Ben Kunz Architecture Thesis - Architecture in Neoliberalism

Architecture in Neoliberalism by Ben J. Kunz A Design Thesis Project Presented to the Faculty of The College of Architecture at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln In Partial Fulfillment of Requirements For the Degree of Masters of Architecture Major: Architecture Under the Supervision of Marc Maxey Lincoln, Nebraska May, 2019

Special Thanks To: Jessica Kunz

Very Patient Wife

Marc Maxey Lecturer of Architecture, College of Architecture, UNL

Zac Porter Assistant Professor of Architecture, College of Architecture, UNL

Ellen Donnelly Assistant Professor of Architecture, College of Architecture, UNL

Jason Griffiths Associate Professor of Architecture, College of Architecture, UNL

David Karle Associate Professor of Architecture, College of Architecture, UNL

The Thesis Clan College of Architecture, UNL

Grant Moelenhoff Thesis Student, College of Architecture, UNL

Kevin Cavenaugh Designer-Developer, Guerrilla Development Company, Portland

Anna Mackay Director of Development, Guerrilla Development Company, Portland

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Abstract Neoliberalism, as a form of capitalism that redistributes wealth to existing accumulations of money, has reorganized our society around market relations resulting in extreme inequality. Architecture has been both captive and complicit in this process because it relies on the largess of its clients who benefit most from the process of neoliberalization. We must dissolve the dogma of architectural practice, and become free entrepreneurial operators in a neoliberal society with architecture as a core skill set, able to operate on risk and its dimensions of time, space, and money without the servitude to our risk ordered professional relationships in order to deploy active forms that dismantle neoliberalism from within. The project explores new models of architectural practice that constitute greater agency than the standard client service model as a point of departure to devise a series of projects representing deployable active forms that drive wedges in the cracks of neoliberalism. The project aims to contribute to an architecture of and against neoliberalism amongst an interdisciplinary resistance.

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Neoliberalism, an economic and ideological concept, frames the operation of contemporary society. The term does not explicitly describe a particular group of individuals but it does describe a set of malignant, non-partisan, and deceptive ideals that has come to dictate the way in which we frame societal issues by masquerading as common sense itself.1 While few publicly identify with the term, all are influenced by its core tenet: that free markets should be fostered because of their alleged intrinsic logic in organizing all human activity.2 This is the foundation of an incredibly resilient form of capitalism and associated pervasive ideology organizing the bulk of our contemporary society.3

The idea has its roots as early as Adam Smith’s 18th century idea of the ‘invisible hand’ at play in a natural market state. In the early 20th century, Friedrich Hayek recognized that a free market was not a natural state but something that must be intentionally brought forth. He saw its potential akin to a collective mind containing knowledge no one mind could contain but to which individual actors contributed fragments of knowledge. At the time, Hayek’s ideas lost out to John Maynard Keynes’s theories on consumerism and social welfare. When Keynesianism began to waver in the 1970s, Hayek’s neoliberal ideas were co-opted and raised up to the predominant socio-economic framework by several voices, most notably Milton Friedman, Ronald Reagan, and Margaret Thatcher.4

While the neoliberal agenda purports a democratizing effect through the great equalizer of the free market, the ultimate aim of those who fund its think tanks, is a project in 1 Ben Breheny, Architecture Against Neoliberalism, Internet, issue.com (October 6, 2017) 4.

2 Stephen Metcalf, “Neoliberalism: the Idea that Swallowed the World” The Guardian, August 18, 2017.

Fig. 1 (left): Neoliberalism 3 Breheny, “Architecture Against Neoliberalism,” 3.

Retasking Roles.

4 Metcalf, “Neoliberalism.”

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Under Keynesian policy in the post-war period, America enjoyed a high degree of stability and asset growth for the common citizen.

It offered a steady debt to asset arc embedded in the establishment of the 30 year mortgage as well as a public safety net consisting of programs such as pensions, social security, Medicare and in some cases 401k programs. This system allowed comfortable retirements for many. Ultimately, this utopian model of society dependent on consumption, failed in the 1970s. It also left many in society out of its purview focusing primarily on white middle class families.

