Shadow Cities: Modern Slums & Shanty Towns

Shadow Cities Modern Slums & Shanty Towns Asrie Karma | ARCH 7100 | Design Research Methods

University of Virginia | School of Architecture | Spring 2021 Instructor | Matthew Jull, PhD (Associate Professor) Teaching Assistant | Matthew Slaats

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“The word ‘slum’ is a piece of cant of uncertain origin.

Its derivation may be from ‘slump,’ meaning ‘swamp,’ or it may be fortuitous blend of ‘slop’ and ‘scum,’ it also carries with it the cadence of ’slob’, ‘slush’, ‘slovenly’, ‘slut’, and other derivatives of the sl combination. Slum reveals its meaning the moment it is uttered” Charles Abrams, The Language of Cities: A Glossary of Terms, 1971

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Table of Contents

4

Preface

07

Mapping Disparity

10

Project Timeline

12

Research Approach

14

01. Define

16

Literature Review

02. Discuss

Perception, Discourse, & Status

03. Delineate

18 28 30 38

Case Study 01: Canada Real Galiana

41

Case Study 02: Petite Ceinture

53

Case Study 03: Rooftop Slums

61

Case Study 04: Guryong Village

71

04. Deliver

Spatial Reading in the Urban Fabric

80

05. Design

88

81

Slum Upgrading: Best Practices

90

Project Approaches

94

01. Visual Guide

96

02. Material Modulation

106

03. Void Spaces

118

Conclusion

128 5

Harvard Design Magazine, 2007

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Preface

Shadow Cities: Modern Slums & Shanty Towns is a study of time, space, culture and action. Born from a reading and analysis of Bechir Kenzari’s work Architecture and Violence, the research provides a critical look into the deep-seeded relationship between the built environment and its proximity to violence as it renders a place degraded, unproductive and forgotten. It is imperative to understand that this violence is not entirely spatial but political, social, and environmental. Slums and shanty towns of the 21st century embody both the impacts and catalysts of these conditions and therefore, require a level of investigation into concepts beyond architecture. It is necessary to define occurrences, events and aggressions that take the form of urban space and structure that are thoroughly dictated by these complex factors. The project would define the layers of creation, perpetuation, and tensions not only as products of this spatial relationship to violence but also symptoms of design and urban planning, while shining light on the numerous interventions and alternatives as a means to mitigate its pressures.

The research leads one to pose the question of the architect, designer, and planner’s role and responsibility in this spatial-violence relationship. Current findings indicate that the various conditions of slums and shanty towns are being addressed as more and more alternatives are coming to the forefront, such as energy, infrastructure and clean water systems. However, Shadow Cities: Modern Slums & Shanty Towns focuses on the need to think about scale, practicality, skill set, and context, while employing strategic design solutions that address the needs of slum and shanty town communities.

These initiatives are part of the narrative of urbanization or “slum upgrading” which also tackles long standing downward trends which include crime, infrastructure decline, lack of education opportunities and unemployment (Cities Alliance n.d.). The thesis examines the contexts in which these trends exist, both spatially and culturally, in order to probe the opportunities for ethical, responsive and effective design approaches. As there is the evident notion that architecture can be the cause of violence, the thesis, therefore, seeks to determine if architecture can also be a solution to mitigating this violence, bringing slums and shanty towns from the invisible to the visible realm.

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Dorothea Lange, Library of Congress, 1936

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“Architecture in its institutional forms can be seen to be an agent of violence while, at the same time, it is itself exposed to the same violence, whether in acts of war or not.”

Nadir Lahiji, “Must Architecture Be Defended...

The Critique Of Violence and Autoimmunity,” 2011

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Economy

Local Government Crime

Tourism

World Eco no m ic F or um

Education

an d Thomas Reuters Foundation: Slumscapes Ag ou y sa Es ris

S ION T N

Sustai

Leadership Aid Waste Ma Micro Econo D Awarenes Res

Paraisopolis | Brazil

Health

Childcare

Shantytpwn, USA: Forgotten Landcapes of the Working Poor

by Lisa Goff (UVA)

Food

Transportation Self-determination

PA R

burn Essay d Cor , an ein rst ae ,F es im Ja

IS

Employment

ITIE

S

Cas

Barr Delft | South Africa

Aspropyrgos | Greece

Sn yd er ,

orts Rep ap M IS rcG IA R ES

Self-governance

Security

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Cañada Real

Are residents afforded the amenities and options for stable and upward mobility? than, Shafir, Zh ullaina ao E ni, M ssa Ma y

Shack/Slum D wel lers Int ern at io na l

c phi gra eo

GurYong Village | South Korea

Mahabir, Crook s, C roit oru ,

on sati ver n Co

Community groups

D

Loresho | Kenya

Encounters Encuentros Recontres.

by Robert Fishman lG na

e Th

Skid

How do these forces initiate and worsen slums and shanty towns?

Violence Development

Mumbai | India

Na tio

Bank rld Wo e Th

Nat’l Gov’t

Climate Change

Petite Ceinture | Paris

rba World U n Campa ign

Global Pl atfo rm

for S

Economy

CA CE IN N E L VIO Architecture and Vio

INTE RV E

le ab in

RCES Journal of Ec FO on om Sanitation ic

ves cti pe rs Pe

us ta

Mapping Disparity

“There is no architec without events, no extension, there is

Cityscape

Spatial Relationships

Location

am rogr nt P e em ttl Se

Separation

Infrastructure

an m

Landscapes

Cairo Slum | Egypt

Earth umanity itat for H Hab

p d Assistance anagement omies Discourse ss sources

Materiality

Urban fabric

How do the physical conditions perpetuate the injustices of shanty towns?

Uni ted Na t i on sH u

IVES AT N

inablility

Utilities

at bit Ha

Brelsford, M artin ,H an d, Be tte nc

Organization

Study on the Reconstruction Implementation Barriers of Urban Shanty Towns of Harbin

BY De Wei Fang

& ALT ER

Po v

UN

| Spain

Scale

en, Friesen, Dietrich Fries , an d P elz Es sa y

Row | United States

FOR MS

ab nL tio Ac

Ciliwung Slums | Indonesia

rt ou

y sa Es

ty er

ASE STUD YC ITI ES olence by Bechir Kenzar’s

rucitti Latora Essay ta, C Por

- Bernard Tschumi

Influx Gender

Age Leave

History Religion

Marginalization

E

cture without action, no architecture o architecture without program. By s no architecture without violence.”

Language

PL

ternat y In est n Am

Karton City | Serbia

Racial Makeup

A to Z of the Gypsie s (R The o m an ie s)

rio 31 | Argentina

Refugee Studies Cen ter

Hump hre ya nd Ho ss

y ssa yE ell zK de

Interrogating Madrid’s“Slum ofShame”: Urban Expansion, Race,and Place-Based Activisms in theCañada Real Galiana National Poverty Cen ter

by Sophie Gonick y Fe sa rn s Rooftop Shanty Town | Hong Kong E an n i a Persecution What are the anthropogenic, socioeconomic, or political tensions and patterns that Immigration sablanca | Morocco exist in these enclaves?

PE

O

11 https://tomorrow.city/a/barrio-31-and-delft-two-different-ways-of-dealing-with-informal-settlements https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jan/15/canada-real-europe-filomena-settlement-madrid-covid-snow#img-1 https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-12-17/seoul-slum-near-gangnam-guryong-exposes-south-korea-wealth-gap https://www.cam.ac.uk/stories/indias-slum-rehabilitation-housing

12 present progress report of content and goals

T JULY 2021 AUG 2021

W GIS analysis of data collection

meet with thesis adviser

diagrammatic readings of data collection

present progress report of content and goals

graphic catalog of typologies//infrastrcture

meet with thesis adviser

photograph and imagery collection

read Slum by Slum Life Books

meet with thesis adviser

read Slums: The History of a Global Injustice by Alan Mayne

connect with researchs/professors/experts

meet with thesis adviser

BREAK

data collection of demograpghics and locations

meet with thesis adviser

meet with thesis adviser

JUNE 2021

draft abstract, introduction, and first chapter

APRIL 2021

MAY 2021

create contextual map of case study shantytowns

MARCH 2021 define scope of four “spaces”

research on preliminary case studies

1

connect with researchers/professors/experts

meet with thesis adviser

meet with thesis adviser

M

establish publication layout

organization of research content

Project Timeline

OCT 2021

SEPT 2021

DEC 2021 external conversations

compile graphic work up to this point

meet with thesis adviser

FEB 2022

JAN 2022

TH

APRIL 2022

28 |30 |31

F

SHADOW CITIES: MODERN SLUMS AND SHANTY TOWNS

present file proposal

external conversations

meet 95% of proposal deliversables

meet with thesis adviser

external conversations

develop graphic work

MARCH 2022

meet with thesis adviser

midreview presentation

meet 75% of proposal deliversables

meet with thesis adviser

meet with thesis adviser

NOV 2021

preliminary design intervention proposal ideas

present progress report of content and goals

refine analysis work and output

BREAK MAY 2022

13

Research Approach

ima primer

lit review

DEFINE

case study

SHANTYTOWNS

DELIN

CONDI

history

CONVERSATION START

INFRAST

CONTEXT

perception

DISCUSS PLACE

discourse

status

14

gery projects successes

NEATE

DESIGN

analysis

ITIONS

ALTERNATIVES failures

APPROACH

TRUCTRE

INTERVENTION

END

initiatives

issues

DELIVER RESOURCES

people

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01

DEFINE

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“The meaning of the distinction between legitimate and illegitimate violence is not immediately obvious.”

