, he got about 12 loaves of white bread, which were a Godsend from heaven.

But I assisted in it on one occasion.

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129 129 128

OH GO ON!

130

Coming up Bridge Street in Dundalk, a very efficient member of the Garda, put up his hand. "Do you know," he said, "You were contravening section so-and-so of the Road Traffic Act?" "God,” says I, “I did not what’s wrong?” he replied by saying, “Well you have a bulb, on your headlight and it's going up and down like that.”

HOW ARE YOU DOING JOHN?

I said, "It's very hard during the war to get any fittings for a car, but I have been promised a bulb and I can guarantee you that it will be in a couple of days."

GO ON!

And in the meantime my friend sitting beside me said, “How are you doing John?” And he knew your man outside. “We've a bit of coal we got from across the border and some white bread.” “Oh go on!” he says, “Go on!” So that was my only experience of smuggling.

131

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131

The peace process brought with it a lot of prosperity to the Louth area in that the fear was gone and people went about their ordinary business. Farming is the main thing here and it really did mean an awful lot to the economy, not alone the people but for the country. But for that reason, the peace initiative at the time was a wonderful asset to the people of the border area because there were farmers, small farmers around the border on both sides, who had suffered an awful lot.

LEGACY

OF CONFLICT HAS LEFT A

132

Well the legacy of the conflict has left a residue of hatred among certain people who before would help each other on their farms, would help their families with problems, especially the young people, in schooling and other things. That is being eroded now somewhat. I find it very much closer to a peaceful situation where you have die-hards in Northern Ireland who really are prepared to talk and never were prepared to talk before. The same thing applies this side of the border.

Only 10 years ago they would shoot each other and this is an improvement. The sooner that bitterness is dismissed by way of communications and conversation, the better it will be, and the nearer you’ll be to getting a final conclusion, if ever it happens, in Northern Ireland.

RESIDUE HATRED

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133 133 132

HARDLINE BORDER LIFE

about the communities along the line. However, this section delves deeper into the harsh realities and severe situations experienced by these communities in times of trouble. Through very personal anecdotes, there will be very hardline opinions, stories about shootings and very difficult topics centred around this controversial and disputed bordeline.

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135 134

the last chapter this is all

Similarly, to

FLY OUR FLAGS

136

We lived in the Unionist corner of Newry or one of the areas which at that time was thought to be a Unionist corner. We could have flown our flags, had our bunting, without any interference or bother. Now we can’t even fly our flags anywhere in the town hardly at all, even if there was an Orange Parade like the Twelfth of July, or Black Saturday in Newry. The flags have to go up one day and down the next.

NOW WE CAN’T EVEN

I have always had good relations with my Catholic neighbours. I’ve never had any Catholic neighbours that I didn’t get on with. We certainly kept ourselves to ourselves, and we didn’t live in each other’s pockets, but we didn’t have any anti-each other relationships. The big problem arises when you have various organisations that encourage people to be totally one side or the other, instead of letting people live their lives together.

ANYWHERE IN THE TOWN HARDLY

AT ALL

eight/ 137 MAGGIE

137 136

We certainly kept ourselves to ourselves, and we didn’t live in each other’s pockets, but we didn’t have any anti-each other relationships. The problem arises when you have various organisations that encourage people to be totally one side or the other, instead of letting people live their lives together. The border is immaterial, be you 5 mile from the border, 25 mile from the border, 5O mile from the border, it would still be the same.

138

MILE

The border is immaterial, be you 5 mile from the border, 25 mile from the border, 5O mile from the border, it would still be the same. The only difference is, it’s harder to live as a protestant in a frontier town than it is to live in a protestant town say the like of Lisburn. We have to strive all the time to keep our identity alive.

BE YOU

FROM THE BORDER IT WOULD BE THE SAME.

MILE 139 139 138

25 MILE

In both France and Spain, there is a border between them. There’s no wall built across the road they are both two different countries. Southern Ireland have their culture, their identity, this is Northern Ireland and we have our identity and culture. It doesn’t matter whether we come together for various things so long as we are allowed to retain our own culture and our own identity. We can, for example, play rugby together, we can play football together, there is no difficulty in that, but we still should be allowed to retain our own identity.

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SOUTHERN IRELAND HAVE

THEIR CULTURE, THEIR IDENTITY.

