Not Forgotten

Not Forgotten:

Mission to Women Amid Global Crisis

Edited By

A. Sue Russell

Scheuermann

Rochelle

Amanda Allen

ISBN: 9781648172755

Not forgotten : mission to women amid global crisis.

Edited by: A Sue Russell, Rochelle Scheuermann, Amanda L Allen.

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The collection of papers in this volume were presented at the 2019 Evangelical Missiological Society National Conference. The theme of the conference was 'Mission Amid Global Crisis.'

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1. Church work with women. 2. Women Missions. 3. Women in Christianity.

I. Russell, A. Sue. II. Scheuermann, Rochelle Cathcart. III. Allen, Amanda L.

IV.Evangelical Missiological Society National Conference (2019 : Dallas, Tex.)

V. Mission amid global crisis.

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Introduction

The collection of papers in this volume were presented at the 2019 meeting of the Evangelical Mission Society. The theme of the conference was “Mission Amid Global Crisis.” These papers were part of a special track that focused on how global crises effected women in unique ways that must be addressed in mission. As the most vulnerable in society, women and children are often the hardest hit amid global crisis. The UN Women’s Annual Report for 2019-2020 highlights this, stating, “Gender inequalities and discrimination filter through every issue, whether a new pandemic or longstanding conflicts, deep-seated disparities in income or a lack of political voice. Women and girls confront additional risks and obstacles simply because they are women and girls” (UN Women 2020, 2).

Women are also most vulnerable when crisis creates a scarcity of recourses and opportunities, which compound the already existent disparity in health, education, and economic resources. In many cases these increase the pressure on families to cope by marrying of a girl child early, accepting cash to send a girl off to a city for a job, resulting in, at best extended family separation and worst slavery or exploitation. In many parts of the world, life is embedded in the perpetual cycle of scarcity of resources, continually impacting women more severely than men (Seagar 2018, 320).

This prejudice against women that creates this vulnerability is often codified in laws that make women’s lives less valuable than men. There are laws that restrict what women can wear, how and where they can participate in public

society, and who and when they can marry. Women are often kept from educational and economic opportunities. Although there have been great strides in education for girls, women still represent 73% of the 780 million adults globally who cannot read (Seager 2018, 165). Seagar notes, “Women are kept in their place in a myriad of ways-by economic discrimination, by legal structures that treat women as less than full human beings” (2018, 36). These kinds of conditions reinforce the ideology that women are less valuable than men.

This prejudice often leaves women the most vulnerable economically in global crisis. The jobs they can obtain are often the first to be hurt when the crisis creates an economic downturn. According to the UN Economic and Social Affair’s report in 2015, women are more likely to be unemployed or have only part time work (UN 2015, xii). They generally tend to have less job security and lower hourly wages. They are overrepresented in domestic work that requires long hours for low pay and lack social protections against abuse. Of the 11. 5 million migrant domestic workers, 73% are women (Seagar 2018, 138). Many women also work in the informal work sector, such as homebased childcare, cooking, or street vending. In some countries 95% of women work in the informal sector, which is more disrupted in cases of global crisis (Seagar 2018, 128134). Across all sectors of work, women earn from 7090% of what men earn for the same job (UN 2015, 106).

The vulnerability women experience is not just economic or educational, it is embodied as well. Violence against women does not just begin in marriage, but often permeates a society through legal, societal, and cultural ideals. Violence begins even before birth, especially in the context of societies that prefer sons. China has 117-118 boys per 100

girls. India has 92 girls per 100 boys, in some parts as low as 84 girls to 100 boys. It has been calculated that there are 117-126 million girls missing according to normal boy/ girl (105/100) ratio of births (Seagar 2018, 77-78). This violence continues in marriage and in broader society. According to the United Nations women across all demographic markers experience violence; women of every country, socio-economic status, and language group experience emotional, physical, and sexual abuse (UN 2015, xiii). They report nearly one third of women worldwide have experience sexual/physical violence within their live time, and much of this violence is from intimate partners (UN 2015, xiii).

Violence against women is also used as an instrument of war. Gerhardt (2014, 51) reports an estimated 20,000 rapes in Bosnia, 64,000 rapes in Sierra Leone, and 500,000 rapes in Rwanda, and 200,000 in Congo during the conflicts in these countries. Tearing at the fabric of a society, when rape is used as an instrument of war, it continues even when the conflict is finished (Kristof 2009). Furthermore, some terrorist groups kidnap women as part of the mission of terrorization and destruction of community life. Seagar reports 2000+ women have been kidnapped by the Boko Haram and at least 6,000 by Isis. These women and girls are used as concubines and raped, forced into marriages, used as suicide bombers, and sold into sex trafficking (2018, 56). This is just a small window into the widespread violence against women. These do not include honor killings, infanticide, and female genital mutilation.

Another form of violence against women is trafficking. Global trafficking is a major crisis in and of itself. Numbers vary but there is an estimated 21 million adults and children who are held against their will for ei-

ther sexual servitude or forced labor. The largest percentage of those trafficked are for sexual servitude and of those 96% are women and children. Many times, agents have come to villages that are faced with poverty and promise to place girls in good jobs in the city. However, this is only a ruse to recruit girls as sex workers (Gerhardt 2014, 47). One group of women particularly vulnerable to trafficking are refugees, and this displacement is only intensified and accelerated in areas that face crisis through natural disasters or conflicts. UNHCR (2019) reports that 79.5 million people were forcible displaced by the end of 2019. Many of these were internally, but 29.6 million had to move outside their homeland. Although women make up 50% of total refugees, in some cases, they make up to 80% of those who fled, leaving them vulnerable. Seager notes that the vulnerable state of women and children displaced through conflict or because of ecological disaster experience more frequent instances of domestic violence and trafficking (2018, 32).