Walter Benjamin, “Critique Of Violence.” 1921

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LITERATURE REVIEW

According to the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, roughly 23.5% of the world’s population lived in slums as of 2018 (UN Stats 2021).This number is a product of an upwards trend in decrease from 28% since 2000. As part of a larger global initiative, this positive condition is an objective #11 of the Sustainable Development Goals set by the UN General Assembly in 2015 in order to achieve a more just and sustainable environment for communities across all corners of the world. Although these larger-scale economic and political actions have been put into place, the urban and architectural complexities behind slums and shanty towns conditions require a level of investigation into the nuances of the site, context, and people pertaining to each case. By studying terminology, revealing statistical information across fronts, and discussing the impacts of and on the built environment and users, Shadow Cities: Modern Slums &Shanty Towns expounds the understanding and practice of architecture in marginalized spaces. In doing so, we can narrow down the ways in which designers, planners and urbanists alike can best contribute to their abilities to these shanty town sites - that is to say, how to best incorporate the knowledge, needs and skills of its locals and residents.

Shadow Cities: Modern Slums & Shanty Towns is a primer on the relationship between “violent” spaces and impacted populations, often times rendering them invisible,..

It establishes the definition of violence and spatial violence as described by thinkers such as German essayist and philosopher Walter Benjamin and Swiss deconstructivist architect Bernard Tschumi. The former discusses politics and policy while the latter brings these elements into the realm of space and architecture. Benjamin’s “Critique of Violence” opens the discussion on the complexities between violence, justice and law, challenging the idea that the latter is justified if it operates in accordance with the law. Benjamin responds to this relationship by revealing the notion that law is made possible and is preserved through violence while domination and power is the extent of law. He says “Law-making is powermaking, assumption of power, and to that extent an immediate manifestation of violence” 18

(Larsen 2013). A reading of this essay relates to the larger thesis question at hand by delineating physical representations of historic lawmaking-violence and domination such as post-war borders, questioning the equality of law in this instance (Larsen 2013). Bernard Tschumi’s Violence of Architecture further elaborates on these physical manifestations of violence in architecture by stating that this relationship is beyond contemporary and modernist thought which tends to prime creating space despite potential ramifications in doing so. He defines violence not as the force that destroys “physical or emotional integrity, but a metaphor for the intensity of a relationship between individuals and their surrounding spaces” (Art Forum 1981). Not only does he bring forth the reality of the negative impacts of architecture on people, he also explores the reverse, in which people themselves also inflict violence on certain controlled spaces, disrupting the balance and harmony of existing environments.

Shadow Cities: Modern Slums & Shanty Towns realizes these theories through textual and visual graphics of modern examples. It studies this violence in the form of slums and shanty towns as a product of the environmental, political and social catalysts that have placed people in these conditions. In doing so, it reveals the forces that push these communities into the shadows, so to speak, both institionally and spatially. Understanding both the tangible and intangible contexts in which these communities exist is crucial to identifying the role of architecture. Per design practice, the research situates the reader in four case study sites: Cañada Real Galiana in Madrid; Petite Ceinture in Paris, France; the Rooftop Slums of Hong Kong; and Guryong Village in Seoul. Each of these cases belong to their own histories and set of conditions that impact human life and sustainability within a physical context. These slums also retain stories of lived experiences which demonstrate the effects of external forces on health and stability. By bringing these experiences to light, the research project places the stakeholders at the center of action.

Art Forum, 1981 19

ISSUU, 2011

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The foundation of the research is two-fold: 1) defining terms, statistical data, and external causes and effects and 2) outlining current practices, ideologies and perspectives of slum culture. This method of research works towards identifying a space that architecture can effectively and ethically occupy. First off, in “Informalising Architecture: The Challenge of Informal Settlements,” Kim Dovey argues that the best approach to tackling the perspective of slums and shanty towns is to challenge the obsession of form in design practice. In doing so, the strategy would redefine what “formal”architecture could encompass. She does not fail to acknowledge the complex reality in transforming slums and shantytowns. In order for architects to understand how these communities can be transformed, they must “understand how informal settlements work – how they are formed, emerge and grow, how they are inhabited and used. Since this will differ from place to place, engagement calls for forms of practice where research takes a much more integral role in the design process, incorporating morphological and diagnostic mapping and modelling” (Dovey 2013). That being said, there is very little practice of formal architecture that can be applied across all case studies without appearing to be invasive or savior-like.

Secondly, the thesis operates with the understanding of “slum-upgrading” and its best practices which aims to reverse any downward trends in any given area. Although many of these initiatives require work beyond the design sphere, there is the common effort of wholly including the slums’ locals as the main stakeholders. The four case studies demonstrate distinct spatial, institutional and social circumstances, many of which create a buffer between formal and informal settlements, thereby making these slums and shanty towns “invisible” to some degree. Principle #1 of the Cities Alliance’s policy framework is to “accept and acknowledge slums and their importance,” which returns a sense of identity and place back to these communities.“

Shaddow Cities: Modern Slums & Shanty Towns concludes with a set of potential design interventions that follows suit to Cities Alliance’s structure, allowing designers to work with and not for slum populations. In “The Pattern Making of Mega-slums on Semantics in Slum Urban Cultures,” Zappulla, Suau and Fikfak deliver findings on the spontaneous transformations of slums and shanty towns into distinct geometric forms, which produce and activate the spaces in between, whether “visible or invisible; passive or active; and formal or informal” (Cities Alliance n.d.). These spatial readings open up the discussion for architects to work within these established ad-hoc, urban molds rather than implement new, separate built “solutions,” which ensure practitioners adhere to non-intrusive, communityled frameworks. With the four cases studies leading as models for investigation and spatial study, the proposals focus on three distinct modes of operation: 1) visual guides as a mans pf way-finding, place-making and identity-establishing; 2) material modulation to re-purpose viable, underutilized and excess resources; and 3) void spaces to address opportunities for community collective hubs. The research culminates in this proposal to address a possible method of nonviolent design thinking and making, giving ethical responsibility to designers while centering the vernacular, decision-making on the residents (Tovivich 2008). It establishes the slums’ deeply-rooted permanence in a location’s history, site, and morphology.

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THE UN DEFINES “SLUM” AS HAVING:

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1. Inadequate access to safe water 2. Inadequate access to sanitation and infrastructure 3. Poor structural quality of housing 4. Overcrowding 5. Insecure residential status

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“The world is becoming increasingly urbanized. Since 2007, more than half the world’s population has been living in cities, and that share is projected to rise to 60 per cent by 2030. Cities and metropolitan areas are powerhouses of economic growth—contributing about 60 per cent of global GDP. However, they also account for about 70 per cent of global carbon emissions and over 60 per cent of resource use. Rapid urbanization is resulting in a growing number of slum dwellers, inadequate and overburdened infrastructure and services (such as waste collection and water and sanitation systems, roads and transport), worsening air pollution and unplanned urban sprawl. To respond to those challenges, 150 countries have developed national urban plans, with almost half of them in the implementation phase. Ensuring that those plans are well executed will help cities grow in a more sustainable and inclusive manner.”