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Fig. 2: Keynesian Capitalism.

Under Keynesian policy in the post-war period, America enjoyed a high degree of stability and asset growth for the common citizen. It offered a steady debt to asset arc embedded in the establishment of the 30 year mortgage as well as a public safety net consisting of programs such as pensions, social security, Medicare and in some cases 401k programs. This system allowed comfortable retirements for many. Ultimately, this uptopian model of society dependent on consumpti8on, failed in the 1970s. It also left many in society out of its purview focusing primarily on white middle class families.

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N E O L I B E R A L C A P I TA L I S M In the 1970s, American capitalism shifted to a neoliberal system. Deregulation and the loosening of credit markets in the following decades eased the symptoms of Keynesianism’s slowed growth and the off-shoring of production by allowing Americans to kick their problems into the future with personal credit. As a result, society now m a i n t a i n s h i g h l e v e l s o f s t u d e n t , c a r, h o m e , a n d c r e d i t c a r d d e b t . S i multaneously, social safety nets have eroded leaving many without hope for retirement. The stability and democratization of asset growth of yesteryear has invoked nostalgia in some and progress in others b r o u g h t t o a h e a d b y t h e u p r i s i n g o f D o n a l d Tr u m p a n d B e r n i e S a n d e r s .

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Fig. 3: Neoliberal Capitalism.

In the 1970s, American capitalism shifted to a neoliberal system. Deregulation and the loosening of credit markets in the following decades eased the symptoms of Keynesianism’s slowed growth and the off-shoring of production by allowing Americans to kick their problems into the future with personal credit. As a result, society now maintains high levels of student, auto, home and credit card debt.

Simultaneously, social safety nets have eroded leaving many without hope for retirement. The stability and democratization of asset growth of yesteryear has invoked nostalgia in some and progress in others brought to a head by the uprising of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders.

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wealth redistribution towards existing collections of money.5 The means to the neoliberal end is the adoption of “new political, economic, and social arrangements within society that emphasis market relations [market logic], re-tasking the role of the state, and individual responsibility.”6 These means impose a political climate of austerity that encourages deregulation of markets, the corporatization of public services, and the privatization of public assets.7 According to Douglas Spencer, the market logic of neoliberalism requires “the production of subjectivity and the legitimating functions of truth games”8 through the market process Patrik Schumacher explains as an operation of mutation (trial and error), selection and reproduction.9 This operation is how Neil Brenner defines neoliberalism: an increasingly global urban process.10 He reports that neoliberalism has never operated in a pure form but that it takes on many brands because “when it collides with an inherited institutional landscape (whether of Keynesianism, developmentalism, state socialism or otherwise), the outcomes are necessarily conditioned by specific contexts, institutional legacies and struggles.”11 The 2008 financial crisis illustrated the illogic of the process by which it is intent on explosive unsustainable growth,12 ‘irrational exuberance’. According to Sam Jacobs, deregulated finance has allowed money to beget money, freeing it from time and space and consequently its 5 George Monbiot, “Neoliberalism - The Ideology at the Root of All Our Problems,” The Guardian, April 15, 2016.

6 S. Spring et. al., The Handbook of Neoliberalism, New York: Routledge (2016) 2.

7 Jamie Peck et. al. “Neoliberal Urban Redux?” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 37, no. 3 (May 2013) 1092.

8 Douglas Spencer, The Architecture of Neoliberalism: How Contemporary Architecture Became an Instrument of Control and Compliance, London: Bloomsbury Acedemic, (2016) 23.

9 Spencer, Architecture of Neoliberalism, 68.

10 Neil Brenner, “Neoliberalisation,” in Real Estates: Life Without Debt, edited by Jack Self and Shumi Bose, London: Bedford Press, (2015) 16.

11 Brenner, “Neoliberalisation,” 17.

Fig. 4 (left): Neoliberalism Frees 12 Jonathan D. Ostry, et. al. “Neoliberalism: Oversold?” Finance and Money from Time and Space.