The news is not all bad. Since the 1985 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action that called on leaders to target gender equality, there has been progress in education, economic empowerment, and women in political and global leadership. However, deeply engrained cultural, political, and societal prejudices against women still exist and perpetuate discrimination and violence against women. This is demonstrated by a 2020 UNDP report, which discovered that, “Despite decades of progress in closing the gender equality gap, close to nine out of 10 men and women around the world, hold some sort of bias against women” (UN News 2020). Thus, though women have experienced great gains in access and empowerment, an undercurrent of prejudice remains. The statistics cited above are the re-

sult of underlying held beliefs about women and their value which are often most accentuated during times of crisis.

In many ways, the attitude and exclusion of women in many societies was not much different than in the first century world. Religious and societal norms often treated women as second-class citizens and were thus marginalized from inclusion in the mainstream of society. Yet, Jesus, took an interest in women and included them in his ministry. He welcomed Mary to learn with the other disciples, he had women who supported him, and would not allow men to abuse or use women as their pawns. He treated women with dignity and respect. The early church was counter-cultural in their treatment of women and transformed traditional social structures (Russell, 2019).

As followers of Christ, we are called to serve the most vulnerable of society. Mission to women must include addressing violence against women and the social, political, and cultural ideologies that reduces women to chattel or less than fully human. As Gerhardt notes, “Violence against women is primarily a theological issue because it perverts human relationships and devalues the dignity of the person (2014, 107).” Jesus did not allow men to commit violence against the woman caught in adultery, nor others to dissuade women from learning or being ministered to. He took special delight in going out of his way to touch women’s lives. So, although many governments can address the issue, mission must also address the underlying theological issues.

The papers in the collection are similar yet different. They give us a glimpse into women’s lives beyond just the statistics that have been recited above with strategies that address underlying roots of women in global cri-

sis. Many of the papers discuss underlying social, political, and cultural assumptions that perpetuate prejudice against women and need to be addressed in missions to women.

Amanda Allen’s paper begins this volume. Her paper sets the tone by discussing the historical lack of attention in missiological discussion of “Women’s issues,” noting especially the lack of attention of missiological discussion on violence against women. She provides a theological foundation for the need to address women’s issues in missiology. Finally, she provides the necessary implications in the practice of mission.

Cynthia Talley also examines underlying social and cultural practices that perpetuate poverty among women in Liberia. In her paper she focuses on the historical, cultural, and theological foundations of patriarchy and its effect on women and their livelihood. She then discusses post-colonial patriarch through the lenses of West African Christianity and African theology to discuss poverty as broken relationships. By seeing poverty not just as an economic issue, but also relational issue, she provides new ways in which mission can advocate for women and encourage the healing of relationships between men and women.

Juliany Nieves writes about violence against women in Latin America. She provides underlying social and cultural norms that perpetuate this violence. She also raises the question of deficiencies in missiological ideologies in relation to women, asking us to consider if our current missiological models and practices are androcentric and do not address these issues at their theological roots. This volume includes several case studies of how women are facing challenges in amid global crisis and provide examples of mission to women. Jody Fleming’s paper

discusses how women are addressing violence during the economic crisis in Venezuela. In her paper she discusses the growth of a prayer ministry that empowers women to face in the context of violence. Sam Kim takes us the Syrian civil war and the realities of the lives of Muslim refugee women in Jordan. She then demonstrates how, in this place of crisis, women find the redeeming love of Jesus and also hope in the midst of their circumstance. Karen Francher presents another case of the effect of war on communities and women. Through her ethnographic data in Serbia and Rwanda, she provides examples of narratives that create a sense of identity that can affect the ministry of the church. She demonstrates how important it is for the church to promote narratives that lead to healing and reconciliation. Shawna Warner discusses human trafficking in Thailand. In her paper, she discusses the social institutions and policies that allow sexual exploitation to continue and provides both the legal and historic foundations that underpin this continuation. Finally, she provides theological and practical ways to reduce and eliminate sex trafficking. The final case study is close to home and is very timely today.

The next two cases studies look at marginalized people in the United States. Mercy Langat examines the experience of African Migrant women. She uses the concept of liminality to describe African women who now live in cultural tension of the social position in their home country and their identity in their new homeland. Joyce Collins examines diversity in the church, specifically the experience of African Americans in a predominately white church. As a black woman who ministers in the church, she recounts her own efforts to begin a dialogue about inclusion. Her paper is based on ethnographic re-

search she did in her congregation. Her paper presents hope and but also points out how the church and missions needs to do better at racial reconciliation and inclusion..

The final paper in this volume is the preparation for a new study to examine the resiliency of women refugees. Sanchez et all provide a review of literature of the background of the global refugee problem, emphasizing gender dynamics of migration. They then look at theoretical frameworks of social capital, including religion and spirituality and how these contribute to women’s empowerment and resiliency. Their paper provides excellent tools from various resources for anyone involved in mission to refugees.

What all these papers have in common is the desire to bring attention to, and missiologically address, the needs of women in global crisis. They are the most vulnerable in society and their voices are often unintentionally overlooked or intentionally silenced. The women who have contributed these papers imagine a time when women’s voices will be heard clearly, and a future where missiological approaches addressing women in crisis are theologically-founded, holistic, and creative as we empower women to step into their roles as co-heirs to the Kingdom of God. We have hope for what the world can be, for what Christ intended, and it is this hope that mission needs to bring to women. Gerhardt states, “When the state does not do enough to protect the vulnerable or interferes with their freedom and dignity, the church is called to speak truth to power, to aid victims and to actively resist political and economic powers that collude with evil practices” (152). Our hope is that through this volume of papers we can encourage more people to work towards bringing hope to those who are far too often forgotten.

References Cited

Gerhardt, Elizabeth. 2014. The Cross and Gendercide: A Theological Response to Global Violence Against Women and Girls. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic.

