Violence against male and female children aged 8 years and less in tanzania by Bernard van Leer Foundation

Violence against Male and Female Children aged 8 years and less in Tanzania Final Report

Submitted to BERNARD VAN LEER FOUNDATION, THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS By Gideon Kwesigabo, MD, MSc, MEd, PhD Joe L.P. Lugalla, BA, MA, PhD David Urassa, MD, MPH, PhD August 2013

Table of Contents List of Tables ............................................................................................................. 5 Abbreviations and Acronyms ..................................................................................... 6 Executive Summary ..................................................................................................... 7 Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... 10 Chapter 1 .................................................................................................................... 11 1.0: Introduction ....................................................................................................... 11 1.1: The Setting of the Study and Statement of the Problem ................................... 12 1.2: Why did BVLF initiate this Baseline Survey?.................................................. 13 1.3: Objectives of the Study: .................................................................................... 14 1.4: Study Significance and Rationale ..................................................................... 15 Chapter 2 .................................................................................................................... 17 2.0: Brief Profiles of the Baseline Study Districts ................................................... 17 2.1: Brief Profile of Kibondo District ...................................................................... 17 2.2: Brief Profile of Igunga District ......................................................................... 19 2.3: A Brief Profile of Kiteto District ...................................................................... 20 2.4: Definition of Terms: ......................................................................................... 21 2.5: Main Research Questions and Indicators: ........................................................ 23 2.5.1: Research Questions: ....................................................................................... 23 2.5.2: Key Indicators: ............................................................................................... 24 2.6: Approach and Methodology: ............................................................................ 25 2.6.1: Study Population and Design:........................................................................ 25 2.6.2: Sampling Frame and Sampling Procedures: .................................................. 26 2.6.3: Sample size estimates: ................................................................................... 27 2.6.4: Methods of Data Collection: .......................................................................... 27 2.6.5: Quantitative Methods:.................................................................................... 28 2.6.6: Qualitative Methods:...................................................................................... 28 2.7: Schedule of Activities and Planning of the Baseline Survey............................ 30 2.8: Data Processing and Analysis: .......................................................................... 32 2.9: Ethical Considerations: Human Subjects Protection: ....................................... 32 2.9.1: Potential Risks and the Methods to Minimize Risks: .................................... 32 2.9.2: Benefits: ......................................................................................................... 33 2.9.3: Justification for Waiver of Signed Informed Consent by Participant:........... 33 2.9.4: Parental/Guardian Consent for Participants and assent of the child participant: .................................................................................................... 33 2.9.5: Justification for Including Children: .............................................................. 33 2.9.6: Disclosure of Sexual Abuse Reported by Minors:......................................... 34 Chapter 3 .................................................................................................................... 35 Presentation of Research Findings from the Probability Sample (Quantitative) ..... 35 3.0: Introduction ....................................................................................................... 35 3.1: Section One: Findings from the Adult Sample ................................................. 35 3.1.1: The Characteristics of the Adult Study Population ....................................... 35 3.1.2: Knowledge and Attitude towards Violence against Women and Children ... 39 3.1.3: Adult’s attitude against Violence against children ........................................ 43 3.1.4: Experience of Violence among the Adult and Children Populations ............ 46 3.1.5: Adult’s Experience of Physical Violence ...................................................... 46 3.1.6: Adult’s Experience of Emotional Violence ................................................... 47 3.1.7: Adult’s Experience of Sexual Violence ......................................................... 47

3.1.8: Adult’s Experience of Neglect Form of Violence ......................................... 47 3.1.9: Prevention of Violence Against Children/Violence Against Women ........... 48 3.1.10: Awareness of Laws against Violence Against Children .............................. 48 3.1.11: Practical Prevention of VAC/VAW ............................................................. 49 3.1.12: What Should be done at Local Level to Control/Eliminate VAC ............... 49 3.1.13: What Should be done at National Level to Control/Eliminate VAC ........... 49 3.1.14: Help needed at Local/Village Level in order to Control or Eliminate VAC50 3.1.15: Women Empowerment in Decision Making Processes in the Household... 50 3.1.16: Knowledge of Existence of Village or Area Agreements and Compliance to These Agreements ......................................................................................... 50 3.2: Section Two: Findings from the Children Study Population ............................ 52 3.2.1: Characteristics of the Study Population-Children ......................................... 52 3.2.1.1: Other Study Population Characteristics ...................................................... 53 3.2.2: Witnessing Violence ...................................................................................... 55 3.2.3: Children’s Experience of Violence ................................................................ 58 3.2.4: Physical Violence .......................................................................................... 59 3.2.5: Severity of physical violence ......................................................................... 61 3.2.6: Reporting of Incidents of Physical Violence ................................................. 62 3.2.7: Parental Physical Violence and Subsequent Violence among Children ........ 62 3.2.8: Emotional Violence ....................................................................................... 62 3.2.9: Neglect violence ............................................................................................ 63 3.2.10: Sexual Violence ........................................................................................... 65 3.2.11: Perpetrators of Sexual Violence .................................................................. 65 3.2.12: Place of Occurrence of Sexual Violence ..................................................... 66 3.2.13: Reporting of Violence Against Children ..................................................... 67 3.2.14: Violence Against Young Children and House Size ..................................... 67 Chapter 4 .................................................................................................................... 79 4.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 79 4.1 Findings Generated by Focus Group Discussions ............................................. 79 4.1.1 Adult Members’ Perspective and Views about Violence against Children .... 79 4.1.1.1: Adult Women’s Perspective and Views about Violence against Children . 80 4.1.1.2: Adult Males’ Perspective and Views about Violence against Women and children ......................................................................................................... 84 4.1.1.3: Children’s’ Perspective and Views about Violence against Children ........ 85 4.1.1.3.1: Perspectives and Views of Nursery School Children .............................. 86 4.1.1.3.2: Perspectives and Views of Primary School Girls .................................... 87 4.1.1.3.3: Perspectives and Views of Primary School Boys .................................... 90 4.1.1.3.4: Perspectives and Views of Primary School Boys .................................... 91 4.2: Findings Generated by In-Depth Interviews ............................................................. 93 4.2.1: Officers Understanding and Experiences about Violence against Children .............. 94 4.3: Findings Generated by Interviews with Children by means of Pictures ....................... 97 4.4: Quick Scan and Ethnographic Assessment of School Environment and Children’s Playing Grounds ........................................................................ 103 Chapter 5 .................................................................................................................. 105 5.0: Introduction:.................................................................................................... 105 5.1: Background information and risk perception ................................................. 105 5.2: Magnitude of violence. ................................................................................... 107 5.3: Poverty, Gender Inequality, and Violence against Women and Children ...... 108 5.4: Young Children and Violence ........................................................................ 108 5.5. Socio-cultural Context of Violence against Children ..................................... 109

5.6: Core Perpetrators of Violence against Children ............................................. 110 5.7: Legal and Supportive Infrastructure against Violence against Children ........ 111 Chapter 6 .................................................................................................................. 113 6.0: Introduction ..................................................................................................... 113 6.1: Short-Term Recommendations-immediate ............................................................ 113 6.2: Long-Term Recommendations ............................................................................. 115 6.3: District Specific Recommendations: .............................................................. 116 6.3.1: The Kibondo District ................................................................................... 116 6.3.2: The Igunga District ...................................................................................... 116 6.3.3: The Kiteto District ....................................................................................... 117 6.3.4: How Best to Introduce and Implement Effective Interventions in the Three Districts ....................................................................................................... 117 6.3.4.1: The NGOS and CBOS Approach: ............................................................ 118 6.2.4.2: The Government Approach: ..................................................................... 118 6.4: Conclusion ......................................................................................................... 119 References ................................................................................................................. 120 Figures, Diagrams, and Plates Figure 2. 1: Kibondo District Map ............................................................................... 17 Figure 2. 2: Igunga District Map.................................................................................. 19 Figure 2. 3: Kiteto District Map................................................................................... 20 Plate 2. 1: Walking From House to House During the Data Collection Process. Led by Village Chair. ............................................................................................................... 28 Plate 2. 2: FGDs with male and female pupils............................................................. 29 Plate 3. 1: Private Interview (Child Respondent) ........................................................ 35 Figure 3. 1: Age and Sex Distribution of the Adult Population Sample...................... 36 Figure 3. 2: Age Distribution by Study District ........................................................... 36 Plate 3. 2: ..................................................................................................................... 38 Figure 3. 3: Proportion of Household Taking the indicated Number of Meals on the Day Prior to Interview ................................................................................................. 39 Figure 3. 4: Knowledge of Various Types of Violence ............................................... 41 Figure 3. 5: Populations Thought to be Most at Risk of Violence in the Studied Districts ........................................................................................................................ 41 Figure 3. 7: Most Common Forms of Violence Thought Likely to be Experienced by the Respective Population ............................................................................................ 43 Figure 3. 8: Attitudes Against Specific Forms of Violence Against Children ............ 45 Figure 3. 9: Attitudes Against Specific Types of Violence Against Women .............. 45 Figure 3. 10: Lifetime Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Among Adults and Children in the Three Studied Districts ....................................................................... 46 Figure 3. 11: Knowledge of Local Agreements and Compliance to Those Agreements ...................................................................................................................................... 51 Figure 3.12: Age Distribution of the Study Sample by District .................................. 52 Figure 3.13: Sex Distribution of Witnessing Various Forms of Violence ................... 55 Figure 3.14: Number of Times Witnessing Physical Violence (Percent) .................... 56 Figure 3.15: Number of Times Witnessing Emotional Violence (Percent) ................. 56 Figure 3.16: Number of Times Children Witnessed Neglectful Forms of Violence (Percent) ....................................................................................................................... 57 Figure 3.17: Number of Times Children Witness Sexual Types of Violence (Percent) ...................................................................................................................................... 57

Figure 3.18: Number of Times Children Experienced a Particular Type of Violence (Percent) ....................................................................................................................... 59 Figure 3. 19: Prevalence of Neglectful Types of Violence .......................................... 64 Figure 3.20: Decision making processes on selected items in the household were spouses/partners live together ...................................................................................... 73 Figure 3.21: Age Distribution of the Intervention and Control Area Sample (Adults)77 Figure 3.22: Age Distribution of the Intervention and Control Areas (Children) ....... 77 Figure 3.23: Economic Status in the Intervention and Control Areas ......................... 78 Diagram 1..................................................................................................................... 98 Diagram 2..................................................................................................................... 99 Diagram 3................................................................................................................... 100 Diagram 4................................................................................................................... 101 Diagram 5................................................................................................................... 101 Diagram 6................................................................................................................... 102 Diagram 7................................................................................................................... 103

List of Tables Table 2.1: Baseline Study Wards in Kibondo, Igunga and Kiteto Districts ......... 27 Table 3.1: Socio-Demographic and Socio-Economic Characteristics of the Study Population by District .................................................................................... 37 Table 3.2: Summary of Definitions for Various Forms of Violence as Defined by the Study Population...................................................................................... 40 Table 3.3: Proportion of Population Perceived to be at Most Risk for all Forms of Violence in their Respective Districts ...................................................... 42 Table 3.4: Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Attitude towards Violence: Whether they Accept, Are Indifferent or are Against VAC and VAW.................................................. 43 Table 3.5: Attitudes towards Violence by Selected Geographical and Demographic Characteristics ....................................................................... 44 Table 3.6: Strategies Mentioned in the Prevention and Control of VAC/VAW . 48 Table 3.7: Reasons Why the Strategies are Not Working ..................................... 48 Table 3.8: Decision making processes for key issues at household level ............... 50 Table 3.9: Relationship Between Household Population Size and the Risk of Violence ........................................................................................................... 51 Table 3.10: Age and Sex Distribution of the Children Sample .............................. 52 Table 3.11: Other Children Population Characteristics: ...................................... 54 Table 3.12: Prevalence of Lifetime Ever Experienced Various Forms of Violence among Children .............................................................................................. 58 Table 3.13: Age Distribution of Physical Violence in all Districts ......................... 60 Table 3.14: Breakdown of the Relationships between Perpetrators and Victims of Abuse ............................................................................................................... 61 Table 3.15: Severity of Injury after Physical Violence .......................................... 62 Table 3.16: Individuals Indicated to Inflict EMOTIONAL Violence (Classified by Sex) ............................................................................................................. 63 Table 3.17: Relationship Between Parental/Guardian Education and the Risk of Neglect among Children ................................................................................ 64 Table 3.18: Mentioned Perpetrators of Sexual Violence (Absolute numbers) ..... 66 Table 3.19: Place of Occurrence of Sexual Violence ............................................... 67 Table 3.20: Relationship Between Household Population Size and the Risk of Violence among Young Children .................................................................. 68

Table 3.21: Distribution of the study population by wealth quintiles in the studied districts .............................................................................................. 69 Table 3.22: Wealth and Various Forms of Violence (lifetime) Among the Studied Children .......................................................................................................... 70 Table 3.23: Child witnessing various forms of violence (lifetime) and economic class.................................................................................................................. 71 Table 3.24: Economic class and various forms of violence (lifetime) among the studied adults.................................................................................................. 72 Table 3.25: Food Supplies ......................................................................................... 72 Table 3.26: Gender and the decision making process: Male or female participant’s responses on who makes the decision in the household regarding the indicated items: (Who makes the decision regarding the following?) ...................................................................................................... 74 Table 3.27: Economic categories in relation to who makes decisions (whether it is a male or female) in the household. .............................................................. 75 Table 3.28: Household headship and prevalence of violence among the studied children ........................................................................................................... 76 Table 3.29: Relationship between gender of head of household and economic situation category ........................................................................................... 76 Table 3.30: Prevalence of Lifetime Ever Experienced Various Forms of Violence among Children – the Intervention and Control areas compared ............ 78 Table 4.1: Number and Type of Focus Group Discussions with Adults ............... 80 Table 4.2: Nursery School Children (Girls) ............................................................ 86 Table 4.3: Primary School Girls ............................................................................... 88 Table 4.5: Primary School Boys ............................................................................... 92 Table 4.6: Summary of In-Depth Interviews ........................................................... 93

Abbreviations and Acronyms BvLF: Bernard van Leer Foundation CBO: Community Based Organization FGD: Focus Group Discussion HIV/AIDS: Human IDI: In-Depth Interview NGO: Non-Government Organization UNICEF: United Nations Children’s Fund VAC:ViolenceAgainstChildren VAW: Violence Against Women WHO: World Health Organization YRBS: Youth Risk Behaviour Survey

Executive Summary Background and Aim Violence against children and adolescents is a major health problem throughout the world. According to the World Report on Violence and Health, child abuse or maltreatment â&#x20AC;&#x153;constitutes all forms of physical and/or emotional ill-treatment, sexual abuse, neglect or negligent treatment or commercial or other exploitation, resulting in actual or potential harm to the childâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s health, survival, development or dignity in the context of a relationship of responsibility, trust, or power. Violence against children has substantial health consequences, including physical (e.g., injuries), sexual (e.g., HIV infection and other reproductive health problems), psychological and behavioural (e.g., alcohol and drug abuse), and other long-term health problems (e.g., heart disease and mental ill health). Violence against children is preventable, and in order to develop and implement effective prevention strategies, timely and complete data is needed. The Bernard van Leer Foundation plans to implement an intervention to mitigate violence against young children in the districts of Kibondo in Kigoma region, Igunga in Tabora region and Kiteto in Manyara region Tanzania. In formulating these initiatives, geographically specific data is needed to support advocacy, policy formulation, inform the planning process; and to monitor the impact of such initiatives. This study was therefore carried out by BvLF with the main aim of determining the magnitude, nature and factors associated with violence against children aged 8 years and less in the three districts guided by four categories, namely: physical, sexual, emotional and neglect as a pervasive form of violence. Methods Quantitative and qualitative approaches were adopted. The quantitative approach involved probability samples of adults and children aged 8 years or less from households randomly selected from the three districts. The administrative structure was used as a sampling frame. Selected individuals were interviewed after informed consent for adults, or permission and assent in case of children. The qualitative approach involved In-depth interviews or focus group discussions with community adults and specific groups. The proposal was ethically approved by the Muhimbili University of Health and Allied Sciences Institutional Review Board prior to conduct of the study. Quantitative data was entered and cleaned using Epidata software while analysis was done using SPSS. Proportions were compared using ď Ł2 tests, means by one way Anova, the wealth index was constructed using possessions and household items that were summarised through data reduction (factor analysis). The qualitative data was transcribed and then coded manually into themes and categories and finally analysed by using a content category analysis. Findings A total of 1,980 eligible households were sampled to participate into the study and from these, 1,885 households participated fully by answering the household and child questionnaire resulting into a response rate of 96.0%. The mean age for adults was 36.3 years (SD 9.9) and a range of 14 to 89 years. Of the adult sample 78.9% were females. Seventy six percent had primary education, while 18.1% had no formal education. As regards the sample of children there were 1,886 children participants. The mean age was 6.6 years (SD 1.25) with a range of 3 to 8 years. A total of 1052 (55.7%) children were females, the rest 834 (44.3%) being males. Only 13.4% of the households had electricity, 62.5% had a radio, while only 12.5% had a

television. Slightly over half (58%) had a telephone (predominantly a mobile phone). Only 17.9% of households had enough food to take them through to the next harvest, while 2% and 20.9% of the households took one and two meals a day respectively and these meals were predominantly carbohydrates. The proportion (with 95%CI) of children experiencing various forms of lifetime violence was physical 83.3% (81.5-84.9), emotional 35.8% (33.6-38.1), neglect 12.5% (11.0-14.1) and sexual 2.6% (2.0-3.5) in that descending order. On the other hand, 67.5% of the children reported to have ever witnessed physical violence and of these 40% had witnessed physical violence more than 4 times, 40.7% witnessed emotional violence and of these 36.1% had witnessed emotional violence more than 4 times, 11.9% witnessed neglect and of these 60.3 had witnessed neglect once, while 7.2% reported to have ever witnessed sexual violence and of these 53,7% had witnessed sexual violence once. The commonest male perpetrators of physical violence among children were teacher 89.8%, father 84.8%, brother 12.2%, pupil 9.6% cousin brother/uncle 4.7%, and neighbour 2.1%. As for female perpetrators of physical violence, the following were reported: teacher 93.8%, mother 90.6%, sister 7.7%, pupil 7.5%, grandmother 5.1%, aunt 2.8% and neighbour 2.2%. Regarding severity of physical violence, 22.9% reported being hurt but did not seek medical attention, 2.2% sought medical care but were not admitted while 8(0.5%) were admitted due to injuries as a result of physical violence. Ninety eight percent of children never reported the physical violence incident to anyone. There was no association between parental experience of physical violence and childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s experience of physical violence p=0.06. Children living in households classified as poor were at the highest risk of neglect-20.1% followed by 10.9% for those medium and 7.3% for those classified as rich p=0.0001. Children living in female headed households were likely to experience neglect and sexual violence compared to male headed households (Crude RR=3.7 and 1.6 respectively) incidentally the majority of households classified as poor were headed by females. As regards the adult population, 77.6% were aware of neglect as a form of violence that can affect children and women, 70.5 % were aware of physical, 45.7% emotional, 39.9% sexual while 11.2% were not aware of any form of violence that can affect women and children. Whether the adult population accepted, was indifferent or was against VAC or VAW or both, 85.6% were against both VAC and VAW, while 0.3% and 6.6% were indifferent or accepted both VAC and VAW respectively. The pattern of intolerance by the community to specific forms of violence differed when children were compared to women. For children, the community could not tolerate neglect most, followed by physical, emotional and sexual coming last. For women, physical violence could not be tolerated most followed by neglect, then emotional and sexual coming last. For both populations, emotional violence was more accepted than other forms of violence. Only 3.3% of respondents reported to know of any strategy to prevent or control VAC/VAW and only 14 respondents (0.7%) reported to have heard of any state law for violence against children and of these only 2 mentioned the law of the Child Act. Twenty six percent of respondents knew of existence of village or area agreements and of these, 95.7% indicated that they abide to those agreements. As regards strategies at local level to control violence, the following were suggested: Education on elimination of VAC should be provided, Provide better health services to the people, Local by laws have to be developed, Committees for elimination of VAC should be formed, Laws should be enforced, Projects to eliminate VAC should be initiated, Marriages should be made stable and Corruption should be avoided.

In approximately half of the time economic and social decisions at household level were made by men, joint decisions were made in approximately one third of the time while women made decisions in approximately 16% of the time. In households classified as rich, decisions were likely to be made by both men and women, while those classified as poor, decisions were likely to be made by men. In conclusion this study has revealed that physical, emotional, neglect and sexual violence exist even in this population of children eight years and below in the studied districts and that the risk factors for the various forms of violence range from cultural, economic, social and gender dynamics implying that intervention strategies that are anchored in the respective communities that take cognisant of social, economic, cultural and women empowerment perspectives should be designed at local level in a participatory manner while linking with district, regional and national initiatives that take form of implementation of national policies aiming at elimination of violence against children and women.

Acknowledgements A research report like this one is certainly not a product of the efforts of the authors alone but a result of the concerted collaborative efforts between individuals and institutions. This study was commissioned by the Bernard Van Leer Foundation and carried out by the School of Public Health and Social Sciences at the Muhimbili University College of Health and Allied Sciences therefore we would like to begin by acknowledging BvLF for identifying us as consultants for this study. In particular we wish to thank Ms. Rugoyo Nyambura of BvLF for the extensive support, advice, and constructive criticism that she provided during the initial stages of planning for this study. As we were writing the proposal and explaining how the study was going to be operationalized, both in terms of approach and methodology, Nyambura and her colleagues in the BvLF office in the Netherlands provided a lot of ideas and thoughts that helped us to plan and carry out the study effectively. In this case, the support from Nyambura and her colleagues is highly appreciated. The preparation of this study, as well as the training of research assistants was done while we were in Dar-es-Salaam. After the training we piloted the baseline instruments in the Chalambe Ward in Mbagala District. This pilot was imported because it helped us to understand whether the instruments we had prepared were appropriate or not. Many residents of Mbagala participated in this exercise. They responded well and helped us to identify areas for improvement in as far as our tools are concerned. We would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge their support and input. The fieldwork was carried out in the Kibondo, Igunga, and Kiteto districts. While there, we interviewed men, women, and children. We also talked to government officials like the District Police Commander, the District Magistrates, Superintendents of the Prisons Departments, Community Development and Social Welfare Officers, District Education Officer, District Commissioner, and District Executive Directors. All these not only gave us a lot of ideas and information that helped us to understand violence against children in their areas of jurisdiction, but they facilitated research permits and other logistics that made our work easier. In this case, we sincerely acknowledge their support and time they spent working with us. This study provides baseline data or information that is helpful for understanding violence against children in Kibondo, Igunga, and Kiteto. Most of the data is derived from the responses of the children themselves. Their responses helped us to understand different forms of violence, how they experience violence, how they deal with it, and how it affects them. Young as they are, through their responses they became our teachers and inspired us to know more. We appreciate their time and memories. Some of the questions they had to respond to might have been reminded them of the painful experiences. In this case, we apologize for any inconvenience caused as a result, but what they told us was indeed helpful. This study is about them and their suffering. The only way they can be rewarded is when the information from them that is in this study is used well in order to introduce and implement interventions that ultimately change their pain and suffering. If this happens, the time they spent with our long questionnaires and other forms of interviews will not have been in vain, but will have created a new chapter in their lives and the lives of future generations. Finally, we would like to say that although many people have contributed ideas and thoughts, the weaknesses that will be noted in this study are entirely ours.

Chapter 1

Introduction and Background 1.0: Introduction Violence against children and adolescents is a major health problem throughout the world. According to the World Report on Violence and Health, child abuse or maltreatment “constitutes all forms of physical and/or emotional ill-treatment, sexual abuse, neglect or negligent treatment or commercial or other exploitation, resulting in actual or potential harm to the child’s health, survival, development or dignity in the context of a relationship of responsibility, trust, or power 1. Violence against children happens everywhere, in every country and society and across all social groups. While some violence is unexpected and isolated, most violent acts against children are carried out by people that they know and should be able to trust. These include: parents, spouses or significant others, schoolmates, teachers, and employers. It is indeed an epidemic that is now common in almost every country. It is prevalent in rich, poor, developed, and undeveloped countries. Although the consequences may vary according to the nature and severity of the violence inflicted, the short- and long-term consequences for children are very often grave and damaging. Abuse is divided into three categories: physical, emotional, and sexual. Data derived from ChildHelp, an organization whose mission is to prevent and treat child abuse cases in the United States, reveals the following: (See www.childhelp.org/national statistics on child abuse)            

A report of child abuse is made every ten seconds More than five children die every day as a result of child abuse. Approximately 80% of children that die from abuse are under the age of 4. It is estimated that between 50-60% of child fatalities due to maltreatment are not recorded as such on death certificates. More than 90% of juvenile sexual abuse victims know their perpetrator in some way. Child abuse occurs at every socioeconomic level, across ethnic and cultural lines, within all religions, and at all levels of education. About 30% of abused and neglected children will later abuse their own children, continuing the horrible cycle of abuse. About 80% of 21 year olds that were abused as children met criteria for at least one psychological disorder. The estimated annual cost of child abuse and neglect in the United States for 2008 is $124 billion. 14% of all men in prison in the USA were abused as children. 36% of all women in prison were abused as children. Children who experience child abuse & neglect are 59% more likely to be arrested as a juvenile, 28% more likely to be arrested as an adult, and 30% more likely to commit violent crimes.