Development 53, no. 2 (June 2016).

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correlation with raw materials, labor and fixed real estate.13 Speculative sub-prime real-estate lending ultimately resulted in a crisis that strengthened neoliberalism’s position by exposing regulatory “failures to open up political and institutional space for additional rounds of neoliberlisation.”14 Neoliberalism, because its operation does not require a pure form and because it is perpetuated by its own failures, is incredibly pervasive and resilient.

But what does it look like? Douglas Spencer points to works by practitioners including Koolhaas, Hadid and Schumacher, Lynn, Zaera-Polo and Moussavi when describing the architecture of neoliberalism.15 Their projects are examples of so called ‘good’ neoliberal architecture.

Good because they take on a spectacular quality in a sea of Junkspace. Koolhaas’s Junkspace is an apt description of neoliberal architecture: “there was once a polemic about the right angle and the straight line, now the ninetieth degree has become one among many.” “Instead of design, there is calculation: the more erratic the path, eccentric the loops, hidden the blueprint, efficient the exposure, the more inevitable the transaction.” “[In Junkspace,] forms search for function like hermit crabs looking for a vacant shell.” “Building materials have become more and more modular, unitary, and standardized.” “[Junkspace is] simply applied - mostly in stucco - as ornamental afterthought on hurriedly erected superblocks.” “[It is] additive, layered, and lightweight, not articulated in different parts but subdivided, quartered the way a carcass is torn apart.” “Transparency only reveals everything in which you cannot partake.”

“Aging in Junkspace is nonexistent.” Mirroring the process of neoliberalism, Junkspace “[has] no form, only proliferation…

Regurgitation is the new creativity; instead of creation, we

13 Sam Jacobs, “Money:Time:Space,” in Real Estates: Life Without Debt, Fig. 5 (left): Assorted Works by Koolhaas, Hadid and Schumedited by Jack Self and Shumi Bose, London: Bedford Press (2015) 77. acher, Lynn, Zaera-Po;o and 14 Brenner, “Neoliberalisation,” 18.

15 Spencer, Architecture of Neoliberalism, 1, 55, 59, 61, 75-105, 123-143. Moussavi.

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honor, cherish, and embrace manipulation.”16 At times, ‘good’ neoliberal architecture rises above the Junkspace in what Spencer describes as providing the ‘neoliberal eye’ a “field of vision [that provides] the sensuous freedoms.”17 In other words, the ‘good’ neoliberal architecture distracts us from the real implications of the capital that built it. According to Ellen Dunham-Jones, neoliberal architecture “provide[s] the New World Order with the appearance of progressive change without the need for any real commitment.”18 However, neoliberalism can easily do without the progressive forms, perhaps preferring homely, reassuring, and traditional forms.19 The neoliberal architecture seeks simply to mirror the complexity and natural emergence of logics,20 but, “change has been divorced from the idea of improvement.”21 Utopian ideals in architecture have subsided, “modern architecture remains essential, but only in its most sterile manifestation, High Tech.”22 According to Christina Contandriopolus, the notion of utopia fell in the 70s when leading theorists such as Jameson, Jencks, and Tafuri declared modernism dead23 almost in lock step with the rise of neoliberal ideologies, and for both, the symbolic moment may have been the theatrical implosion of building C15 of the Pruit-Igoe complex on April 21st, 1972.24 Utopia was replaced by complacency, what has been labeled the post-critical. The Avant Guard has been 16 Rem Koolhaas, “Junkspace,” October 100: Obsolecence, no. 2 (Spring, 2002) 176-178, 181.

17 Spencer, Architecture of Neoliberalism, 158.

18 Ellen Dunham-Jones, “The Irrational Exuberance of Rem Koolhaas: Accepting the Inevitable Contradictions in Trying to Marry Art and Capitalism, Radicalism and Pragmatism, Icon-Making and City-Making,” Places Journal (April 2013).