140

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AND WE HAVE OUR IDENTITY AND CULTURE.

It only started really to go bad with the civil rights movement in the mid-sixties. From then on it seemed to erode not just our identity but the areas in which we could live quite happily and freely, by holding onto our own cultures, our own ideas. Originally, what the civil rights movement started out to do: “One man, One vote,” I could have agreed with. Only when it started to encroach into other things where it was totally anti-police, where it was totally anti-government, and in effect, it became anti-protestant.

BRI TISH

I’m forever telling people that I’m British. I’m a faithful attender of church, and all that that entails. And I just refuse to be put down. It has been my culture all my life and I’m not going to start now to deny it. Sometimes, you’ve to hold your whits and keep quiet in particular company or in a particular part of the town, but in a normal every day run of the mill, everybody knows who I am and what I am and I am not ashamed to say it.

their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture our identity, our culture, their culture, their identity their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture our identity, our culture, their culture, their identity their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture our identity, our culture, their culture, their identity their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture our identity, our culture, their culture, their identity their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture our identity, our culture, their culture, their identity their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture our identity, our culture, their culture, their identity their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture our identity, our culture, their culture, their identity their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture our identity, our culture, their culture, their identity their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture our identity, our culture, their culture, their identity their culture, their identity, our identity, our culture

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141

141 140

BLOODY SUNDAY

I wouldn’t say Dundalk was the best town in Ireland, but it was a pleasant place to live, equidistant from Dublin and Belfast, 52 miles either way. Life was good in those days but the skies darkened in 1969 with the outbreak of the Ulster Troubles and Dundalk ultimately became the chief sufferer on behalf of ‘Mother Ireland’ as a result of the Ulster Troubles.

I drove through the Sixties and Seventies, all around the six counties and I never encountered any difficulties. I never met an offensive policeman or an offensive British soldier. I am sure there was one or two of them, but I never met them.

In middle age, after my paper trade, I went onto politics. I never met any Unionist politicians in my life time except Ken Maginnis, who I met on the Peace Train with Auston Currie in later years. There was no co-operation between any political parties in those days, there was no camaraderie, and no involvement. I had strong views about the IRA, and any type of association, whether it is Loyalist or Republican. I think that terrorism is an appalling situation and it saddens me the way in which Irish governments and British governments accept and appease them over the years.

Bloody Sunday was a dreadful day. I watched it on the television in disbelief, as Father Daly, as he then, was carrying the white flag. It was like a horror story that had come onto the television.

I WATCHED IT ON THE TELEVISION IN DISBELIEF

BRENDAN DREADFUL

WAS A DAY

There was a very bad atmosphere in Dundalk as the Hunger Strike came to its finality. I don’t understand the mentality of somebody killing themselves for any cause and the kamikaze pilots, or call it terrorism or what you like, people who blow themselves up. I believe that the IRA orchestrated those killings to recruit thousands upon thousands, as many as they could, of impressionable young Irish men and women to their ranks.

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143

142 143

I got the occassional phone call that I WAS GOING TO BE

SHOT

144

On the day of the Bobby Sands funeral, Dundalk closed down with the exception of myself. I was not going to be told by a terrorist organisation what to do with my life or my business and I kept my shop open, my newsagent’s shop. I sold out of all the papers, mostly to Northern people and people who were hanging around the town that I knew were very sympathetic to the IRA These were the clients who had bought different English newspapers and who were then strutting out for the Republican cause.

*With the exception of myself.

I was not going to be told by a terrorist organisation what to do with my life or my business. I got the occasional phone call that I was going to be shot and the occasional phone call to say that my house was going to be bombed.

DUNDALK CLOSED DOWN*

And the occasional phone call to say

MY HOUSE WAS GOING TO BE

BOMBED

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145 145 144

Dundalk bore the brunt of the troubles on behalf of my, “Mother Ireland” in my opinion because over the years Dundalk got a very bad reputation and I, in good conscience, can’t say they totally did not deserve, Dundalk was labelled “El Paso” by smart arse journalists in the tabloid newspapers that sell so very well. British tabloid papers that outsell the Irish newspapers in this bloody country, what a bloody contradiction.