Child abuse and violence against children is also very common in sub-Saharan Africa including Tanzania. Findings from the Nation-wide survey conducted in Tanzania during 2009/20108 have indicated that 27.9% of females had experienced sexual violence before reaching 18 years of age, the corresponding figure for males being 13.4%; while 14.0% of interviewed

females indicated that they had experienced sexual violence in the past 12 months and the corresponding figure for males was 5.9%. Physical violence was found to be rampant: 73.5% of females and 71.7% of males reported to have experienced this form of violence before reaching age 18. Regarding the past 12 months, 51.1% of females and 51.0% of males reported to have experienced physical violence. 23% of females and 27.5% of males reported to have experienced emotional violence before they turned 18. Another UNICEF study estimates that one out of three females and one out of five males in Tanzania has been a victim of child sexual abuse5. Sub-national studies also indicate that sexual violence is a problem in Tanzania. For example, 11.2% of female and 8.8% of male university students in Tanzania reported that they had experienced unwanted intercourse. In this study it was found that 31% of females and 25% of males reported having experienced at least one type of sexual abuse (including unwanted kissing, fondling, masturbation, oral sex, flashing, anal intercourse, and sexual intercourse) before the age of 18. 6 In a study from Mwanza, Tanzania, 29.1% of females and 6.9% of males reported their first intercourse as being forced7. Further, 23% of ever-partnered women reported having experienced sexual violence in Dar es Salaam, while 31% of ever-partnered women reported experiencing sexual violence in Mbeya. This study included individuals as young as 15 years of age11. Surveys elsewhere in Africa show that the percentage of women aged 16 years and older who report having been sexually assaulted in the previous 5 years range from 0.8% in Botswana to 4.5% in Uganda.2 A 2007 national prevalence survey in Swaziland found that approximately 1 in 3 females experienced some form of sexual violence as a child 3. Fewer studies exist on sexual violence against boys. Available data indicates that up to 30% of adolescent girls and 7% of adolescent boys report their first sexual experience as being forced 4. .

1.1: The Setting of the Study and Statement of the Problem Limited research has been conducted on violence against children in Tanzania. However, available studies, as stated above, suggest this is a major health problem for both boys and girls in this country. Preliminary findings from an on-going study on child sexual abuse in the Temeke peri-urban population in Dar es Salaam, has identified the factors associated with events of child sexual abuse to include â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;eroded social normsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;, poverty among families, a number of beliefs (myths) and poor care to children. Regarding action against perpetrators, the study unveiled that some victims are denied justice through a number of factors, for example community passivity in assisting victims of violence and passivity of investigators who follow-up sexual offences in the community. Furthermore, there are delays in the police and legal system, and in some cases corruption is perceived to obstruct justice. Poor families are at the greatest disadvantage17. Violence against children has substantial health consequences, including physical (e.g., injuries), sexual (e.g., HIV infection and other reproductive health problems), psychological and behavioural (e.g., alcohol and drug abuse), and other long-term health problems (e.g., heart disease). Some of the more common consequences of sexual violence include gynaecological complications; sexually transmitted infection, including HIV; mental health problems; and, social ostracization10. Among adolescents and women, the frequency of pregnancy as a result of rape varies from 5 to 18 percent, and younger rape victims often have an increased rate of later, unintended pregnancies3. Despite the scientific evidence showing an unacceptably high prevalence of sexual violence against children and adolescents, this critical health problem has not received adequate attention in many countries; Tanzania being no exception.

The unprecedented numbers of orphans and vulnerable children resulting from the AIDS pandemic, armed conflicts, and poverty, combined with the weakening of family and community care structures has greatly increased the risks of violence and exploitation faced by children. In formulating initiatives to mitigate the impact of this situation, geographically specific data is needed to support advocacy, to inform planning and budget processes; and to monitor the impact of such initiatives. Availability of such data will help to develop more targeted and informed prevention programs and policy initiatives. The lack of national and area specific estimates of various forms of violence against children of various age groups, as a result of lack of rigorous epidemiologic studies on violence against children to inform and guide prevention strategies has been one of the major barriers to action in Tanzania. Another major weakness of studies that have focused on violence against children in Tanzania is that almost all have primarily focused on adolescents. Even with adolescents, interest has focused on female children, sexual violence, and its implication in HIV and AIDS transmission. There are no studies that have dealt with violence among children who are aged 8 and below. The truth of the matter is that this section of the population has been totally neglected. Paucity of data of the nature of violence these children experience, as well as its magnitude, has led to a situation where, not only do early interventions not exist, but attempts to plan them are limited because data and the information necessary for this planning to happen is not available. It is within this context that the Bernard van Leer Foundation initiated a baseline survey study of violence against children who are 8 years old and below in three districts in Tanzania. These districts included Kibondo in Kigoma region, Igunga in Tabora region and Kiteto in Manyara region.

1.2: Why did BVLF initiate this Baseline Survey? The mandate of the Bernard van Leer Foundation (BvLF) is to improve development opportunities for young children aged 0 to 8 years who are growing up in circumstances of social and economic disadvantage so that they can get a good start in life and be able to contribute and participate more fully as adults of tomorrow’s families, communities and societies. BvLF works in eight countries in the world, including Tanzania. In Tanzania, BvLF has a programme strategy that is focused around two main goals that have specific outcomes. Goal One: National scale-up of quality services for early learning for children from 0-8 years in poor rural communities: According to BvLF, the specific outcomes of this goal are:  Increased national debate and awareness about the need for investment in early childhood in rural areas.  Increased public and donor funding provided to integrated programmes for early learning in rural areas.  Increased engagement from the corporate sector as advocates for investment in early childhood including direct investment in services in rural areas.  Parents of young children and their representatives in rural areas are increasingly wellorganised to demand, strengthen and monitor integrated services for early learning.  Improved capacity of state institutions and public employees to deliver integrated programmes for early learning in rural areas. Goal Two: A reduction in violence in rural families with children 0-8 years of age. 13

BvLF anticipates the following specific outcomes from this goal:  Widespread awareness of the existence of state laws against family violence and understanding that violence is unacceptable.  The establishment and enforcement of community by-laws against violence in the family in the rural areas.  Improved food and income security and gender equity in the distribution of household resources in families with young children in rural areas. In order to achieve these outcomes, BvLF plans to implement its programme strategy at two levels: the national level and the district level. At the district level, the focus will be on three districts in three regions. These districts are: Kibondo in Kigoma region, Kiteto in Manyara and Igunga in Tabora region. BvLF intends to adopt various steps in order to implement its programme strategy. This baseline survey study was one of its first steps in implementing this programme strategy. BvLF decided to carry this baseline in order to collect data/baseline information that would help it establish benchmarks or starting points of understanding the situation of young children and their families. The aim was to use this baseline data in order to monitor and evaluate the effectiveness and impact of the interventions that BvLF plans to introduce in the three districts in order to reduce violence against children of 0-8 years of age. Further it is anticipated that the baseline data would help BvLF to better understand the choices they have made in terms of interventions and therefore use such when implementing methods to address these issues and in communicating with the communities involved. In brief, the baseline had the following objectives.

1.3: Objectives of the Study: 

To identify and describe the nature and factors associated with violence against children who are 0-8 years old in the three districts guided by four categories, namely: physical, sexual, emotional and neglect as a pervasive form of violence.



To determine the magnitude (i.e. prevalence) of physical, sexual, emotional and neglectful forms of violence in the study areas and relate this to demographic and socio-demographic and other characteristics.



To explore and determine people’s attitudes towards violence against women and children in the family. This will include determination of whether they are ignorant, indifferent and or accept violence. Specifically the following will be done: o To determine the proportions of the population that is ignorant, indifferent and or accepting of violence against women and children, including assessing the attitude towards violence against women and children. o To determine the proportion of the population that understands key provisions of state laws against child abuse. o To document the number of reported cases of violence against children and women and the number of convictions in the study area. To determine the proportion of children who witnessed various forms of violence within and outside the family including circumstances when this occurs, the people involved, how and when it occurs, including other associated promotive and hindering factors.



To relate experiences of various forms of violence and health/other consequences of violence among the studied children.

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To determine the proportion of adults who witnessed various forms of violence during their childhood and relate this to acts/perpetration of violence against women and children in the family.

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To identify the main places where this violence takes place and the main perpetrators of violence.

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To assess the physical and health consequences of violence, and to understand how children and those who are against violence cope with the situation.



To understand people’s attitude about violence against women and children. What kind of locally based strategies exist in order to address this problem through non-state mechanisms? Do they work or not, and if not, why? And if yes what makes them work?



To learn from the voices of children themselves about their perception of violence, how they endure it, how they cope with it and what they do or would like to be done in order to stop it.



To assess knowledge and utilization of health services and law enforcement institutions available for children who are victims of violence in the study area.

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To determine the relationship between family livelihoods and women’s economic empowerment and violence against children.

1.4: Study Significance and Rationale Multiple reports in the recent years, including the UN Study on Violence Against Children, call for nationally representative data from sub-Saharan and East Africa. There are very few studies carried out not only in Tanzania, but also in the region regarding violence against children. Those that were available mainly investigated sexual violence or abuse of children and did not include other forms of abuse. Those few studies that have directly examined the sexual abuse of children in Tanzania have provided information that is typically anecdotal, attitudinal, based on small sample groups and has little external validity - outside of selected groups such as street children or child prostitutes. In addition, data provided by such studies cannot be used to monitor progress or evaluation of interventions for the identification, treatment and prevention of violence against children should such interventions be implemented by various stakeholders. Violence against children is preventable, and in order to develop and implement effective prevention strategies, timely and more complete data is needed. The national response to the problem of sexual violence in Tanzania has not been adequate due to several barriers. First, as in most countries, violence has been primarily conceptualized as a human rights violation or a crime problem and not as a health problem1. Specifically, most of the sexual violence studies conducted in Tanzania have focused primarily on adults rather than children or adolescents. A few studies have included random samples of the general population aged 15 years and above, but even these have only included women and excluded

men or boys11. Additionally, while these past studies of violence against children have raised the awareness of the problem of violence against children, these studies did not use consistent definitions of violence against children. In addition, the lack of sufficient and reliable health data contributes to the inability of agencies to make informed programmatic decisions around violence against children. One way to address the gap in health information on violence against children is to collect population based data through survey techniques. In order to determine health priorities, population based data can provide decision makers with an overview of the magnitude and nature of the health problems that are occurring at a national level. Further, population based data can be used to identify potential risks and protective factors for violence in order to develop effective prevention strategies including the ability to identify, treat and prevent violence against children. This study is also likely to provide appropriate baseline data for the subsequent evaluation of various interventions aimed at violence against children, as well as a foundation for further research in this area. In addition, there is evidence that suggests social norms may contribute to sexual violence, including the social acceptability of sexual violence in relationships. Other potential risk and protective factors include: overcrowding, moving, rapid urbanization, frequency of visitors to the home (community support), activities outside of school, methods of transportation to school, urban/rural designation, religiosity, socioeconomic status, alcohol use, alcohol initiation, and involvement with drugs and alcohol. Violence against children is different from violence against adults because children are inferior to adults in physical strength as well as in power and authority. Due to this, it is indeed difficult for them to put a stop to the abuse perpetrated by an adult; especially from one on whom they depend for their growth, development, and survival. As Mkombozi Centre for Childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rights has correctly argued, it can also be concluded that children are much more sensitive and fragile than adults - physically, emotionally, and psychologically. This is because their minds and bodies are in the process of growing and developing, and what happens during a child's development process strongly affects their health and behavior - both in childhood and in the future. (http://www.mkombozi.org/sasa/TWS_campain_booklet_child_abuse_ENG.pdf) In view of this the significance of this baseline stems from the fact that it feeds the gap of the paucity of data on violence against children of 0-8 years old in Tanzania and indeed in many developing countries. This baseline study provides BvLF with data that will not only help it in charting out the right interventions, but also in monitoring effective intervention strategies that are appropriate and down to earth in the three intervention districts. Further to that this preliminary data is important in monitoring and evaluating whether the second goal of the programme strategy aimed at reducing violence against children of 0-8 years old is working or not.

Chapter 2

Area of the Study, Study Design, Approach and Methodology 2.0: Brief Profiles of the Baseline Study Districts The baseline study was carried out in the three Tanzanian districts of Kibondo, Igunga, and Kiteto. These districts are in the Kigoma, Tabora, and Manyara regions respectively. A brief profile of these districts is provided in the three sections that follow.

2.1: Brief Profile of Kibondo District Kibondo is located in the Western Plateau of Tanzania and is one of the districts within the Kigoma region. The district boarders the Kasulu District in the South; the Kigoma District to the Southwest; the Kakonko/Biharamulo in the North; and, the Bukombe and Urambo Districts in the East. Kibondo also shares a boarder with the Republic of Burundi to the West. Figure 2. 1: Kibondo District Map

According to the 2002 Population and Housing Census, Kibondo has a total population of 413,777 (199,752 males and 214,025 females). Most of these people belong to the Ha tribe. Other ethnic groups include the Nyamwezi, Haya and the Sukuma. The dominant economic activity is agriculture employing about 87% of the population, and maize and beans being the

main crops. Other economic activities are animal husbandry and horticulture, as well as trade and commerce. The district is also endowed with a few natural resources such as timber, beekeeping, and the Moyowosi Game Reserve. Kibondo is a very poor district with very few manufacturing, mining, and tourism industries. Most of the inhabitants are also poor; producing agricultural products for subsistence only. In terms of social services, the district has only one hospital, four health centres, and a few dispensaries under government ownership. There are also four other dispensaries which are owned by Non-Government Organizations (NGOs). One dispensary is under private ownership. In terms of education, the district profile shows that there are 143 primary schools with a total enrolment of 69,004 of which 34,826 are females and 34,178 are males. The district has a total of 1,493 primary school teachers, of which 501 are females and 992 are males. Also, Kibondo has 34 secondary schools with a total enrolment of 11,226 (4,424 females and 6,802 males). The total number of secondary school teachers is 220, of which 86 are females and 134 are males. Shortage of teachers and overcrowding in primary schools is still common. In 2008, the teacher-student ratio was 1:73. The district experiences the following problems: Lack of electricity and reliable road network to attract massive investment of large undertakings, especially in the agricultural sector. Availability of a safe water supply is very unreliable. The district depends primarily on natural rainfall. Other development challenges according to the office of the District Planning Officer include:       

Presence of Refugees resulted in deforestation due to high consumption of fire wood, wood lots, poles and timber. Low level of the Council Revenue. The spread of HIV/AID was accelerated after the arrival of refugees (from 1.4% before to 2%). Similarly, other diseases such as meningitis, malaria, typhoid and diarrhoea are prevalent. Demand for social services like facilities for education and health. The National policies and sector policies are not adequately implemented. Departure of NGOs and other international agencies that were catering for refugees has adversely affected reliability and improvement of services that were provided to the community by these organizations.

2.2: Brief Profile of Igunga District The Igunga district in one of six districts in the Tabora region; it is located between latitude 3 0 51’ and 40 48’ South of the Equator and longitude 33022’ and 3408’ East of Greenwich. The district covers an area of 6,912 km2 and is bordered by the Kishapu District to the North; the Iramba District to the East; the Uyui District to the South; and the Nzega district to the West (see District’s Social Economic Profile). Figure 2. 2: Igunga District Map

The district has semi-arid land with temperatures ranging from 200C to 330C. The district was inaugurated in 1975. Administratively, the district has four divisions, 26 wards, 96 villages and 637 hamlets. According to the population census of 2002, Igunga had a total population of 324,094. Since the population growth rate is 3.3% per year, it is believed that, at present, the total projected population is around 452,939 (Igunga District Profile 2012). The population’s main economic activities are agriculture and animal husbandry (cattle, goats and sheep). However, due to unreliable rainfall agricultural production is usually below the target rate of production. Igunga hardly has any industrial or manufacturing sectors. Trade and small business are common and most of them are clustered within the Igunga Township. In terms of education, the district had 132 primary schools in 2010. The total number of children enrolled that year was 18,680 of which 9,846 were boys and 8,834 were girls. It is evident that the enrolment growth rate of primary schools dropped from 100% in 2006 to 62.57% in 2012. According to the District Profile, school drop-out is one of the major challenges that the district faces. The primary reason for high female drop-out rates is that girls are often married at a young age. Males tend to drop out for economic reasons; many leave school to herd cattle with their families; and others decide to join “Ngoma” (dancing) groups. The district has only 16 secondary schools, 13 of which are public; the remaining three being private. The district has one hospital, four health centres and 22 dispensaries. Further, it has one pharmacy, one laboratory, and 23 maternal and child health clinics. The top four diseases

are: malaria, ARI, pneumonia, and diarrhoea. While these diseases are responsible for killing many people (under five and adults), AIDs seems to be the leading killer among adults. The district is so dry that availability of clean water is a major problem. Young people have to walk long distances looking for water and pastures for their cattle. According to the District Profile this situation encourages semi-nomadic modes of life, which denies the able bodied population from engaging in productive/development activities. Such modes of life have negative results particularly in relation to schooling; it leads to truancy and, subsequently, to a tendency for students to drop-out. In general, the district faces a variety of problems that are indeed a challenge in promoting the social and economic development of the district. These include poor roads or communication systems, and flooding--particularly in the northern parts of the district—leading to poor crop yields. A major part of the district is semi-arid with very dry temperatures and unreliable rainfall. Aside from poor agriculture production, the net result of this is scarcity of water during dry seasons. Illiteracy or ignorance looms large in the district leading to poor utilization of available resources, poor business skills, and poor farming methods; leading to general poverty within the region. Other development challenges include environmental degradation, particularly that which is due to deforestation, over-grazing, poor farming methods, bush-fires, charcoal burning, and brick-making.

2.3: A Brief Profile of Kiteto District The Kiteto District is one of the districts in the Manyara region. It covers an area of 16,685 km2 which is about 34% of the whole area of the Manyara region. Kiteto lies between latitude 40 031’ and 6003’ South, and longitude 36015’ and 37025’ East. The district boarders the Simanjiro District in the North; the Kilindi District in the East; and the Gairo and Kongwa Districts in the South. Some of these districts are new and do not appear in the map. The map in Figure 2.3 below shows the names of the old districts that were later divided in order to create new ones. Figure 2. 3: Kiteto District Map

According to the Population Census of 2002 the district had a total population of 152,296, of whom 76,291 were males and 76,005 were females. The population projections by the District Planning Office estimated a total population of 240,342, of which 122,334 would be males and 118,008 would be females in 2011 (See District Profile). These people belong to the Nguu, Rangi, Zigua, Sambaa, Gogo, Hehe, Bena, and Maasai ethnic groups. In terms of climate, the district is generally considered to be arid to semi-arid in some parts. The distribution of the vegetation is closely related to rainfall, altitude, and the soil type. Kiteto’s vegetation can basically be grouped into four zones: the Maasai Steppe; the Central elevated zone; the Savanna zone; and the Miombo Woodland zone. Administratively the district is divided into 18 divisions, which are further subdivided into 19 wards. Agriculture, followed by animal husbandry, is the main source of livelihood. According to the district planning office, about 90% of the total population is engaged in such economic activities for subsistence. The main crops grown are maize, sunflowers, finger millet, groundnuts, and pigeon pears. Sunflowers and maize are considered both as subsistence as well as cash crops. Forestry, bee-keeping, and mining are other economic activities, but they are not the dominant source for economic productivity and subsistence in the district. The provision of social services is one of the major challenges that the district faces, as far as social welfare development is concerned. The district has only one hospital and 17 dispensaries; although the requirements demand 58 such facilities. There are only two Rural Health Centres located in Sunya and Engusero. Of the seventeen dispensaries 14 are owned by the government and the remaining two are privately owned. As far as education is concerned, the district has a total of 85 government owned primary schools with a total of 35,690 pupils (17,939 boys and 17,757 girls). There are only 401 classes which are indeed inadequate given the number of students. The district has 14 Secondary Schools with a total of 4,253 students (2,260 boys and 1,893 girls). Awareness about schooling is very low, particularly so among the Maasai and Gogo ethnic groups. Other major challenges include poor transportation and communication infrastructure, inadequate health facilities, and inadequate health and education personnel, such as teachers.

2.4: Definition of Terms: In this study the term “Violence against children” is used in a broader sense. It essentially means: child abuse (physical and verbal), neglect, child maltreatment, ill-treatment. Also it means all actions that might cause harm in the most fragile people of all: children. A child, in accordance with the constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, is a person who is under the age of 18. Mkombozi Centre for Children Rights—an organization based in Moshi, Tanzania—has defined “violence against children” in the following way: “All potentially harmful actions, non-actions or words that are intentionally aimed at a child or a community of children, and which have the likelihood of resulting in harm to the child/children's health, development, survival, wellbeing or dignity - no matter for what purpose the actions or words are used”. According to Mkombozi, the term "harm" means: “  When a child's mental, physical, emotional or sexual health is negatively affected in any

way.  When a child's development is disrupted or negatively affected.  When a child's survival is threatened.  When a child's dignity is negatively affected; that is when a child's worth as a human being is diminished. (http://www.mkombozi.org/sasa/TWS_campain_booklet_child_abuse_ENG.pdf)

This study has also used some definitions that we have adopted from the recent study on Violence Against Children in Tanzania that was carried out by UNICEF8. These definitions are presented here below. Child: any person under the age of 18. Thus childhood violence refers to any violence experienced before the respondent turned 18 years old. This study focuses on violence experienced by children who are 0-8 years old. Child Sexual Exploitation: Children Receiving Money or Goods in Exchange for Sex: any person under 18 who received money or goods in exchange for sex. Emotional Violence: emotional abuse such as being called bad names, being made to feel unwanted, or being threatened with abandonment. Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: all procedures involving the partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons Orphan: any person who has lost one or both parents before the age of 18 Physical Violence: physical acts of violence such as being slapped, pushed, hit with a fist (referred to as “punched”) Sexual Violence: Sexual violence is any sexual act that is perpetrated against someone’s will and encompasses a range of offenses, including a completed nonconsensual sex act (i.e., rape), attempted nonconsensual sex acts, abusive sexual contact (i.e., unwanted touching), and non-contact sexual abuse (e.g., threatened sexual violence, exhibitionism, verbal sexual harassment). Neglect Violence: In this study we understand neglect as violence because it is the most common form of abuse seen in children and usually has long-term effects on them. Neglect here should be seen in a broader sense. It can mean failing (by parents or guardians) to provide adequate food, clothing, shelter, supervision (physical neglect). It can be medical neglect (failure to provide necessary medical and mental health), it can be educational neglect (failure to educate a child or attend special education. Neglect can also be emotional (lack of attention to a child’s emotional needs. Parents, guardians or care givers must provide adequate supervision, care, guidance and protection to keep children from physical or mental harm. In brief, neglect is the failure of a parent/guardian or other caregiver to provide for children’s basic needs.

2.5: Main Research Questions and Indicators: 2.5.1: Research Questions: The main research questions for this study were: 

What is the nature of violence that young children in the three districts experience?

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How much violence do children experience? What is the magnitude of this violence?

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What types of violence exist and how does this violence vary by gender, age, and other demographic characteristics?

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What types of violence do children experience in various surroundings? For example, at home, in schools, and in their surrounding neighbourhoods, or when they play with their peers?

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Who are the main perpetrators of violence in all these areas?

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Are people aware of the existence of violence against children?

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What are people’s attitudes and perceptions about violence? Are they ignorant, indifferent and or accepting of violence against women and children?

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What do people do to prevent or minimize violence in its various forms: sexual, physical, emotional and neglect?

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What kinds of interventions exist on the ground in order to reduce or eliminate violence in general, but particularly violence against children? What regulations or by-laws are there? How do they work? Are these interventions working? If no why?

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How do victims of violence, i.e. women and children, perceive violence? How do they cope with it?

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How do people themselves regulate family violence in their communities? What means do they use? Which means of regulating violence are state related and which ones do not involve state institutions? Which mechanism seems to work well and why?

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What do people think is the best way of eliminating violence?

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What do they think should be done locally in order to eliminate or reduce violence?

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What kind of assistance or support do they need from outside (central government, Non Governmental Organizations etc) in order to combat violence in their area?

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How is poverty linked to violence? What is the nature of family livelihood (general conditions of life at the domestic household economy)?

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Is there any relationship between gender inequality and violence against women and children? In what way?

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What kinds of strategies exist on the ground in order to address gender inequality? How successful are they? If they are not successful, why? What can be done to make them successful

2.5.2: Key Indicators: This baseline survey study shows clear indicators of certain variables that are measurable both in the intervention areas in the three districts in order to monitor progress of the interventions, but also to compare with the situation in non-intervention areas in order to determine whether the changes to be observed in the intervention areas are indeed a result of the interventions and not otherwise. This approach helped this study to have sufficient power to provide two levels of comparisons: Baseline—and probably mid or end line—comparisons within the intervention and non-intervention arms over time, and comparison between intervention and non-intervention (comparison) areas over time. The study has been able to generate the following measurable indicators:                   

The proportion of children who experience physical, sexual, emotional and neglectful forms of violence. The proportion of children who witness physical, sexual, emotional and neglectful forms of violence. Proportion of children experiencing or witnessing physical, sexual, emotional violence and or neglect more than once, twice, thrice and so on within a specified period of time. In which places do violence happen most, and how often? The proportion of the population that is ignorant, indifferent and or accepts violence against (1) women (2) children (3) Both? Number of reported cases of violence against children and women per month/year in the study districts and study areas. Number of reported convictions resulting from violence against women/children per month/year in the study districts and study areas, Total number of injury cases due to violence against women/children reported in health care institutions per month/year in the study areas. Total number of deaths of women/children resulting from violence per month/year in the study areas. Proportion of perpetrators of violence who are males. Proportion of perpetrators of violence who are females. Total number of victims of violence who are males. Total number of victims of violence who are females. Percentage of the adult population in the study area that is aware about of violence against children. Proportion of the adult population in the study area that understand some key provisions of the state laws against violence against children. Percentage of the child population in the district that is aware of violence against children. Percentage of households with young children who have 3 balanced meals per day on a regular basis. Percentage of households with food stock/regular income to meet family food requirements until the next harvest. Number of households where women have increased control over key household resources. (Since we shall be dealing with a sample, getting actual 24

  

numbers will be difficult, we propose: Proportion of households where women have increased control over key household resources). Number of children living in communities that have solid agreements that ban all forms of violence against women and young children. Numbers of communities that have solid agreements that ban all forms of violence against women and young children. Percentage level of effectiveness of enforcement of agreements.