19 Owen Hatherley, “The Architecture of Neoliberalism by Douglas Spencer Review: Privatizing the World,” The Guardian, January 12, 2017.

20 Spencer, Architecture of Neoliberalism, 69 21 Koolhaas, “Junkspace,” 178.

Fig. 6 (left): Saint Louis: Pruitt22 Koolhaas, “Junkspace,” 177.

23 Christina Contandriopoulos, “Introduction: Architecture and Utopia Igoe Housing Project: in the in the 21st Century,” Journal of Architectural Education 67 Utopia, no. 1 proccess of destruction. 1956, demolished 1973. Designed (March 2013) 3.

24 Nora Wendl, “Pruit-Igoe, Now,” Journal of Architectural Education 67 by Hellmuth, Leinwever, and Yamasaki.

Utopia, no. 1 (March 2013) 106.

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rebranded to service the society of the spectacle.25 Under neoliberalism, according to Koolhaas, architecture has become a ‘cherry on the cake affair’, assigned a new role and limited its range.26 Koolhaas is right, the profession, has marginalized itself. Architects often operate on unthinkably low profit margins27 to which insurance lawyers must advise the minimization of risk, the neoliberal legitimator of authority.

The neoliberal Architect-Client-Contractor relationship is defined by risk. The architect works with the contractor via the client to limit risk. Consultants are hired as experts to pass on risk. Architects even make the disclaimer that their drawings represent the intent of the work and include intentional vagueness in specifications and details to limit technical risk of suggesting an inappropriate solution and pass it on to the contractor. The AIA says one of its roles is to help architects “understand the many risks we face, how to avoid them and how to deal with them successfully.” Conversely, contractors and clients approach risk as an opportunity absorbing huge risks. Clients, who are taking the bulk of the risk, are deciding project scope, type, location, and program mix well before the architect usually gets involved because they are interfacing with the risk equation and producing what neoliberalism demands: financial legitimacy. Contractors are garnering an ever increasing role in the design process as they have more and more say in final resolution of detailing, product selections, assemblies and value engineering. In this model, neoliberalism legitimizes the risk takers who can objectively engage in the risk equation.

With limited range and without larger social implications, what is the value of architecture? Kevin Gray reports no convincing studies proving architecture’s design role in adding value to rents or property value.28 Gensler has 25 Dunham-Jones, “Irrational Exuberance.”

26 Dunham-Jones, “Irrational Exuberance.”

27 Phil Bernstein, “Money, Value, Architects, Building,” Perspecta: the Yale Architectural Journal 47: Money, no. 1 (2014) 15.

28 Kevin D. Gray, “A Value Proposition,” Perspecta: the Yale Architectural Journal 47: Money, no. 1 (2014) 152.

Fig. 7 (left): Neoliberal Architect-Client-Contractor Relationship. As architects have passed on risk they have diluted their voice in the city.

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“Architecture makes unique objects—like stones in the water—while a constant flow of repeatable spatial formulas constructs a sea of urban spaces.”

-Keller Easterling

attempted to prove the ‘design premium’ but is relegated to admitting it is marginal, only appears in some cities, and is in fact hard to isolate from other trumping factors such as location and developer expertise.29 Gray goes on to say that for architecture to move beyond a development cost item, it must quantify its effect on profit; this will be done through Net Operating Income (NOI) calculations.30 According to members of Gerald Hines Development, ‘world-class’ architects add value to their buildings not by fetching higher rents but by cultivating higher demand in downturns if they “intensively manage the entire development process: by watching every penny.”31 Architecture’s value under neoliberalism is unclear, though decidedly marginal and possibly even a mere regulatory hurdle at risk itself of being deregulated.

If architecture can only prove it has marginal monetary value, than in a neoliberal construct it is only marginally valuable, however it has more to contribute than money.