Rapid urbanization and population growth are outpacing the construction of adequate and affordable housing “The proportion of the urban population living in slums worldwide declined by 20 per cent between 2000 and 2014 (from 28 per cent to 23 per cent).

That positive trend recently reversed course, and the proportion grew to 23.5 per cent in 2018. The absolute number of people living in slums or informal settlements grew to over 1 billion, with 80 per cent attributed to three regions: Eastern and South- Eastern Asia (370 million), sub-Saharan Africa (238 million) and Central and Southern Asia (227 million). An estimated 3 billion people will require adequate and affordable housing by 2030.

The growing number of slum dwellers is the result of both urbanization and population growth that are outpacing the construction of new affordable homes. Adequate housing is a human right, and the absence of it negatively affects urban equity and inclusion, health and safety, and livelihood.”

UN Stats, 2021 24

UN Habitat, 2019

UN Habitat, 2019 25

Rapid urbanization and population growth are outpacing the construction of adequate “Public transport is an essential service for urban residents and a catalyst for economic growth and social inclusion. Moreover, with ever-increasing numbers of people moving to urban areas, the use of public transport is helping to mitigate air pollution and climate change. According to 2018 data from 227 cities, in 78 countries, 53 per cent of urban residents had convenient access to public transport (defined as residing within 500 metres walking distance of a bus stop or a low-capacity transport system or within 1,000 metres of a railway and/ or ferry terminal). In most regions, the number of people using public transport rose by nearly 20 per cent between 2001 and 2014. Sub-Saharan Africa lagged behind, with only 18 per cent of its residents having convenient access to public transport. In some regions with low access, informal transport modes are widely available and, in many cases, provide reliable transport. Stronger efforts are needed to ensure that sustainable transport is available to all, particularly to vulnerable populations such as women, children, seniors and persons with disabilities”

Municipal waste is mounting, highlighting the growing need for investment in urban infrastructure housing “Globally, 2 billion people were without waste collection services, and 3 billion people lacked access to controlled waste disposal facilities, according to data collected between 2010 and 2018. The problem will only worsen as urbanization increases, income levels rise and economies become more consumer-oriented. The total amount of waste generated globally is expected to double from nearly 2 billion metric tons in 2016 to about 4 billion metric tons by 2050.

The proportion of municipal solid waste collected regularly increased from 76 per cent between 2001 and 2010 to 81 per cent between 2010 and 2018.

But that does not mean that it was disposed of properly. Many municipal solid waste disposal facilities in low- and middle-income countries are open dumpsites, which contribute to air, water and soil pollution, including by plastic waste, as well as emissions of greenhouse gases such as methane.

Investment in waste management infrastructure is urgently needed to improve the handling of solid waste across much of the world.”

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In too many cities, air pollution has become an unavoidable health hazard “Nine out of ten urban residents in 2016 were breathing polluted air—that is, air that did not meet the WHO air quality guidelines for annual mean levels of fine particulate matter (PM2.5) of 10 micrograms or less per cubic metre. More than half of those people were exposed to air pollution levels at least 2.5 times above the guideline value. Air quality worsened between 2010 and 2016 for more than 50 per cent of the world’s population. Central and Southern Asia and sub-Saharan Africa are the two regions that saw the largest increases in particulate matter concentrations.

In low- and middle-income countries, the air quality of 97 per cent of cities with more than 100,000 inhabitants did not meet air quality guidelines in 2016, compared to 49 per cent in high-income countries. Ambient air pollution from traffic, industry, power generation, waste burning and residential fuel combustion, combined with household air pollution, poses a major threat to both human health and efforts to curb climate change. More than 90 per cent of air-pollution-related deaths occur in low- and middle-income countries, mainly in Asia and Africa.”

Open public spaces make cities more inclusive, but many residents are not within easy walking distance of them “A connective matrix of streets and public spaces forms the skeleton of the city upon which everything else rests. Where public space is inadequate, poorly designed or privatized, the city becomes increasingly segregated.

Investment in networks of streets and open public spaces improves urban productivity, livelihoods and access to markets, jobs and public services, especially in countries where over half of the urban workforce is informal.

Based on 2018 data from 220 cities, in 77 countries, few cities have been able to implement a system of open public spaces that covers entire urban areas—that is, within easy reach of all residents. Findings show that the average share of the population within 400 metres walking distance of an open public space is around 31 per cent, with huge variations among cities (from a low of 5 per cent to a high of 90 per cent). A low percentage does not necessarily mean that an inadequate share of land is open public space, but rather that the distribution of such spaces across the city is uneven.”

UN Stats, 2021 27

02

DISCUSS

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“What is slum in the cityscape is of spontaneous origin. This very spontaneity makes the definition of slums difficult.

Slums appear to be planless and even antiplan”

Charles J. Stokes, “A Theory Of Slums.” 1962

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PERCEPTION, DISCOURSE, & STATUS

“Architecture is often difficult to categorize: its intentions are up for debate, its effectiveness is only measurable after an indefinite tenure, and the dichotomy of form versus function dominates discourse. Since the Industrial Revolution, architecture has increasingly taken a primary role in policy decisions involving resources, environment, war, and technology. These policies cater to the status quo: how to keep the economy growing, how to house the middle and upper classes, and how to expand business and transportation efficiency.

This leaves out the downtrodden, disadvantaged, and poorest of the poor, the individuals that cannot afford the privilege of joining the larger conversation led by designers, financiers, contractors, and intellectuals, and are often ignored based on their circumstances.”

Architizer, n.d.

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“Analysis of the desegregation and social inclusion policies in the Spanish context”

by Carmen Gago-Cortés and Isabel Novo-Corti

Abstract In Spain, many experiences in slum clearance have been focused solely on eliminating the most visible aspects of the problem, creating social dissatisfaction. This article analyzes the extent to which new policies of relocation and dispersion recently applied in the slum areas of northwest Spain, foster favorable attitudes towards social inclusion of the displaced persons, who are mostly Roma. A questionnaire was applied in order to capture the perception of both those affected by relocations and those who receive the displaced persons in their neighborhoods. By quantitative, exploratory data analysis, we have detected a good social predisposition towards social inclusion of underprivileged people in the process of adaptation to live in houses with appropriate infrastructure, identifying those aspects needed to strengthen these kinds of interventions.

Keywords: slums; segregation; inclusion; attitudes; Roma

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“Public perceptions of intellectual disability in a shantytown community in Lima, Peru”

by Michele S. O’Shea, J. Maziel Girón,b Lilia Cabrera, Andrés G. Lescano, and Douglas L. Taren

Summary Disability is the result of interactions between biological and environmental factors including the physical, economic, and social barriers imposed on an individual by society. In low and middle-income countries, limited attention has been given to the situation of individuals with intellectual disabilities, who remain seriously neglected. Given the lack of resources available to address mental disorders, it is essential to examine the role of socioeconomic and socio-cultural factors in the lives of these individuals. We conducted interviews of key informants and community members in a shantytown community in Lima, Peru, to explore public knowledge, perceptions, and attitudes regarding intellectual disability. Findings indicated that the most important concern for community members was the longstanding issues associated with poverty. There was a profound lack of awareness of intellectual disability among the general population and an absence of social integration for these individuals. However, interviewees also recognized the productive potential of persons with intellectual disabilities provided they received currently inaccessible support services.

The results suggest that educational efforts and intervention strategies must be mindful of the challenges of chronic poverty in order to successfully facilitate the social integration of individuals with intellectual disabilities into the community.

Keywords: disability, intellectual disability, poverty, social integration, policy 32

“Community Perceptions of Air Pollution and Related Health Risks in Nairobi Slums”

by Thaddaeus Egondi, Catherine Kyobutungi, Nawi Ng, Kanyiva Muindi, Samuel Oti, Steven van de Vijver, Remare Ettarh, and Joacim Rocklöv

Abstract Air pollution is among the leading global risks for mortality and responsible for increasing risk for chronic diseases. Community perceptions on exposure are critical in determining people’s response and acceptance of related policies. Therefore, understanding people’ perception is critical in informing the design of appropriate intervention measures. The aim of this paper was to establish levels and associations between perceived pollution and health risk perception among slum residents. A cross-sectional study of 5,317 individuals aged 35+ years was conducted in two slums of Nairobi. Association of perceived score and individual characteristics was assessed using linear regression. Spatial variation in the perceived levels was determined through hot spot analysis using ArcGIS. The average perceived air pollution level was higher among residents in Viwandani compared to those in Korogocho. Perceived air pollution level was positively associated with perceived health risks. The majority of respondents were exposed to air pollution in their place of work with 66% exposed to at least two sources of air pollution. Less than 20% of the respondents in both areas mentioned sources related to indoor pollution. The perceived air pollution level and related health risks in the study community were lowamong the residents indicating the need for promoting awareness on air pollution sources and related health risks.