2.6: Approach and Methodology: 2.6.1: Study Population and Design: A variety of study populations were included in this study. The first study population for this study included a probability sample of at least 1800 households that had one child or more whose age ranged from 0-8 years. In each of the 1800 households, we interviewed one adult and one child thus making a total of 3,600. In each district we interviewed a total of 600 adults and 600 children. The adult respondents answered questions pertaining to violence, but also had to respond to questions that focussed to variables pertaining to household characteristics such as socio-economic status, wealth, economy, and meals. In view of this, only that adult who was conversant with the household was selected to participate in the study. Although originally we had intended to ensure equal representation by sex—that is 900 adult females and 900 adult males in this study, as well as 900 female children and 900 male children, the reality on the ground led to a situation where it was practically impossible to achieve. Adult men were always reluctant to participate in the study, arguing that women should participate because they are the ones who dealt daily with the welfare of children. The second study population was the children themselves. The third study population was that of teachers in elementary schools, day care centers, nursery schools, health care providers (doctors and nurses), community development officers, law enforcement personnel such as the police, community leaders, and district and primary court judges. We decided to include them in the study population because most of these people deal with children in their activities or handle matters that involve children. Hence, they are likely to be in a better position of knowing both the nature and magnitude of violence against children in the area where they live and work. In this case, their inclusion in this study is purposive. In-depth interviews were used as a method of collecting information from this study population. Finally, the fourth study population group included other people in the three districts who work in projects aimed at improving family livelihoods, reducing violence against women, and creating female empowerment. It was important that we talk to them in order to learn from their experiences. These people included: the District Social Welfare Officer, District Community Development Officer and the District Medical Officer/Health Officer. Fifth, in each ward that was included in the study, an attempt was made to interview a few Ward Executive Officers (WEO), Village Executive Officers, some community leaders, leaders of women organizations and organizations that work in reducing violence or promoting the welfare of women and children in the ward if any. In terms of study design for estimation of quantitative indicators and related factors as outlined earlier, this was an analytical cross sectional study in which intervention and comparison villages in the districts of Kibondo (Kigoma region), Kiteto (Manyara region) and Igunga (Tabora region) were randomly selected. In order to provide estimates of violence, which will be used in the monitoring and evaluation process for the three separate districts, it was necessary 25

to have separate estimates for each district, assuming that no district will represent another. In order to test the effectiveness of the interventions for each district, intervention and control villages were selected. 2.6.2: Sampling Frame and Sampling Procedures: The administrative structure was used as the sampling frame. In Tanzania the region is divided into districts, and districts into wards. These are further subdivided into villages. Villages in turn are divided into â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Vitongojis,â&#x20AC;&#x2122; also called hamlets. For each district, to ensure that there is no spill over effect, when interventions are instituted, the wards that will eventually have villages where interventions will be instituted were grouped into three categories: possible intervention wards (Group 1), those in between (Group 2), and possible comparison wards (Group 3). The study was based in wards that belong to group 1 and group 3. For each of the wards in groups 1 and 3, a list of villages was obtained, and then a given number of villages were selected randomly for the study. These will form the intervention and comparison villages. It should be noted that the assignment of wards into intervention and control wards--that is, into group 1 or group 3--was also random, except in Kiteto district where the district authorities demanded that we collect data in different wards that represent specific social and economic characteristics of the district. Originally we had planned to obtain households for each of the selected villages randomly. However, the situation on the ground led us to adopt a convenient sampling strategy in order to get the respondents for the quantitative questionnaire. A total of 600 or slightly more were recruited to participate in the study in each district. Attempts were made to make sure that we get approximately 300 children from the intervention and 300 from the comparison ward/villages. This brought the entire sample of studied children to 1,800, or slightly more for the three districts/regions and a similar corresponding number of adults as indicated earlier. We believe that these numbers provide a reasonable level of precision for the estimation of the magnitude of violence both for comparison between the intervention and control areas and also for comparison between baseline and subsequent estimates when evaluating the impact of the interventions. Table 2.1 below show the wards that were included in the study in each district and whether they were control or intervention wards.

Table 2.1: Baseline Study Wards in Kibondo, Igunga and Kiteto Districts Number of Adult Number of Adults Intervention Control/Comparison District and children and children Wards Wards Respondents respondents Kibondo Mjini Kibondo (640 adults & Misezero children)

110

Kitahana

255

209

Mabamba

Kasanda

Ziba Igunga (607 adults & Nkinga children) Choma

176

Igunga

273

Isugilo

Kibaya Kiteto Njoro (639 adults & Kijungu Children) Bwagamoyo

134

Matui

110

Dosidosi

Magungu

161

Total:

971

28 914

2.6.3: Sample size estimates: The sample size estimates are based on the previous assumptions made that we require an independent sample per district. The input parameters for estimating the sample are as follows: Expected prevalence of factors under investigation: 27.9%, this being prevalence of sexual violence among females during childhood i.e. before they reached age 18 years, as reported in the Violence Against Children study 2009. Desired precision: + or â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 5%, design effect of 2 because of adopting a cluster sampling strategy, at a confidence level of 95%, a sample size of 600 individuals is realised per district. 2.6.4: Methods of Data Collection: The study employed both quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection. While the quantitative approach enabled us to come out with data that is quantifiable and provides measurable indicators, the qualitative approach helped us in explaining people, narratives, ideas, perceptions, and attitudes about violence in general; but in particular, violence against children. It also helped us to describe and explain the factors that underlie violence, why violence persists, what enables violence, how to reduce or eliminate them, and what works and what does not in this effort. More to that, narratives provided by women and children helped to inform us how some victims experience violence, their feelings, and how they evaluate themselves. In order to be able to generate data and information that is useful for interventions, it was important to make sure that the study listens to the voices of the victims themselves; in this case the children. This called for a research approach that is participatory. It is clear that BvLF plans to use a participatory approach in implementing interventions that aim at reducing violence in the three districts. We decided to use both the quantitative and qualitative approaches of data collection because the latter tends to be more participatory than a mere administration of a survey questionnaire to the study population.

Our own interpretation of participatory study here was broad. On the one hand it meant working closely with a variety of key stakeholders as well as the beneficiaries of the project in the three districts. On the other, we had to make sure that the voices of the children themselves are heard. Working in a participatory manner during the baseline survey study has a variety of advantages. One is the fact that it allows people (in this case, the beneficiaries) to identify the kind of problems that tend to perpetuate violence against children in their communities. It also gives them an opportunity to voice their opinions in terms of ways of addressing them. Second, when the beneficiaries of the project are involved from the very beginning, it gives them the sense of ownership of the project and this enhances the sustainability of such. All these are central components in the BvLF program implementation strategy. The sections that follow describe in brief each method of data collection, how it was used, to which study population and why? 2.6.5: Quantitative Methods: Two types of quantitative survey questionnaires were designed. One was administered to a sample of householdâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s adults in each of the three districts. The second questionnaire was administered to a sample of children close to 8 years old who were recruited randomly from a household listing of available and eligible children in the household. In case the child could not speak Swahili, another one was recruited instead. Due to circumstances beyond our control we decided to recruit only those children that were fluent in Swahili most of whom were already enrolled in school. And therefore the majority of the children that responded to the quantitative questionnaire were at least between 5 and 8 years old. In order to capture the views of the children below that age, we used other methods of data collection of quasi FGDs/Interviews as well as pictorial observation and interpretation. We describe these methods and how they were used in some of the sections later. 2.6.6: Qualitative Methods: A variety of qualitative methods of data collection were used in order to collect information from various study populations. Plate 2. 1: Walking From House to House During the Data Collection Process. Led by Village Chair.

2.6.6.1: Focus Group Discussions: We organized Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) of children, women, and men in the various communities that are included in this study. Attempts were made to make sure that boys, girls, women and men had separate focus groups. While female researchers moderated FGDs with women and young girls, the male researchers facilitated the FGDs for men and boys. The objective of these discussions was to see the way the general populationâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;as well as children (victims of violence)â&#x20AC;&#x201D;perceived and discussed violence in a group setting. This information was supposed to supplement/complement the information that the other children had provided in a quantitative survey questionnaire. Since our population of interest was children, we conducted four FGDs with children in each district (two for boys and two for girls). Then we had two FGDs for the adult population in each district; one for men and another one for women. Hence we had a total of 18 FGDs. The specifics of these FGDs are summarized in the chapter that presents the findings generated by our qualitative findings. Plate 2. 2: FGDs with male and female pupils

2.6.6.2: In-Depth Interviews: This method of data collection was used in order to solicit views of violence against children from people who either work with children or sometimes deal with or handle child related issues. These research subjects included teachers, health care providers, community development officers, the police force, court magistrates, social welfare officers, ward executive officers, village executive officers and some community leaders. 29

2.6.6.3: Non- or Participant Observation: We also visited areas/places where children spend most of their time. These places included day care centres, kindergartens, and playgrounds. While there, depending on the situation on the ground, we participated and observed the activities that the children did in order to understand what happened to children when they were in these areas. 2.6.6.4: Quick Scan and Ethnographic Assessment: We also plan to carry out a quick scan and ethnographic assessment of places where children spend much of their time. This may include their bedrooms, playgrounds, classrooms, day care centres, and the environments surrounding their kindergartens. In view of the above approach and methodology, we intend to divide the study into various phases, with each phase accommodating a specific activity, research component and research methodology. 2.6.6.5: Pictorial Observation and Interpretation: Another unique method that was applied was that of pictorial observation and interpretation. A variety of pictures/diagrams depicting acts of violence, abuse, neglect or discrimination were presented to children in both nursery and primary schools. Children were requested to look at the picture carefully and then explain what was going on. We asked them whether they liked what is going on, and if not why? We also asked them whether such acts had ever happened to them, or if they had seen them happening in their family or in the neighbourhood. These pictures/diagrams and the responses from children are presented in the chapter that presents the qualitative findings. This method proved to be very effective in capturing the knowledge as well as the experience of very young children on issues related to violence.

2.7: Schedule of Activities and Planning of the Baseline Survey In order to accomplish the goals of this study, the baseline study was divided into various phases, with each phase comprising a specific baseline activity. The study began with consultative discussions between the principal researchers of the baseline with the client (BvLF). These discussions were aimed at making sure that the researchers and the client agree on what the baseline is all about as well as on the baseline study tools that would be used in order to collect data. This was followed by the recruitment and training of 18 research assistants (two of whom were data entry clerks). The purpose of training them was first, to make sure that they sufficiently understood the purpose of the baseline survey; and second, to ensure that they become familiar with the tools of data collection that we were going to use and the entire data collection procedures according to the agreed protocol. The training sessions covered the following topics:       

The study background, purpose of the study and data collection and design. A participatory review of the questionnaire and practice interview techniques in class, including role playing. Sampling procedures and assignment of sampling areas and selection of study participants. The procedures for and importance of maintaining confidentiality. Sensitivity toward study subjects and protecting privacy of the participants. Referral services and procedures. Identification and response to adverse effects.

 

Discussions about interviewers’ attitudes and beliefs towards violence. Interviewer safety as well as procedures for the interviewers.

Another aspect of the interviewer training was the emphasis on how to conduct the interview as well as how and when interviewers are required to provide referrals to respondents who report having been victims of violence. There is some evidence that children, adolescents and young adults are willing to talk about their experiences of abuse under a supportive structure 18. This was in the view that respondents may recall frightening, humiliating, or painful experiences, which may cause a strong emotional response. Interviewers, therefore, were trained to be aware of the effects that questions may have on the informant and how best to respond, based on the informant’s level of distress. They were instructed, however, not to provide any counselling. Instead, interviewers were instructed to offer a list of the local services and sources of support to all study participants. They were also trained to offer direct referral services to girls/women and boys/men who become upset or who indicate that they do not feel safe in their current living situation. In order to ensure that the nature of the survey is not revealed to non-participants, the list of services included services not associated with sexual violence (e.g., malaria, HIV/AIDS, alcohol use). Interviewers were instructed to indicate which organizations and agencies provide services for sexual violence, as well as other forms of violence in their local areas, so that the participants clearly understand where to obtain the necessary services. After the training, the principal researchers as well as research assistants conducted a pilot study in Mbagala-Charambe in Dar-es-Salaam. Although a pilot study is a total rehearsal of the entire study protocol in order to identify design and logistical problems and fix them before the full-fledged study begins, in this pilot we concentrated more on the feasibility of collecting reliable information about being subjects of, or witnesses to, violence among our study population aged 0-8 years. Literature is scarce regarding the collection of data from this population and hence there was a dire need to rehearse before a fully-fledged study is implemented. An area that closely resembles the study villages in the Coast Region close to Dar es Salaam was purposively selected for the activity. This was done on the last two days of Interviewer training. The entire procedure was replicated including pretesting of the study instrument that contained drawings of situations depicting some forms of violence in order to make some questions/scenarios clear to the children. Apart from testing whether these gather the given responses, we used this opportunity to determine how far down we could go age wise before we conclude that the collected information is not reliable. (Reliability here meant provision of consistent responses regardless of how many times the question was asked to the same respondent, bearing in mind that there was no right or wrong answer but consistency was what mattered). During this exercise, each research assistant interviewed a total of 4 households arriving at a total of 60 adult and 60 children questionnaires that were analysed before we proceeded to the next stage. The last day of interviewer training was devoted to feedback regarding the questionnaires, the consent and accent processes, data collection procedures and any other observations noted in the field. The study protocol and the instruments were improved accordingly after data analysis for the pilot study was completed. There, after the researchers and research assistants left during the first week of July for field work, the process of data collection began in Kibondo district, followed by Igunga and finally the Kiteto District. Collection of data took 30 days to complete.

2.8: Data Processing and Analysis: After the field work was complete, the activity that followed was data processing and analysis. All quantitative data was coded and entered into the computer by using Epi-Info capture screen. The qualitative data was transcribed and then coded manually into themes and categories and finally analysed by using a content category analysis. We made sure that there were no unique identifiers in the database that could ever be linked to a participant. Data processing and analysis was performed at our offices in Dar-es-Salaam. Data entry proceeded simultaneously as it was being collected, this ended up cutting down the time taken to produce the report but also helped to provide good feedback to the data collection team in the field so as to minimize errors. Preliminary data analysis was done immediately following data collection so that prompt feedback can be provided to the client. The initial feedback from the study results has included descriptive information on the main variables of interest. This report provides a complete description of the findings, including reporting frequencies and percentages on the principal variables of interest. Charts and diagrams have been used to display data. Tables have been created to illustrate distributions of characteristics associated with violence against children. Appropriate statistical significance tests have been used to test differences where appropriate, multivariate analysis including Logistic and Poisson Regression, will be used to identify potential risk and protective factors associated with violence.

2.9: Ethical Considerations: Human Subjects Protection: This protocol was submitted to the Muhimbili University College of Health and Allied Sciences for Ethical Clearance and granted approval. 2.9.1: Potential Risks and the Methods to Minimize Risks: As previously mentioned, there is evidence suggesting that many women find talking about their experiences of violence as being beneficial and appreciate having the opportunity to be asked questions about it.11, 13-18 In addition, there is some evidence that children are willing to talk about their experiences of abuse under a supportive structure. 19 However, there still may be the potential for minimal risk due to the content of some of the questions and the possibility that someone may learn of the nature of the interview. In regard to the content of the questions, risk was minimized through sensitivity training for the interviewers. The participants were also informed before the interview that if they are uncomfortable answering any question, they could skip them or they could stop the interview at any time. The risk that someone may learn about the interview was minimized, as previously mentioned, by ensuring that the interview was conducted in a safe, private place and the bi-levelled consent process, which made sure other members of the household are not aware that the survey is specific to violence. Questions were designed in such a manner that even the adults selected to participate in the study could hardly know whether the focus was on violence due to inclusion of a substantial number of questions in the study instrument that were unrelated to violence. We already knew that it was possible that some research subjects may feel that they are being singled out for some reason. This concern was minimized by making sure that they understand that they have been selected based on random samples of participants and that they are not being singled out. We reinforced to the subjects through informed consent that the study in no way had any bearing upon their status in the village and that their participation was voluntary and was not going to affect their or their family's access to health care or other relief services. Also, all persons working on the project were informed about and asked to maintain strict confidentiality.

2.9.2: Benefits: All research subjects were informed that there was no direct benefit or compensation to the subjects for their participation. However, the previously mentioned referrals to local services and sources of support that would be offered to all participants in the survey could be beneficial to the participants by increasing their awareness about existing community and national resources. In addition, for respondents who did not feel safe and requested immediate help and reporting, the survey team would directly report to available support services previously mentioned that provide counselling, home visits, and referrals to respective services. Additionally, there is evidence that suggests some women find that talking about their experience of violence, even in the context of a study, may actually help them heal; this may be an added, unintended benefit from conducting this survey.12 However, we also told them that there are potentially several indirect benefits. These included an increased awareness on the part of organizations addressing sexual violence to better identify, treat and prevent this health issue among children. Further, information from this study was expected to indirectly benefit participants through an increased awareness of sexual violence as an important health issue by health and humanitarian agencies, more focused interventions to reduce sexual violence and its health consequences, and obtain additional funding by donors. Of course, these might be of benefit for the participants at some point in the future but will provide no immediate benefit. Lastly, we informed the research subjects that the findings of this baseline may help to bring about changes in health programs that would benefit all children in Tanzania. 2.9.3: Justification for Waiver of Signed Informed Consent by Participant: As previously stated, this research study involves no more than minimal risk of harm to subjects and involves no procedures for which written consent is normally required outside the research context. In cases in which the documentation requirement is waived, the IRB may require the investigator to provide participants with a written statement regarding the study. Given that national data indicates that approximately 19% of the population is illiterate, it would be inappropriate to expect those who are illiterate to read and sign a consent form. 3 In addition, a signed informed consent would be the only document linking a participant to the study. As such, after identifying the study participant, each participant was read the consent form that addresses her rights and welfare as a participant in the study and given time to ask questions and then provided a verbal consent. Then the interviewer signed the informed consent or assent form to confirm that all the information has been communicated to the study participant. 2.9.4: Parental/Guardian Consent for Participants and assent of the child participant: Although the WHO guidelines recommend that the only person in a household who should be aware of the nature and contents of the survey is the selected participant 13 for this study this was not possible because we had to recruit an adult who would share with us their experiences with violence and inform us about the household characteristics. To this regard, the selected adult and the selected child had to know the contents and nature of the study. In view of this, we requested informed consent forms from the adult in order for the adult to participate in the study, and provide permission/consent for the child to participate in the study while the child assented for participation in the study.. 2.9.5: Justification for Including Children: In order to conduct a study to better understand violence against children for the purposes of prevention, it is important to select a population that most closely approximates the age of

interest. There is precedence in both Swaziland and the US for interviewing very young children on this topic. For example, one school-based study in Swaziland interviewed children as young as 6 years of age about their exposure to sexual violence. 14 In addition, the international equivalent to the Youth Risk Behaviour Survey (YRBS), known as the Global School-Based Student Health Survey, has been conducted in Swaziland and asked a question regarding sexual violence among school aged children as young as 11 years old. 15 In the US, there have also been studies in which children as young as 10 years of age have been interviewed about sexual violence 16 2.9.6: Disclosure of Sexual Abuse Reported by Minors: There are currently no laws in Tanzania regarding mandatory reporting of sexual abuse of minors. However, as previously mentioned, all participants were offered referrals for counselling and other available support services. In addition, for respondents who do not feel safe and request immediate help and reporting, the survey team informed them the available support services previously mentioned that provide counselling, home visits, and referrals to appropriate services.

Chapter 3

Presentation of Research Findings from the Probability Sample (Quantitative) 3.0: Introduction A total of 1,980 eligible households were sampled to participate into the study and from these, 1,885 households participated fully by answering the household and child questionnaire resulting into a response rate of 96.0%. The mean age for adults was 36.3 years with a standard deviation of 9.9 and a range of 14 to 89 years. 45% of the adult respondents were heads of house hold; 49.5% were wives of the head of households; while 5.1% were other household members such as the children of the head of household, guardians or relatives taking care of the family. Twenty one of the adult sample were males, the rest (78.9 percent) being females. As regards the sample of children there were 1,886 children participants. The mean age was 6.6 years (SD 1.25) with a range of 3 to 8 years. A total of 834 (44.3%) were males the rest 1052 (55.7%) being females. In this chapter we present the research findings that were generated from this sample of households. We begin in section one with findings from the adult sample followed by those from the childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sample in Section Two. Plate 3. 1: Private Interview (Child Respondent)

3.1: Section One: Findings from the Adult Sample 3.1.1: The Characteristics of the Adult Study Population

As far as the adult sample was concerned, males had a significantly older population compared to females; although the majority of both populations were in the age group 25 to 44 years. See Figure 3.1 for further details. Figure 3. 1: Age and Sex Distribution of the Adult Population Sample

As stated earlier, the study was conducted in three districts, Kibondo in the Kigoma Region; Igunga in Tabora Region; and, Kiteto in Manyara Region. The following samples were recruited from each District: Kibondo-640 adults and children; Igunga-607 adults and children; and, Kiteto-639 adults and children. The following Figure 3.2 and Table 3.1 show the sociodemographic characteristics of the studied population districts compared. The sex distribution was similar between the districts (p=0.1) while there were differences in the age distribution in the districts; Kiteto having a greater proportion of its population in the age group 25-44 years as compared to the other districts (p=0.02).

Percent

Figure 3. 2: Age Distribution by Study District

50 45 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Kibondo Igunga Kiteto

15-24

25-34

35-44

45-54

55-64

65+

Age group in years

As indicated in the study household listing district was done in order to determine Figmethodology, 2: Age distribution by study eligibility of the study population and to randomly select one child less than 8 years to be

recruited into the study. This gave us an opportunity to determine the household size. This information was available from 1,826 households. The average household size was 6.18 persons SD 2.11 with a range of 2-15 persons. Table 3.1: Socio-Demographic and Socio-Economic Characteristics of the Study Population by District District Kibondo

Igunga

Kiteto

All districts

640

607

639

1886

P value

Percent

77.6

77.4

81.5

78.9

0.1

No formal education/madras

15.5

15.2

23.5

18.1

Primary education

79.0

77.5

73.3

76.6

Secondary education and above

5.5

7.3

3.1

5.3

6.89 (1.73)

6.81 (1.83)

6.80 (1.41)

6.83 (1.67)

Tap in the dwelling

2.4

1.7

5.8

3.3

Community or neighbours tap

4.6

7.4

25.4

12.6

Open well in dwelling

0.3

3.3

0.3

1.3

Public/neighbours open/closed well

36.7

43.1

35.6

38.5

Spring, river, pond, lake, dam

55.6

41.3

26.8

41.2

Rain water/water vendors

0.5

3.2

5.9

3.2

Flush toilet

6.9

13.4

11.7

10.6

VIP latrine

4.4

6.1

3.4

4.6

Traditional pit latrine

86.8

76.4

82.7

82.1

No toilet/Bush/Farm

1.9

4.0

2.3

2.7

Electricity

7.5

19.4

13.4

0.0001

Radio

60.1

68.8

59.0

62.5

0.001

Television

7.0

17.3

13.4

12.5

0.001

Telephone (any type)

47.8

69.2

57.3

58.0

0.0001

Refrigerator

4.9

9.8

3.3

5.8

0.001

Bicycle

49.1

62.9

46.4

52.6

0.001

Characteristic Number of respondents per district Sex Proportion female Education

Mean years of Schooling (SD)

0.0001

Source of drinking water

0.08

Type of toilet in use 0.05

Proportion of households with

Vehicle (Any)

0.6

1.6

2.2

1.5

0.2

Motor cycle

4.8

6.1

10.0

7.0

0.001

17.8

14.2

21.0

17.9

0.01

It has never happened

38.3

34.6

38.4

37.1

Few times

37.8

41.3

34.6

37.9

Many times

23.0

22.5

24.5

All the time

0.9

1.7

2.5

Food security HH with enough food till next harvest Have food problem

The level of education for all districts is low; over 92% of the population having primary education as their highest level of education. Four individuals had attained University level education: 3 in Kibondo and 1 in Igunga. Generally, Kiteto has a significantly lower level of education compared to the other districts p=0.0001. The most common sources of drinking water were public or neighbour’s wells, springs, rivers, ponds and other ground level water sources. These sources constituted 79.7% of all sources. Since individuals have to walk to these sources to fetch water at various times of the day, this may predispose them to the risk of violence. As regards sanitary facilities, the traditional pit latrine was the main type used by the respondents; however a small percentage (2.7%) reported to have no toilet facility. The most common means of message delivery through media would be affected by radios, which are owned by 63% of households, as opposed to television sets, which are owned by only 12% of the population. Telephones were also owned by close to 60% of the households, although this figure does not imply that general population ownership of telephone is 60 % since the question asked: ‘Does anyone in your household own a telephone’. Plate 3. 2:

‘Funika ubwabwa’ dwellings depicting the nature of unstable economic environment, the corrugated iron sheets can be sold at any time by removing the stones holding the sheets on the structure, when the income of the household decreases. This approach also facilitates shifting the entire structure if the current area becomes no longer suitable to live. ‘Funika ubwabwa’ is a concept from the

way rice is dried during the cooking process by putting burning charcoal on a lid covering the pot of rice. Less than 20% of households had enough food to last until the next harvest; implying that over 80% of the households have food shortages; differences between districts were statistically significant. Refer to Table 1 for further details. Respondents were asked as to whether they had eaten the day prior the interview; in 1 household it was reported that they did not have a single meal; 38 households had one meal; and, 391 households had two meals; while 1,451 households had 3 meals. Take note that having three meals a day does not necessarily mean that the meals represented a balanced diet. Our study did not go that far in terms of trying to probe the ingredients of the three meals. The following graph shows the proportions of households in relation to the meals taken. Figure 3. 3: Proportion of Household Taking the indicated Number of Meals on the Day Prior to Interview 2 20.9

One Meal Two meals Three meals 77.1

Proportion of households taking the indicated number of meals on the day prior the interview

3.1.2: Knowledge and Attitude towards Violence against Women and Children After having asked people about their socio-economic characteristics, we then proceeded to ask questions that are vital to the baseline. We began by asking the adult population the following question: â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;What do you understand by Violence against women and Violence against Children?â&#x20AC;? The following is a summary of responses to this open ended question:

Table 3.2: Summary of Definitions for Various Forms of Violence as Defined by the Study Population  Not being provided with basic needs, not being provided with basic rights  Lack of freedom to the child or woman, including denying women and children to make their own decisions  To be isolated and not being loved, being neglected  Being hit without reason (as if it’s okay with reason), being hit in an unexpected way  Not to be taken to school  Yelled at, verbal abused  Take away ones properties against ones will, to be tortured, despise  To be given work ;chores’ beyond ones capacity, make one work excess hours  Everyday fighting in the home, husband hitting wife  To deny one crops produced by both  Not taking good care of children together by father and mother, deny children of fatherly and motherly love  Deny someone peace, make someone unhappy  Rape, wife and child beating  To torture and stigmatize someone  To deny one matrilineal relations  Back bite someone  Divorce a woman and deny her properties earned together during marriage  To do bad actions to someone  Not to be given responsibility  Not to involve a woman in land ownership  To be forced to do something you do not want  To steal thing/property from one another  Father to degrade wife and children  Punish someone who has done nothing wrong  Husband to delay returning home  To deny support to the family due to alcoholism and drunkenness In summary, the following primary areas of violence were identified: (a) Not to be given basic needs/rights; (b) Being bitten without reason; (c) Abusive language, degradation, humiliation; while (d) Sexual abuse – Did not come up explicitly. The following Figure 3.4 shows volunteered responses to the question: “What types of violence against children and women do you know?” Neglect as a form of violence was identified by most individuals, followed by physical violence then emotional and lastly sexual violence. Since what the mind does not know, it may be difficult for the eye to see, as we shall see in the subsequent sections, sexual violence either has low prevalence or it may go unreported in most circumstances.