Architecture has historically had value in fostering progressive societal change. Contandriopolus points to the rise of a new form of criticality, not utopian itself, but not complicit either.32 It has been called visionary, a speculation on the after, or the trajectory of society, but it is challenged by a lack of purchase in erecting change. Jack Self suggests a new trajectory, one which does not require the totalitarianism implicit in utopian theory nor complicit in the evils of neoliberalism and goes further than visionary awareness. It deploys new formulas that act on and within the neoliberal process itself, incrementally putting pressure on it until it may give way to an after-neoliberal. In Extrastatecraft: The Power of Infrastructure Space, Keller Easterling depicts existing spatial formulas in a global system in which free trade zones, 29 John Adams, et. al. “Design Premium,” Gensler Research Institute (2013).

30 Gray, “Value Proposition,” 152-154.

31 Hasty Johnson and Jerry Lea, Interview by Perspecta 47, Perspecta: the Yale Architectural Journal 47: Money, no. 1 (2014) 107-111.

32 Contandriopoulos, “Architecture and Utopia,” 3-4.

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“I’m profoundly skeptical of anyone with such limited vision as to think ‘grass-roots’, ‘community’, or ‘crowdsourced’ design could be agents for meaningful social change in the face of such a venerable, hyper-stable opponent. Nor should this architecture be based on charity, political exceptions or fragile litigious loopholes. It must simply exploit, or re-deploy pre-existing financial conditions for social ends. The only indisputable requirement, of course, is that this architecture, which is capable of restructuring power relations, must be financially profitable.”

-Jack Self

as a system of infrastructure space, get repeated throughout the world with similar spatial results every time. She points out a flaw within the discipline with a metaphor: “Architecture makes unique objects—like stones in the water—while a constant flow of repeatable spatial formulas constructs a sea of urban spaces.”33 What she describes are spatial formulas of an operating system that replicate themselves across the globe. She suggests that if architects can hack into this system of active forms that we can begin to create effective spatial activism.34 Jack Self supports this urging in a discussion of the potential of what he calls “derivative architecture”: If the promise for an architecture capable of these things precludes ideological regime change (revolution, mass protest, dissolution of national and global order), then it must also preclude the gewgaws of ‘participatory’ architecture. I’m profoundly skeptical of anyone with such limited vision as to think ‘grass-roots’, ‘community’, or ‘crowd-sourced’ design could be agents for meaningful social change in the face of such a venerable, hyper-stable opponent. Nor should this architecture be based on charity, political exceptions or fragile litigious loopholes. It must simply exploit, or re-deploy pre-existing financial conditions for social ends.

The only indisputable requirement, of course, is that this architecture, which is capable of restructuring power relations, must be financially profitable.35

33 Keller Easterling, Extrastatecraft: The Power of Infrastructure Space, London: Verso, (2014) 22.

34 Easterling, Extrastatecraft, 471-476.

35 Jack Self, “Derivative Architecture,” in Real Estates: Life Without Debt, edited by Jack Self and Shumi Bose, London: Bedford Press (2015) 88.

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Where will these formulas be most impactfully applied?

“Excluded social forces, whose consent has not been won, whose interests have not been taken into account, form the basis of counter-movements, resistance, alternative strategies and visions…and the struggle over a hegemonic system starts anew.”36 These new architectural formulas must target neoliberalism’s disenfranchised, the extreme losers of neoliberal inequality, as their base of wealth and power redistribution reversal. However, they must also “come from within the existing ideological, juridical and fiscal frameworks of neoliberalism itself…must emerge from latent conditions that are already suitable for manipulation.”37 It must follow neoliberal logic to its most illogical ends. “Wherever the globalist system is forced to violate its own rules, there is an opportunity to insist that it follow those rules. To demand consistency at strategically selected points where the system cannot afford to be consistent is to put pressure on the entire system.”38 That is to be both Baudelaire’s ‘victim and executioner’.39 This architecture seeks to change the world through an insurgency fueled by the very power of the neoliberal hegemony it critiques.

In order to deploy these ambitions, We must dissolve the dogma of architectural practice, and become free entrepreneurial operators in a neoliberal society with architecture as a core skill set, able to operate on risk and its dimensions of time, space, and money without the servitude to our risk ordered professional relationships in order to deploy active forms that dismantle neoliberalism from within.