Keywords: perceived air quality, air pollution, perceived health risk, urban slum 33

“Health services and environmental factors in urban slums and shanty towns of the developing world” Introduction

by Alessandro Rossi-Espagnet

A report sponsored by the World Bank has stated that the frequency and severity of malnutrition in the developing world are increasing more rapidly in urban than in rural areas [1].

Clearly, a major problem exists, but its real extent is apparent only if one considers that urbanization, as the major new factor in the demographic growth of the developing countries, is itself expanding and accelerating. It has already reached dramatic proportions in some countries and is likely to do so in others

The increasing interest manifested during the last few years in the problems of urbanization should not be interpreted as an attempt to shift attention away from the rural areas, where the problems are still tremendous, to the cities, which, globally considered, enjoy a relatively privileged situation.

Rather, it is the response to a recognized need to emphasize the dimensions of the urbanization phenomenon, the profound heterogeneity of the city, and the inequitable and discriminatory treatment applied to certain population groups in urban areas. It should also suggest that the rural and the urban are interrelated elements of the same universe and should be looked at in this wider context. It is therefore not surprising that the FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations) devoted 10 of the 39 pages of its report to its Council in November 1984 [2] to discussing, under the title “Urbanization a growing challenge to agriculture in developing countries,” a variety of problems relating urbanization to agriculture, some of which, incidentally, have clear health implications 34

At least five reasons justify increasing attention to the health effects of urbanization and suggest that remedial actions must be considered with urgency [3]. The first is that urbanization has become in speed and size a severe problem everywhere. The second is that, in spite of this universality, urbanization primarily affects the developing countries. Third, it is not a temporary phenomenon and no longer depends on rural-urban migration, as two-thirds of urban growth is now the result of natural increase 14]. Fourth, it is no longer confined to capitals: secondary and tertiary cities have started growing rapidly and are not exempt from the problems that affect the bigger cities. Finally, contrary to what happened in the past in the industrialized world, urbanization in the developing countries is primarily the result of rejection of the rural areas. Therefore it is a negative phenomenon that has caught the cities totally unprepared. The consequence is an invasion of squatters and the establishment of populations that by most measurements can be classified as poor.

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Mexico City, Mexico

Loresho, Nairobi 36

Guanabara Bay, Brazil

Durban, South Africa Unequal Scenes, n.d.

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03

DELINEATE

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“I’ve been waiting two years to get public housing...But all the government does is talk and say there is not enough land.”

Chan Piu, 58, of Hong Kong’s rooftop slums, 2014

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Quora, 2019

CASE STUDY 01

LA CAÑADA REAL GALIANA | MADRID, SPAIN

Once a major road for the transportation of livestock, La Cañada Real Galiana has become a point of political, social and spatial tension in both Madrid’s historic and contemporary legacy. The 15-mile long trail of transient land and livestock has developed into a seemingly endless stretch of structure and occupation, claiming a crucial piece in Madrid’s growing urbanism. Sitting on 700-year old public land and considered the largest shanty town in Europe, Canada Real Galiana perpetuates a common perspective of and attitude towards informal settlements—as hubs for violence, illegal activity and delinquent groups of individuals (Morado Castresana, 2017). However, the historic nature of the shanty town is actually born from its origins as a transhumance trail. Starting in the 1960s, farmers and their herds, moving through their route, would build small makeshift structures that served their temporal needs such as accommodations or workshops. As these constructions developed over time, the sense of place, permanence and livelihood began to take root (Morado Castresana, 2017).

In the 1990s, Madrid also experienced an increase of economic issues, including a housing shortage, which consequently encouraged settlers to move to the outskirts where the booming makeshift constructions were already in effect, allowing future residents to build as they see fit. These residences were large and outfitted with elements of leisure such as gardens and pools before the influx of settlers naturally led to diverse populations and building typologies (Gonick, 2015). By the late 1990s and early 2000s, outcast groups such as Spanish gypsies, Moroccan immigrants and other Roma groups began to heavily populate the trail, marking the site as their own. La Cañada Real Galiana’s built environment followed suit whereby the settlement’s structure and infrastructure are unable to keep up with its growing population. Much of the site today is characterized by tent and cement houses, often times shielded solely by corrugated metal roofs. Self-built water tanks are left without sewers while most of the roads remain unpaved (Frayer, 2012). Common resource centers such as schools and health clinics are situated closer to the formal neighborhoods, forcing residents to travel far beyond the boundaries of their homes for needs apart from work.

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With such close proximity to the city’s incinerators, the settlement is also marked by the large presence of garbage that litters many corners of the strip of land, from the main streets to the sides of house. The incinerators have also posed of issue of inequitable health. Residents of Sector 6, the most notorious of the shanty town’s six areas, show high rates of respiratory illness due to its proximity to the Valdemingómez incinerator (Pattern, 2020).

The image of rubbish in La Cañada Real is not only a visual representation of the site but also a metaphor for Madrid’s own treatment towards the shanty town. Situated just 12 miles outside of the bustling city center of Madrid, faces the looming threat of rapid urbanization and the proliferation of developments which begin to encroach on the shanty town’s boundaries (Frayer, 2012). Aside from economic interest, there is little political action to find reasonable solutions that do not ultimately displace the 40,000 residents without a resettlement plan, many of whom come from generations of settlers in the shanty town’s 40year history (Fotheringham, 2011). The task to transform La Cañada Real Galiana is a difficult one as it would require the participation and agreement between three municipalities: Coslada, Madrid, and Rivas Vaciamadrid. The absence of a rehousing settlement would make the city nervous as Sector 6 of the shanty town is also a massive provider for Madrid’s (and perhaps, even beyond) drug market. To this effect, there was, and still is, the notion that the city’s failure to initiate effective relocation efforts also stems from the fear that a plan to uproot or move the resident would funnel the addicts and so-called delinquents into Madrid’s edges and eventually the center, as these individuals have already been taken advantage of the city’s bus lines to get their fix (Tremlett, 2009).

Growing indifference towards La Cañada Real was quite evident during the early months of 2021. In the midst of a global pandemic that devastated Spain during its highest peak, many parts of the country were also caught in the largest snow storm to hit in nearly 50 years (Jones, 2021). Since October 2020, the nearly 4,500 residents of Sectors 5 and 6 were without a power supply causing an abundance of issues to sustain and protect themselves, including the 1,800 children in the area. Meanwhile, the popular winter holiday lights that adorn multiple areas of the city center were turned on in early December, birthing uproar and protests from the affected population (Pattern, 2020). The cause of the outage is a highly contested subject, with both sides, that of the shanty town and of the regional government, throwing blame at the another. Snow storm Filomena made the solutions for returning the electricity nearly impossible, forcing residents to find other means of shelter, heat, and energy as they also navigate through the dangers and pressures of Covid-19. Prior to the storm in December 2020, the UN Human Rights Council called on the Spanish government to restore the power, to ensure that adequate living conditions for the residents of La Cañada Real are properly met (UNHRC, 2020).

Such instances demonstrate the various social and physical inequalities imparted on this community. Born from a legacy of self-made people and things, La Cañada Real suffers from a growing external urban environment and tense political relations, leading to various forms on injustices in the built environment and its users. Like many issues of slums and shanty towns, La Cañada Real seeks action at the higher level. However, the everyday needs of the residents can be addressed at smaller, more feasible scales through this investigation.

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Asrie Karma, 2019 43

El Pais, 2017

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Madrid No Frills, 2019 45

Morado Castresana, 2017

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NPR, 2012

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NY Times, 2021

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“The lack of electricity not only violates these children’s right to adequate housing, it is having a very serious effect on their rights to health, food, water, sanitation and UN Human Rights Council, 2020 50

The Guardian, 2021

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Local.fr, 2017

CASE STUDY 02

PETITE CEINTURE | PARIS, FRANCE

Slums and shanty towns tend to occupy spaces of abandonments and vacancy.