Figure 3. 4: Knowledge of Various Types of Violence 90 77.6

70.5

Percent

60 50

45.7

39.9

40 30 20

11.2

10 0 Sexual Violence

Physical violence

Emotional Violence

Neglect

I do not know any

Types of violence

Fig 3: Knowledge of various types of violence Regarding who experiences violence most in a home or household setting, the following were the responses for a fixed response question: Figure 3. 5: Populations Thought to be Most at Risk of Violence in the Studied Districts 50

45.7

45 40

Percent

35 30

24.6

15 10

3.2 0.7

0.7

1.5

0.5

0 Children 0-8 Children >18 yrs yrs

Adopted children

Step children

Women

Men

House gilrs/boys

Other

Type of populations at risk of violence

Fig 4. Populations thought to be most at risk of violence in the studied districts

Women were perceived to be at risk for all forms of violence, followed by step children and children 0-8 years coming next. This also implies that children from 0-8 years are perceived to be at risk of various forms of violence compared to the other populations. Figure 3.6 shows the details. There were no significant differences in the perceived risk of violence to these populations by district p=0.1.

Table 3.3: Proportion of Population Perceived to be at Most Risk for all Forms of Violence in their Respective Districts

District (Percent) Population perceived at risk

Kibondo

Igunga

Kiteto

All districts

Children 0-8 years

23.2

22.0

23.8

23.0

Children >18 years

4.3

3,8

1.6

3.2

Adopted children

0.8

0.9

0.5

0.7

Step children

22.0

25,4

26.3

24.6

Women

46.9

46.4

43.9

45.7

Men

0.2

0.9

1.2

0.7

House girls/boys

1.7

0.7

2.0

1.5

Other

0.8

0.0

0.7

0.5

Total N

599

586

608

100.0

When asked ‘What is the most common form of violence your population experiences”: 67.3%of 1,820 respondents to this question mentioned Neglect; 16.4%% mentioned physical violence; 7.5%% did not know what form of violence they may face; 1.9 % mentioned sexual violence; while 0.5 % mentioned ‘other’ forms of violence. As to whether these forms of violence existed in their areas, 84.8% said yes they exist, while the rest 15.2% said these forms of violence did not exist in their area. When asked do these forms of violence exist in your home/household, the proportion saying yes they exist, decreased to 36.2%, 63.8% saying that these forms of violence did not happen in their households/homes. The following graph in Figure 3.7 shows the most common type of violence children aged 0-8 years, children over eight years and women are likely to face as mentioned by the study population. For all populations, neglect as a form of violence was thought to be the most likely to be experienced, followed by physical and emotional violence in that order. Sexual violence was thought to be less likely experienced by these populations. These differences in the perceived most likely types of violence--regardless of type of population--were statistically significant (p=0.001).

Figure 3. 7: Most Common Forms of Violence Thought Likely to be Experienced by the Respective Population 80

Percent

60 50

Sexual violence

Physical violence Emotional violence

Neglect violence 20

Do not know

Other forms

0 Children 0-8 yrs

Chlidren > 8 years

Women

Population

Fig 5: Commonest form of violence thought likely to be experienced by the respective population

3.1.3: Adultâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s attitude against Violence against children In the study participants were asked about their general attitude towards Violence Against Children and Violence Against Women. They were asked whether they accepted violence, whether they were indifferent to it, or whether they did not accept VAC and VAW. Table 3.4 shows the responses. Table 3.4: Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Attitude towards Violence: Whether they Accept, Are Indifferent or are Against VAC and VAW.

Proportion

n/N

Percent

95%CI

Proportion who accept VAC

177/1747

10.1

8.7-11.6

Proportion indifferent about VAC

33/1747

1.9

1.3-2.6

Proportion against VAC

1537/1747

87.9

86.3-89.4

Proportion who accept VAW

142/1747

8.1

6.9-9.5

Proportion indifferent about VAW

38/1747

2.2

1.5-3.0

Proportion against VAW

1567/1747

89.7

88.2-91.1

Proportion who accept both VAC and VAW

115/1747

6.6

5.5-7.8

Proportion indifferent about VAC and VAW

5/1747

0.3

0.1-0.7

Proportion against VAC and VAW

1495/1747

85.6

83.8-87.2

Approximately 85% of the population indicated that they were against all forms of violence. However a fair proportion, 10% or less, still accepts violence. Refer to Table 3.5 for more details. Table 3.5: Attitudes towards Violence by Selected Geographical and Demographic Characteristics

Attitude towards Violence (general) Accept Violence

Indifferent about Violence

Against Violence

Total (N)

Kibondo

11.3

2.3

86.4

604

Igunga

9.9

1.5

88.5

584

Kiteto

9.8

1.8

88.4

622

No formal education/Madrassa

15.0

2.5

82.6

321

Primary Education

9.6

1.8

88.6

1380

Secondary and above

4.0

1.0

94.9

9.8

0.8

89.4

346

Parameter District

Education*

Sex Male

Female 10.5 2.2 87.4 *Differences within educational categories statistically significant

1243

Statistically significant associations were observed between education and attitude towards violence. As the educational status increased, so was rejection of violence p=0.008. The fact that some people accept violence is not surprising. As we shall argue later, violence in these areas is embedded in the traditional socio-cultural system. Many people grow and are socialized into male dominated traditions, in which women or children being beaten by their husbands or fathers is perceived as normal. Fathers are considered to be the heads of households, and generally believe that it is their obligation to discipline their wives and children. In this case many people who grow up in such societies are very likely to accept violence and to see it as normal. Since the respondents were asked about the general attitudes about violence against children and women, it was interesting to identify what types of violence they accepted, were indifferent to, or were against. The following graph (Fig 3.8) shows childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s attitudes toward the different types of violence. The most common type of violence against children that most people are against was neglect, followed by physical, emotional, and lastly, sexual violence, in that chronological order. In summary, the most common form of violence not tolerated by the population is neglect.

Figure 3. 8: Attitudes Against Specific Forms of Violence Against Children

Type of violence

Do not know type

Neglect

Emotional

Against Indifferent

Physical

Accept Sexual 0

Percent

Fig 6: Attitudes against specific forms of violence against children

The following graph expresses the attitudes of violence against women among participants. Figure 3. 9: Attitudes Against Specific Types of Violence Against Women

Type of violence

Neglect

Emotional

Physical

Against Indifferent

Sexual

Accept 0

Percent

Fig 7: Attitudes against specifc types of violence against women Differing from violence against children, physical violence had the highest rate of rejection among women, followed by neglect, emotional and sexual violence coming last in that chronological order. Emotional violence was likely to be accepted most, followed by sexual violence, neglect, and lastly, physical violence. Respondents were likely to be indifferent to emotional violence. Refer to Figure 3.9 for details.

3.1.4: Experience of Violence among the Adult and Children Populations Lifetime experience of all types of violence was elicited. We asked the respondents the following question: â&#x20AC;&#x153;Since you were born have you ever experienced this type of violence? The following graph shows the prevalence of all types of violence in the studied population. Figure 3. 10: Lifetime Prevalence of Various Forms of Violence Among Adults and Children in the Three Studied Districts 90 80

83.3 74.6

73.7

70 Adults

Percent

Children

50 40

39.6

35.8

30 20

12.4 7.1

2.7

0 Emotional

Physical

Sexual

Neglect

Types of violence

Fig 8: Lifetime prevalence of various types of violence among adults and

Although previous presentations thisstudied report three regarding perceptions about the prevalence of children in in the districts various forms of violence indicate that physical violence may be the most common form of violence, actual experience indicates that physical violence had the highest prevalence followed by emotional violence, then neglect and sexual. This pattern seems to start early on as shown by these findings, which are similar among adults and the studied children. 3.1.5: Adultâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Experience of Physical Violence As shown in Figure 3.10, the overall prevalence of any experience of physical violence among the adult population was 74.6% 95%CI=72.5-76.5, there were no significant differences in this prevalence by district. Kibondo 75.7%, Igunga 74.1% and Kiteto 73.9%, p value=0.7. Females were more likely to experience physical violence than men, 76.2% compared to 68.3% among men p value=0.002. As to whether physical violence was an ongoing event, 33.5% of individuals who reported to have ever experienced physical violence said it also happened in the past 12 months. As to whether it started happening before they were 18 years of age, 51.1% reported that physical violence happened before they were 18 years of age. Seventy percent of the study population reported to have ever witnessed physical violence. There were no significant differences in the proportions of witnessing physical violence by sex. Males 73.9% and females 68.9% p=0.06.

3.1.6: Adult’s Experience of Emotional Violence Adults were asked as to whether at any point in time they were called bad names and or made to feel unwanted; 73.7% (95%CI 71.6-75.7) responded affirmatively to have experienced this type of violence. Women were more likely to experience emotional violence than men: 75.1 % against 68.5%. These differences were statistically significant p=0.009. Sixty percent of the respondents indicated that this also happened in the last 12 months, indicating that this is an ongoing type of violence. Twenty nine percent of the respondents reported to have experienced emotional violence before they became 18 years of age. The Kibondo population was more likely to experience emotional violence followed by Igunga, with Kiteto coming last: 77.0% 74.2% and 70.3% respectively, these differences were statistically significant at p=0.006. 3.1.7: Adult’s Experience of Sexual Violence Lifetime touching against ones will and forced sex was reported in 131 individuals out of 1,844 who responded to this question resulting in a prevalence of 7.1% (95%CI=5.9-8.3). There were no statistical differences by district in this observation. Kibondo – 8.9%, Igunga-6.7% and Kiteto-5.7%, p=0.07. However, females were more likely to experience sexual violence than males, (twice as much 8.1% among females as opposed to 3.6% among males). These differences were statistically significant p=0.002. Thirty-three percent of those ever experiencing sexual violence, reported that it also happened in the last 12 months and 44.4% reported that it happened before they were 18 years of age. 3.1.8: Adult’s Experience of Neglect Form of Violence Responding to the question: At any point in time since you were born have you ever been left without being attended to, especially with basic necessities like food, clothes and a place to sleep? 39.6% 95%CI=37.3-41.9, reported to have been neglected at some point since they were born. Females were more likely to experience neglect than males, 43.6% among females as opposed to 24.7% among males. These differences were statistically significant at p=0.0001. In 40.8% of the respondents, this happened before they were 18 years of age. Whether there was any association between neglect happening before they were 18 years and sex we found that males were more likely to be neglected than females before they turned 18 years of age, p=0.0001. Almost half (49.3%) reported that it happened in the past 12 months, to this regard, females were more likely to report neglect during the past 12 months than males (52.5% and 28.4% respectively p=0.0001).

3.1.9: Prevention of Violence Against Children/Violence Against Women Only 3.3% of 1,872 respondents to this question said they knew of strategies to prevent or control VAC/VAW. The following were mentioned: Table 3.6: Strategies Mentioned in the Prevention and Control of VAC/VAW

          

Prevention of violence through village development committees Through village meetings, ward committees, and the village government Family planning Advocacy, health education to discourage VAC/VAW Construction of orphanage centers Sending children to school for education Religious organizations distribute aid to children in difficult situations Social welfare section deals with VAC/VAW REDESO organization provides education against VAC/VAW Marriage board resolves marital problems Possibility of judicial proceedings for perpetrators of violence

When asked as to whether these strategies were working, 52.5% of the 62 respondents who said they knew of strategies against VAC/VAW said they were working; implying that 47.5% said they were not working. When asked why they were not working, the following responses were provided: Table 3.7: Reasons Why the Strategies are Not Working

        

Education is expensive both formal and health education The affected do not know where to take their complaints The community does not know children’s rights Too much corruption: those who are well off are the ones who get justice Men lack education regarding how to take good care of their children Male dominant society Women are less educated Women have less economic power People do not voice their problems where they can get help

3.1.10: Awareness of Laws against Violence Against Children Only 14 respondents out of 1,872 who responded to the question ‘Have you ever heard of any state law against violence against children? Said Yes i.e. 0.7 % of the studied population had heard about the state law against VAC. 99.3 % had never heard of the state laws, let alone knowing the key provisions. Of the 14 individuals who indicated having herd state laws against

VAC, two people identified the Child Act. These mentioned the following areas as some contents of the law:  Education as a right of the child.  Sexual perpetrators should be jailed for 30 years.  The child’s right to be cared for. 3.1.11: Practical Prevention of VAC/VAW Six percent of the respondents indicated to have taken some form of action to prevent, control or help the people experiencing VAC/VAW. The following summaries of responses were mentioned as actions taken in these circumstances.  Settling disputes between man and woman.  Giving food to a hungry child who was denied food  Reported a perpetrator to the ten cell leader.  Counseled the affected and the perpetrator.  Provided shelter to a child caught in a dispute.  Took care of a child thrown out of the house by her mother.  Took the male head of household to the police because he was not bringing upkeep to the members of the household.  I myself make sure that I am not a perpetrator. 3.1.12: What Should be done at Local Level to Control/Eliminate VAC The following summary of responses was provided regarding what should be done to control or eliminate VAC. However, 455 people out of 1,886 (24.1%) did not know what should be done to eliminate or control VAC.  Education on elimination of VAC should be provided.  Provide better health services to the people.  Local by laws have to be developed.  Committees for elimination of VAC should be formed.  Laws should be enforced.  Projects to eliminate VAC should be initiated.  Marriages should be made stable.  Corruption should be avoided. 3.1.13: What Should be done at National Level to Control/Eliminate VAC The following were suggested by 1,348 respondents, since 538 (28.5%) did not know what should be done to this effect.  Enforcement of laws and regulations  Public education against VAC  Education for children should be free  Enact strong laws  People should go back to God  Improve access to legal services  Improve access to health services

3.1.14: Help needed at Local/Village Level in order to Control or Eliminate VAC Note that 425 respondents (22.5%) did not know what help is needed to control or eliminate VAC.  Fair enforcement of laws against VAC  Minimize divorces  Public education about VAC  Improve food, loans, clothes for the children and improve access to water  Construct police station, improve access to health care services  Establish legal aid/support  Encourage formal education  Enact bylaws against alcoholism 3.1.15: Women Empowerment in Decision Making Processes in the Household In order to assess whether women had equal say in key household decisions, a number of proxy questions were asked to this regard. The interest was to find out how and by whom key decisions are made on key household issues; whether it is the man alone, the woman alone, or joint decisions. The following Table 3.8 shows responses to this question. Table 3.8: Decision making processes for key issues at household level

In your household setting, who decides Proportion for each gender in the decision making on the following process Male

Female

Joint

Selling livestock

49.8

16.5

33.5

Selling land

48.7

16.1

35.1

Use of household money

47.2

16.6

36.2

When wanting to take a loan

43.8

17.4

38.8

When one wants to go for a function

46.7

17.7

35.5

1873

From the findings above, in most cases it is the male who makes decisions. In slightly more than one third of the time, joint decisions are made; women make decisions in less than 20% of the time. See Table 3.8 for details. 3.1.16: Knowledge of Existence of Village or Area Agreements and Compliance to These Agreements Twenty six percent of the respondents (490/1874), indicated knowledge of existence of village or area agreements in their area. Out of these, 95.7% indicated that they abide to these agreements. Knowledge of presence of village agreements varied by district, Kibondo district reporting a significantly higher knowledge of village/area agreements than the other districts p=0.01. Abiding to the agreements was generally high, 93-97%, and there were no significant differences by district. See Figure 3.11.

Figure 3. 11: Knowledge of Local Agreements and Compliance to Those Agreements 120 100

Percent

80 60 40 20

0 Kibondo

Igunga

Kiteto

District Knowledge of presence

Compliance

Fig Knowledge of local agreements and compliance to those agreements

The relationship between household population size and the risk of selected types of violence was investigated. The following Table 3.9 shows prevalence of various types of violence and household population size. Table 3.9: Relationship Between Household Population Size and the Risk of Violence

Household population

Emotional violence

Physical Ever witnessed violence in Neglect past physical the past 12 12 months violence months

2-4

77.2

32.3

49.5

65.8

5-7

72.6

33.6

49.9

71.5

8-10

73.2

32.2

47.9

68.1

11 plus

70.5

42.1

52.4

86.2

p value

0.3

0.6

0.9

0.007

Experience of emotional violence was not related to household size, neither was physical violence in the past 12 months, or neglect in the past 12 months. Witnessing physical violence was however associated with household size p value=0.007.

3.2: Section Population

Two:

Findings

from

the

Children

Study

3.2.1: Characteristics of the Study Population-Children A total of 1,886 children were recruited into the study with a male to female sex ratio of 0.8:1. As stated earlier, the mean age was 6.6 years (SD 1.25) with a range of 3 to 8 years. A total of 834 (44.3%) were males the rest (55.7%) being females. The following Table 3.10 shows the age and sex distribution of the children study sample. Table 3.10: Age and Sex Distribution of the Children Sample

Age group

Male

Percent Female

3-4 years

5.5

5.9

5.7

108

5-6 years

35.4

31.9

33.5

630

7-8 years

59.1

62.2

60.8

1145

TOTAL

44.3

55.7

100.0

1883

Total

Most children were likely to belong in the age group of 7-8 years, followed by the age group of 5-6 years. There were no significant differences in the age distribution by sex among the study participants p=0.08. However there were differences in the age distribution by district, the proportion of 5-6 years was increasing, while that of 7-8 years was decreasing across the districts in the order they are presented in the graph below. These differences were statistically significant at p=0.0001. Figure 3.12: Age Distribution of the Study Sample by District 80 70.5 70

Percent

60.8

57.9

53.9

40.8

33.4

33.3 26.2

3-4 yrs

5-6 yrs

20 10

8.7

5.3

3.3

7-8 yrs

5.7

0 Kibondo

Igunga

Kiteto

Total

District

Fig :

Age distribution of the study sample by District

3.2.1.1: Other Study Population Characteristics In order to understand the context of the findings regarding violence in this study population, it is useful to understand the various variables/characteristics that may influence the way the children live and hence affect their risk as victims of violence. The following Table 3.11 shows some of the selected characteristics of the studied population.

Table 3.11: Other Children Population Characteristics:

Population characteristic

Percent

Mother alive

97.8

Father alive

94.0

Both parents alive

92.6

Currently living with their mothers

94.7

Currently living with their fathers

79.8

Currently living with both parents

79.1

Child ever attended School by sex*

62.7

Ever attended School (Girls)

65.0

Ever attended school (Boys)

59.6

Child ever attended School by district** Kibondo

69.6

Igunga

62.5

Kiteto

55.8

Proportion not putting on shoes when they go to houses of worship or 40.9 school Do not take bath when they wake up in the morning

20.0

Do not take bath when they wake up in the morning by district*** Proportion not taking bath in Kibondo

29.0

Proportion not taking bath Igunga

17.9

Proportion not taking bath in Kiteto

11.7

Only wash their face when they wake up in the morning

39.8

Take a bath when they wake up in the morning

40.2

Brush teeth with tooth paste

41.0

Brush teeth with stick

17.9

Do not brush teeth

40.9

Child ever took alcohol

4.8

Child ever smoked

1.0

Child ever injected drugs

0.1

Proportion indicating they usually DO NOT get enough food

5.7

Proportion indicating they usually DO NOT get enough food by district**** Kibondo

8.7

Igunga

3.7

Kiteto

4.7

Statistically significant at * p=0.009, ** p=0.001, *** p=0.0001 ****p=0.001

Approximately 7.4% had lost both parents. Kiteto children were less likely to go to school compared to the other districts, possibly due to the high number of pastoralists in the area and which causes the responsibility for livestock to be more important than school. This could also explain why girls were more likely to be sent to school compared with boys. Igunga children were less likely to shower in the morning followed by those from Kiteto; the highest proportion of 29.0% was from Kibondo. It will be remembered that the most common source of water for drinking and for other uses in Kibondo were either springs, rivers, ponds, lakes or dams indicating probably more water availability compared to other districts; behavioral factors however cannot be ruled out. The study population was also asked as to whether they had ever taken alcohol, smoked or injected drugs. Surprisingly even at this young age some children indicated the use of these exposures. Kibondo children were likely to report that they do not get enough food compared to those in other districts, these differences in food availability were statistically significant p=0.001. 3.2.2: Witnessing Violence Children were asked as to whether they had seen someone beat another, or someone call another bad names, make them feel unwanted, or someone being left without care or supply of basic necessities by their guardians, or someone being touched sexually or forced or complete sexual violence. The following graph shows how children responded to these questions. Figure 3.13: Sex Distribution of Witnessing Various Forms of Violence 80 70

67.3 67.6 67.5

Male

Female

Percent

50 40.4 40.9 40.7

Total

40 30 20

12.1 11.8 11.9 6.6

7.6

7.2

0 Physical

Emotional

Neglect

Sexual

Type of violence witnessed

Fig: Sex distribution of witnessing various forms of violence

The most common type of violence to be witnessed by children was physical, followed by emotional violence, neglect, and lastly sexual violence in that descending order p=0.001. There were no sex differences in this finding p=0.8. The following charts show the number of times various types of violence were witnessed by children in this study. Categorization: witnessing the specific type of violence once, twice, thrice, or four times or more presented as proportions.

Figure 3.14: Number of Times Witnessing Physical Violence (Percent) 15.3 Once

39.7

Twice

Thrice 29.8

Four plus

15.2 Fig:

Number of times witnessing Physical violence (Percent)

Most individuals witnessed physical violence many times: 39.7% of children witnessed physical violence four times or more. (See Figure 3.14) Figure 3.15: Number of Times Witnessing Emotional Violence (Percent) 20.1

Once

36.1

Twice Thrice Four plus 28.6 15.1

Fig: Number of times witnessing emotional violence (Percent)

Children were most likely to witness emotional violence four times or more. 36.1% of the interviewed children said to have witnessed name calling and being made to feel unwanted four times and or more indicating that once one is exposed to this type of violence, it is likely to happen again. (See Figure 3.15) The findings for neglectful forms of violence were different from the preceding ones. Most children had witnessed neglect only once, at 60.3%. See Figure 3.16 below for details.

Figure 3.16: Number of Times Children Witnessed Neglectful Forms of Violence (Percent) 11.2 8.5 Once Twice

Thrice 18.7

60.3

Four plus

Fig Number of times children witnessed of violencereporting (Percent) to have witnessed Sexual violence was witnessed the least, onlyneglect 7.2%type of children sexual violence. The following chart shows the percent of children witnessing sexual violence once, twice, thrice and four times or more. As for neglectful forms of violence, most children (54%) observed sexual violence at least once. See figure 3.17 below for details.

Figure 3.17: Number of Times Children Witness Sexual Types of Violence (Percent)

11.2 8.9

Once

Twice 53.7

26.1

Fig

Thrice

Four plus

Number of times children witnessing sexual type of violence (Percent)

3.2.3: Children’s Experience of Violence To get an idea of the magnitude of all types of violence as experienced by the study population, the following Table 3.12 shows the prevalence of all the four types of violence. Included are the 95% Confidence Intervals to aid comparisons across categories and as may be required elsewhere. Table 3.12: Prevalence of Lifetime Ever Experienced Various Forms of Violence among Children

Type of violence

Number Children experiencing this type of violence

Total number of respondents Prevalence to this question

95% Confidence Interval

Physical Violence

1540

1848

83.3

81.5 – 84.9

Emotional Violence

664

1852

35.8

33.6 – 38.1

Neglect form of violence

231

1853

12.5

11.0 – 14.1

Sexual violence

1819

2.6

2.0 – 3.5

The most common form of violence experienced by the children was physical, followed by emotional, neglect, and finally sexual. Differences in the magnitude of these types of violence were statistically significant. See table above. The number of times the child had experienced a particular type of violence is illustrated by the following chart. Sexual and neglectful types of violence were likely to be experienced once, while physical violence and neglect were likely to be experienced more than four times; in some cases children reporting ‘many times-had lost count’ as in the case of physical violence.

Figure 3.18: Number of Times Children Experienced a Particular Type of Violence (Percent) 100 10.2

90 29.7

39.8

16.3

47.6 70

10.5

24.5

5.2

21.7

Four times plus

12.6

15.1

Thrice

Twice 30

Once 24

38.1

42.4

48.9

13.1 0 Physical

Emotional

Neglect

Sexual

Fig: Number of times children experienced a particular type of violence (Percent)

3.2.4: Physical Violence A total of 1,540 children out of 1,848 who responded to the question, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Since you were born, have you ever been beaten, punched or threatened with a weapon?â&#x20AC;? by saying yes. This resulted in a lifetime prevalence of physical violence of 83.3% (95%CI=81.5-84.9). There were no differences in the magnitude of physical violence experienced by these children based on the sex of the child; prevalence among males being 82.1%, and that among females being 84.3 percent, p=0.12. Similarly, the magnitude did not differ significantly by district, Kibondo-80.5%, Igunga 85.5% and Kiteto 84.1%, (p=0.4). The following Table 3.13 shows the age distribution of physical violence prevalence in the studied population, as expected, due to cumulative effects of the observations, older ages were more likely to experience violence in greater proportions compared to younger ages (p=0.0001).

Table 3.13: Age Distribution of Physical Violence in all Districts

Age group

Number Children experiencing physical violence

Total number of respondents Prevalence in the age group

95% Confidence Interval

3-4 years

106

75.5

65.1-83.1

5-6 years

485

620

78.2

74.7-81.3

7-8 years

976

1120

87.0

85.0-89.0

Children were also asked to remember when they were beaten, hit or threatened with a weapon, and who did this to them? The following Table 3.14 shows the perpetrators of physical violence classified as whether they were male or females. Individuals with the highest proportions than the rest were mentioned more often than those with lower proportions.