Kristof, Nicholas. 2009. “After Wars, Mass Rapes Persist” New York Times, May 20, 2009. Accessed August 3, 2020. https://www.nytimes. com/2009/05/21/opinion/21kristof.html

Russell, A. Sue and Jackie Roese. 2019. Relationshift: Changing the Conversation about Men and Women in the Church. Whittier, CA: Cross Perspective.

Seagar, Joni. 2018. The Women’s Atlas. New York: Penguin Publishing.

UN, Economic and Social Affairs. 2015. The World’s Women: Trends and Statistics. ST/ESA/STAT/ SER.K/20. New York: UN. Accessed July25, 2020.https://unstats.un.org/unsd/gender/ downloads/WorldsWomen2015_report.pdf

UN News. 2020. “Report Reveals Nearly 90 Percent of All People Have ‘a Deeply Ingrained Bias’ Against Women.” UN News, 5 March 2020. Accessed July 25, 2020. https://news.un.org/en/story/2020/03/1058731.

UNHCR. 2020. Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2019. June 18, 2020. Copenhagen: UN. Accessed July 25, 2020. https://www.unhcr.org/globaltrends2019/.

UN Women. 2020. The World for Women and Girls: Annual Report 2019-2020. New York: UN. Accessed July 25, 2020. https://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/ publications/2020/06/annual-report-2019-2020

Chapter 1

The Restoration of Her:

How a Theology of Embodied Feminine Personhood Can Help Missiologists Address Violence Against Women

Amanda Allen

Introduction

The Evangelical Dictionary of World Missions defines missiology as “the conscious, intentional, ongoing reflection on the doing of mission. It includes theory(ies) of mission, the study and teaching of mission, as well as the research, writing, and publication of works regarding mission” (Neely 2000, 633). It is an ecumenical and multidisciplinary field that reflexively studies the intersection of the Gospel, cultural analysis, and ecclesiology in order to share the good news of the kingdom of God to the ends of the earth (Neely 2000, 634; Newell 2019; Stetzer 2013). However, there is a gendered bias in the field. Though women have been doing missions “from before the beginning of the church” (Kraft 2000, 1020), writings by, for, and about women in mission are sadly lacking.

For example, Dana Robert notes that mission theory centers around traditionally male-dominated subjects such as church planting, evangelism, and the relationship between the church and mission, rather than holistic ministries such as education and missions based in the home (Robert 1996, 409-410). This is compounded by how women see themselves. As Frances Adeney discovered in her re-

search on contemporary women in missions, highly educated women doing mission theology “usually didn’t consider themselves theologians” and so often do not articulate theological themes, “though their work showed strong theological commitments” (Adeney 2015, xiii). After examining the genders of authors of missiology publications, conference speakers, and faculty members, researchers Warner et al (2017) conclude that, though the missionary workforce has been and continues to be roughly two-thirds women, there is a significant gap between the practice of mission and its theorizing. The result is that both women and men may be baffled by the question of women as missiologists. To a large extent, mission scholarship literally does not know what women missionaries do, what matters to them, or how they theorize their involvement (68-69).

Thus, though women have a long legacy of engaging in holistic missions as wide ranging as foot binding, female infanticide, child marriage, education, health care, and fighting against oppressive social and economic structures, not only is missiological research focusing on these and other similar “women’s issues” largely missing, women’s theological engagements with these subjects is also greatly lacking (Kraft 2000, 1023; Robert 1996, 410). Without more women’s contributions to mission theory, missiology is blind to many areas of holistic mission.

It should be no surprise, then that there is a similar disparity with missiological engagement surrounding violence against women (VAW), where the practice of standing against the various forms of women-focused gender-based violence far outstrips the missiology surrounding it. Violence against women (VAW) is a subset of gender-based vi-

olence (GBV) and refers to the systematic violence women experience because of their gender and subordinate roles in society, which increases their vulnerability to violence (UN Women 2010a). VAW cuts across age, race, ethnicity, education, socio-economic status, geographical boundaries, languages, and religions, and affects all societies (UN Women 2010a). As an extremely important “women’s issue” that impacts up to 76% of the global population of women (UN Women 2010b), VAW should be a prominent theological and practical topic of discussion among missiologists, but it is not. For example, among the hundreds of articles published in the journal Missiology, the leading American academic journal for Evangelical missiology, the keyword search “violence against women” uncovered a scattering of publications: two that address specific types of violence, such as FMG (Schafroth 2009) and HIV/AIDS (Ross 2004), and two that address VAW from a structural level, where VAW was named as one of many issues women theologians should address (Cruz 2010; Njoroge 2005). In Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies a similar search turned up even less (Hucklesby and Travis 2002; Kamble 2002; Kareithi, Rogers and Mash 2005). While obviously such a simple keyword search is not an exhaustive form of discovering literature, it does indicate a lacuna in the literature surrounding a missiological engagement of VAW.

As missiologists, we have many tools within our faith to address VAW, but we can neither understand nor begin to address what we cannot see. Furthermore, in order to play a part in ending VAW, we must address the reality of the violence women experience from the center of our field, rather than seeing this, and many other “women’s issues” as aux-

iliary. Thus, a first step in an effort towards stopping VAW is restoring the way we, missiologists, see women. To aid us in this, I will first explore Elaine Storkey’s (2015) work on systemic explanations of VAW in Scars Across Humanity: Understanding and Overcoming Violence Against Women. Briefly touching on Storkey’s theological explanation of VAW as a result of sin’s effects on human personhood, I will then explore how a broken embodied feminine personhood has led to the subjugation and violence women experience. Finally, I will end with a discussion of how women’s embodied feminine personhood is restored through Christ in the Kingdom of God, and what this implies for missiologists who seek to address VAW.