36 Stuart Hall, “The Neo-Liberal Revolution” Cultural Studies 25, no. 6 (2011) 727-8.

37 Self, “Derivative Architecture.” 87.

38 Slavoj Zizek, “Trouble in Paradise,” London Review of Books (July 18, 2013) 11.

39 Hal Foster, Design and Crime and Other Diatribes, London: Verso (2002) 61.

Fig. 8 (left): Neoliberal Architect. Architects must become comfortable with new entrepreneurial forms of practice in the neoliberal age.

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P r eced ents

Precedents

Selected case studies may be pertinent to enhancing architecture’s understanding of a new role in resisting neoliberalization. The Homestead Act of 1862 distributed assets to lower income classes of society and influenced wealth inequality. “It represented a consensus culminating from a larger dialog concerning the rights of citizenship… and whether an opportunity should be provided for persons other than the wealthy to own properties in the Western territories.”1 Homesteaders were allowed to claim 160 acres of land at their local land office after which they had six months to move onto it. After five or more years, if they met property improvement benchmarks, they could settle their claim and possess full title over the land. The act allowed people with little wealth to acquire crops, land, and financial independence largely through a mechanism of ‘sweat equity’. It also became a durable asset that for many built intergenerational wealth. However, although the land itself was relatively free, there were many hidden costs associated with homesteading. Homesteaders had to have enough capital to stock up on supplies, travel, buy seed, and sustain themselves through the first harvest. Even after the first harvest, a bad growing year without much reserves could put a homesteader far behind. If the homesteader desired to take out a loan to make ends meet, most frontier lenders charged exorbitant interest. Although the act distributed wealth generally, it lacked specific equality. Population groups with low capital, namely the recently freed slaves, had a difficult time participating in the opportunity. Ultimately the act settled an otherwise vacant territory, gave many access

1 Trina R. Williams, “Asset-building Policy as a Response to Wealth Inequality: Drawing Implications from the Homestead Act,” Center for Social Development (2003) 1.

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to the predominant agricultural economy and provided intergenerational ownership of assets that nearly a quarter of today’s population still benefit from.2

The Ingot is a conceptual formulaic model proposed

by Jack Self. It attempts to combat neoliberalisation’s inequality and provide working class housing in central London. It finds itself enmeshed in the logics of two goals.

Firstly, the ‘specific goal’, is to create more housing without interfering with liberating people from the burden of debt.

Secondly, the ‘general goal’, is ‘to extract property from the chaos and danger of the market cycle, in which the decisions of a few dictate the fortunes of the many.”3 Self first reconsiders the role of architects. He identifies the allocation of debt (involving time, space, and money) ethics with originators of debt and suggests that architects may gain agency by incorporating this into their practice: ‘architectas-financier’. From this position he projects the possibility of using bond financing to support low cost housing. This presents several challenges accompanied by several advantages. The first challenge is to keep the interest rate down; this requires trust in the entity repaying the bond. The project achieves trust through forced demand via rents at 46% of market rate (affordable to a living wage worker). To secure against a cataclysmic event that might undercut the forced demand, gold, which has an inverse correlation with economic instability, is electroplated onto the facade. In the bond structure, the property it is secured against cannot be sold, meaning tenants cannot own their own unit, but it does shelter the project against speculative boom and bust cycles in the market for the 50 year term of the loan, effectively rent control. The biggest potential is at the end of the loan term when the building could be sold to residents, refinanced to build similar projects, or freed up cash flow could be directed at resident welfare, amenities, or community improvement.4 2 Williams, “Asset-building Policy,” 1-7.

3 Self, “Derivative Architecture.” 87.

4 Self, “Derivative Architecture.” 88-95.

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Kevin Cavenaugh of Guerrilla Development, an architect trained developer in Portland, Oregon, is meeting inequality as it intersects with urban real estate. His primary two efforts involve crowd funding and his theory of ‘enough’.