Table 3.14: Breakdown of the Relationships between Perpetrators and Victims of Abuse

(i) Relatives who were mentioned to have inflicted physical violence at any point in time when it happened (classified by sex) MALES

FEMALES

Person inflicting physical violence Percent (all times)

Person inflicting physical Percent violence

Father

84.8

Mother

90.6

Brother

12.2

Sister

7.7

Cousin

0.5

Cousin

0.7

Cousin brother/Uncle

4.7

Aunt

2.8

Other relative

0.6

Grandmother

5.1

(ii) Other none relatives mentioned (classified by sex) MALES

FEMALES

Person inflicting physical violence at any point in time when it happened

Person inflicting physical violence at any point in time it happened

Teacher Police Community leader Neighbors Religious leader Soldier Pupil

89.8 0.0 0.2 2.1 0.2 0.5 9.6

Teacher Police Community leader Neighbors Religious leader Soldier Pupil

93.8 0.3 0.0 2.2 0.0 0.0 7.5

Father, mother, and teachers were mentioned most as inflictors of physical violence. Females in both situations i.e. whether relative or not were more likely to inflict physical violence compared to males. 3.2.5: Severity of physical violence Children who had experienced physical violence were asked about the severity of physical violence, i.e. at all times when you were beaten hit or threatened, were you hurt and if so did you require any medical attention? The following Table 3.15 shows the responses.

Table 3.15: Severity of Injury after Physical Violence

Severity of Injury

Percent

I have never been hurt

1210

74.4

Yes I was hurt but did not go anywhere

373

22.9

Yes I was hurt, taken to health care facility but was not admitted

2.2

Yes I was hurt, taken to health care facility and was admitted

0.5

Total

1627

100.0

3.2.6: Reporting of Incidents of Physical Violence Almost the whole study population (98.6%) reported that they had never reported any incident of physical violence to anyone. The few who reported (7 people) did so to the police, hamlet chairman, the village Executive officer, or the village chairman. 3.2.7: Parental Physical Violence and Subsequent Violence among Children An assessment was done to determine whether there was any association between parental experience of physical violence and violence experience in their children. This was assessed using adult and children data. The findings indicated that the association was not statistically significant p=0.06. However, since acts of violence are embedded in traditions that justify male dominance and men as responsible for discipline in the domestic sphere of life, the fact that male children (boys) tend to exercise violence more towards children other than female children (sisters), it can be argued that it is a result of a learned behavior and a belief that as a man, one ought to be aggressive and dominating; and controlling-boys might be learning this behavior from their fathers. They see how controlling and dominating their father are, and therefore grow up imitating the same behavior. 3.2.8: Emotional Violence As stated earlier, the magnitude of emotional violence was 35.8%. There was no statistically significant difference in the magnitude of emotional violence by sex, prevalence among males being 35.0%, and that among females being 36.5% p=0.6. As expected, the magnitude of emotional violence increased with age: children aged 3 to 4 years having a prevalence of 31.3%, those 5 to 6 years: 32.7%% and those aged 7 to 8 years had a prevalence of 37.9%. These differences were statistically significant at p=0.001. The respondents were also asked to mention all who have ever been involved in inflicting emotional violence; that is, who was responsible for emotional violence. The following Table 3.16 expresses the responses:

Table 3.16: Individuals Indicated to Inflict EMOTIONAL Violence (Classified by Sex) MALES perpetrators

FEMALES perpetrators

Person inflicting physical violence at any point in time when it happened (N=377)

Percent

Father

22.8

Mother

33.3

Brother

15.6

Sister

17.8

Younger brother

2.9

Cousin sister

0.9

Cousin

1.9

Aunt

4.7

Uncle

1.6

Sister in law

0.3

Brother in law

0.3

Teacher

2.9

Teacher

2.6

Police

0.0

Police

0.3

Sungu sungu

0.0

Traditional local security (sungu sungu)

0.0

Community leader

0.3

Community leader

0.3

Neighbors

18.1

Neighbors

35.7

Religious leader

0.0

Religious leader

0.3

Soldier

0.0

Soldier

0.0

Other

Other (pupils mainly)

5.4

Student Friend

6.1

Grandma Neighbors, mothers, and fathers were likely to inflict emotional violence on the children. However these findings were indicative since no tests of significance could be performed due to small numbers in some of the cells. 3.2.9: Neglect violence As indicated earlier, 231 children expressed that they had experienced neglect as a form of violence out of 1,853 children who responded to this question. Twenty three did not know or could not remember, ten individuals did not respond to the question. The prevalence of neglectful forms of violence increased with age: 9.8% for the age group 3 to 4 years; 9.9% for the 5 to 6 years age group; and, 14.2% for the 7 to 8 years age group. The tendency to increase with age was statistically significant at p=0.01. However there was no association between the risk of neglectful forms of violence and sex: 13.3% for males and 11.8% for females p=0.4. The following graph shows the prevalence of neglectful violence by district.

Figure 3. 19: Prevalence of Neglectful Types of Violence 25 19.5

Percent

15 10.3 10

7.4

0 Kibondo

Igunga

Kiteto

District

Fig Prevalence of neglect type of violence by District

Kibondo had a higher prevalence of neglect, followed by Igunga, with Kiteto having the lowest rate of incidence. These differences were statistically significant at p=0.001. An attempt was done to investigate whether there was an association between parental/guardian education and the risk of being neglected as a child. The following Table 3.17 shows the relationship between parental/guardian education and risk of neglect for the child. Table 3.17: Relationship Between Parental/Guardian Education and the Risk of Neglect among Children

Education level

Number of children experiencing neglect violence

Total number of respondents in the education group

Prevalence

No formal education/Madrassa

333

15.3

Primary

170

1412

12.0

7.2

Secondary P value = 0...07

There was a tendency for neglect among children to decrease with increasing levels of education of parents/guardian, these observation were however not statistically significant p=0.07.

3.2.10: Sexual Violence As stated earlier, 49 children out of 1,819 who responded to the question regarding sexual violence, indicated to have experienced sexual violence resulting in a prevalence of 2.6%. There was a tendency for a high prevalence among females compared to males: 3.1% among females and 2.1% among males. These differences however were not statistically significant p=0.1. There was also no association between age and risk of sexual violence, as evidenced by the following data: 3-4 years prevalence of 1.9%, 5-6 years prevalence of 3.3%, and 7-8 years prevalence of 2.4%, p=0.4. Lifetime experience of sexual violence was investigated in relation to districts. Kibondo had the highest level of prevalence at 4.4% followed by Igunga at 2.0%, and Kiteto at 1.6%. These differences were statistically significant p=0.005. Sixty nine percent (69.4%) of the respondents who had ever experienced sexual violence indicated to have experienced this form of violence in the last 12 months. 3.2.11: Perpetrators of Sexual Violence Of the 49 children who had reported to have experienced sexual violence, 80.9% knew the person who inflicted this type of violence on them, 14.9% did not know the person, while 2 persons did not remember who did this to them. The following Table 3.18 shows the distribution of persons who inflicted sexual violence on the children in any of the episodes. Due to small numbers, absolute numbers of individuals providing that response is indicated instead of percentages the denominator being 34 children who responded to this question. (Multiple response question)

Table 3.18: Mentioned Perpetrators of Sexual Violence (Absolute numbers)

MALES

FEMALES

Father

Mother

Brother

Sister

Cousin

Cousin sister

Uncle

Aunt

Brother in law

Sister in law

Neighbors

Recently introduced person

Teacher

Pupil

Religious leader

Community leader

Police

Soldier

Traditional local security (sungu sungu)

Sungu sungu

Stranger

House-girl

Brothers, neighbors, pupils and cousins were mentioned more than once. These findings are however indicative and may not necessarily be statistically significant due to small numbers of responses. 3.2.12: Place of Occurrence of Sexual Violence The 49 respondents who indicated to have experienced sexual violence were asked to mention where this incident took place and the last time it happened; the following is the Table 3.19 of responses:

Table 3.19: Place of Occurrence of Sexual Violence

Place

Percent

In our house

44.7

Perpetrators home

6.4

Neighbor /Friend/relatives house

17.0

School environment

8.5

Teachers home and neighborhood

4.3

To and from school

4.3

Bush / farm / shamba

10.6

Other

4.3

Total

100.0

Although the numbers are unstable, the most at-risk environment for sexual violence is the childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s home, followed by a neighbor/friend/relatives house, and the bush or farm. The table above provides further details. 3.2.13: Reporting of Violence Against Children Reporting of violence against children events is a step towards bringing these actions to the open so that action can be taken in preventing them. Children were asked about all forms of violence, whether they had reported any violent episode to anyone or anywhere. 562 (35.0%) of 1,591 who responded to this question said they told someone, implying that 65% never told anyone. Of those who told someone, when asked whom they told, in most cases they said to have told the father, mother, grandmother, teacher, brother or aunt. Some indicated that they did not dare tell anyone. 3.2.14: Violence Against Young Children and House Size We also investigated the association between violence against young children and household size. The input variables were lifetime violence and household population size categorized as indicated in the Table 3.20 below.

Table 3.20: Relationship Between Household Population Size and the Risk of Violence among Young Children

Household population

Emotional violence

Percent Physical violence

2-4 persons

37.0

80.8

12.2

2.6

5-7 persons

34.6

83.5

13.1

2.8

8-10 persons

37.7

86.4

11.9

2.9

11 plus persons

46.0

85.5

8.1

1.6

1795

1792

1796

1763

p value

0.2

0.1

0.6

0.9

Neglect violence

Sexual Violence

There was no association between family size and the risk of any form of violence p values ranging from 0.1 to 0.9.

Economic situation and violence The relationship between the economic situation of the household and various forms of violence was investigated. The wealth index was developed using variables for commodities, household items and household environment where the respondent resides. These included the type of building materials the house was made of specifically the roof, walls and the floor. Others were: house and land ownership, ownership of household items such as radio, bicycle, motor cycle, telephone, refrigerator, tractor, plough, vehicle, electricity generator etc. Others included: ownership of livestock such as goats, cows, chicken etc. Presence of electricity, the main source of light and the main source of drinking water were also included in the index. After assigning scores (weights) for each of the mentioned items, using data reduction / factor analysis, principal components were generated and individuals were then categorised as ‘rich’, ‘middle class’ and ‘poor’. Records with missing information on any of the 30 variables included in the principal component analysis were automatically excluded from the analysis. The following Table 3.21 shows economic situation of the studied population by district. Table 3.21: Distribution of the study population by wealth quintiles in the studied districts

Percent Wealth Category

Igunga

Kiteto

Kibondo

Rich

40.8

34.3

26.1

378

Middle

31.3

37.0

31.0

379

Poor

27.8

28.7

42.9

378

Total

100 (n=316)

100 (n=432)

100 (n=387)

1,135

2 = 30.6 p=0.00001 By this categorisation, Igunga District was seen as predominantly ‘rich’ while Kiteto was likely to be ‘middle class’ and Kibondo District was classified as ‘poor’. These differences were statistically significant (p=0.00001). Violence and economic class among children Economic situation in the household may have an influence on violence experienced by children residents of those households. To investigate whether a relationship exists, various forms of violence were cross tabulated with the economic situation of the household. The following Table 3.22 shows this analysis.

Table 3.22: Wealth and Various Forms of Violence (lifetime) Among the Studied Children

Forms of Childhood lifetime Violence (Percent) Ever experienced Physical violence

Ever experienced Emotional violence

Ever experienced Sexual violence

Ever experienced Neglect

All

Poor

81.3

37.2

3.6

20.1

365

Medium

87.5

34.9

3.0

10.9

367

Rich

81.9

41.9

2.7

7.3

368

Total

83.6

37.9

3.1

12.7

1100

p value

0.042

0.16

0.79

0.0001

Wealth category

Neglect as a form of violence experienced by children was strongly associated with economic situation of the household and to a lesser extent physical violence. Children belonging to households categorised as poor were likely to experience neglect almost 2.5 times compared to those belonging to households classified as rich. The association between various forms of violence, economic category and the district of residence was investigated for both the adult and children samples. For adults  Physical violence among adults was not associated with economic situation of households in Igunga and Kiteto Districts. For Kibondo district, one was likely to face physical violence if one was poor. The prevalence of physical violence being 67.7%, 77.9% and 83.9% for the rich, middle and poor households respectively. This trend was statistically significant at p=0.012  There was no association between emotional violence and economic situation in any district  There was no relationship between sexual violence and economic situation in any district  There was a statistically significant association between neglect and economic class in every district. The likelihood of being neglected increased with increasing poverty, regardless of district of residence. Neglect among the rich being 24.5, 32.8 and 34.7 percent for Kibondo, Igunga and Kiteto districts and neglect among the poor being 46.2, 55.2 and 56.0 percent for the same districts in the same order. The differences among the poor and the rich in every district were statistically significant p values ranging from 0.001 to 0.005 For Children  There was no association between physical violence and economic class in any of the districts.  There was an association between emotional violence among the rich in Igunga p=0.012 (use bad language rather than beating up children in Igunga?) in other districts there was no association between emotional violence and economic class

 

There was no association between sexual violence and economic class in any of the districts There was a strong association between economic class and neglect in Igunga and Kiteto but not in Kibondo. The poorer a household was in Igunga and Kiteto, the more likely the child was to experience neglect. p=0.002

Witnessing Violence and Economic Class Among Children Witnessing violence may have an impact on experience of violence or practicing violence in the future, but may also give a clue on magnitude of violence even if one does not experience it. The following Table 3.23 shows the relationship between children witnessing violence and economic category. Table 3.23: Child witnessing various forms of violence (lifetime) and economic class

Forms of Childhood lifetime Violence (Percent) Ever witnessed Physical violence

Ever witnessed Emotional violence

Ever witnessed Sexual violence

Ever witnessed Neglect

Poor

66.9

37.5

7.5

13.9

Medium

69.7

45.6

6.9

13.5

Rich

71.6

47.9

7.0

10.6

Total

69.4

43.7

7.1

12.7

p value

0.375

0.010

0.9

0.338

Wealth category

All

There seemed to be an association between economic class and witnessing emotional violence. There was an increasing trend of witnessing emotional violence among children, those from ‘rich’ households were more likely to witness emotional violence compared to those from poor households p=0.01, see Table 3.23 for details. Violence and Economic Class Among Adults The association between economic class and lifetime ever violence was also investigated among adults. Respondents coming from households classified as poor were more likely to experience neglect compared to adults from households classified as rich. The trend of likelihood of being neglected as poverty increases was statistically significant p=0.00001. A weaker trend was observed for physical violence characterised by and increased likelihood of experiencing violence as poverty increased. This finding however was borderline p=0.048 see Table 3.24 below for details.

Table 3.24: Economic class and various forms of violence (lifetime) among the studied adults

Forms of lifetime Violence (Percent) Ever experienced Physical violence

Ever experienced Emotional violence

Ever experienced Sexual violence

Ever experienced Neglect

Poor

79.5

72.6

6.5

51.5

377

Medium

74.0

70.2

7.0

38.1

378

Rich

71.9

76.9

9.0

31.3

377

Total

75.2

73.2

7.5

40.3

1132

p value

0.048

0.124

0.4

0.00001

Wealth category

All

Socioeconomic Class and Food Reliability Does the family have enough food till next harvest? Most of the households do not have enough food till next harvest but the situation is worse for those in the poor category were only 1 household in twenty indicated to have enough food till next harvest. This observation increased as the level of wealth increased. The corresponding figure for the relatively rich was 1 in three households having enough food till next harvest. The trend p value indicates that these differences were statistically significant at p=0.00001. The following Table 3.25 shows the details. Table 3.25: Food Supplies

Family has enough food till next harvest â&#x20AC;&#x201C;Proportion saying Yes Wealth category

Percent

Poor

337

5.3

Medium

333

17.1

Rich

319

29.5

Total

169

989

17.1

Trend p value

0.00001

Food availability is strongly correlated with economic class, and therefore the prevalence of various forms of violence has a similar trend among economic class and food availability. Gender and the Decision Making Process as Related to Violence Females are key to the development process of any household; and indeed any community. Therefore empowerment of women is a necessary component in the development process. We investigated women empowerment by use of proxy variables of the decision making process. Findings indicate that decisions on the selected day to day activities in the household are predominantly made by men. This is followed by decisions made jointly by both men and woman. In 16 to 18 percent of times are women individually deciding on these activities. See the Figure 3.20 below for further details.

Figure 3.20: Decision making processes on selected items in the household were spouses/partners live together Going out to functions

Getting a loan Spending money Men Selling land

Women

Both

Selling livestock 0

100

Percent

To understand whether there was any difference in the perception of males and females as regards who makes decisions in the household, we analysed the respondentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sex and who makes the said decisions (whether a man or woman) in the household. There are significant differences between responses given by male and those given by female respondents regarding who makes decisions in the household. Females indicated that males are the ones who predominantly make decisions, while males indicated that decisions are made jointly. In all cases both males and females said women have low chances of making decisions in household matters. See the Table 3.26 below for further details.

Table 3.26: Gender and the decision making process: Male or female participantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s responses on who makes the decision in the household regarding the indicated items: (Who makes the decision regarding the following?)

Decision item Respondentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sex

Decision maker (For males and females living together) Male

Female

Both

Male

42.2

1.8

56.1

396

Female

51.9

20.4

27.5

1482

Male

38.0

1.8

60.3

395

Female

51.6

19.9

28.4

1480

Male

37.3

2.5

60.2

397

Female

49.9

20.3

29.7

1481

Male

34.0

3.5

62.5

397

Female

46.4

21.1

32.5

1476

Male

39.8

5.0

55.2

397

Female

48.6

21.1

30.2

1477

p value

Selling livestock 0.0005

Selling land 0.001

How to spend income 0.005

If I want to take a loan 0.001

If I want to go out in a function or party 0.001

We further investigated whether economic class of the household had influence on who makes decisions in the household. The following Table 3.27 shows the findings.

Table 3.27: Economic categories in relation to who makes decisions (whether it is a male or female) in the household.

Decision item Respondentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s sex

Decision maker (For males and females living together) Male

Female

Both

p value

Poor

49.9

23.6

26.5

377

Middle class

52.6

12.2

35.2

378

X2 36.6

Rich

43.2

13.5

43.2

377

0.0001

Poor

48.7

23.9

27.4

376

Middle class

52.6

11.6

35.7

378

X2 46.56

Rich

40.1

13.3

46.7

377

P 0.00001

Poor

47.3

24.2

28.5

376

Middle class

50.1

11.9

37.9

377

X2 44.36

Rich

38.5

13.8

47.7

377

0.00001

Poor

43.2

25.9

30.9

375

Middle class

47.6

12.2

40.2

376

X2 54.8

Rich

33.7

13.8

52.5

377

P 0.0001

Poor

45.3

25.1

29.6

375

Middle class

47.4

13.8

38.9

378

X2 38.9

Rich

36.7

14.9

48.4

376

0.00001

Selling livestock

Selling land

How to spend income

If I want to take a loan

If I want to go out in a function or party

Overall males made decisions regardless of whether they belonged to rich, middle or poor households. However, when we compare women from different wealth categories, i.e. rich, middle and poor women, women belonging to poor households were more likely to make decisions compared to the middle and rich categories. (See Table 27 above) In a separate analysis, poor households were likely to be headed by a woman compared to middle and rich households. When decisions are made by both man and women, rich households were more likely to make joint decisions compared to the middle and poor households. These differences were statistically significant. See the table above for details. Heads of households may have an influence on both the welfare of the household and possibly the magnitude of various forms of violence in the household. The following table shows the relationship between various forms of violence and whether a household is headed by a male or a female.

Table 3.28: Household headship and prevalence of violence among the studied children

Forms of lifetime Violence among Children (Percent) Individual heading Ever experienced Ever experienced Ever experienced Ever experienced the household Physical violence Emotional violence Sexual violence Neglect Female headed HH

266/336

79.2

126/343

36.7

10/345

2.9

93/343

27.1

Male headed HH

273/326

83.7

114/329

34.7

6/333

1.8

24/327

7.3

Crude Relative Risk

0.95

1.1

1.6

3.7

Children belonging to female headed households were likely to experience neglect 3.7 times more compared to households that were headed by males. On the other hand, children were at 1.6 times at risk of experiencing sexual violence for households headed by females. There was no relationship between other forms of violence and head of household. However when one examines the nature of households headed by females, as indicated earlier, one finds out that over half of the households headed by females, are categorised as poor in the wealth index. This may be the likely explanation for a high prevalence of neglect among children in female headed households. See the following table for details. Table 3.29: Relationship between gender of head of household and economic situation category

Economic category (Percent (n)) Gender of head of household Poor

Middle

Rich

Total

Head of household is male

26.8 (61)

31.3 (85)

36.0 (82)

228

Head of household is female

52.2 (109)

24.4 (51)

23.4 (49)

209

It should be understood that the relationships found between certain forms of violence and the mentioned factors such as head of household, etc are bound to change or may be proxy associations that stand to be confirmed after controlling for confounding relationships. For example, as indicated in the above results, it may not be necessarily correct to say that female headed households are at an increased risk of neglect among children because of the female headship, but rather it’s the poor economic class that is behind the high prevalence of neglect. Intervention and Control Populations: In Preparation for Future Interventions As indicated earlier, wards were randomly assigned to intervention and control wards with an interface in between to avoid possible contamination should interventions be instituted. In order to examine whether the wards where interventions will take place are comparable to the control wards, we compared the demographic characteristics of the studied populations of the intervention and control wards. There were a total of 971 adults and children in the ‘intervention’ area and 914 adults and children studied in the ‘control’ area. There was no difference in the mean age for adults 36.4 years (SD 10.3) compared to 36.1 (SD 9.6) and that of children 6.6 years (SD 1.5) compared to 6.4 years (SD 1.7) for the intervention and control area respectively p>0.05. The following graphs show the age distribution of the adult and children samples of the intervention and control areas. There was no significant difference in the age distribution of the intervention and control adult or children population p=0.1 and 0.2 respectively. 76

Figure 3.21: Age Distribution of the Intervention and Control Area Sample (Adults)

45 40

Percent

35 30

Intervention

Control

15 10 5 0 15-24 yrs

25-34 yrs

35-44 yrs

45-54 yrs

55-64 yrs

65 plus

Age group Figure 3.22: Age Distribution of the Intervention and Control Areas (Children)

70 60 Intervention

Control

Percent

30 20 10 0 3-4 yrs

5-6 yrs

7-8 yrs

Age group

To be certain that the baseline estimates of violence are comparable in the intervention and control areas, we examined the prevalence of violence by intervention and control. The following table shows the prevalence of various forms of violence by intervention and control populations among children.

Table 3.30: Prevalence of Lifetime Ever Experienced Various Forms of Violence among Children â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Intervention and Control areas compared

Type of violence

Intervention

Control

p value

Physical Violence

83.9

82.7

0.25

Emotional Violence

34.9

36.9

0.4

Neglect form of violence

12.3

12.6

0.3

Sexual violence

2.3

1.9

0.12

In addition to the above selected parameters, we also examined the economic situation of the households in the intervention and control areas. The following graph shows the findings. Figure 3.23: Economic Status in the Intervention and Control Areas

40 Intervention

Control

Percent

25 20 15 10 5 0

Rich

Middle class

Poor

Economic class

Generally there were no differences in the distribution of various forms of violence when the intervention and control areas are compared. There was a tendency of the intervention area to be rich compared to the control area, the differences being slightly significant at p=0.02. Based on the selected parameters presented above, we can safely say that the intervention and the control populations are similar in their baseline characteristics. This is important because it implies that when interventions are instituted in the intervention area, and evaluated over time, the changes noted in the populations may be attributed to the interventions and not to differences in the baseline characteristics of the populations.

Chapter 4

Presentation and Discussion of Qualitative Findings 4.0 Introduction A variety of qualitative methods of data collection were used in order to capture the perspectives of both adults and children, and their experiences of and with violence in general, but specifically violence against young children. These methods included focus group discussions with adults and children in various communities which were included in the study in all three districts; in-depth interviews with teachers, community leaders, health care providers and governmental officials, such as community development officers, social welfare officers, and other officials working in the police, judiciary and penal departments. Besides using a qualitative tool (questionnaire) to interview children, we also adopted another method of interviewing children, which was qualitative. This method, which was mostly applied to young children, used the “picture method”. We displayed various pictures depicting abuse of children, battering, neglect or torture and asked the children to briefly explain what was going on in the picture. Further, we also asked children very simple questions about friendships, people and areas they liked and why. We gave an opportunity to children to describe their surroundings and their day to day life, with particular reference to issues that related to violence sexual harassment, abuse, neglect, torture, and battering. In the sections that follow we present first each type of qualitative method that was used, the data or information the method intended to collect, and how relevant or important that information was as far as this study was concerned.