Part 1: Scars Across Humanity

Violence Against Women

Driven to understand how and why women are harmed so systematically and widespread throughout the world, Storkey (2015) wrote Scars Across Humanity. This book sheds light on the heart wrenching reality that women experience horrific violence, in staggering numbers, from before birth through all ages and stages of life. The first half of her book details the numerous ways women experience violence distinct from men. In chronological order of a women’s lives, we are in danger of selective abortion and infanticide, female genital mutilation (FGM), child and enforced marriages, honor killings and revenge crimes, violence in the home, trafficking and prostitution, rape, and war-time sexual violence. Driven by economic factors such as dowries and starvation, girls worldwide are selectively aborted, trafficked, or sold as brides far too young. Sexuality is controlled and commodified through female genital

mutilation, honor killings, and forced prostitution. Women’s bodies are used as weapons against them and others in power struggles as broad as wartime rape and as intimate as domestic violence. VAW is a powerful and very present reality for the majority of women, regardless of their location. For example, since “there is no society on earth where rape is absent,” the distinguishing marker Storkey uses is not its presence but “the level of tolerance [societies] give to it and what legal and protective provisions they offer women” (2015, 115). For example, even in the developed and affluent country of the USA, one in five women have been a victim of rape or attempted rape within her lifetime (Storkey 2015, 117-118). Taking all of this into account, Storkey makes an astounding observation:

The truth is that violence on such a scale could not exist were it not structured in some way into the very fabric of societies and cultures themselves. It could not continue if it were not somehow supported by deep assumptions about the value of women, or some justification of the use of power (2015, 2).

The sheer pervasiveness and ubiquity of VAW across all demographic markers except gender indicate that there are power structures and deep-seated, perhaps even unseen, cultural and societal assumptions about the value of women that allow, encourage, or create such universal violence to half of humanity. Transforming how women are viewed is, therefore, a key component to ending VAW.

Patriarchy and Sin

Seeking to find the reasons that cause VAW to be so incredibly inescapable, permeating all areas of the life of wom-

en, Storkey spends the second half of her book exploring various biological and social science explanations of VAW. Within her chapter on socio-cultural theories, Storkey examines various feminist theories, tracing the way they have matured over time. Surveying the varied nature of feminist literature today, she distills feminist core understandings of violence against women to consisting of three components: 1) the social construction of gender is both woven into how human societies organize themselves and is fundamental to a person’s life experiences. 2) How people learn to be their gender is dependent on what cultural context they are in. 3) As a political dynamic, gender, working through ideology and structure, establishes women in positions of vulnerability (Storkey 2015, 178-179). “It is in this combination of gender constructions, social expectations, and economic and cultural vulnerability that violence against women receives its meaning and explanation” (Storkey 2015, 179).

Identifying this confluence of factors under the lump term “patriarchy,” feminist theorists locate the source of VAW at the cross section of power, culture, and gender.

Notably, however, Storkey pushes against simply blaming “patriarchy” for the violence women experience without recognizing human culpability. She critiques theorists that treat patriarchy as if it is a “reified force with a life of its own” (2015, 185) without acknowledging the human agency involved. Both men and women are victims of patriarchy, and yet both are also its agents and means of perpetuation in society (2015, 185). Those who seek answers as to why VAW exists should not disregard this tension, and Storkey’s faith aids her in delving into this complicated issue, asking pointedly (2015, 185-186), “If human beings are the agents by which patriarchy comes into force and gains

its power, what does this say about the shape and meaning of our personhood?” She answers that it is human personhood broken by sin that lies at the heart of all unjust social structures, including those that perpetuate VAW (Storkey 2015, 186).

While Storkey provides a good, brief theological treatment of the doctrines of personhood, sin, and redemption (2015: 218-220), a more thorough exploration of these themes is needed to understand their wider ramifications on the world at large and how they lead to VAW. Specifically, the following theological anthropology will add the components of femininity and embodiment to personhood in order to explain the complex ways sin has impacted the reality of women’s experiences. In so doing, I hope to illustrate two things: first, how a broken embodied feminine personhood has led to the subjugation and violence of women and second, how a restored understanding of this through Christ and within the Kingdom of God can lead to a transformed understanding of women, which is necessary if missiologists desire to be a part of the solution of ending VAW.

Part 2: A Christian Anthropology of Embodied Feminine Personhood

Being a Person

Storkey’s theological exploration to VAW begins with an examination of humanity as persons-in-relationship, where love is the central dynamic of the relationships between humans and God, humans and each other, humans and themselves, and humans and the rest of creation (2015, 218). However, to have a robust theological response of violence against women, we must begin before that at the

relationship of the Trinity itself. Though we cannot equate humans with God, we can use the Trinity to inform our understanding of personhood. Christian tradition can aid us in this, as it has a rich history of expressing the Trinity. The Athanasian Creed states: “…We worship one God in Trinity, and Trinity in Unity, neither confounding the Persons, nor dividing the Substance…In this Trinity none is afore, or after other; none is greater, or less than another; but the whole three Persons are co-eternal together and co-equal” (Episcopal Church 2007, 864-865). Each Person of the Godhead is unique to itself, identifiable through separate characteristics, names, social roles, functions, and points of being. Each Person is irreplaceable; we cannot equate one with another, lift one over another, replace one with another, or ignore any. These Persons “have been and will always be eternally interactive, social, and relational, independent of anything created” (Tizon 2018, 115).

Out of this Triune relationship, life is formed. Unique to the created order, humanity is not created by divine fiat or impersonal command but rather through “personal, strongly expressed resolve” (Sarna 1989, 11; Sailhamer 2008, 69). Not made “according to their own kind” like the animals were, humanity is made “in [God’s] image,” sharing a likeness to their creator (Sailhamer 2008, 69). As an aspect of this likeness, humans were created as social beings to mirror God as “selves-in-relation” (Gonzalez 2007, 119; Ross 1988, 126). Furthermore, the distinguishing features of personhood “is found equally in the male and female versions of the human race, and this separates us, not from each other but from the rest of creation” (LaCelle-Peterson 2008, 33). Created from a loving relationship to be in relation with each other, human personhood-in-relationship is an aspect of the image

of God, and one that marks women as thoroughly as men.