Such can be said about Petite Ceinture sitting right in the center of Paris, France. Similar to Madrid’s status as a major capital city, Paris’ claim to the shanty town is representative of how these incidental, marginalized communities and spaces become part of the urban fabric. Its physical character as an old railway, overgrown with nature and trekked by wildlife, and its sense of emptiness speaks to the various opportunities for occupancy, existence, and life afforded by that same abandonment. Abandoned in 1934, the sunken 32-km long, 20m-wide circuit sits well within the proper city limits and makes for an almost perfect scenario to remain connected to the urban life while living in the shadows and quietness of it all (Caron 2016). This phenomenon of place enables multiple forms of inhabitation that combat traditional, planned means of urban growth.“ To that end, it is Petite Ceinture’s “perceptive qualities of vacancy – invisibility, disrepair and neglect- that enable social and ecological prospects to thrive,” which in this search, focuses on the self-built nature of its shanty town (Foster 2014).

According to Foster, the term terrain vague, coined by Spanish architect Ignasi de Solà-Morales can be applied to Petite Ceinture. It describes the “non-spaces” that fall outside the margins of conventional urban form and as a result, contribute to existing issues in contemporary society (Foster 2014). By nature, these landscapes are temporal and unregulated and are often interpreted as being apart from formal and legitimate spaces. If seen as such, these embodiments of terrain vague are unproductive to urban development and success. As Petite Ceinture is not entirely uninhabited, the constituents of these spaces can also fall under that umbrella of disrupt, personifying the abnormalities and spontaneous occurrences of the city system.

Although the abandoned railway’s service as an art canvas or hipster food hot spot demonstrates society’s acceptance of a derelict place, it simultaneously realizes the invisibility of marginalized spaces and people. While the Boulevard Ornano section of the Petite Ceinture in the 18th arrondissement boasts a popular beer garden, cafe and various 53

stalls and workshops, it also houses the hidden shanty town (Azadé 2016). The migrant crisis of 2015 propelled many people’s move into the 500-meter sunken zone of the track. It is home to 350 people, primarily Romanies from Romania and Bulgaria as well as refugees from the Middle East (Armillei, 2018). Lined with shacks made from wooden boards and plastic sheets, the shanty town unsurprisingly lacks proper infrastructure to. With about five people to each 10sqm cabin, the residents experience discomfort and squalor. Pans are used to cover the holes in these shacks from the elements while electricity and running water are nonexistent, forcing residents to walk a mile to bathe at the municipal showers at Porte de Saint-Ouen (Azadé 2016). Job prospects are scarce and many resort to begging. Social housing has been an option, although the application and bureaucratic process have only proven to be more of an obstacle.

In March 2016, during the early morning hours, French police moved to clear out the residents of Petite Ceinture. Having faced eviction threats since the spring of 2015 from France’s state-owned railway company SNCF, many of the shanty town’s residents had already left on their own accord with about 80 residents left to be evicted that day (Boitiaux 2016). The eviction also came with bulldozers, dismantling the makeshift infrastructure for good. Issues surrounding the French state’s action towards Petite Ceinture is not only situated in the absence of a proper rehousing plan but also the country’s attitude towards the Roma people in general. The eviction has only worsened the relationship between the French and Roma people, making them a far more marginalized community within French borders. For example, in 2015, the police evicted and dismantled 111 Roma slums, displacing roughly 11,128 people, according to a report from France’s Inter-ministerial Delegation for Accommodation and Access to Housing. Only residents from 29 of those camps have been offered alternative and temporary housing, leaving the remaining residents with very little viable options (Caron 2016). There is no desire among the Roma people to live in these conditions. Rather, the lack of institutional and social support in France coupled with even worse conditions back in their home countries make it difficult for these communities to escape their state of limbo.

It is safe to say that the Petite Ceinture case study exemplifies the relationship between space and aggression, whereby the existence of terrain vague confronts the heavy resistance of political and social response. Although its status has always been deemed temporal and by apparent French terms, disposable, the slum, by nature, retains a level of permanence through its role as a home and vessel for families to remain together. To that end, there is a potential space for which interventions, at scales appropriate to the time frames and typologies, can occupy in similar case of slums and shanty towns. Much like the history of its inhabitants, design, in this context, should responsive to change, spontaneity, and even hostility while addressing certain spatial needs and conditions. Despite its recent erasure from the physical urban fabric, the Petite Ceinture shanty town has undeniably interwoven itself in the cultural legacy of Paris and therefore, the attitude of architecture towards remaining slums and their communities must also respect these realities.

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Avax, n.d.

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The Paris High Court issues an eviction notice on September 30, 2015 to clear Petite Ceinture in the early morning hours.

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VICE, 2016 57

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“It’s important that they [the police] know we are watching them...It’s important that they know that they work without our Josie, in her 50s, of the 18th Arrondissement. 2016

VICE 2016 59

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Web Urbanist, 2016

CASE STUDY 03

ROOFTOP SLUMS | HONG KONG

The rooftop villages of Hong Kong take on a curious form slum and shanty town living. Instead of sitting apart from or beneath the formal city, this case study sits atop existing residential and commercial buildings, affording a different perspective of life for the residents of these homes. While the density of Hong Kong gives form to these slum abodes, the region’s economic disparities perpetuate the existence of its conditions and purpose.

It began with a housing crisis in the 1950s-60s that forced people from mainland China to relocate to Hong Kong. The large influx of people disturb the rate of affordable public housing where the supply of options failed to meet the demand of the refugees (Shadbolt 2011). The region’s wealth divide has long been the perpetrator for this slum’s existence where traditional private homes can cost a fortune in Hong Kong, a destination many estimators believe to the be world’s most expensive market (Chi 2014). Urban, workingclass neighborhoods like Sham Shui Po, Kwun Tung and Tai Kok Tsui have been left to fend for themselves in this volatile, real estate-driven region. With numerous apartments and houses reaching prices sitting well above the millions, the proliferation of luxury homes and increasingly long line of affordable housing applicants complicates reasonable alternative for these rooftop residents (Jia 2017). While many are still waiting for their names to be called, some prefer to stay in their current situations instead of moving to public housing as the latter would limit certain advantages that have been afforded to them for years. For one, the proximity to air, views and some extra space are more attainable on the rooftops than in public housing. Additionally , the government supplies the rooftop homes with a postal service, water and electricity while law enforcement is quick to respond to calls. Convenience is also afforded to the residents with shops sitting below them on the streets. However, the government is also quick to enforce building code regulations that can call for demolition of the dwellings (Shadbolt 2011). Therefore, these residents and the government operate within the understanding that housing, however informal and makeshift, is necessary and will be regulated to meet the appropriate laws and protocols.

In 2001, the Hong Kong census reported that 16,359 people lived atop these rooftop 61

homes. In 2006, the number had shown to decrease to 3,962, revealing a dramatic difference (Shadbolt 2011). Nevertheless, the physical conditions of the dwellings do not fail to represent the typical slum home. These shacks are generally made of inexpensive, corrugated metal sheets and wood that clad the roofs and while concrete shapes the sides. The interiors are partitioned to separate multiple families living in one shack (Chi 2014). As these spaces are primarily self-built and ad-hoc, the shacks can range in size and shape. Some are as small as 75 square feet, just enough to fit a bed, cupboard and a few belongings, and others as large as 236 square feet. Compared to the region’s luxury apartments, this shack only costs about just a few hundred dollars a month, but the threat of eviction consistently looming over the heads of these residents (Ng and Hoyer 2015) . Other scenarios see multiple families sharing a kitchen, toilet and small living area as the homes compete with the growing density, population, and prices of the region. Electric wires double as laundry lines while objects, like toys and furniture, that litter the shared and empty spaces give a sense of activity and life to the communities above (Ng and Hoyer 2015).

Ultimately, the rooftop slums of Hong Kong embody a different form of informal living where these makeshift homes are not separate from society. Instead, they are direct products of the site’s existing and rising physical infrastructure, literally sitting atop the wealth and development of Hong Kong’s economic expansion. Yet, it is these marginalized communities that reap almost no benefits from this growth, putting the residents at risk of losing the only viable form of dwelling. However unideal the conditions are, there remains the reality that these communities have established themselves along these rooftops, whether 50 yeas ago or 5 years ago. Taking on a unique representation of space and livelihood, the rooftop slums are embedded in the urban character of Hong Kong.