4.1 Findings Generated by Focus Group Discussions The study conducted a total of eighteen focus group discussions. Of these, six FGDs were for adults. In each district we had two FGDS one for adult males and another one for adult females. The remaining 12 FGDs were of children. In each district we had four FGDs (two for girls and two for boys). We also visited one--and in the case of Kibondo, two—nursery school in each district and organized quasi FGDs/quasi in-depth interviews. 4.1.1 Adult Members’ Perspective and Views about Violence against Children The main objective of conducting FGDs with adults was to understand their perspectives and views about violence against children; how serious the problem was (the magnitude); the main factors behind such kinds of violence; who the perpetrators were; and, the impact of violence on the victims. More to this, we also wanted to know the kind of strategies, if any, that were being adopted to address the problem and whether these strategies were successful or not, and why. The topics for discussion focused on issues relating to:  Gender relations: We probed about gender inequality and the relationships between males and females of all ages in communities and in the household.  Gender-Based Violence (GBV): The people were encouraged to discuss: o GBV and their understanding of it. o The types of GBV they could identify. o How serious the problem was in their communities. o Whether there was a relationship between gender inequality and Gender-Based Violence.

o The type of violence done to men and women. o The role played by traditions and customs in all of this. o Participants also discussed how victims coped with violence and strategies that were being used by communities in order to address the problem. o Participants were also encouraged to propose better ways of addressing the problem.  Violence against Children: Adult participants in FGDs were requested to express their awareness of violence against children. They were encouraged to identify various types of violence against children. We probed about sexual and physical violence such as being beaten or raped, as well as psychological and emotional abuse such as neglect, discrimination or being despised. We also probed about areas which were prone to violence against children, and if the community was aware of such, what they intended to do in order to remedy the situation. We also encouraged them to discuss the best methods of ending such problems within their communities. Table 4.1 below provides a summary of the number and type of FGDs with adult population by district, ward and village. Table 4.1: Number and Type of Focus Group Discussions with Adults

(Females) District Kibondo Igunga Kiteto Total (Males) District Kibondo Igunga Kiteto Total

Ward Kitahana Igunga Kijungu

Village Rosohoko Mwayunge Kijungu

# of Respondents 6 6 6 18

Age Range 43 – 60 28 – 55 33 – 80

Ward Misezero Igunga Magungu

Village Misezero Mwayunge Emarti

# of Respondents 6 6 6 18

Age Range 30-75 41-63 25-73

Source: Computed from field data

4.1.1.1: Adult Women’s Perspective and Views about Violence against Children Looking closely at the responses of women during the focus group discussions it is evident that there is a consensus among women in all three districts that gender inequality is rampant in their communities. Men play a dominant role in both the public and domestic spheres of life. This was confirmed by all women in the study. They stated affirmatively according to their traditions men were considered the heads of households as they dominated the family by owning and controlling every asset, property and income that is generated by the household; including that which women in their own capacities generate. It was argued that women shouldered a lot of the responsibilities in the domestic household economy. Aside from performing all domestic chores, they also worked on farms, collected firewood and fetched water. One participant described the daily life of women in this way: “A woman wakes up at six in the morning and does not go to bed until eleven at night. This is our daily way of life” (Female FGD, Kibondo).

On male dominance and gender inequality, another participant articulated the following: “Women have to kneel down in front of a man when they greet him, give him something, or talk to him. This is considered as a sign of respect” (ibid) Inherent in such kind of traditional behaviour and practice is the belief that men are superior, dominant, powerful, and therefore must be shown respect. The act of “kneeling” can be interpreted as acknowledgement by women of all this, as well as a sign of powerlessness and submissiveness. In order to confirm that male dominance was chronic in their communities, one participant expressed her views on this issue in this way: “The husband is the head of the family. He is the one with a voice. He controls land. He makes all decisions. A woman is always powerless. She does not have any power at all in terms of decision making. Although women are the most active in generating family wealth, hardly do they have powers to determine how that wealth should be used” (ibid). According to one participant from Igunga, cases of some men using the wealth generated by their wife/wives to marry another woman are common. In terms of decision making, the majority of the women seemed to agree that most men tended to despise women by saying things like: “You are just a woman; I am the one who decides and not you” (FGD Kibondo, emphasis added). All of the women who participated in the discussions understand that gender inequality has far reaching implications with regard to violence against women and children. For example there was a consensus among women that due to gender inequality coercive sex was rampant. One participant had this to say: “It is the men who decide who to have sex with, when and how. A woman is not allowed to refuse. And if she does, she risks violent reactions” Evidence derived from the discussions with women in all three districts confirms that women suffer a double-edged sword. On the one hand they have to shoulder the responsibility of staying with and taking care of children. On the other hand, it becomes difficult for women to carry this responsibility well in a situation where they do not control family resources. In this situation not only women suffer, but also their children. It has a tremendously negative impact on the welfare of their children. This is particularly so in a household where the father does not seriously consider the social welfare of his children. Basic family resources are likely to be squandered at the expense of children’s health, education and clothing and provision of good housing. The neglect of children by parents is, in most cases, a result of this legacy. One participant lamented the lack of responsibility of men to their children in this way: “Akina baba wengi wanachojua ni kuzaa tu na siyo kulea” (What most fathers know is how to make a woman conceive, but not how to care for the children)

The majority of the FGD participants supported this viewpoint. They alluded to the fact that most of the children are abandoned or neglected. Due to child neglect, some children belonging to poor families are forced into hazardous child labour with detrimental consequences to their health. Most women also suggested that gender inequality, which is rooted in conservative traditions common in Kibondo, Igunga, and Kiteto districts, also has negative impacts on the younger generations. Young boys and girls are socialized in this kind of socio-cultural environment. Boys tend to feel that they are superior to girls. Girls work with their mothers in domestic chores and are taught to respect men and to be submissive. Due to this, boys usually think that it is their right to oppress or sexually harass girls; be it in school, at home, or anywhere in their surrounding environments. Most boys hate doing housework, as they tend to imitate the behaviour of their fathers and consider domestic housework as “Kazi za Kike” (feminine jobs). Boys are, in most cases, abusive, dominating and prefer to be adored, feared and respected by girls. According to most participants, it is within this context that rape cases are prevalent in all the districts. Most participants informed us that they have witnessed a variety of rape cases where the rapist is left roaming in the village while the rape victim is ostracized. There is a general consensus among women that adult men, as well as male youths and younger boys, play a leading role as perpetrators of violence against women and also violence against children in their communities. One participant from Igunga echoed her view of men as the ring leaders of violence against women and female children in the following way: “If a woman’s husband dies, the husband’s relatives tend to take all the property of the family for themselves, leaving the widow in poor desperate conditions. The men force their young daughters to marry for economic reasons, and force their wives to have sex regardless of their physical and emotional health, or other needs” (Participant, FGD, Igunga). Another participant informed the group about how young men lure young girls with money or small gifts in exchange for sex and that once they impregnate them, they usually abandon the girls to struggle on their own. The women in all three districts seem to be highly aware of the negative consequences of violence against children as they have witnessed it in their communities. This includes:  Young girls being raped.  Increase in unplanned teen pregnancies.  Emotional, psychological suffering or rape victims and those with unwanted teen pregnancies.  Feelings of rejection, discrimination, or scorn among many victims.  Increasing cases of Sexual Tract Infection (STIs) including HIV/Aids. Also, all women agreed that there was a relationship between poverty and violence. One participant said that most women who were economically dependent on their husbands usually expressed the following after experiencing violence or abusive acts from their husbands: “Ningekuwa na uwezo wa fedha ningemshitaki” (If I had money I would have taken him to court)”. Also, it is evident from the findings that, due to poverty, many young girls exchange sex for money (survival sex).

Although the findings suggest that most women are aware of the fact that violence is a crime, because of their poverty and economic dependence upon their men, as well as fear of violent retaliation, many women fear to report cases of violence against themselves or their children to the relevant law enforcement authorities. Due to this, violent acts continue to happen unabated in their communities as if the law enforcement institutions were on vacation. In Kiteto we were informed that many Maasai perceive formal schooling as evil because schools socialize their children into a completely different social and cultural life. In view of this, the school is perceived as an institution that is there in order to kill Maasai cultures and traditions. Due to this, many Maasai families do not send their children to modern schools. If they do, then they do send the child who is not well favoured in the family; or one who belongs to the wife who is the least favoured or loved by the husband. Having noted through our discussion that women were aware of gender inequality, poverty, and how these are linked to gender-based violence and also violence against children, we also requested them to offer their thoughts about the best practices that can be applied as remedies for this violence. Throughout the three districts, the women suggested the following:  The need to educate men so that they understand and practice gender equality. Men should understand women’s rights and should begin to respect them.  The need to raise awareness and consciousness among women so that they can be aware of their rights and be able to defend them but also to fight for them.  The need to introduce economic policies that focus at empowering and emancipating women socially and economically. For example, this could be achieved by introducing income generating activities or cooperatives that are owned, run and managed by women. This can work well if such policies are accompanied with policies that advocate small scale credit facilities/loans to women. On this above point, one participant from Kiteto echoed the following: “A woman will certainly be respected in the household if she is economically strong”. Another one supported the above view by saying: “As women, we are willing to fight men by actions, by establishing our own income generative projects”. Other recommendations included the following:     

The need for seminars, workshops or public meetings in the community in order to raise people’s awareness about violence against children. People should be ready to protect other people’s children. The need for by-laws in communities or villages in order to deal with acts of violence against women and violence against children. The need to educate children about their rights and to create an environment where they are able to defend and fight for them. Corruption in the justice system should be dealt with accordingly. The need for establishment of community based organizations that fight and defend the rights of women and children.

4.1.1.2: Adult Males’ Perspective and Views about Violence against Women and children As Table 4.1 shows, a total of three adult male focus group discussions were conducted; one in each district. As it was reflected in the FGDs with women about gender inequality, male participants also confirmed that, according to their traditions, men are supposed to be dominant in the family. Husbands are the “Baba mwenye Nyumba” meaning that the father is the head of the household. As one participant from Kibondo put it: “Mwanamke hana mamlaka ya kurithi mali ya baba yake. Mwanaume ndiye mwenye madaraka ndani ya nyumba na anapaswa kutoa amri kwa mke wake na watoto. Yeyote asiyeheshimu amri lazima akanywe ipasavyo” (A woman is not allowed to inherit wealth/property that belongs to her father. The husband is the one who rules in the house. He is supposed to give orders to both his wife and to his children and anyone who does not respect the rules deserves to be punished severely)” (FGD Male, Kibondo). Some men argued that male supremacy over women is the way things are supposed to be. Some even recited The Bible as supporting the belief that “Mwanamke ni Kiumbe dhaifu” (A woman is a weak creature). In affirming male dominance and justifying gender inequality, one participant from Kibondo held the following view: “A man was like a rooster in the family, and a woman’s responsibility was to provide the necessary services to all members of the family”. Many men supported this view and believed strongly that it was their responsibility to control processes of decision making in the household. For them, women who did not follow the wishes of men had to be punished. Most participants admitted the fact that as a result of these beliefs and practices, violence against women was common in their communities. There was a consensus that it was common to see women beaten, raped, sexually harassed and emotionally or verbally abused. They also agreed that coercive sexual acts were prevalent, particularly when men are drunk. Some participants strongly believed that because they had paid cows in order to marry their wives, women were then considered as objects of pleasure and had the obligation to have sex with their husbands whenever their man wanted. They admitted that such forms of sexual violence were common among families. One participant confirmed this by saying the following: “Sometimes men drink too much. And when they go back to their wives they forcefully demand sex, they do not care if the woman is tired or not. Such situations have led to unplanned or unwanted pregnancies. There is no doubt that this is violence” (FGD, Male, Kibondo). The participants also informed us of the presence of violence against children. They told us that although child molestation was not very common, cases of young girls being raped/defiled and young boys sodomized were still present, albeit on a small scale. However, whenever such cases happened, perpetrators who are well-off usually get away by bribing the community leaders or law enforcement institutions. Aside from sexual violence against children, most participants indicated that poverty was prevalent and therefore neglect of children was common. Some parents do not take good care of their children. The food provided to children is inadequate and therefore many children from such families are malnourished. Due to poverty

and conservative traditions, some parents do not take their children to school. For example, the Taturu in Igunga and the Maasai in Kiteto prefer putting their boys in the business of herding cattle rather than sending them to school. Their daughters are forced to marry early in exchange for cows with a lot of negative impact on girl children’s health. The Taturu in Igunga and the Maasai in Kiteto are also notorious for practicing female circumcision. It is a practice that is wide-spread in these two districts among these two tribes. Young girls as young as five are circumcised against their will and under crude, unhygienic conditions putting them at high risk of health problems, and a higher risk for contracting HIV/AIDS. Although there are interventions that are currently in place in order to eradicate this practice, it is clear from participants that the practice is so entrenched through tradition that stamping it out completely will take years to achieve. However, it is clear from the findings that most participants agreed that the practice was evil and very detrimental to children’s health. Some even suggested introducing harsh punishments, including imprisonment for parents that continue to practice female circumcision on young children. It was also mentioned by some male participants in Kiteto that violence against children was excessive, particularly to those children who were staying with step mothers or were orphaned. According to participants, such children are tortured daily, forced to work like slaves often in hazardous forms of work that is detrimental to their health. 4.1.1.3: Children’s’ Perspective and Views about Violence against Children A total of twelve FGDs with children were conducted (four FGDs in each district). In all FGDs the discussion began with simple questions that focused on the daily lives of children, their family, surrounding environment, and school life. Then, the discussion moved to other topics that focused more on children’s understanding of violence and their experiences. For example, the simple questions included:          

The size of their family and the people they lived with. People whom they liked or dislike most in the household and why. Whether they had friends in the school and within their neighborhood? The person they feared most in the family People they liked or disliked most in their neighborhood, and why. Places they felt safe and places they felt un-safe, and why. Their interest in school and if they liked their teachers. The times of the day they feared most and why. Things that they liked most and felt safe doing. People they liked spending their time with.

Although most of the female children in the nursery and primary schools were organized into groups (FGDs) and responded to most questions while in a group setting, during the discussions we realized the importance of capturing their specific personal opinions or experiences concerning certain questions; particularly those that are directly related to violence or to relationships that were prone to violence. In order to achieve this, the children were also asked individually about such specific questions as:   

The person they liked most in the family and why. The person they disliked most in the family and why. The person they feared most in the family and why.

One can therefore argue that the methodological approach employed here was both quasi focus group discussion and quasi personal interview. In view of this there have been attempts to quantify the responses of nursery and primary girl children as far as these questions are concerned. 4.1.1.3.1: Perspectives and Views of Nursery School Children Table 4.2 below presents a summary of the response girl children from nursery schools in the three districts. Table 4.2: Nursery School Children (Girls)

A) Person They Liked Most in Their Family School District # Of Fathe Mother Broth Childre r er n Umaki Kibond 7 2 3 o Azimio Igunga 6 2 2 Kalole Kiteto 6 1 5 1 ni Total 19 5(26 13(68 1(5%) %) %) B) Person They Disliked Most in Their Family School District # Of Fathe Mother Broth Childre r er n Umaki Kibond 7 2 3 o Azimio Igunga 6 1 1 1 Kalole Kiteto 6 5 2 ni Total 19 8(42 4(21%) 3(16% %) ) C) Person they Feared Most In Their Family School District # Of Fathe Mother Broth Childre r er n Umaki Kibond 7 3 3 3 o Azimio Igunga 6 4 1 Kalole Kiteto 6 2 1 3 ni Total 19 9(47 5(26%) 6(32% %) )

Sister

Aunt

Uncle

Grandmoth er

1 3

1 1

4(21 %)

2(10.5%)

Sister

Aunt

Uncle

Grandmoth er

3 1

4(21 %)

1(5% 1(5%) )

Sister

Aunt

Uncle

Grandmoth er

2 -

1(5%)

4(21 %)

Source: Computed from field data. Note: The percentages have been calculated to the nearest unit

The majority of the responses indicate that the mother is most frequently preferred by female children (68%). Only five children out of nineteen (26%) stated that they preferred their father most. Close to one half of the children did not like their fathers (8, or 42%). Actually, of the 86

nineteen children, nine (47%) stated that the father is the person they feared most in the family, while about one out of every four (25%) children indicated that they feared their mother most. When asked to state the reasons for preferring their mothers most, their responses were many. These included all the positive things that their mothers did to/with/for them. The following are examples of some of the reasons given.      

“The mother cooks for me.” “The mother buys me clothes.” “The mother takes me to the hospital when I am sick.” “The mother gives me medicine.” “The mother washes my clothes.” “The mother does not beat or whip me like my father.”

Most of the things they mentioned tended to reflect the traditional roles that women play in a domestic household economy. For those who testified that they preferred their fathers more gave the following reasons:  

“They buy clothes for us.” “They give/provide me money for my day at school.”

The reasons for disliking and/or fearing their parents as well as fearing them most were similar and can be summarized by one simple response: “The father beats us often.” One child echoed this view in the following way: “I fear going in our house during the day because the father beats me often” (Umaki Nursery, Kibondo). Regarding the other members of the family that were disliked most, brothers were mentioned most by participants; very few children mentioned their sisters. Reasons mentioned for disliking their brothers were as follows:    

“They beat me often.” “They insult me.” “They are selfish.” They harass me periodically.”

The nursery children were also asked whether they liked schooling. Responses to this question were mixed; for example, in Igunga, five children of six stated that they liked the school environment more than their home, because abuse and violence at home was the order of the day. Thus the home was the most feared place of these children. Other children from other schools indicated that the only thing they did not like at school was the severe punishments, which included being canned by teachers. “Mara nyingi walimu wanatuchapa sana na fimbo” (Often the teachers beat us with sticks). 4.1.1.3.2: Perspectives and Views of Primary School Girls The responses of the girl children in primary schools were more or less similar to those of girls from the nursery schools. The only exception was that the latter were more detailed in their response. Perhaps the age difference and the fact that the latter are in the first or second grade may help to explain the differences in the level of detail in the responses of participants. Table 4.3 below presents a summary of the primary school girls’ responses to the three specific questions: 1) The person they liked most; 2) The person they disliked most; and 3) The person they feared most.

Table 4.3: Primary School Girls

(A) Person They Liked Most in Their Family School District # Of Father Mother Children Kayemba Kibondo 5 2 3 Boma Kibondo 7 2 5 Azimio Igunga 6 3 2 Isugilo Igunga 6 3 Kaloleni Kiteto 6 1 5 Kijungu Kiteto 6 1 5 Total 36 9(25%) 23(64 (B) Person They Disliked Most in Their Family School District # Of Father Mother Childre n Kayemba Kibondo 5 1 1 Boma Kibondo 7 4 Azimio Igunga 6 1 Isugilo Igunga 6 6 Kaloleni Kiteto 6 5 1 Kijungu Kiteto 6 1 Total 36 18(50% 2(6%) (C) Person they Feared Most In Their Family School District # Of Father Mother Childr en Kayemba Kibondo 5 1 Boma Kibondo 7 2 1 Azimio Igunga 6 3 1 Isugilo Igunga 6 4 1 Kaloleni Kiteto 6 6 1 Kijungu Kiteto 6 6 1 Total 36 21(58% 6(17%)

Brother Sister

Aunt

Uncle Grandmother

1 2 1 2 8(22%)

1 1 2 4(11%

1 1 2(6%)

2 2 3 7(19%

1 2 3(8%)

Brother

Sister

Aunt

Uncle

Grandmother

3 3 1 2 3 12(33%

2 4 6(17%)

1 2 3 1 7(19%

1 1 1 1 4(11%

1 1(3%)

Brother

Sister

Aunt

Uncle

Grandmother

3 2 2 1 2 3 13(36%

1 2 3 1 7(19%)

2 3 2 7(19%

1 1 1 3(8%)

Source: Computed from field data. Note: The percentages have been calculated to the nearest unit

Twenty three out of thirty six girls (64%) preferred their mothers most; as opposed to only 9 (25%) who stated that they preferred their fathers more. Reasons for this preference of mothers over fathers included:    

“Mother’s buy us clothes.” “Mothers cook for us.” “Mothers wash our clothes.” “Mothers buy us school books and exercise books.”

Although the patterns of preferring the mother is similar with girls in nursery schools, when it comes to the person they dislike most the responses are different from those of girls in nursery school. Half of the girls (18 or 50%) stated the father as the most disliked person. Only 6% of the girls in primary schools disliked their mother. Many more tended to dislike their brothers

(33%), sisters (17%) and their aunts (19%). Only six girls or 17% indicated that they feared their mother. Reasons for disliking siblings included:   

“They harass us daily.” “They beat us often.” “They insult us.”

The father was mentioned as the person feared most in the family (58%) followed by brothers (36%), then sisters, (19%) and finally aunts (19%). The kinds of abuse described included: being slapped; the pinching of cheeks; the pulling of ears; being yelled at; canning; being insulted; and sometimes being sexually harassed. In schools, the punishments they received included: canning; push-ups; and kneeling down for long periods of time. It is clear that children identify head teachers and math teachers as being notorious for administering excessive and horrible punishments. The children went further to explain how they felt when they were beaten.    

“We feel pain when beaten” “My mother once beat me to the extent that I was wounded” “My father once beat me to the extent that I fell in hot water and was burned.” “One time my mother beat me to the extent that I was knocked into a stone and wounded.”

One child from Igunga narrated her fear and agony of pain in the following way: “When I see my mother with a stick, I usually cry. My heart beats fast. I also tremble and kneel down in front of her in fear and plead for mercy.” Although the children indicated that abuse and violence, i.e. sexual harassment and being beaten, was also perpetuated in their school by both teachers and male students, it was clear from their stories that they experienced violence and harassment more frequently at home than at school. In Kiteto almost all children we talked to feared the ‘Almadelge’. These are Maasai youths who have just undergone their ritual of circumcision. These youths are well known for terrorizing and beating the children with sticks if they meet them in the bush/forest, which the Maasai youth consider to be their territory. Due to the fierce and warrior like nature of the Maasai, Almadelge children belonging to other ethnic groups cannot wander freely in the forest to either hunt or collect fire wood. This situation tends to create a lot of tension between the Maasai and other ethnic groups that live in the Kiteto district. Looking at this information derived from girls in both nursery and primary schools in the three districts, a specific pattern of Gender-Based Violence becomes evident. Outside of school, particularly at home, it is fathers and male siblings who are disliked and feared most by the female children. Even within the school environment boys are feared most often as the perpetrators of female sexual harassment. This finding is further supported by information derived from in-depth interviews that we conducted with both male and female teachers in the three districts. Male dominance is common in these areas, an aspect of gender-inequality. And it is clear from the findings those males, whether boys or fathers, are the dominant perpetrators of violence against children. Most of the children also feared and hated some of their neighbours who often beat them and used abusive language towards them.

When this data is compared with the analysis derived from quantitative findings a slight difference is revealed. The data shows that most respondents mentioned that mothers were likely to inflict physical violence (90.6%) compared to 84.8% who mentioned fathers as more likely to inflict violence. As with teachers, the data shows that female teachers were leading perpetrators of physical violence compared male teachers. How can this be explained? One explanation can be attributed to the fact that mothers are traditionally responsible for moulding children’ behaviour in the domestic sphere of life. In most cases women/wives/mothers tend to be blamed most of the time for the bad behaviour of their children.

4.1.1.3.3: Perspectives and Views of Primary School Boys Boy children who participated in the FGDs were also the same questions that were asked of girls. It is evident from their responses throughout the three districts that their responses are very similar to those of girls. Fifty percent of the nursery school boys indicated that they liked their mothers most, compared to about a third (39%) who stated that they preferred their fathers. About 6% showed that they liked their brothers, sisters and aunts. What is surprising is that about 61% of the nursery school boys indicated that they feared their sisters more than their fathers as it was with the girls in nursery schools. This can be partly explained from the fact that most of the female children who live in a household are obliged to shoulder almost all domestic chores. Heads of households (men and women) yell at them all the time. Hence these young girls are often living with a lot of stress and anger. Due to that, some tend to release their pain or stress by yelling at others or abusing them. Young children living in the household become targets for such abuse. A notable example is girls who work as domestic servants in these families, who are usually regarded by young children as their sisters. Although the majority did not like their sisters, it is probably true to say that the children know that the most powerful person in the household is not the sisters, but their fathers. This is confirmed by the fact that about two thirds or 61% stated that it was the father whom they feared most in the household (Table 3.4). The boys stated reasons for liking their mothers as:    

“They cook for us” “Are so friendly and humble” “Cares for us whenever we are sick” “Washes us and our clothes”

Table 4.4: Nursery School Boys

A) Person They Liked Most in Their Family School District # Of Father Mothe Broth Childre r er n Boma Kibond 6 2 3 1 o Azimio Igunga 6 3 3 Kalole Kiteto 6 2 3 ni Total 18 7(39%) 9(50 1(6%) %) B) Person They Disliked Most in Their Family School District # Of Father Mothe Broth Childre r er n Boma Kibond 6 1 1 o Azimio Igunga 6 1 1 1 Kalole Kiteto 6 2 ni Total 18 4(22%) 2(11) 1(6%)

Sister

Aunt

Uncl e

Grandmoth er

1(6%)

1(6% )

Sister

Aunt

Uncl e

Grandmoth er

3 4

11(61 %)

C) Person they Feared Most In Their Family School District # Of Father Mothe Broth Sister Aunt Uncl Grandmoth Childre r er e er n Boma Kibond 6 3 1 1 1 o Azimio Igunga 6 4 2 Kalole Kiteto 6 4 1 1 ni Total 18 11(61 4(22 1(6%) 1(6%) 1(6% %) %) ) Source: Computed from field data: Note: Percentages computed to the nearest unit 4.1.1.3.4: Perspectives and Views of Primary School Boys Also primary school boys were asked the same questions which were asked to primary school girls. While there were many questions, the key questions were: First, the person they liked most in the family and why; second, the person they disliked most in the family and why; and third, the person they feared most in the family and why. Table 4.5 below provides a summary of their responses. Slightly more than a third of the primary school boys (39%) indicated that they liked their father and mother most. Only 2 boys (11%) liked their brothers. It is clear from the findings that the reasons for liking either the father or mother are a reflection of the responsibility that the parents have in the family, a responsibility that is gender-based. Most of the responses reflected this dichotomy in which fathers/men provided things which are considered as

belonging to responsibility of men/fathers. For example, the boys said they liked their father for the following reasons:   

“They buy school materials like shoes, socks, pens and pencils, school bags, uniforms”. “They provide money for them”. “They took them to visit several places“.

Reasons mentioned for liking their mothers included:  “Mother cooks good food for us.”  “She washes us and repairs our clothes”  “Mother does not beat me” These reasons seem to be similar with those that were provided by girl children in both nursery and primary schools. Drawing from these findings it becomes clear that gender roles and responsibilities assigned to men and women influence the perception of male children who in turn adopt and cement masculine social attributes which dictate how they evaluate themselves vis-à-vis girls. It was interesting to note that, despite observed equal weight on their preferences to their fathers and mothers, the boys, nevertheless indicated that they feared most their fathers (50%). They also stated that the father was someone they disliked most in the family (61%). One of the school boys had this to say: “I fear my father most because even if you make a small mistake he canes you”. The boys mentioned reasons for fearing their fathers as:   

“They are so harsh and beat them so often”. “Sometimes they don’t listen to our problems” “They yell, insult or beat our mothers”

“Mistreatment or maltreatment” seems to be the main reason behind boy children’s dislike of their mothers, sisters, brothers and other family members.