Moreover, made in the image of God, both man and woman are distinct from each other, both have a place of dominion over the earth, both are blessed, commissioned to do a job, and called good. Personhood is embodied (Gen. 2:7, 22), knowable (Ps. 139:14), valuable (Matt. 10:13), and particularized to a specific time and place (Acts 26:). These aspects of personhood are brought in sharp relief to me personally, as just a few months ago I found out I am going to be an aunt. Right now, growing in my sister’s womb is a little miracle of a niece. Who she is and what she will do, dream, or become is a mystery. She will be born, live, and die in a specific time, space, and location. She comes of the comingling of two unique persons who are themselves a comingling of unique persons, and yet she will be completely unique and irreplaceable. Such is true for every person ever created and ever will be, and thus is the wonder of the imago Dei.

Through the Fall, however, we see true personhood marred under the curse. For the man, his work becomes toil and his toiling will be a constant reminder of his finitude (Gen. 3:19). For the woman, her desire will be for her husband, and he will rule over her (Gen. 3:16). For both, they lose Eden and live lives searching for God (Acts 17:27). Even creation, which suffers futility under their dominion, groans for redemption (Rom. 8:19-22). The ramifications of this event echo through history, and explicitly change the way the humans, as selves-in-relation, relate to each other. “Sin breaks the integrity of our human identity as person in relationship” writes Storkey (2015, 219), and its holistic ramifications ripple through the entire complexity of life. Domination, and not mutuality, now mark the community

of the first people, indicated both by the way the woman experiences the curse: “Your desire will be for your husband and he shall rule over you” (Gen. 3:16 [NIV]) and by man giving woman a personal name (3:20). Yet significantly, as damaging as this dominion is to both humans, it does not erase the woman, nor make her personhood disappear. As Krueger (2019, 98) observes, the post-sin Eve “does not lose her capacity to know God independently (3:16),” nor does she “require mediation to speak and commune with God (3:13),” but does herself remain a name-er of the first born humans (Gen. 4:1; Krueger 2019, 25).

Finally, the redemption of all creation, including the personhood of humanity, is accomplished through a Person as well, Jesus Christ the Son of God. Of this Calles Barger (2003, 124) says, “a restored relationship with our Creator, the eternal I AM, provides the basis for personal identity, freeing us from seeking other harbors for the self.” The holistic ramifications of sin include humankind’s desire to find their personhood defined by things instead of God and so Jesus, through his life, death, resurrection, and kingdom inauguration, realigns humanity’s marred selves-in-relation to their proper orientation toward God.

I will explore this topic more thoroughly in the following sections, so to finish here I will simply conclude with two items. First, the culmination of redemption has not yet occurred, leaving humanity in an imperfect already-not-yet state where Christ nurtures a renewed personhood for those who turn to Him, yet these selves-in-relation experience a marring of their personhood through daily interaction with unjust structures. Second, from this section we can see how systematic male domination and female subjugation result from the Fall through a marring of humanity’s personhood

and the change of their relationship from mutuality to domination, yet we must remember this is not normative, nor a part of God’s original intent, nor experienced in its most oppressive form at the beginning (LaCelle-Peterson 2008, 41). Turning our attention now to gender, we begin again with the Trinity.

Being Female

God experiences such a deep, harmonious, and loving relationship between the Persons that “we cannot but accept the three as mutually, creatively, and equally one. God is not just a plurality, as if the Trinity were merely a mathematical fact. God is, rather, an integrated social plurality, a harmonious dance, a loving community, a perfect unity, who together at creation said, ‘Let us make humankind in our image’ (Gen. 1:26)” (Tizon 2018, 115). The Trinity experiences a thicker form of oneness which is strengthened through the distinctions of their parts, for within the life of God “is the experience of that which is different, other, not the same” (Franke 2014, 64-65). Inherent to the unity of God is the diversity of Persons.

Pertinent to this essay is how this diverse, mutual oneness of the Triune God is expressed through gender. Al Tizon (2018, 117) notes that “both masculinity and femininity define the core of God; both fatherly and motherly qualities flow from the nature of God.” We cannot divide God into a composite of separate ‘feminine’ or ‘masculine’ characteristics, neither can we simplistically believe in a sole masculinity or femininity of God (Tizon 2018, 117; LaCelle-Peterson 2008, 29). Instead, we must examine our own cultural preconceptions of God and reflect on how an all-male conception of the Trinity has “created, promoted, and reinforced

sexist patriarchal systems that have proved oppressive to women throughout time and all over the world” (Tizon 2018, 117-118). In so doing, we begin to acknowledge the role we, as missiologists, have played in perpetuating the patriarchal structures that have enabled VAW to exist.

Furthermore, we would do well to similarly examine our assumptions of the Biblical accounts of Creation and the Fall. Though a myriad of classical and current interpretations of the creation accounts ascribe inferiority to the woman because she was created after man, LaCelle-Peterson (2008, 28) observes that “the text does not suggest that men bear a greater resemblance to God, or bear God’s image more fully,” only that he was made first. Notably, the sheer existence of Genesis 2:19-22 highlights the importance of woman to Scripture. Within ancient Near East literature, no other account of the creation of primordial woman exists (Sarna 1989, 21). Furthermore, its detail “is extraordinary in light of the generally nondescriptive character of the biblical narrative and as such is indicative of the importance accorded this event. With the appearance of woman, Creation is complete” (Sarna 1989, 21).