They demonstrate how wealth and economic stability do not always birth prosperity and that structure and infrastructure, or lack therefore, are ways in which these disparities can exist. Although hidden above these buildings, the rooftop slums of Hong Kong take on their elevated position as symbolizing the need for true wealth and stability to come in the form of equity for all groups.

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Dornob, n.d.

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FOREWORD “There is no elevator. We run eight floors up the stairs … out of breath. The roof is a maze of corridors, narrow passageways between huts made of sheet metal, wood, brick and plastics.

Steps and ladders leading up to a second level of huts. We get lost …. Rufina knocks on a door. A brief conversation in Cantonese. Stefan stands in the background, the foreigner, smiling, not understanding a word. They listen to us, smile and invite us into their homes. Later, we look from a high building on the other side of the street down at the building [we were on before]. The roof is huge, with thirty or forty households, like a village. From the outside it is impossible to guess what it looks like on the inside.”

Portraits From Above: Hong Kong’s Informal Rooftop Communities, 2010

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Popupcity, 2010 65

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Portraits From Above: Hong Kong’s Informal Rooftop Communities, 2010

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Portraits From Above: Hong Kong’s Informal Rooftop Communities, 2010

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International Newslens, n.d.

CASE STUDY 04

GURYONG VILLAGE | SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA

With sweeping views of Seoul’s high-rise buildings painted in the skyline to the west, Guryong Village contrasts the metropolis that is the South Korean capital. Situated in Seoul’s wealthiest district of Gangnam, the shanty town arose in the late 1980s due to massive development projects focused on outfitting the Olympic Games. The urban redesign displaced thousands of slum people from their homes, forcing them to resort to the rebuilding of their own dwellings (Kim 2014). The inhabitants residents found themselves establishing new lives on private land where once again, metal, wood and plastic also found another purpose: to shelter the people of Guryong Village. The shanty town is separated from the formal city with a six-lane highway to the west while resting at the base of a mountain that sits to the east of it. As the last-remaining slum of Seoul, the community has been in the center of urban redevelopment plans that seek to propel new structure while also compensating the long-time residents.

The efforts towards rehousing the slums inhabitants, most of whom are elderly folks with no jobs or financial assistance, is a relatively proactive one. In contrast to many slum displacement scenarios, Guryong Village is an example of when multiple parties’ attempts to do good work result in confrontations that aim for better, or even the best, outcomes. To start, Seoul’s local government vowed to place its peripheral citizens first (Kim 2018). Although this active acknowledgment is key in addressing slum culture and conditions, it still met resistance from the residents and landowners who are seeking more economical solutions, ones that support a proper rehousing plan for the community as well as fair business deals for landowners giving up their property for development (Lee 2020). Ultimately, the city’s eventual redevelopment plan could not do its work without the mutual support of these unlikely parties, all of whom would benefit from cooperative planning. With residents who survive on just a few dollars a day in discussion with Seoul’s mayor and the site’s landowners, Guryong Village’s future remains on the urban agenda. Yet, much discussion still needs to be had on its current state and the needs of its inhabitants for continued stability and livelihood.

Currently, around2,500 people reside in the shanty town in self-built shelters 71

(Blason 2014). The shacks are constructed from plywood, metal panels, plastic sheets, and even cardboard boxes, showing all signs of slum and shanty town spatial characteristics.

Toilets are often shared among residents who must also resort to showering and doing laundry at public baths as private bathrooms and washrooms are rarely ever afforded in shanty town conditions (Park 2015). In addition, having once been caught in a major blaze that claimed the life of one elderly individual, the fire-prone site poses major safety and health issues for the residents (Hyo-Sung 2014). Like any other informal settlement, its lack of building authorization, proper infrastructure and protocol create for potentially dangerous scenarios for and beyond the boundaries of Guryong Village.

Prior to the involvement of developments which turned the slum into contentious real estate, there was a strong sense of community among the residents, finding common ground in their situation, socioeconomic status, and desire for some semblance of shared resources. The residents themselves have put running water and electricity systems in place. There is also a mail delivery service, church and kindergarten. Much of this freedom to build and operate institutions is rooted in South Korean law which respects the power of those who occupy the land (Lee 2020). Such a law affords the residents a sense of place and identity as they make their home. Many residents have lived in the Guryong Village since its creation, having raised their families within its borders. Photographer Soohyun Kim returned to the shanty town in 2014 and 2015 where his mother had lived for ten years and he, himself, for three. He claims that “the outside observer may see in these homes nothing but crushing poverty; what I see, as an inside observer, its ingenuity, perseverance, and pride,” which delivers on the notion of existence and permanence in a place (Kim 2014).

The Guryong Village case study exemplifies a distinct demographic of slum and shanty town dwellers. In a country where nearly half of the elderly live in poverty, this informal settlement illustrates a concentrated count of Seoul’s own forgotten population (Park 2015).

However, Guryong Village is a prime example for which sense of place and identity are often times ignored when speaking about informal settlements in terms statistics and conditions.

Though not as easily recognized as in the formal city, life, culture and community do still exist in slums and shanty towns. To effectively address spatial environments of makeshift cities, it is imperative to also acknowledge the self-built connections and commonalities among its users and stakeholders.

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PH Museum, 2014

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The Guardian, 2014

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“When I first moved here there was a sense of community, even though we were poor. But when the developers came, we began to take sides and the neighbourhood became divided.”

Pastor Of Guryong Village, 2014

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The Guardian, 2014

Bloomberg, 2020

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Bloomberg, 2020

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The Guardian, 2014

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04

DELIVER

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“We understand that isolation can’t be the same as in the formal city... We know that the people live in a situation of greater vulnerability or with less space in their homes. It’s sometimes advantageous and necessary for their families for them to get out.”

Legal advisor Ignacio Curti on Buenos Aires’ Villa 31 during COVID-19

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SPATIAL READINGS IN THE URBAN FABRIC

Identifying current work in the realm of urban design is crucial in understanding how other researchers, architects and planers have tackled the issues around slum and shanty towns particularly in their respective urban fabrics. As discussed in the previous case studies, it is evident that these informal settlements are not just sprung from the ground. Rather they are born from sudden need, a circumstance that is amplified by how external forces, whether local, national and even global, respond to this rapid phenomenon. Although slums and shanty towns are very much linked to political and institutional crises, they also exist as architecture. As explored earlier, architecture is charged, complex and violent (Kenzari 2011).

It has historically been used as a tool for enacting a myriad of policies, decrees and laws that both congregate and divide. However, it is also important to remember that architecture it can also be diluted down to its simpler terms, such as a physical vessel taking up space somewhere, somehow.

As noted in the case study analysis, the spatial character of slums and shanty towns in the larger context of site and city come with its own set of implications as it relates to addressing the physical existence of an informal settlement as well the success of its people.

This shifts the focus to disparities in health, both physical and mental, transportation, access to basic services and networks for livelihood. To that end, analyzing the eternal forces originating from a slum or shanty town’s spatial position in its urban environment is just as imperative as identifying those that form that particular settlement.

One can begin to consider typology, form, materiality and size as part of this investigation. In addition, the infrastructure both within and outside of the slum and shanty town boundaries plays a huge role in how these settlements prosper or perpetuate certain conditions. The physical nature can also contribute to the question of aesthetics, visuals and perception as a political tool in architecture, which channels into place and identity-making, addressing the much needed discourse on the social narratives and visibility of informal settlements and their communities (Peattie 1992).

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Peattie, 1992

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“A protocol for a multi-site, spatiallyreferenced household survey in slum settings: methods for access, sampling frame construction, sampling, and field data collection.”

Abstract

by Syed Shifat Ahmed and Vangelis Pitidis

Background Household surveys are a key epidemiological, medical, and social research method. In poor urban environments, such as slums, censuses can often be out-of-date or fail to record transient residents, maps may be incomplete, and access to sites can be limit, all of which prohibits obtaining an accurate sampling frame. This article describes a method to conduct a survey in slum settings in the context of the NIHR Global Health Research Unit on Improving Health in Slums project.

Methods We identify four key steps: obtaining site access, generation of a sampling frame, sampling, and field data collection. Stakeholder identification and engagement is required to negotiate access. A spatially-referenced sampling frame can be generated by: remote participatory mapping from satellite imagery; local participatory mapping and ground-truthing; and identification of all residents of each structure. We propose to use a spatially-regulated sampling method to ensure spatial coverage across the site. Finally, data collection using tablet devices and open-source software can be conducted using the generated sample and maps.