Table 4.5: Primary School Boys

A) Person They Liked Most in Their Family School District # Of Father Mothe Childre r n Kayem Kibond 6 1 3 ba o Azimio Igunga 6 3 2 Kaloleni Kiteto 6 3 2 Total 18 7(39%) 7(39

Broth er

Sister

Aunt

Uncl e

Grandmoth er

1 2(11

1(5.5

1 1(5.5

%) %) B) Person They Disliked Most in Their Family School District # Of Father Mothe Broth Childre r er n Kayem Kibond 6 3 1 ba o Azimio Igunga 6 4 1 Kaloleni Kiteto 6 4 Total 18 11(61 2(11 %) %) C) Person they Feared Most In Their Family School District # Of Father Mothe Broth Childre r er n Kayem Kibond 6 4 ba o Azimio Igunga 6 3 2 1 Kaloleni Kiteto 6 2 1 Total 18 9(50%) 2(11 2(11 %) %)

Sister

Aunt

Uncl e

Grandmoth er

1 2 5(28% )

Sister

Aunt

Uncl e

Grandmoth er

1 1 3(17% )

1 2(11% )

1 1(5 %)

4.2: Findings Generated by In-Depth Interviews As our protocol demanded, along with FGDs, we also conducted in-depth interviews with various government officials within the three districts whom we thought, due to their positions, dealt with issues related to violence against children and violence against women. Such officers included school principals and teachers, District Education Officers, District Community Development Officers, District Commanding Officers of the Police Department, District Medical Officers, District Magistrates and those in charge of the District Prisonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Department. The table below presents a summary of the total number of in-depth interviews that were conducted in the three districts and the type of officers that were interviewed. A total of ten teachers were interviewed. Three of these were women. Some of the teachers interviewed were school principals and others were ordinary teachers.

Table 4.6: Summary of In-Depth Interviews

District Kibondo Igunga Kiteto Total

Teachers 2 4 4 10

DCO 1 1 1 3

DEO 1 1 1 3

DCDO 1 1 1 3

DRM 1 1 1 3

DPDO 1 1 1 3

DMO 1 1 1 3

WEO 2 2 3 7

VEO 3 2 3 8

COML 3 3 3 9

Key: DCO: District Commanding Officer (Police Department) DEO: District Education Officer DCDO: District Community Development Officer DRM: District Resident Magistrate DPDO: District Prison’s Department Officer DMO: District Medical Officer WEO: Ward Executive Officer VEO: Village Executive Officer COML: Community Leaders

The sole aim of interviewing the officials was to understand their views about violence against children, whether it was present in the community, its magnitude, the main perpetrators, and the effectiveness of existing policies that seek to address the issues involved. We further sought to understand what they themselves did in order to address the problem, and finally the best way of eradicating this problem.

4.2.1: Officers Understanding and Experiences about Violence against Children In brief, all these officers acknowledged the presence of violence against children in their districts. They confirmed the occurrence of sexual, physical, verbal, emotional and psychological abuse of children, which they received from their parents, teachers and peers. It was noted that orphans are particularly susceptible to this type of treatment from the community and step-parents as they have little protection from it. Teachers and Community Development Officers confirmed the presence of such cases of abuse. They identified parents as the main perpetrators of such violence. They argued that, aside from being beaten, children were neglected and left without access to food, clothing, decent housing and support for school. Others, rather than being sent to school are forced to work on farms or in other forms of hard labour, much of which is beyond the ability of the children; particularly those who are still young. All officers agreed that corporal punishment in schools was common. Although the teachers tended to defend their use of such by claiming that they limited their punishments to one to six lashes; information derived from interviews with other officers suggested that excessive corporal punishment and other forms of severe punishments are common in most schools. Cases of children being hospitalized due to such excessive punishment are not hard to come by. One District Medical Officer had this to say: “Although on a small scale, we have sometimes admitted children in our hospital who have been beaten severely by teachers because of offences they committed in schools, many have also come in who have had their hands burned by their parents for stealing something in the home. When you ask them why they did that to their children their response is usually ‘to deter them from bad behaviour’” (IDI-DMO, Kibondo). All interviewed officers seem to agree that most acts of abuse or violence against children are rooted in the traditional conservative cultures. Male dominance and supremacy is common with detrimental impacts on equality between men and women of all ages. Families prefer sending

boys to school rather than girls. Boys’ education tends to be more adequately supported than girls’. The District Education Officer of the Kiteto District, in regard to this, said: “In most cases families prefer sending boys to school than girls. They would rather put their daughters into forced marriages at a tender age in order to get cows or money—more so with the Maasai families. At the same time, even if boys and girls are sent to school, once they return home girls are busy helping their mothers with domestic chores and in most cases at the expense of doing their homework or reading”(IDI-DEO, Kiteto). According to many officers, it is this gender inequality which determines the position of males and females in the society. Not only does this situation breed violence against women and against female children, but it also relegates women and their daughters to the low rank of the social hierarchy in society. Due to this, women and girls tend to be the social group most humiliated and oppressed in communities. For example, in Igunga, the traditional “Ngoma” (Dance) called “Chagulaga” among the Sukuma tribe demeans women and perpetuates early marriages, sexual violence and rape. One teacher described this traditional dance in the following way: “Girls assemble and dance throughout the night. While dancing, boys are allowed to pick a lady they like, take her away and sexually assault her. It is a traditional dance that justifies sexual violence and rape” (IDI-Teacher, Igunga). The teacher identified the severe negative impact of “Chagulaga” to be:  The spreading of HIV/AIDs or other STIs  Marriage at a young age.  Girls dropping out of school  Trauma associated with coercive sexual encounters.  Unwanted pregnancies The information derived from the interviews with law enforcement institutions such as the police, resident magistrates and prison departments seem to confirm that violence against women and children is common in the three districts. Every year they handle cases of women who have been severely beaten by their husbands, some of whom have been maimed or even killed. They have also witnessed cases in which young boys are raped, defiled or sodomized. However, according to these government officials the cases they handle are few compared to the true frequency of such incidences in the community. Many people do not report these issues to law enforcement either because they are ignorant that these are serious crimes that deserve severe punishment, or they consider them to be family issues and therefore prefer finding resolutions to such within the family. We were also told by law enforcement officers that, although some people know that these are serious crimes, they hesitate to report them to police because they fear shamming the family or wish to protect the culprits from punishment. This is indeed common because most of the perpetrators of these crimes are either family members, close relatives or someone they know well. The other reason is the fact that most of the perpetrators of violence are men, and because most village and community leaders are predominantly men, the tendency for these leaders to protect their fellow men is common. The District Commanding Officer of the Police Department in Kibondo had this to say: “Cases of women being beaten, maimed and killed are common, but very few are reported to us. Villagers prefer to resolve them locally in their communities.

This is common because most perpetrators of violence are men and so are the community leaders. “Masuala haya ni kama kupeleka kesi ya nyani kwa ngedere” (This is like taking a case of a monkey for prosecution to a chimpanzee)” (IDI-District Police Officer, Kibondo). A Kiteto District Resident Magistrate held similar views with those echoed by the Kibondo Police Officer above. In his own words he said: “Although the scale of violence against women and children is alarming in villages and we hear of them often, the cases rarely come to court. Even when they do, prosecuting and convicting the offenders is always difficult because people collude in villages and tamper with evidence. Sometimes the key witnesses do not appear in court. When this happens, I as a judge, have no alternative except to free the defendant” (IDI-District Magistrate, Kiteto). Both the District Police officers and the District Resident magistrates in the three districts confirmed that sexual violence and other forms of violence are crimes and that there are laws that are used to prosecute the offenders. For example, cases of raping a minor were punishable by either life in prison or a maximum sentence of thirty years in prison. As we were in the field work in Kibondo, a young man had just been found guilty of raping a girl and sentenced to thirty years in prison; one was in remand prison awaiting trial. This is evidence that the laws are working, but unfortunately without full support of community members and community leadership, many offenders are likely to be spared from these severe punishment which can deter other people from committing similar offenses. In discussing suggestions on how violence against children could be eradicated, the views of all officers we interviewed did not differ with those that were generated in the focus group discussions. All participants agreed that there was a relationship between gender inequality, male dominance and violence against women and children. They also agreed that GenderBased Violence is embedded in traditions that consider men as dominant and important in society. In view of this, they suggested the introduction of policies that focus on educating them so that they respect women and protect their basic human rights. They also expressed the importance of raising awareness and consciousness among women in rural communities so that they know their rights and how to defend them. For example, we were told that the Police Department had a gender desk whose responsibility was to address gender problems and advocate for gender rights, but it was hardly used because very few people were aware of its existence. Beyond campaigns in the communities, most officers think that these basic human rights need to be taught in schools so that children know them and learn how to defend them. They also agree that the responsibility of protecting children from any form of violence has to be shouldered by everyone, and not simply institutions. Also the officers acknowledged a close link between poverty, women’s economic dependence on men and violence. As a remedy to these problems, they also suggested introduction of policies that aim at empowering women socially and economically. In this case eradication of poverty is a vital process in eliminating or reducing violence against women and children. Some officials said they could do a lot to protect the welfare of children; however, their efforts are usually hampered by inadequacy of resources at their disposal. For example the head of prisons in Kiteto had this to say.

“The capacity of the Kiteto prison is only suitable for 170 inmates. At present we have 470 inmates. So the prison is really overcrowded. We do not have separate rooms for young offenders (juveniles). What can I do when such children are brought to my prison? Where should I put them? In most cases we are forced to put them together with adult inmates. Under these circumstances, it is indeed difficult for us to protect children’s rights”. (IDIPrison Officer-Kibondo) A similar complaint was echoed by a Resident Magistrate in Kiteto in the following way. “In our district we do not have a juvenile court or a judge for juvenile cases. There is no place where we can remand juveniles who are either habitual offenders or have committed a horrible crime. We are forced to send them to an adult prison with the hope that the prison officers will protect the juvenile from being molested by other adult inmates. If we really want to protect people’s rights, regardless as to whether they are children or adults, the government has to invest a lot of resources in the justice system infrastructure”.(IDI-Resident Magistrate-Kiteto) A Commanding Officer of the Kibondo Police Department shares a similar viewpoint. “We have problems. Sometimes we arrest children who are habitual offenders who commit horrible crimes. My department does not have a remand place for such children. The issue is: where do you take them? The prisons do not have special rooms for young children, community members are tired and fed up with such children, and if you leave them there the risks of being killed are high. Finally we are forced to lock them up in adult prisons. We really need resources in order to protect them” (IDI-OCD-Kibondo)

4.3: Findings Generated by Interviews with Children by means of Pictures In order to capture more from very young children on whether they understood violence, and if they had experienced it; we decided to show them a variety of pictures/photos that depicted acts of violence. Our aim here was twofold: First, to see if children understood what was going on in the pictures; and second, whether they had experienced the scenarios from the pictures, either directly or through observation, within their community. The interviews were based on seven pictorial diagrams representing children in different scenarios with friends, parents, grandparents, guardians, and teachers. Each of the diagrams were coupled with a set of questions that aimed to capture the children’s understanding and experience of violence against children aged 0-8. A total of seven drawings were presented to children. Each diagram depicted some kind of message that could reveal the understanding and interpretation of a child’s experience (individual/social) with acts related to violence against children, neglect, abandoned or discrimination. A total of 24 children (12 males and 12 females) participated in this exercise of observing and interpreting pictorial drawings. Below is a brief summary of how children interpreted each picture.

Diagram 1

The first diagram above presented three children whereby two of them were smartly dressed with beautiful clothes, shoes, mobile phones, headphones and iPods/small radios; whereas the other child among the three was a shabby looking boy with uncombed hair, torn clothes and bare-feet. We then asked the children the following questions:     

Of the three children, whom do you think is loved most? Whom do you think goes to school? Whom do you suspect to have been abandoned by parents? Of the three, who looks happy and who seems to be miserable? Does this happen to you or other children?

All children across the three districts regardless of gender considered the two well-dressed children as the ones that were loved by their parents/guardians, were attending school, and were happy. They also saw them as children who were safe from violence or abuse. More than half of the males and majority of the girls reported that the other boy was dirty, unhappy, and likely abandoned by parents. In addition, 50% of all children (5 boys and 7 girls) thought that this boy was not attending school. Those who thought that he attended school argued to have witnessed such desperately poor children in their own schools and sometimes in their neighbourhood. There is no doubt that in a district like Kibondo, where rampant violence against women and children is common, cases of neglected children who come to school with bare feet are not hard to find.

Diagram 2

The second diagram contained a family of four people; a father, mother and their two children. The general outlook on the diagram shows anger in the faces of the parents and one of the children who seems to be furiously scorning the remaining girl who is wearing a torn dress, crying and appears segregated from the family. The girl who is pointing is showing the crying girl what chores she must do, which we see to include sweeping and washing dishes and clothing. The children were asked to explain what was happening and why the other girl was crying. As a matter of fact, all the children (100%) said that the crying girl was not loved and she was subjected to hard work. Some of them commented that the girlâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s parents had died and she lived with brutal relatives. Again, 4 boys and 5 girls argued that this was a house girl. Although among the 12 girls no one claimed to have gone through such experiences, half of them said they had witnessed this situation in their homes and in the neighbourhood. The children recognized that the crying child was being mistreated and labelled the two parents/guardians as irresponsible and cruel. They refuted that such a young girl would be unable to manage washing so many clothes along with all of the other activities. However, some boys claimed that washing clothes, cleaning utensils and sweeping are feminine chores so the girl was not crying because of the work itself, but rather that the two parents seemed partial by letting the other girl free while she does all the work alone. This situation showed that some boys were already being socialized in patriarchal hegemony and were already caught with gender-stereo typing ideas and thoughts when considering roles shouldered by girls and boys.

Diagram 3

This diagram had three people, two children and an old man. A girl is seen cooking while carrying a baby on her back. A boy is returning from the bush carrying a huge bundle of firewood and walking in front of the old man who is carrying a walking stick. We asked the children to look at the diagram and identify what was going on, with whom the two children were living and whether or not they were being overworked. Children from all districts said the two children were involved in domestic work (cooking and fetching firewood). Fifteen children out of 24 (63%) suggested that the two children lived with their grandfather for a number of reasons. They speculated the following:     

Their Parents were dead Their Parents told these children to assist their grandfather in the village The children liked to live with their grandfather They were abandoned by their parents The old man was their father

The children neither mentioned that the children were being overworked nor did they identify the gendered division of labour and child labour though they knew that such work could deny children a chance to attend school. The children informed us that such cases were not hard to see in their neighbourhood.

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Diagram 4

The diagram portrayed a woman furiously pulling a young girl’s hair as she shows her a washbasin full of dirty clothes. Looking at the diagram, it is very likely that the girl had been instructed by her mother to wash the clothes and she had not done so. The children were required to explain what was taking place: whether the woman was the child’s mother and what the child’s age might be; and if she would be able to wash the clothes. We also wanted them to inform us whether such acts are present in their homes or neighbourhood. The children who said to have experienced or witnessed child battering of this type were of the view that mothers who treated their children this way existed in their societies. Nevertheless, some of the children said they had witnessed some women do this to their house girls and/or their nieces but not their own children. Furthermore, some children, specifically in Kibondo and Kiteto which seemed to have more rural characteristics, reported to be washing their own clothes at home. They argued that such a young child could not manage to thoroughly wash so many clothes. They believed that this woman was indeed mistreating the child. Diagram 5

This diagram showed five people eating. Two adults, most likely parents, and two children were seated eating together in one area, while one child—a girl—was eating alone at a distance. Her bowl looks empty compared to the bowl of the two children, an indication of having been given less food than the other two children. We asked the children to tell us what was going on in the picture. Also they were required to explain why the child was eating alone and whether she had enough food.

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The children’s responses varied. More than half of both males and females commented that the child eating alone was probably an orphan and did not belong to the adults, who were her guardians. They suggested that the child was segregated by her guardians who, some thought, were either an aunt or uncle according to their own experiences with the related child violence. They thought that these two invested love in their children that are seen eating together and neglected the other one. However, a few of the informants identified bad behaviour as the reason the parents had segregated the child. Examples of such behaviours include:      

Urinating in the bed at night She doesn’t fulfill her duties (washing utensils, cooking etc) She is lazy She dislikes school She engages in unacceptable activities She is greedy and gluttonous

So, to some of these children such behaviours would make a girl or a boy be hated by their parents. Diagram 6

The diagram presented an angry man grabbing a seemingly scared child’s arm. The man is also carrying a huge-rough whip. The child is in bare feet. The questions sought to understand children’s experiences with such situations at school or home with teachers and parents respectively, and whether or not what was being done to this child was a friendly act. All of the participating children disapproved of this situation. Children in Igunga expressed to have never experienced such actions at school. A few stated to have seen such actions at home occasionally. Children of Kibondo and Kiteto confirmed that such brutality was common in those districts and this was a result of fathers drinking too much.

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Diagram 7

The diagram was slightly different than that in number 6. This diagram portrayed a teacher canning a boy who was bending over the top of a desk. The question asked children to explain if they were being treated in a similar manner by their teachers. It was clear that three quarters of the children interviewed understood that the boy in the diagram was being caned. Almost half of the boys and girls said they had seen teachers do it to some children in their schools. Very few of them had witnessed the same done to a kindergarten child. However, whatever the case, children commented that they didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t wish to encounter such a situation because it was wrong and caused a lot of pain.

4.4: Quick Scan and Ethnographic Assessment of School Environment and Childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Playing Grounds It is understood that playgrounds provide crucial opportunities for play and physical development. There is substantial research to date that shows and confirms the relationships between leisure playing, cognitive development, and social capabilities. It is believed that all learning, whether emotional, social, motor, or cognitive, is accelerated, facilitated, and fuelled by the pleasure of play. In view of this, along with understanding childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s perceptions of violence and how they understand and experience it, we also visited various areas designated as playgrounds for young children, along with conducting interviews. First and foremost is that nursery school is still a foreign concept in all three districts. There are very few nurseries or kindergartens in Kibondo, Igunga, and Kiteto. The few that we visited and assessed the environments of were in urban areas. According to the District Education Officer, as well as the District Social Welfare Officer of the three districts, there are no nursery schools in the rural areas. For example, in Kibondo, there were only two nursery schools serving children between the ages of three and six years old. One nursery was owned by the Anglican Church and the other one was public. The public facility had one room, two teachers and served up to fifty students. Desks and chairs were scarce, the building was poorly built, and books were not available. In brief, children in this nursery were overcrowded and generally lacked necessary learning materials. Our in-depth interviews with teachers show that providing a healthy and productive learning space with such lack of resources was a daily struggle.

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The situation of publicly owned nurseries in Igunga and Kiteto reflected similar conditions. Children were accommodated in poor buildings with no resources that facilitate healthy early development process. There is no doubt that playgrounds are important in schools serving any age group. All three districts chronically lack safe playgrounds for children. During recess, children run unsupervised around neighbouring buildings. In the primary schools that we visited, the playing areas are either unsafe or inadequately furnished for student use. This was related to us by both students and teachers. The only common playground within the school compound is the soccer/football field. How children can enjoy using the soccer field without balls remains a mystery. We also noted a dimension of gender discrimination in relation to available physical activities. Soccer or football is predominantly a menâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s activity; females tend to prefer volleyball, netball, or track. Slowly, the inclusion of women and girls in male dominated sports is increasing, but this is largely confined to urban areas; otherwise, in rural areas, the game remains unpopular among girls. Therefore, the fact that most schools are equipped more with soccer/football fields than fields for other games that are either predominantly female, or in which females also participate, means that the present system favours boys in regard to providing avenues for physical activity and team building exercises. Arguably, the fact that playgrounds for young children are non-existent is evidence that the present system discriminates not only against girls, but also against younger children. Regardless of gender, this is detrimental to the developmental health of young children.

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Chapter 5

What do We Learn from These Findings? Analysis and Discussions 5.0: Introduction: This section aims at discussing the findings of this study. The study used a variety of methods of data collection which were predominantly divided into two, namely quantitative and qualitative. This discussion is aimed at showing how the data that was collected via these methods simultaneously helps us to understand the nature of violence against children who are below 8 years in Kibondo, Igunga and Kiteto Districts. By helping us to understand the nature of violence against children in these districts, the discussion also helps us to provide what we consider as recommendations that ought to be put in place in these areas in order to either end or reduce the magnitude of violence against children. We begin our discussion by a brief presentation of background information and risk perception.

5.1: Background information and risk perception The findings show that females were likely to be found in the households and had a high response rate by participating fully in the interviews. Men were frequently absent due to being away from the household either participating in income earning activities or at times declining to participate in the study because they thought issues of children are to be best handled by women-certainly a belief and practice that informs us of the nature of gender dynamics in the three districts and the role played by women in the domestic sphere of life. The average household size found in this study (6.18) was slightly higher than that found in the 2012 population and housing census of 4.8 19 this may be due to increased fertility rate as one goes westwards from Dar es Salaam a finding also noted by other researchers in the area. The study population was mainly comprised of primary school dropouts (76%) and some did not even go to school; implying that their ability to read and write, and access information through print media may be limited. As we shall demonstrate later, education is indeed an important variable that has positive impact in strategies aimed at reducing violence against women as well as violence against children-education is indicated already in this document that it is statistically significant when correlated with the respondentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; perceptions towards any form of violence. Although more than three quarters of our adult population had low education levels, on the other hand, most could speak Swahili with exception of a few in Kibondo. The fact that the majority are fluent in Swahili, and the fact that about 62% indicated to own radios, intervention messages that are in Swahili can reach these people easily through radio. The findings show that, although in terms of responses to questions the three districts tend to be similar; they are not similar in terms of general education levels, sanitary facilities, economic opportunities, cultures, ownership of household items, and food security (See Table 3.1); implying that intensity of approaches in proposed interventions may be needed to bring all the districts at the planned level. However, it is evident from the data collected that general poverty is rampant in the three districts, with most people (80%) having no food that can sustain them until the next harvest. Situations of children not having anything to eat in the morning, and

105

walking barefoot, let alone not being able to take a shower in the morning due to water scarcity, are common. It is also evident from the findings that many research subjects had different definitions of violence against children and women, as were the perceptions regarding who was at higher risk of violence. It was, however, interesting to note that children under the age of eight were also identified to be at high risk of violence by all the three districts (23%)see Fig. 3.5.The findings also show that the little the knowledge on violence and their types especially among the victims, the higher the likeliness of undergoing violent deeds from perpetrators and the same applies for agents of violence. This necessitates approaches that will expose them to correct knowledge regarding what violence means and correcting the mindset of who is at risk for violence against both children and women Generally, respondents thought neglectful forms of violence were the most common in their setting; but findings from this study on experiences of violence indicated otherwise. Physical violence was identified as the most common form of violence (See Fig. 3.4). Why is this so? This may mean that the population does not tolerate neglect but tolerates physical violence to the extent that they do not see it as a problem anymore. As well it was clear in the perceptions of women that though most of their husbands were brutal, for them it was more painful to be neglected; hence they could withstand and accommodate different forms of physical violence instead of being neglected. It was interesting to note that 85-89% of the population does not accept violence and this was backed up by information from participants of the in-depth interviews and FGDs who presented a strong discontentedness with violence as can be also witnessed by the low percentage of those who still accept it (See Table 3.5). We believe strongly that this is a good starting point for interventions. The main task required is how to deal with the 10% or so who seem to acceptâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;or do not reject/denounceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;violence. From the findings, there is a significant population that denounces both VAW and VAC which is also a good starting point (ibid). Despite the fact that it is clear that many people denounce violence, these indicate that in all three districts, the population has nothing on the ground as an intervention against violence. The population is not aware of any local, district, regional or national initiatives against violence against women and children. Very few people know what to do when faced with such situations. This requires raising awareness, making facilities/organizations available that deal with violence. Although, in some places, some people mentioned what was being done in order to eliminate or reduce violence in their communities, they nevertheless also complained that the success of such programs was limited as can be evidenced in IDIs with District Police Officer of Kibondo and The Kiteto District Magistrate (Refer to sub-section 4.2). As we indicated earlier, there is evidence from this study that education is a key to success. The findings show that acceptance of violence decreased with increasing levels of education (opcit). What does this mean? This means that improving access to education is probably a good starting point. Education is likely to change the traditional mindset that, as we have seen in this study, accepts male dominance and supremacy, perpetuates gender inequality and in most cases seems to facilitate and justify violence that women and children experience from men. The qualitative findings also indicate that women and children who had low or had no education at all were more likely abused and did not react seriously against it-they said, they could lament on the action and carry on with their lives unlike their a bit educated counterparts who noted to refute such acts when they occurred.

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As regards types of violence tolerated in specific populations, respondents thought neglect to be the most common among children while physical was most common among women. These assumptions were confirmed for women, but different for children since the most common form of violence among children was also found to be physical. It is certainly clear that since the most common perpetrators of violence toward children were adult men and women, they did not see this as a problem among children; otherwise they could not be inflicting this type of violence to children. As qualitative data shows, most adults assume that slapping or beating a child—whether with a stick or not—is acceptable. To them it is seen within a societal cultural context as a form of parenting, socializing the child so that he/she grows up by adhering to norms and values of the society. Many adults in all three districts tended to justify such practices. There is no doubt that such beliefs and behaviours are perpetuated by the societal cultural context which takes some forms violence as normal under the ploy of parenting children.

5.2: Magnitude of violence. The trend of magnitude of violence by type was similar among both adult and child populations: physical followed by emotional, neglect, and lastly sexual (See Fig. 3.7). Adult females were more likely to experience any type of violence compared to men, meaning that for all types of violence, women were at an increased risk. For children, the findings were different. The risk of all forms of violence for children was not associated with sex, meaning that male and female children were at the same risk for each particular type of violence. Exposure to violence, especially physical, seemed severe to the extent of requiring medical attention and in some cases hospitalization. In one of the situations, one woman in Kibondo expressed her agony after a prolonged beating by her husband saying that it had become so common so that women were no longer perceived as fleshy beings who can feel pain-this was suggestive to a metaphor of turning women’s bodies to punching boxes. This indicates the need for urgent interventions against violence in this population. Although the perpetrators of violence toward children are typically adults with a mindset of a male dominant society, violence among children did not differ by sex. This implies children were inflicted equally, but as they mature there is greater differentiation in the type of violence men and women experience. This is evidenced by the finding that men were more likely to suffer neglect before they turned 18 compared to women (Refer sub-section 3.1.8). All forms of violence were likely to be witnessed many times among adults, and for children—except for sexual violence, which was likely to be witnessed only once. This suggests a low magnitude, implying that few people will be exposed to this type of violence on a regular basis—particularly in their youth. Although it would seem likely that the larger the house-hold size, the greater the risk of violence, it was found that only the witnessing of physical violence was associated with household size, while actual experiences were not (See Table 3.9). Maybe a larger household size brings in cohesive forces that regulate proper conduct in the household setting. The qualitative findings do not present any contradictions on this as it seems that violence could happen no matter the house-hold size, however, there was logically a more likelihood that neglectful violence could be experienced in some section of a bigger house-hold.