Within this uniquely detailed account, the Hebrew term ezer kenegdo (Gen. 2:20) bears further scrutiny as it has been used to emphasize the supplementary place of woman in creation (LaCelle-Peterson 2008, 33-34). Often translated as “suitable helper,” this term in English connotes inferiority where interpreters presume woman was created solely to help the man in the garden, bearing his children and being a “general support” (Russell and Roese 2018, 27; Sailhamer 2008, 81). A word study of ezer (helper), however, reveals a word imbued with strength: when this term is used elsewhere in the Old Testament, it refers to the kind of help

found in military assistance (Isa. 30:5, Ezek. 12:14, and Dan. 11:34) or God (Exod. 18:4, Deut. 33:7, 26 & 29), with corresponding words such as “rescue, protection, provider, deliverer, and strength of a warrior” (Russell and Roese 2018, 26). Furthermore, when coupled with kenegdo, meaning “corresponding to” or “exact correspondence,” (Sailhamer 2008, 81), the phrase ezer kenegdo designates the creation of a strong, mutual ally of the same nature (Russell and Roese 2018, 27). Therefore, within the abundant provision of God, woman was created as a companion for man with the might of a warrior (Calles Barger 2003, 135). He recognizes their similarities, and their relationship is marked with mutuality and interdependence (Russell and Roese 2018, 27; LaCelle-Peterson 2008, 36).

At the Fall, however, all of this changed. Throughout history, much has been attributed to the serpent addressing the woman first, but an examination of the text gives us both no motivation for the snake (only telling us it is crafty, Gen. 3:1 [NIV]) and indicates that the man is with her (v. 3:6) (Sarna 1989, 25). Again, despite many interpretations of this event, LaCelle-Peterson (2008, 38-39) reminds us that “the woman is not a temptress” in this story; she does not say a word but simply hands her husband the fruit, which he wordlessly accepts and eats.

The consequences of this action on feminine personhood are complex, changing how a woman centers herself. Elizabeth Johnson explains that now, within such patriarchal systems, “women’s primordial temptation is not to pride and self-assertion but rather to the lack of it, to diffuseness of personal center, overdependence on others for self-identity, drifting, and fear of recognizing one’s own competence” (1993, 64). Calle Barger puts it another way:

“we find that the enemy is ourselves. We are collaborators in our own marginalization” (2003, 24). All of personhood is marred through the Fall and its ramifications, but women experience a doubling of this brokenness, where one aspect of being female in a fallen world is a non-personness or a shrinking of personhood behind gender, and when paired with the subjugation of this gender, creates the perfect setting for exploitation and violence.

The good news is that, in Christ, women are as equally redeemed as men and experience an aspect of that redemption as the liberation of the subjugation they were under. The way Jesus treats women throughout the gospels restores their personhood without diminishing their femininity. For example, even from the first, the life of Jesus Christ is marked with respect for the lowly, the unseen, the female, for the God of the universe invites Mary into the grand narrative of salvation and she willingly participates (Luke 1:26-38). Furthermore, in gospel narrative after gospel narrative, Jesus reaches through all the “danger” of a woman and brings her his redemption. As Storkey lists (2015, 220), Jesus heals a woman even when it makes him ritually unclean (Luke 8:43-48) and delivers another from demonic bondage on the Sabbath (13:10-17). He accepts the anointing of a prostitute (Luke 7:44-47), encourages another to sit at his feet and learn (10:42), and banters with a foreigner while healing her daughter and commending her faith (Mark 7:24-30).

Jesus included women among his close friends and followers (Luke 8:2-3) and used their domestic, lived experiences (13:20-21, 15:8-10, and 18:1-8) as moral examples to teach even men. Women were the first to celebrate his presence (Luke 1:42-45), the first to announce him as Messiah (John 4:28-30), and the first (though unbelieved) to witness his

resurrection (Mark 16:11, Luke 24:11). In Christ, women are as equally redeemed as men and experience an aspect of that redemption as the liberation of the domination they were under.

Together, women and men awaited the baptism of the Holy Spirit (Acts 1:18). At Pentecost, the Spirit fell on all, leading Peter to preach Joel 2 to the onlookers, partly to give context as to why women were evangelizing on the streets of Jerusalem in foreign tongues (LaCelle-Peterson 2008, 6162). Later in the New Testament, women are listed as prophets (Acts 21:8-9), church planters (Acts 16:12-15, 40), and deacons (Rom 16:1). The writers of the epistles considered women ministering in the Spirit as normal. As LaCelle Peterson explains: “Paul expected women to pray and prophesy in public worship, hence his long discussion in 1 Corinthians 11:3-16 on how they should appear when they did so” (2008, 153, emphasis added). Church history is laden with a legacy of women leaders, mystics, and saints anointed by the Spirit to proclaim the good news of the Kingdom of God (LaCelle-Peterson 2008, 154). We participate in the inaugurated Kingdom through empowerment of the Spirit to live in redeemed relationships with each other where we see each other as we are meant to: as a reminder of God’s abundant provision for us (Russell and Roese 2018, 83; Calles Barger 2003, 135).

Being Embodied

Finally, both personhood and femininity are distinctly embodied experiences. Because “the God who created humankind in the divine image created us both male and female” (Tizon 2018, 117) the embodied reality of gender is one aspect of the unique expression of the distinctiveness of

the Triune God. Embodiment is furthermore an aspect of the imago Dei, for when God created humanity in his image, he did so as embodied beings. From dust he created the first man, from flesh he created the first woman, and from then on into perpetuity enfleshment is the expression of humanity, and through Christ, divinity. Purposefully, enfleshment is the intersection of the finite and infinite, where the infinity of the soul meets the finitude of space and time. Felt most profoundly at birth with the entrance of a new, unique, irreplaceable individual person to the world of flesh, and at death with a jarring emptiness as the soul leaves its embodiment, body and soul are “so completely intertwined that it is often impossible to make a distinction between spiritual needs and bodily needs” (Calles Barger 2003, 26). The particularity of feminine personhood is most profoundly understood in its embodiment.