Discussion Slums are home to a growing population who face some of the highest burdens of disease yet who remain relatively understudied. Difficulties conducting surveys in these locations may explain this disparity. We propose a generalisable, scientifically valid method that is sustainable and ensures community engagement.

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Ahmed and Pitidis, 2020

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“Toward cities without slums: Topology and the spatial evolution of neighborhoods”

by Christa Brelsford, Taylor Martin, Joe Hand, and Luís M. A. Bettencourt

Abstract

The world is urbanizing quickly with nearly 4 billion people presently living in urban areas, about 1 billion of them in slums.

Achieving sustainable development from rapid urbanization relies critically on creating cities without slums. We show that it is possible to diagnose systematically the central physical problem of slums— the lack of spatial accesses and related services—using a topological analysis of neighborhood maps and resolved by finding solutions to a sequence of constrained optimization problems. We set up the problem by showing that the built environment of any city can be decomposed into two types of networked spaces—accesses and places—and prove that these spaces display universal topological characteristics. We then show that while the neighborhoods of developed cities express the same common topology, urban slums fall into a different topological class. We demonstrate that it is always possible to find solutions that grow a street network in existing slums, providing universal accesses at minimal disruption and cost.

We then show how elaborations of this procedure that include local preferences and reduce travel distances between places result from additional access construction. These methods are presently taking effect in neighborhoods in Cape Town (South Africa) and Mumbai (India), demonstrating their practical feasibility and emphasizing their role as a platform to enable communities and local governments to combine technical knowledge with local aspirations into contextually appropriate urban sustainable development solutions.

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Breslford et. al, 2018

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05

DESIGN

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“The fragile relation between a ruler and an architect is loaden with contradictions.

The strategy of the ruler is to keep the architect both included and excluded, both present and absent, both recognized and ignored ” Bechir Kenzari, “Construction Rites, Mimetic Rivalry, Violence,” 2011

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SLUM UPGRADING: BEST PRACTICES

To begin considering how to address slums and shanty towns, design practitioners must acknowledge certain strategies that tackle much larger, more complex issues at the core of their existence. These strategies are not just physical interpretations of policy put into practice but rather incorporating spheres of productivity into multiple channels. Slum upgrading, as defined by the Cities Alliance, focuses on “putting into motion the economic, social, institutional and community activities” that engage “residents, community groups businesses as well as local and national authorities” (Cities Alliance, n.d.). To that end, architects, planners and “envisioners” need to operate within this framework in order to find spaces that design can occupy. Slum upgrading is most effective when practices are community-led and managed and therefore, should be the driving force for any intervention.

1. Accept and acknowledge slums and their importance.

1. Accept and acknowledge slums and their importance.

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2. Political will and leadership makes slum upgrading possible.

4. Mobilize partners.

5. Provide security of tenure.

7. Ensure continuity of effort over time and institutionalize the program.

9. Find alternatives to new slum formation.

6. Plan with, not for, the slum communities.

8. Allocate budget, design subsidies, mobilize public and non-public resources.

10. Invest in community infrastructure.

Cities Alliance, n.d.

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“It can’t be said enough that it’s essential to not romanticize conditions that emerged out of scarcity and need. However, it is also necessary to elevate the values and strengths of the community so to retain them in the redeveloped neighborhood and apply their lessons to other development projects.”

Next City, 2018

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PROJECT APPROACHES

The case studies of Canada Real Galiana, Petite Ceinture, the Hong Kong rooftop slums, and Guryong Village reveal four very distinct urban conditions and attitudes towards marginalized urban spaces and communities. They demonstrate the reality that slums and shanty towns are not fixed, neither in form, formation, or future. There are a multitude of factors that impact how these histories have come about as well as the circumstances by which these informal settlements can continue to exist. However, there are a few commonalities found among these case studies that speak to the discourse around the topic of research. It is that Ignasi de Solà-Morales’ term terrain vague, which alludes to the traces of formal settings that perpetuate societal issues, can ring true for almost all slums and shanty towns. These commonalities of space and acknowledgment, or lack thereof, render them products of damage and degradation, unproductive to the development of society.

Urban renewal programs like those of the mid 20th century argue that the erasure of slums and shanty towns would regenerate economic growth and rehabilitation of the city and its constituents ( Collins and Shester 2011). However, uprooting these settlements would only add to the issue in the lack of proper housing that existed in the first place as such a decision without a rehousing plan would not fare well in the short or long run. This thesis argues that, in contrast to the reasons behind development projects like those of the 50s and 60s, it is these informal settlements that retain the true catalyst for social and urban success.

Although adequate housing is key to a well-rounded, thriving city where “physical and financial security, economic productivity, healthy communities, and human well-being” are integral to its urban form and status, it is also important to consider how space establishes a sense of home, identity, and network (King et. al. 2017). Rather than doing away with them, slums and shanty towns need to be at the core of this renewal, operating at a scale and pace that works most effectively for their needs as occupants, inhabitants and humans. Their notion of place and shelter need to remain as one and must not, to some degree, solely be seen as temporary, transferable, or negotiable.

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From occupancy in the outskirts of town to literally and figuratively sitting above the world, these slums and shanty towns sustain their own forms of life and activity. By focusing internally on the existing spaces and conditions of slums and shanty towns, the thesis champions these realities as the basis for success and sustainability at the individual and urban levels. Contributing to what already exists with those who exist is a more realistic, equitable and manageable approach to addressing slum and shanty town realities. The World Resources Institute provides an in-depth report on the best alternatives to tackling housing gaps as seen through this diagram :

World Resources Institute, 2017

Through this particular lens, the design thesis operates on a similar track to that of #6 of the Cities Alliance framework which is to incorporate informal settlementcommunities rather than proceeding without them. It focuses on the in-situ participatory approach.

“Recommended Approach #1: Adopt participatory in situ upgrading of informal settlements. Upgrading informal settlements requires viewing them as potential opportunities rather than problems. Successful programs are participatory, comprehensive, and financially sustainable, and they feature co-created solutions that tap community knowledge and insight. Upgrading programs typically finance services and amenities, improve shelter, and secure occupancy rights. Evidence shows that in situ upgrading is preferred over relocation programs except where there are location-based risks or an overwhelming, offsetting public purpose. Creative finance and ownership structures need to play a role, as does design that incorporates physical, social, and financial realities. Good designs make excellent use of limited space to meet the needs of families, communities, and neighborhoods.”

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01. VISUAL GUIDE Way-finding | Place-making | Establishing

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The design intervention follows suit to Cities Alliance’s policy framework on “slumupgrading,”, allowing designers to work with and not for slum populations. In “The Pattern Making of Mega-slums on Semantics in Slum Urban Cultures,” Zappulla, Suau and Fikfak deliver findings on the spontaneous transformations of slums and shanty towns into distinct geometric forms, which produce and activate the spaces in between, whether “visible or invisible; passive or active; and formal or informal.” These spatial readings open up the discussion for architects to work within these established ad-hoc, urban molds rather than implement new, unnecessary built “solutions,” which ensure practitioners adhere to non-intrusive actions. The project proposes a series of community signage and graphic color patterning as a means of way-finding and place-making for locals while acting as a marker for outsiders. The objectives of this design strategy is to: 1) respects the boundaries of shantytown life and residents; 2) creates society’s cognitive awareness of the “other” place; 3) brings the invisible into the visible realm; 4) provides a non-invasive & non-savior role for designers; and 5) encourages collaboration between designers and stakeholders.

The research culminates in this proposal to address a possible method of nonviolent design thinking and making, giving ethical responsibility to designers while centering the vernacular, decision-making on the residents. It establishes the slums’ deeply-rooted permanence in a location’s history, site, and morphology.

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Cañada Real Galiana

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Petite Ceinture

Conceptual Boundaries

Hong Kong Rooftop Slums

Guryong Village

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Dutch artists Dre Urhahn and Jeroen Koolhaas approached the “Back to Rio” project in the Santa Marta slum with the intent to transform the nature of these Brazilian locales through artistry, community partnership and skill-building. A local paint company assisted with the acquisition of raw materials as well as training for the locals, including youth helpers, serving as a gateway for employment and mobility. The project covered 34 buildings, monumentalizing and color-coding the favela while diminishing the visual divide between formal and informal cities.