In 2012 the SEC began lowering the minimum investment threshold, allowing people to invest that were not accredited investors. Cavenaugh gained SEC approval to commence a crowd funding campaign for his building, the Fare Haired Dumbbell. He cites two main objectives of this process: first, to reduce the trend of wealth inequality by allowing more people to invest in these projects, and second, to dilute the control of the few wealthy investors on the look of a city.

Second is his theory of ‘enough’. Through crowd funding or ‘enlightened capital’ on his Atomic Orchard Lofts he can agree on a lower rate of return and offer several lofts for one third of market rate, or even give a few of them away. Cavenaugh’s efforts put pressure on neoliberalism by harnessing something market logic can’t quantify: people not pursuing self-interested actions.

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49

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The results show that asphalt shingles are the cheapest year over year although other materials are not as far behind under a value analysis. If labor could be streamlined, other materials have the potential to match the value of asphalt shingles with less maintenance.

There was one exception: Tesla Solar Tiles. When the value calculation added the energy production for a house in Nebraska, the valued cost was lower than asphalt. The lifetime tile warranty yielded a small additional reduction.

51

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While there would be an initial sacrifice in space, at the end one would have full equity on a larger home having paid a fraction of the interest.

53

Fig. 13: Student Housing. A system of seller financing beginning with the Architect-Financier then transferring to graduating students allow small 4-5 year pay downs for current students and residents. Each segment of ownership will be at various stages in the 4-5 year cycle. The individual dorms posses exclusive usary rights but the hall, restrooms, and community spaces are held in common. Common areas would be managed through a student board on a floor by floor basis offering leadership outlets for students and an opportunity to customize common spaces for resident desires. This proposal suffers from several issues that have yet to be resolved including a high resident turn-over rate, exposure to market speculation and inflation, and an unstable financing mechanism.

55

Fig. 14: Homeless Sheltering.

This project questions the discrepancy between public funding for parking infrastructure compared to homeless housing. It identifies under used space within the city’s parking infrastructure: parking garages that only reach capacity during a few events a year. A shelter is assembled in typically vacant stalls that takes advantage of the existing infrastructure of the parking garage. In order to sell the idea to parking officials, the shelter folds up into the space between beams on the occasions when the garage reaches capacity. Additionally, the shelters target the working poor and charge an extremely low nominal rent that adds to a portion of the city’s balance sheet that is otherwise vacant.

This project suffers from issues such as the ethics of such temporary and unplumbed shelter, transience or potential disobedience of residents, as well as publicly perceived safety of the garage.

57

D e si g n

Design

The first experiment is in a Lincoln neighborhood riddled with mid-century “slip-ins�. The current owner has extracted enough equity to move on to a larger property but in order to evade capital gains taxes must sell and buy the next property within 45 days in what is known as a 1031 exchange. As such the property is listed at a discounted rate, 65% off of the equivalent single family square footage.

This discount is where the resistive opportunity resides for the architect. In this case, the architect purchases the property with investor funds, and private loans. In return, residents redirect a portion of their wages to pay for unsecured usury rights, or rent. In lieu of continuing this extractive exchange, the architect-owner offers the units for sale to the residents as 5% tenants in common with specified usury rights to their unit secured by a deed. Units are kept affordable by offering prices with mortgage payments equal to the affordable rents.

The difference between the discounted selling price and the sum of the affordable mortgages allows for improvements on the property. The improvements provide increased outdoor living amenities including roof decks, and enhanced patios, balconies, and outdoor community spaces. They also provide additional southern exposure, in addition to light, volume and ventilation. At the same time they provide extra square footage on a third floor. All of this is achieved through a structural saddle system comprised of Structurally Insulated Panels resting on underpin footings and replacing the aging, under insulated roof.

Tenants will be offered right of first refusal but for those who don’t exercise it the units will be put on the open market allowing for various potential combinations of units. Stacked vertically they could take on a townhouse like quality. Side by side could produce a large first floor flat for a family with disabilities. Further amalgamations may fit ever divergent 61

Fig. # (left):

63

contemporary households. In addition to the possibility to combine units, ownership frees residents from the homogenizing rules of tenant-hood.