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5.3: Poverty, Gender Inequality, and Violence against Women and Children The findings show that there is a close association between violence against women, violence against children and gender inequality. Women’s position in households, families, and society—as evidenced by decision making processes in households/families—determines their social status and keeps them at a disadvantage with less power and involvement in decision making processes. This may result in increased vulnerability to all forms violence compared to men. Although the quantitative data indicates that fathers and mothers are the leading perpetrators of violence against children in the household, the findings from qualitative data inform us that, within the household the father is considered as the head of the household and is therefore the one who administers discipline in the home. The father not only exercises violence against children, but also—and more often—to the wife/mother. It is also evident that poverty and the economic dependency of poor women on their husbands’ leads to a situation where women are forced to accept, endure, and tolerate violence. Women who were asked as to why they did not abandon or report their abusive violent husbands to authorities seemed to mention three main reasons. First, most of them mentioned the fear of leaving their children. They believed strongly that if they left, their children would suffer. Hence their love for their children made them remain living with their abusive husbands. Second, many women indicated poverty and their economic dependence on the husband. Although some would think of leaving, the question would be: once you leave, where do you go and how do you survive? Third, others did not want to abandon their husbands because of the social stigma associated with broken marriages or divorces, where, in most cases it is a norm in in the culture that the woman is the one who is blamed. What we learn from these findings is the fact that any strategies that aim at eliminating violence against children and violence against women must be accompanied by social and economic policies and processes that seek to empower/ emancipate women socially and economically. There is no doubt that education and economic empowerment are essential variables to such processes.

5.4: Young Children and Violence Many studies have concentrated on children 12 years and older while neglecting the younger ones. This study has uncovered that even these young children aged 8 years and below experience all forms of violence at an unprecedented magnitude. Younger ages may definitely fail to understand the actual meanings of sexual violence, and fail to differentiate with any other types of touching, or what is meant by forced sex as indicated by quantitative data, but for other forms of violence—that is physical, emotional, and neglectful forms—the understanding is clear(see fig. 3.10). What the children have expressed is what is actually happening in this population. Children do not lie, what they spontaneously say is what is in their mind; this further enforces the validity of these study findings. The children that participated in this study expressed their views of disliking violence in a variety of ways. For example, children as old as 4 years were capable of describing what was going on in a variety of pictures or diagrams as acts of violence. They were able to show which child was being discriminated by the family, who seemed to be neglected and who seemed to be liked or loved most. These children were also capable of relating the situation observed in the pictures to their own life. Some stated that they have witnessed those acts of violence in their own households; others said it had happened to them or they had seen it happening in other families. The fact that all children confirmed that those acts were bad is an indication that children are aware of the existence of violence and what it means, particularly physical violence

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(Refer to sub-section 4.3). By collecting such data from children, this study successfully acknowledges the fact that children are capable of reviewing their social environment and understand very well what is good or bad for them. Listening to the voices of the children themselves is one of the important aspects of this study since it can help policy planners in designing interventions that reflect the needs and problems experienced by the victims of violence. Many studies have neglected studying this children’s population under the pretext that they cannot express themselves, and yet, they have proceeded to introduce interventions that are aimed at reducing violence against this social group. Most of these interventions have not been down to earth and have ended up dealing with symptoms rather than the essential causes of violence. What we learn here is that we must listen to the voices of the victims.

5.5. Socio-cultural Context of Violence against Children In 2009, UNICEF, in collaboration with other partners, including the government of Tanzania, carried out a major study on violence against children (13-24 years old). Although this study was seminal and a breakthrough as far as this subject is concerned, the study, however, fell short because it did not provide a detailed socio-cultural context within which violence against children operates. The focus was on statistics that indicated different forms of violence. When it comes to the context of the UNICEF study, it was much more interested in the locations where violence occurred; time of the day of occurrences; and the type of force used and by whom. This study has noted that violence against women, as well as violence against children, does not occur in a vacuum but rather in a socio-cultural context. If this socio-cultural context is not unveiled, any form of interventions designed and implemented are likely to fail. This study found that violence against children, as well as violence against women, is embedded in the socio-cultural traditions that are inherited and dominant in all these districts. Men are dominant in these societies in both the domestic and public spheres of life. It is the men who control resources of power, prestige and wealth. Women tend to be powerless and subordinate to men. Male domination has far reaching implications on the welfare of women and young children—especially girls. It also intensifies women’s poverty and economic dependence on men, which also negatively affects the welfare of children. All research subjects, men and women, boys and girls, stated that the father was the head of the household and was also the person who controlled processes of decision making in regard to household resources. They also stated that local traditions tended to favour men and by doing so, somehow directly or indirectly justified men’s acts of violence against their wives. It is quite clear from the findings that dominant traditions in Kibondo, Igunga, and Kiteto across all different ethnic groups consider the women and children as the assets and property of men, and that men can do whatever they want without negative consequences. Unfortunately this kind of perception is held by many men, women, and children—they all tend to ascribe to it. Because of this, and the fact that people grow up in such societies where they see children and women being abused, sexually assaulted, and beaten, the tendency for many is to accept violence and consider it as a normal way of life and a common phenomenon. In this case, reporting acts of violence to authorities is very unlikely to happen. For men, violence against women and children is seen as not deviating from the norm, but rather their duty and responsibility and an affirmation of masculinity, fatherhood, and manhood. For most women the fear of being “homeless”, of having nowhere to go, fear that their “children will suffer” and of “shame” generated by society, stigmas of broken families (where women are held responsible), forces them to endure this kind of violent life. All these are cultural factors that ought to be

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considered in planning interventions that aim at ending violence against women and children. It is important to consider the interplay between social economic and cultural factors and how they maintain and facilitate violence against women and children in communities. As we have indicated earlier, policies which aim to educate people in order to raise their awareness about violence as a violation of basic human rights and that it is criminal under Tanzania law may indeed be a good practice. All people need to know that violence has serious negative emotional and psychological effects to both women and children. We need to design policies that address gender inequality and that rampant gender inequality that exists in the three districts has to be perceived as a crisis in men-women-children relationships in a household. We need to educate people through campaigns and other strategies that the central objective of family life in a household is “happiness”. The people in communities need to know that acts of violence in a household whether expressed towards women or children, inflict pain and psychological torture and are therefore a barrier to happiness. Lack of happiness in a family not only impacts women and children negatively, but the husband as well and likely future generations. If this approach is used it has the advantage of targeting the entire community. It is a holistic approach in addressing violence. If we perceive violence within this socio-cultural context it will be clear that the essential cause of violence is a product of complex, unequal power relationships that exist in society between men, women, and children. If policies do not address the underlying factors that create tensions between men, women, and children the problem is likely to persist for the foreseeable future. We see a women and children violentfree Kibondo, Kiteto and Igunga only if socio-cultural and economic complexities are addressed holistically and with entirety.

5.6: Core Perpetrators of Violence against Children The Study findings show that the main perpetrators of violence—particularly physical forms of violence—are parents (fathers and mothers), followed by brothers and sisters, and then neighbours. How can this be explained? Tradition in Tanzania considers the father to be the head of a household, followed by the mother. It is the responsibility of the parents to make sure that the children are raised and socialized in such a way that they follow the norms and values of the society. The parents are considered the custodian of this process of socialization. Important as socialization may be, this way of thinking in practice has its own weaknesses; it does not adequately explain how discipline to this end should be administered, or what its limits are. The fact is that limits or boundaries to this discipline are not clear. Many parents believe that slapping or beating their children is their right. As a result many children experience excessive and severe punishments with detrimental consequence to their health. Like parents, siblings also think that it is their responsibility to help their parents to socialize their younger siblings. These too are likely to cross the boundary into abuse. What we learn from these findings is that the most dangerous place of children is the home; followed by the neighbourhood and other places where people with authority—like school teachers—interact with children. In this case it is important to introduce interventions that limit methods used by parents to sanction children’s good behaviour while at the same time acknowledging the positive role that parents and close neighbours play in raising children in a positive environment. The fact that children mentioned neighbours and people of authority as perpetrators of violence certainly calls for strategies that values a community based approach in addressing violence. Neighbours and community members need to learn that while “it is true that it takes the whole community to raise a child” it is equally important for them to understand that a child develops best in an environment that is healthy and protects the child from all forms of violence and abuse. 110

The fact that the findings also confirm that step children tend to be vulnerable to violence and that it is the step-parents who seem to be the main perpetrators, interventions must mobilize the community so that step-children in communities are known and they are protected.

5.7: Legal and Supportive Infrastructure against Violence against Children The findings from this study show that the communities where violence occurs seem to have the will to minimise, control, and finally, eliminate violence; but they do not seem to know how to proceedâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;let alone the absence of the appropriate machinery for enforcement of the necessary laws against violence. Appropriate institutions for interventions against violence in this population are likely to succeed since the majority of the population denounces violence of all forms (see Table 3.5). Lessons generated by the findings inform us that both the legal and official supportive infrastructure to end violence against children in the three districts is lacking. Although some laws that criminalize violence exist, many people are not aware of such laws. Lack of knowledge and ignorance is common; in many cases people do not know where to report acts of violence. Information derived from government officials like the police, the prisons, and magistrates seem to support that view. They also insisted that, although laws exist, many cases of violence are not brought to their attention while some go unreported because of the inherent belief embedded in tradition that condones violence. Further, many acts of violence tend to be addressed by family members, community elders, or governments. In this case it is very unlikely that justice will prevail since the decision making process in families and communities is controlled by men. In all three districts, the police commanding officers informed us that even when perpetrators of violence were arrested it is difficult to prosecute them without evidence, since many people refrain from submitting evidence or to appear as witnesses in fear of violent retaliation by either family or community members. The resident magistrates in the three districts shared similar views. First of all, there are no juvenile courts or judges in the three districts. They argued that it has been difficult to prosecute perpetrators of violence because the key witnesses do not appear in courts. They cited traditions that justify violence, nepotism, and corruption as factors that hinder the prevailing of justice. While magistrates argued along those lines, on the one hand; some community members accused the court system on the other as inefficient, slow, and riddled with corruption. They argued that many people do not like reporting cases of violence, abuse or sexual assaults to the courts because in order to win, the victim has to bribe the entire justice system-the question remains in whether the victims have money/resource for that-as indicated by the findings, many victims were too poor to afford this filthy requirement. To what extent this is true is a matter of in-depth research, but such complaints are not hard to come by throughout Tanzania. This means that attempts to eliminate violence via punitive measures infiltrated by the justice system must go hand in hand in stamping out corruption and pumping more resources into the justice system in order to educate people about their rights and to make sure that the justice system is well-equipped to handle such cases. We also visited prison departments in the three districts. The prisons are overcrowded and they do not have special prison cells for juvenile offenders. As a result, juvenile offenders are forced to live together with adult prisonersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;some of whom might be sexual offenders. Putting juvenile offenders in the same cell with adult inmates is in itself criminal and very detrimental to the 111

welfare of the juvenile. These are issues that ought to be addressed by the government, if the government is serious about protecting the welfare of its children. The findings also show that enough nursery schools and kindergarten programs are lacking in the three districts. This situation denies young children access to the process of early learning which is foundational for success in later stages of the educational and learning process. The findings also show that those few nurseries and kindergarten programs that are available leave much to be desired in terms of the quality of the buildings and environment, student-teacher ratios and class size, and resources such as books, desks, and chairs. These resources are important in facilitating the development of children physically, emotionally, economically, and socially. One resource for such development that is lacking in both nursery and primary schools is the availability of playgrounds for children. It is important that government policies acknowledge the fact that childâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s play is not just for fun, but rather serves as an important component to the successful development of a childâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s intellectual and motor capacities. Playgrounds are important because they provide an environment that can foster and enhance the possibilities of a child playing alone under the care of their mothers or guardians and above all, the opportunity to play with other children. In this case, for playgrounds to be able to perform that function, they must be safe, user friendly, and inviting to children. Officials should not forget that play and playgrounds are fun for the children, and this fun will have strong and positive impacts on the development of their communityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s children.

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Chapter 6

Concluding Remarks and Recommendations 6.0: Introduction Although the findings suggest that ignorance of laws and rights, and the socio-cultural context within which violence against children occurs, hinder the reporting of cases of violence and effective implementation of laws that already exist, the study has also found out that the situation is not useless lost cause. Many people—especially women and children—dislike violence and would like it eliminated. What this means is that the potential for support of any down to earth, realistic interventions is already present within members of the community. Awareness and consciousness against violence is slowly growing among the younger generations for both males and females. Globalization, with its winds of modernization and fast spread of new technology, like radio, television sets, internet, Facebook, cell phones, CDs, DVD players, etc., have penetrated rural Tanzania and is creating a new generation of young Tanzanians. This is a moment that has to be exploited to raise awareness among people about the consequences of violence against women and children. It is indeed adventurism to assume that violence against children or women can be eliminated easily and quickly. As we have already argued violence is embedded in a specific socio-cultural context. This context has to be addressed. We believe it can be addressed well if interventions are divided into those that are short-term and those that are long-term. We begin below with recommendations on interventions that are immediate and continue with those that have future, long-term implications. We then attempt to propose interventions that are specific to Kibondo, Igunga and Kiteto. Finally the report ends with concluding remarks.

6.1: Short-Term Recommendations-immediate The findings of this study should be shared with various government departments, organizations, and other institutions that seek to promote children’s welfare. These may include UNICEF, Save the Children, and others. 

This report is about the welfare of the population in general—but specifically the welfare of women and children. It is important to share it with political parties too so that they can include some of the recommendations in their political manifestos. Fighting to protect human rights should be seen as a political issue as well. Political party meetings tend to attract huge crowds of people. Such an opportunity can function as a good venue for raising people’s awareness about their rights, and above all, the detrimental consequences of violence against children and women.

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It is necessary to introduce communication messages that condemn violence in general and educate people about its negative consequences, in particular its implications to the health of women and children. This should be done via radio, television, cell phones (phone companies should be involved), leaflets, brochures, and newspapers. All traditional norms and values that legitimate violence have to be addressed.

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It is necessary to strengthen the legal and justice system. People need to be educated about existing laws regarding and prohibiting violence against children, and where to

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report incidences. The people need to know how to effectively fight for and defend their basic human rights. The police, prisons, and justice department have to be strengthened in order to handle such issues. Certainly, ways of stamping out corruption at various levels of law enforcement institutions will indeed be one of the best practices. 

It is necessary to establish juvenile courts where cases involving children can be handled rather than the current system of using adult courts to prosecute young children. Of course this must go hand in hand with the establishment of detention centers for juvenile children. The current system of detaining juveniles in adult prisons is toxic and endangers the welfare of a minor.

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The police department has now created a gender desk. We understand that this desk is there in each police department at district, regional and national level. This policy of having that desk is a positive step in the right direction. What is required however is to educate women in general so that they understand the role played by this desk and how they can use it in order to protect themselves from gender-based violence.

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It will be necessary to identify and map out specific types of violence and their areas of recurrence so that interventions are specific and down to earth. For example, female circumcision is notorious among the Taturu in Igunga, Gogo, Rangi, and Maasai in Kiteto. Special interventions to eliminate this practice have to target these ethnic groups.

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Use the existing health and education infrastructure in order to educate children (future generations) about the negative consequences of violence on health, education, and life in general.

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The concept of safer schools is important and needs to be scaled up. Some organizations like Family Health International (FHI360) (UJANA Project) have been implementing interventions of eliminating or reducing school based violence in several regions. An evaluation that was carried out recently (August 2012) in Dar-es-Salaam and Njombe regions by one of the authors of this report show that the UJANA Project has been very successful in reducing such violence in these regions by raising people’s awareness about human rights, violence in general, its implication in people’s health and students’ progress in school, how to avoid it and where to report it so that the perpetrators of school-based violence can be dealt with. It is important that efforts are put in place in order to scale it up so that appropriate programs can be replicated in other regions to including Kigoma, Tabora and Manyara where this study was based.

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Strengthening community and social welfare departments so that they can be able to carry out campaigns that aim to raise people’s awareness about violence is also necessary. For example, the printing and circulating of brochures and leaflets (Vipeperushi). These will enable the community to have a living communicative means against GBV. These would be improved to also accommodate the disabled members of the community together with the illiterate population.

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Campaigns aimed at reducing or eliminating violence against children must aim at informing people the importance of creating a friendly living environment to children regardless of their age. The people need to know the nature of a child-friendly 114

environment. As Eliana Riggio (2012) has argued, this is an environment that ensures that all children have the opportunity to be healthy and well nourished, access to education and a well rounded physical, emotional and cognitive development, and are cared for and protected from all forms of abuse, exploitation, neglect and violence. Some people have called a “child-friendly environment” as an “enabling environment”. Such an environment is that which has an element of: (See in Eliana Riggio, 2012). “The Social Environment”-Assurance of universal access to social services of good quality, such as health care, pre-schools and schools, safe water and environmental sanitation, child-friendly police, judiciary, social welfare and family support. “The Physical Environment”-For example, all physical settings characterizing cities can essentially be made suitable for children—safer roads, approachable green spaces, public recreation, culture, sport and hangout availability of play grounds, etc. “The Policy Environment”-Making sure that children are active participants of policies and plans that aim at helping them—the bullets below discusses this point further. 

Policy planners are encouraged to listen to the voices of children themselves. This study shows that children are not ignorant of their situation. They are quite capable of observing their environments and understanding acts of violence. It is clear from their own voices that they do not like violence and they can identify the main perpetrators of violence in their households and neighborhoods. It is therefore important for interventions that focus on eliminating or reducing violence to listen to these voices before planning and charting out interventions. It is important to acknowledge that, young as they are, children are indeed capable of becoming active participants of transforming their own environment.

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As UNICEF suggested in their 2009 study, there is an urgent need to strengthen and expand legal protection for children. Perpetrators of violence against children and women have to be punished heavily in order to deter others from violent acts.

6.2: Long-Term Recommendations 

Integrate issues related to violence against women and children in the school curriculum in primary and secondary schools.

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Since the children’s welfare is linked with the welfare of the mother, it is crucial to introduce policies that aim at empowering women and emancipating them from poverty; promoting education for female children and policies that address gender inequalities.

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Introduce economic policies that promote women’s access to income generating activities and micro financing credit.

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6.3: District Specific Recommendations: To assume that the three districts are identical, serves to undermine any project seeking to address social issues within them. The three districts have similarities and differences, which are necessary to recognize in developing and implementing programs of intervention. Such interventions must remain aware of the cultural circumstances and the perspectives of the people who will ultimately accept or reject such projects. 6.3.1: The Kibondo District Kibondo is predominantly rural and the majority of its population are subsistence agriculturalists. Although there are other ethnic groups, the Waha ethnic group who speak the Kiha language are the majority. The majority of the people speak Swahili too. As the findings show the most common forms of violence in this district include child neglect, physical violence, verbal and emotional violence. Sexual violence is still present but not as prevalent as other forms. Many parents neither prefer to send their children to school nor provide their basic needs in the home; this is a common form of neglect in this region, and correlates with poverty. Neglected children are either left to fend for themselves or migrate to urban areas for work. Some migrate to Kibondo and other towns like Kigoma, Bukoba, or Kahama where they are forced to work in dirty jobs in the informal sector or live as street children. Others are forced to migrate to the Urambo District in Tabora where they are forced to work in hazardous forms of child labour in tobacco plantations. Therefore, in Kibondo, interventions that reflect good practice must be those that:  Encourage parents to take their children to school  To educate parents so that they can understand the importance of education.  To put to task parents who reject their children or send them to urban areas or tobacco plantations to work; and,  Encourage villagers or community members to open nursery schools in order to facilitate the process of early learning.  Community members need to be educated about the advantages of initiating a formal learning process for their young children by establishing nursery schools.  Educate people about the negative impact violence and neglect has on the health of children. 6.3.2: The Igunga District Igunga is mixed both economically and culturally. The majority of the people are the Nyamwezi and Sukuma. These people are similar in a variety of ways. Although they keep cattle they also farm corn, rice, and cotton as their staple and cash crops. Their languages and therefore cultures are similar too. They can understand each other well. The dominant forms of violence most common in Kibondo also apply here. The only difference is that neglected children may not go to Urambo to work on tobacco plantations, but rather to urban areas or to herd cattle. As opposed to Kibondo, Igunga has other prominent ethnic groups, which are primarily pastoralists who practice very marginal farming. The Taturu, Tatoga, Mangati, and Maasai belong to this category. Child neglect is rampant among these ethnic groups. They prefer to socialize their children into the business of cattle herding rather than taking them to schools. They also force their daughters to marry young, and subject females to circumcision (female genital mutilation)

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In this case, while general interventions that are applicable elsewhere are important for Igunga also, it is important that much focus be on:  Educating parents to understand the advantages of education, and of taking their children to school. Since most of them cannot speak Swahili, recruiting people from their own communities who speak Swahili so that they can deliver messages and raise awareness may be the best approach.  Educate community members about the negative effects of female circumcision. Besides public campaigns, the use of cinema and other audio visual materials might be helpful.  Build primary and nursery schools in their communities. Ideally the teachers for these schools should be recruited from the community the school serves. This means a need to identify educated people who share the same or similar linguistic and cultural background.  Introduce severe punishment to parents that neglect their children, do not send them to school, force them to get married when they are still young, or practice circumcision on their daughters. 6.3.3: The Kiteto District Kiteto is in some ways similar to Igunga in that it has both agriculturalists and pastoralists. The Wanguu, Zigua, Sambaa, Rangi, Bena, and Hehe’s are agriculturalists; growing corn, beans, millet, and sunflowers primarily. The pastoralists include the Maasai, Mangati, and the Gogo. Although some practice agriculture, it is nevertheless not their main economic activity. Since they are pastoralists, they tend to be nomadic. In this case any type of intervention that will be introduced must consider that fact. The pastoralists of Kiteto are similar to the Taturu or Tatoga of Igunga in that:   

They neglect their children rather than sending them to school, and force them to look after cattle. They circumcise their daughters. They force their daughters to marry young.

In this case, interventions applicable to the Taturu of Igunga should also be implemented here. For those who are predominantly agriculturalists, we recommend the interventions that we have proposed to the agriculturalists of in Igunga and Kibondo. 6.3.4: How Best to Introduce and Implement Effective Interventions in the Three Districts As we were collecting data for this baseline, we were also contemplating the best methods of introducing and implementing intervention programs aimed at eliminating or reducing violence against children in the three districts. As we were thinking through this, we developed some assumptions or premises of how we perceive successful interventions. In our view, successful interventions must be:    

Realistic and down to earth. Involve the local people First understand the local conditions, local people’s perceptions of violence, and how they experience it in their day to day life. All interventions must be sustainable.

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There are two main ways of introducing and implementing interventions in these three districts. One approach is letting the NGOs and CBOs do the job. The other approach is to work with the government’s infrastructure. Each approach has got its own advantages and disadvantages. We highlight some of the advantages and disadvantages in brief below. 6.3.4.1: The NGOS and CBOS Approach: To assume that BvLF alone will be able to implement interventions against violence against children in Kibondo, Igunga and Kiteto might be to assume too much. One effective approach would be to build partnerships in collaboration with locally based NGOs and CBOs that are active in the area and have good track records. Although this is plausible our own experience and findings from the field reveal the following:      

Local NGOs and CBOs, although they claim to be local and community based, some of them are not necessarily so. Local NGOs and CBOs are, in most cases, urban-based. Therefore the extent to which such entities can be or are connected to rural communities and their unique issues is unclear. Most NGOs and CBOs do not have well-established infrastructure in rural areas that can implement projects well on a daily basis. In this case, interventions in rural areas may require substantial amounts of money or investment for them to be effective. Projects implemented by NGOs or CBOs tend to be short-term and are in most cases not sustainable. Their survival depends on donor money and once the money disappears the NGOs too disappear or move on to another project that has resources. Transparency and accountability to the local people is usually problematic. Experience shows that locally based NGOs and CBOs tend to be loyal to the person or organization that sponsors them. There is ample evidence in Tanzania right now that many NGOs and CBOs are run by quacks and some belong to individuals, therefore embezzlement of donor funds and fake annual or monthly reports are not hard to see. A thorough consideration of these issues is indeed important, should BVLF decide to work in partnership with local NGOs and CBOs.

6.2.4.2: The Government Approach: The other approach is for BvLF to partner with the government of Tanzania by implementing interventions of violence against children with district based government departments like The Department of Community Development and The Department of Social Welfare. These two departments are strong in the three districts. There are qualified Community Development and Social Welfare Officers, not only at district headquarters but at all levels of district government: namely division, ward, and village. Officers of these departments live with people in the communities; they know what is happening there. Not only do they see violence every day, but it is in their jurisdiction and they have the power to handle such cases. In our opinion an approach that works with these departments and strengthens them is likely, not only to produce good results, but promote the long-term sustainability of the program. The community Development officers, as well as the Social Welfare officers, in the three districts are already engaged in programs that address violence against women and children. What they lack are the resources to allow them to more effectively implement these programs.

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The use of these two government departments will not only facilitate the process of raising peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s awareness in rural areas of these districts, but accountability and sustainability are likely to improve. If BvLF is contemplating between these two approaches on how to move forward, we strongly believe that building partnerships and alliances with the local government in these three districts is the best approach. One can also include NGOs and CBOs in this partnership but we would suggest that the government institutions play a leading role in supervising and controlling such organization. We are not trying to say that government infrastructure is free from problems. It is evident in some occasions that inefficiency and corruption exist. What we are trying to suggest is an approach that is most likely to be implemented effectively and efficiently within the districts of Kibondo, Igunga, and Kiteto, and is very likely to be sustainable.

6.4: Conclusion The above are our suggestions for approaches to intervention programs. The findings show that women and children hate violence and would like to see it eliminated; however, they are caught up in a socio-cultural system that perpetuates their bottom rank position in the society. They want to be elevated, respected, and protected. This is a challenge they are facing and the government as well as other organizations need to look for ways of helping them. Everything can be achieved as long as the commitment and the will of the government are directed to the interest of changing this situation

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