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“It gives the community life!...People who come to the favela today say, ‘Wow, how pretty.’ It doesn’t have that image of an ugly favela,” Edimar Marcelinho Franco, CNN, 2010

Archello, n.d.

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Metalocus, 2018

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The Boa Mistura art collective brought art and identity to La Cañada Real Galiana through Antonio Remache’s song “El alma no tiene color” “(The Soul Has No Color”). The lyric mural project empowered local residents to unite as a means to reinforce their sense of place and identity in Madrid’s urban fabric. The initiative relied on the efforts of the community members who fall into six neighborhood sectors with a chromatic gradation starting from red in 1 to blue in 6. The art project anchors La Cañada Real Galiana to the larger context of urban development, honoring its self-built origins through community participation, selfsustenance and collective action and enjoyment.

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Example: Cañada Real Galiana Madrid | Spain

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02. MATERIAL MODULATION Reuse | Re-purpose | Adaptive

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To achieve a an equal sense of urban belonging to that of formal settlements, the Material Modulation proposal seeks to provide tools for day-to-day activity and enjoyment. It proposes a series of small-scale, community-centric projects using local, underutilized, materials found within these boundaries that would provide additional public and recreational hubs such as swing sets, picnic benches and bike racks, which would serve as an adaptive, modular model for other slum communities. In doing so, the projects maximize available resources while placing residents at the core of design practice. The proposal also addresses the excess material waste found in slums and shanty towns. Rather than impart “slum-upgrading” practices that seek to solely beautify these locations for the benefit of outsiders using external means, the approach would remain internal whereby the skills, knowledge, and resources originate from the local community, using already available and accessible materials.

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gather excess resources

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re-purpose materials

transform into usable forms

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ISSUU, 2015

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Kristin Souther’s thesis project “Transforming Slums Through Architectural Empowerment” explores the obvious spatial, economic and political disparities between formal and informal settlements. In doing so, the research identifies the multiple, basic needs afforded to privileged groups that are not easily obtainable for the marginalized communities of slum and shanty towns. Through complex layers of analysis across different scales, the project takes an architectural stance on figure, form and materiality, revealing the ways in which informal settlements mold to urban sites and landscapes, often times functioning as infill for post-developed spaces. Souther applies this thinking to materials and objects, creating an intervention that adapts and responds to certain conditions while providing resources for the everyday activities of slum and shanty town residents.

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ISSUU, 2015 113

In Cojimar, Cuba, this garden, owned and operated by two brothers, one a mechanic and one an accountant, is a model for self-built and sustaining initiatives that give back to the community using the most common and inexpensive of means. Leftover oil barrels and water jugs line the edges of the garden where preparation and cleaning tables sit while collected beer and plastic water bottles create an organized, terraced landscape fit for growing a diverse body of plants. Not only does this project respond and react to its available resources and surroundings, it provides all of the herbs for a Ajiaco Cafe, a popular local restaurant just meters down the street. This relationship exemplifies a kind of community partnership where the growth, development and success of one is dependent on the other, thereby strengthening the social and economic ties among the people of this neighborhood through accessible and bountiful materials.

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Asrie Karma, 2019

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A.

B. 116

These interpretations of leisure and function make use of excess materials that create public spheres for slum communities to engage with, providing a resource born from their own environments.

A. Shaded streets and alleys (tarp and wire) B. Vegetation pavilion (corrugated metal and wood) C. Children’s playground (spare tires)

C.

Asrie Karma, 2021 117

03. VOID SPACES Vegetation | Function | Play

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The proposal takes abandoned lots in slum communities that can be transformed into points of gathering, recreation and work. The first goal is to create a visual map of open and unused spaces that meet at the junction of slum “hubs.” Within these junctions, we can begin to identify potential spatial interventions, both built and grown. One option is the collective community space, a minimal enclosure that allows for gathering and enjoyment indoors.

These would operate as a series of spaces, occupied by the residents of households within each of the collective spaces’ proximities. Another approach provides a larger intervention that serves as the communal space and resource center for the entire slum. Both approaches would serve as moments of collection for the slum and shanty town residents at a each appropriate scale. They are further opportunities for users to find a mode of common spatial ground, fitted and adaptable to their needs over time.

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Arch Daily, 2018

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A collaboration between design CODE students at TU Berlin and refugees, the PLUG-IN pavilion is a product of the Home, Not Shelter! Initiative which addresses the meaning of living space not merely as accommodation but also a crucial piece in social integration and communal cooperation at various urban scales. The PLUG-IN project re-imagines “architecture, space, processes, and nature” as a collaborative effort that can be reinterpreted and reconstructed in distinct sites, effectively responding to their conditions.

Although adaptive in nature, the project would serve as an modular architectural framework for environments requiring healthy, humane, and comfortable collective spaces catering to livelihood, learning and recreation.

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Plan

Elevation & Section

Arch Daily, 2018 122

Longitudinal Elevation

Components

Joints 123

MOMA,, 2005

Ted Blog, 2014

Architect Teddy Cruz’s research studies the transient nature of the San Diego-Tijuana border, a site that juxtaposes the ends of the socioeconomic spectrum of North America.

Cruz follows the material flows across the border from north to south, and studies the transformation of these single materials to built structures as they attempt to meet the needs of moving individuals and communities. By creating these informal settlements, Cruz’s larger projections, such as “Manufactured Sites” and “ Nicaragua Housing,” test the tectonic, design, and structural capabilities of industrial materials that can be retrofitted to provide different scales of housing, commercial hubs and community spaces.

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Ted Blog, 2014

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Example: Guryong Village Seoul | South Korea Average home size: 16 to 99 sqm Population: majority senior citizens As of 2019, 701 of 1,107 households remain

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Conclusion

Shadow Cities: Modern Slums & Shanty Towns is an investigation into history, discourse, form and function. It identifies the multiple complexities of informal settlements and their role in the theoretical, political, social, and urban spheres as a means of identifying the ways in which architecture can effectively address these conditions. Although it is clear that the nature of slums and shanty towns breach into areas and degrees beyond the built environment, the thesis proposes the collaborative spaces and opportunities where architects, planners, policymakers and community stakeholders can effectively engage in dialogue and design.

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Arch Daily, 2018

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The Guardian. Tremlett, Giles. 2009. “Drug Clans Take Control in Shanty Town Where Madrid’s Politicians Fear to Tread.” The Guardian. November 16, 2009. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2009/nov/16/drug-clans-shanty-town-madrid.

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Petite Ceinture | Paris, France Armillei, Riccardo. The ‘Camps System’ in Italy: Corruption, Inefficiencies and Practices of Resistance. Germany: Springer International Publishing, 2018.

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France 24. Boitiaux, Charles. 2016. “French Police Evict Roma from the ‘Paris Jungle.’” France 24. February 3, 2016. https://www.france24.com/ en/20160203-france-police-evict-roma-slum-paris-jungle-homeless.

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Rooftop Slums | Hong Kong CNN. Shadbolt, Peter. 2011. “Slums with Penthouse Views Highlight Hong Kong’s Wealth Divide.” CNN. November 2, 2011. https://www.cnn. com/2011/11/01/world/asia/hongkong-rooftop-slums/index.html.

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04. DELIVER Rey, Debora. 2020. “Virus Fears Begin to Haunt Crowded Slum in Argentine Capital.” AP NEWS. March 6, 2020. https://apnews.com/article/ understanding-the-outbreak-virus-outbreak-caribbean-argentina-photography-97eca13a37dc39925694d439f649a348.

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ISSUU. Souther, Kristin. 2015. “Transforming Slums Through Architectural Empowerment by Kristin Souther - Issuu.” February 10, 2015. https://issuu. com/kristinsouther/docs/kristinsouther_thesisbook_edited201.

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Accessed 6 May 2021. <https://www.archdaily.com/901549/code-works-with-refugees-to-create-plug-in-collective-space-for-the-dutch-embassy-inberlin> ISSN 0719-8884 Ted Blog. Cruz, Ted. n.d. “The Informal as Inspiration: Architect Teddy Cruz Shares 5 Projects | TED Blog.” Accessed May 7, 2021. https://blog.ted.com/ architect-teddy-cruz-shares-5-projects/.

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Arch Daily. Quintal, Becky. 2018. “Serious Question: Should We Call Them Slums?” ArchDaily. September 30, 2018. https://www.archdaily.com/902930/ serious-question-should-we-call-them-slums.

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