Humanity in their full, fleshed, relational experience, was created together and fell together (Sarna 1989, 25). The ramifications of disobedience are embodied, so that each person experiences a wholistic brokenness. The serpent is cursed among animals, experiencing life on its belly, and perpetually eating dust (Gen. 3:14). Its final defeat is described physically, where the offspring of the woman will strike its head (Gen. 3:15). As the bearer of new life, the woman will bear that life in pain (Gen. 3:16) and the toil of a man’s hands will cause him to sweat and will be a continued reminder of his mortality (Gen. 3:18-19). Humanity’s lived experience from thence on is one of banishment from the garden (Gen 3:24) and we cannot ignore nor understate the physicality of this reality.

Moreover, while masculinity certainly feels the physicality of living in a fallen world, this reality seems particu-

larly dangerous to embodied feminine personhood: Due to woman’s close association with both the body and sexual desire, even things that have nothing to do with sex are sold through use of the form of a seductive woman. Woman embodies desire. Sunglasses, auto batteries, legal services, and motorcycles are sold by paralleling the desire to consume a produce with the desire to consume the woman. Through metaphor woman has become an object of consumption forever imprisoned in her sex, while the physical-based roles of women always threaten to reduce her to her body (Calles Barger 2003, 16-17).

Reduced to a thing to control or consume, a woman’s body is thus even dangerous to the woman herself, as the violence she experiences reveals. Yet God, in his mercy, steps fully into the perilous world of a woman’s body and becomes God-With-Us.

Redemption is embodied in the most profound way: “And the Word became Flesh, and lived among us, and we have seen his glory, the glory as of a father’s only son, full of grace and truth” (John 1:14 [NIV]). Nowhere is it clearer that the physical and spiritual are comingled than in the Incarnation, as LaCalle-Peterson writes, “It is the humanity of Jesus, along with his divinity, that extends salvation to humanity” (2008, 30). God chose to send his redemption as an embodied Person, his Son, and so the victory over sin and death is both spiritual and physical. Within the physical realm, the Spirit at Pentecost came as a strong wind (Acts 2:2) and tongues of flame (Acts 2:3), and the men and women of God manifest the Spirit through speaking in languages they did not know before (Acts 2:4).

Yet this age of Pentecost is one of liminality, where the community of God is a people in between the times (Russell and Roese 2018, 79). Women, like men, receive the promises of God now yet wait for their ultimate fulfilment (Russell and Roese 2018, 44). Doing their best as redeemed people to live into the reality of the future coming of Christ, they often experience an embodied existence that belies this reality, for “from every corner, regardless of all our efforts, our embodiment continues to threaten to reduce us” (Calles Barger 2003, 102). This tension between the already and not-yet aspects of the Kingdom of God is no more strongly felt than when acknowledging the truth that the Church is often safer for perpetrators of sexual violence than for survivors (Ambrose and Alexander 2019, 2; Wigger 2019, 26-30).

Part 3: The Kingdom of God and Implications for Missiologists

Yet we cannot simplistically say we should “treat women as Jesus did” because often we only see Jesus treating individuals (who happen to be female) with the respect they warrant as image-bearers of God, rather than seeing his interactions as evidence of a radical restoration of feminine embodied personhood. Flemming (2015) highlights the widespread ramification of Jesus’s work, saying, “Jesus’s kingdom mission…is about restoration at every level—spiritual, physical, psychological, social, and economic” (29). This restoration winds its way through the reality of women’s lived experiences and brings the promise of healing and release for all who believe. Furthermore, wherever Jesus “traverses social boundaries, he calls them into question” (LaCelle-Peterson 2008, 56-57) and so the good news of the Kingdom of God includes the reexamination and restoration of broken systems and power structures.

Jesus’ Kingdom is an upside-down Kingdom (Sider 2010, 23), and while we cannot and should not equate the Kingdom of God with the Church, the people of God as the Church are called to embody Kingdom characteristics (John 13:34-35). Receiving the outpouring of the Spirit as a fundamental characteristic of this Kingdom, at Pentecost all members of the new Christ-confessing community experienced a “democratization of the prophetic consciousness” that transcended, rather than erased, distinctions of sex, age, caste, or even language (Glasser et al 2003, 265). Women, in their full embodied feminine personhood, were empowered to bear witness to the resurrection of Christ (Acts 2:32) and “a new corporateness” (Glasser et al 2003, 265) emerged where relationships between genders was marked by siblinghood (Russell and Rouse 2018, 98) under the authority of God the Father. As Roese and Russell, explain, “The uniqueness of the early Christian communities was not that everyone was the same or that they renounced their status. The uniqueness of Christianity is that people are to treat one another as brothers and sisters in Christ within their structural statuses” (2018, 109). Rather than relating through power, domination and control within a strongly patriarchal culture, Pauline communities were “to relate to one another in love, humility, and mutuality” (Russell and Roese 2018, 118). Sibling love, rather than rivalry or strife, imbued the relationships of these new believers; yet this new way of relating did not remove social roles, language distinctions, or other indicators of diversity. Rather, the unity-in-diversity of the early Church exemplified their missional witness, as outsiders saw the new ways men and women of God respected and loved each other within their cultural contexts (Russell and Roese 2018, 140).