Upon completion of the improvements, the architect retains air rights over the parking court, the value of which has appreciated after the improvements, which is used to secure a construction loan on two new spec units. The units are elevated to maintain ground level open space as well as parking for residents. These are then sold and the proceeds are kept as the architect’s profit.

As the renovation rebrands the ugly slip-in as an urban potential, similar projects would begin to seep across a neighborhood. Liberating numerous renters and transforming a neighborhood “blighted� by previously unwelcomed infill.

65

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The quonset house experiment attempts to employ the sweat equity of future residents and the understanding of alternative building systems on an infill site in the Lincoln Near South neighborhood. The quonset system is a series of 2 ft arch panels in 10 ft increments. Invented during world war two it is versatile, robust, quick and easy to assemble, the quonset hut is now commonly a cheap agricultural building shipped as a DIY kit. It can be assembled with only a wrench, ladder, rope and hooks. Arches are bolted together on the ground, hoisted in place, and then secured to the previous arch with more of the same bolts.

The system has a clear span allowing for flexibility on the end walls but requires more tact in introducing fenestration along the sides. The most successful strategies avoid penetrating the structural shell. This 800 sqft prototype, through the use of the quonset and resident sweat equity, costs approximately $90,000 including the architect-developer’s profit margin of $20,000. That is $112 per square foot compared to the Lincoln going rate of around $200 per square foot for new homes and includes a level of architectural consultation that most home buyers do not receive.

To mitigate the cost of the lot, the home is small enough to be built at the back of the site under the designation of ADU. Building the ADU first brings up many gray areas in the city code regarding them. In this ambiguity the project has the potential to open up leftover space in the city to more widespread, affordable ADU homes with a more liberal consideration for property division and ownership regarding ADU’s in which the ADU sits on an easement within the main property which is then sold off as a standard single family house, freeing it from the limiting aspect of ownership laws and size percentage limitations of the main building.

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The WareHouse experiment seeks to exploit the ubiquitous big box construction system to deliver affordable modern homes. Through its post and beam construction it offers a free plan and non-bearing walls. It also strives to supply the infrastructure for residents to add their own spaces. It begins by offering the most difficult spaces such as kitchen, bathroom, and shell. From there, residents are encouraged to fill out the void spaces as they need while the post and beam system frees them from primary structural concerns and over delivered infrastructure reduces the burden of weatherization.

In order to achieve the budgetary advantages of the big box system, the project hacks the subdivision development process to scale up the individual house to a spec neighborhood. In this south east Lincoln scenario, an architect contractor could reserve lots with a subdivision developer and offer for sale affordable new modern homes every 250’.

By scaling up to multiple lots the economy of scale present in the big box store can be applied towards the homes. The homes could be delivered at the top range of big box stores around $75 per square foot, or around $100,000. Additionally once the homes, smaller than their typical counterparts, become more commonplace, they could be deployed on smaller lots at denser rates to help pay off the site infrastructure, potentially paying for new types of shared suburban community spaces.

Typically these projects would not normally be available for architects. When the architect takes on more roles, projects can be born of self-initiative rather than client ambition. It allows the architects to select the site of progressive change they wish to pursue. If even only some architects take up self-initiated practice models, it will effectively reduce competition between architects raising profitability across the profession as well as increasing the pace of built iteration and innovation, revaluing our role in the city.

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C oncl usi on

CONCLUSION

Neoliberalism has reorganized our society around market relations resulting in extreme inequality. Architecture has been both captive and complicit in this process because it relies on the largess of its clients who benefit most from neoliberalization. This project seeks out models of practice that constitute greater agency than the standard client service model as a point of departure to devise a series of projects representing deployable active forms that drive wedges in the cracks of neoliberalism. The project aims to contribute to an architecture of and against neoliberalism amongst a larger interdisciplinary resistance.

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