VERY VERY

All over the world Dundalk was getting an awful profile in the world press, not just the English press. Dundalk was in the eye of the storm. We had tremendous employment in Dundalk. We were the pinnacle of success and we went from that pinnacle to the abyss as a result of our “El Paso” image. No self respecting businessman, unless he was off his head, was going to come to Dundalk where it was known that the IRA were so deeply embedded. They were definately not going to establish any industry in Dundalk and we had terrible unemployment. No doubt about it, very, very dark days.

146

After the Enniskillen Memorial tragedy in which thirteen people were blown up for simply attending a ceremony, all elderly people. I went down to a subsequent service for them, I was the only TD along with Mary Harney to be there. Some years later after an alleged ceasefire by the IRA there were two policemen shot dead in Lurgan at eleven in the morning while walking down the street, shot in the back. I went down to their funeral as a mark of respect I was the only TD there and no other TDs came, there wasn’t even a representative of the Irish Government.

I have no doubt at all that Britain has no further interest in Ireland, that they would get out tonight, they wouldn’t even wait for tomorrow. I want them to wait until the Protestant people of the North of Ireland tell them to go, when they realise that they are Irish people of a different culture but that they are Irish and they have more in common with us Irish.

NO DOUBT ABOUT IT

DARK DAYS

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The border seemed to me to be this very imaginary line on the ground. The grass was the same colour on both sides, the dirt was the same colour on both sides. This imaginary line was associated with the fact that there was high unemployment.

The Northern economy was structured and organised in such a way as to benefit some and not others.

The border, in a way, epitomised what all that was about. I developed quite strong Republican views and felt strongly that really to do away with the divisions, we had to get rid of the border. Tackling divisions and tackling the border was one and the same thing. The only way that all the people on this island could learn to live together and come to accept each other was In the absence of a border.

The problem wasn’t with an imaginary line, but with what that imaginary line stood for and what that imaginary line meant in practical terms for the people who lived in the north.

148

THE GRASS WAS THE SAME COLOUR ON BOTH SIDES

LINE ON THE GROUND.

eight/ MARCUS The border seemed to me to be this imaginary

149 149 148

WEDGED THE

150

The border has had an effect on the psyche. It affects people’s culture and it affects people’s behaviour. The laws on either side of the border haven’t been the same with regard to mundane things and that has a cultural impact, on the way people think, and on the way they live. The law in The South currently bans cigarette smoking in pubs whereas it is not banned up here. Over the years of its existence, eighty years now or more, the border has wedged the people apart and brought the people in different directions. It makes no sense. represents economic nonsense and all the things that have gone wrong in the last 100 years.

AND BROUGHT THE PEOPLE IN DIFFERENT DIRECTIONS.

It had a very detrimental effect on those who lived on the other side too as it removed the hinterland from a lot of large market towns. As the currencies bounced up and down over the years Newry would have thrived and Dundalk would have been in the doldrums.

PEOPLE APART

eight/

151 150

People felt passionately that the only way to remove the border was through violence. Other people felt passionately that violence undermined such efforts to remove the border. When those passions were mixed up with strong personalities in different committees and different groups, quite often those differences meant that there was no progress and there was no coming together. That was one of the tragedies of the border I think the same thing happened in Protestant communities. You had the same political divisions there; people who had opted for a more militant approach and people who had adopted a more middle of the road approach. Quite often, tragically, those different political positions found it impossible to reconcile themselves to each other, across both sides.

CHILDREN BECAME IMMUNE

I think that is one of the big tragedies of the border and one of the ways that community development has been held back. I still believe passionately that we will only ever really get beyond that when we get beyond the border.

I think at a certain point a lot of children who were born just before or during the war didn’t know any different. It was just a natural thing to them.

152

IT WAS AS IF THIS WAS JUST NATURAL.

It would have struck me sometimes that when we would have visitors from overseas they were really taken aback. I remember going down the street one day with some friends who had come to visit from Wales, it was their very first time being in The North.

IMMUNE

TO WHAT WAS GOING ON

There was about forty British soldiers coming up on either side of the road, they jumping hedges and hiding doorways and we were just walking down as if there was nothing strange, but they thought it was incredible, they thought they were in Vietnam or something I think in many ways a lot of children became immune to what was going on, and it was as if this was just natural; this was the way it was.

eight/

153 153 152

History of Northern Ireland recorded until March 2024.

History of Ireland recorded until March 2024.