The sibling relationships of the Church within the Kingdom of God brings several challenges to missiologists. First, we are challenged to examine the way we see women. Do we explicitly or implicitly teach that women are auxiliary persons, objects to be desired, or the dangerous “other” sent to entrap or ensnare men to sin? If so, we must work to restore the narrative of women as full, nuanced, and blessed human beings who are called by God and empowered by the Spirit to participate in the work of the Kingdom. Second, we are challenged to examine the power structures we have created within our field that perpetuate the vulnerability of women. We must examine our deep-seated cultural and societal assumptions about the value of women that amplify the non-personness of women, thus dismissing their experiences as nonessential, their work as secondary, and their witness as untrustworthy. When we find these areas, we must actively work to reweave the fabric of these structures to mitigate vulnerability and empower women as integral partners of the Kingdom of God. Finally, we are challenged to address VAW as a sin that drastically damages both the sanctity of the human person (Gerhardt 2014, 31) and the missional witness of a church that allows such harm to take place (Russell and Roese 2018, 150). Whether we actively conceal it or simply ignore its existence, our silence only strengthens the pervasiveness of this evil (Storkey 2015, 7). Yet when we name VAW for the sin it is, repent for our role in allowing it to continue, and bring it and all its ramifications into submission under the authority of Jesus Christ, we are both transformed by and witness to the life-changing power of Christ in the world (Russell and Roese 2018, 140). As a female missiologist, I find much to hope for in this.

References Cited

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Calles Barger, Lilian. 2003. Eve’s Revenge: Women and a Spirituality of the Body. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press.

Cruz, Gemma Tulude. 2010. “Weapons of the Weak: Cultural Forms of Resistance and Their Implications for Missionary Theology and Practice.” Missiology: An International Review 38, no. 4 (October): 83–94. Accessed July 12, 2019. https://doi. org/10.1177/009182961003800403.

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Franke, John R. 2014. “Good News for All People.” Revisioning, Renewing, Rediscovering the Triune Center. Edited by Derek J. Tidball, Brian S. Harris, and Jason S. Sexton. Eugene, OR: Cascade.

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Glasser, Arthur F., Charles E. Van Engen, Dean S. Gilliland, and Shawn B. Redford. 2003. Announcing the Kingdom: The Story of God’s Mission in the Bible. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

Gonzalez, Michelle A. 2007. Created in God’s Image: An Introduction to Feminist Theological Anthropology. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

Hucklesby, Steve, and Jane Travis. 2002 “Reconstructing Communities in the Context of Large Refugee Populations: Impact Assessment, Policy Development and Research Needs.” Transformation 19, no. 1 (April): 97–107. Accessed July 17, 2019. https://doi. org/10.1177/026537880201900203.

Johnson, Elizabeth. 1993. She Who Is: The Mystery of God in Feminist Theological Discourse. New York: Crossroad.

Kamble, Magdalene. 2002. “Modern Education and Women in India.” Transformation 19, no. 1 (January): 71–72. Accessed August 2, 2019. https://doi. org/10.1177/026537880201900115.

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Cape Town.” Transformation 22, no. 2 (April): 106–14. https://doi.org/10.1177/026537880502200208.

Kraft, Marguerite. 2000. “Women in Mission.” In Evangelical Dictionary of World Missions, edited by A. Scott Moreau, 1020–23. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.

Krueger, Liz. 2019. “Reinterpreting Eve and Mary: A Theological Anthropology for Women.” Pneuma 41: 91–109. Accessed February 2, 2020. https://doi. org/10.1163/15700747-04101031.

LaCelle-Peterson, Kristina. 2008. Liberating Tradition: Women’s Identity and Vocation in Christian Perspective. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic.

Neely, Alan. 2000. “Missiology.” In Evangelical Dictionary of World Missions, edited by A. Scott Moreau, 633–35. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.

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Russell, A. Sue, and Jackie Roese. 2018. Relationshift: Changing the Conversation about Men and Women in the Church. Wittier, CA: Cross Perspectives.

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Chapter 2

Glocalizing Human Trafficking:

A Sociocultural

Analysis

of Factors Perpetuating Exploitation and Manipulation of Females Throughout the Greater Mekong Sub-region.

Shawna Jean Warner

Glocalizing Human Trafficking

In January 2017, the Freedom Collaborative, an anti-trafficking coalition that networks scholars, practitioners, and others who are all concerned with human trafficking, sent out an email about an upcoming webinar. The discussion question for everyone was, “Is ending human trafficking within one generation a realistic goal?” While this goal may seem lofty, it is an important consideration for Christians of this era.

Kara (2009) explores multiple layers of abuse caused by human trafficking; one of the most prominent is trafficking people into sexual exploitation. This includes, though is not limited to, the prostitution industry. Sex trafficking is a worldwide phenomenon that crosses all international borders (Kara 2009). Yet, there are certain regions where the issue is more common, such as in Southeast Asia (Kara 2009; Sorajjakool 2013). Within Southeast Asia, people, largely from impoverished communities throughout the Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS) and primarily from Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos, are more vulnerable to being trafficked into many situations, including sexual exploitation (Rijken

et al. 2015; Spires 2015). Many individuals who are sex trafficked end up in Thailand (Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015). Because of this, reducing or eliminating sexual exploitation in Thailand would promote changes that would positively affect all of the Greater Mekong Sub-region, as traffickers would lose their impetus for manipulating people from Cambodia, Myanmar, or Laos into exploitative situations (Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015).

While there are situations where males are exploited and trafficked, rural, predominately ethnic minority females throughout the GMS are often trafficked into various sexually exploitative situations and also at risk for labor trafficking. There are cultural and religious beliefs, values, and views that create gendered expectations for the role females are to play within their families and in their communities. These sociocultural factors are often a barrier in preventing exploitation, making females more susceptible to sexual or labor trafficking. While international, national, and regional data is useful for understanding the complexities of trafficked females within the GMS, too often trafficking interventions are designed without involving villages where human trafficking is common. Thus, it is of the utmost importance to further utilize community-level and survivor-based frameworks to better inform anti-trafficking work, sustainable development of enterprise, and education through the Greater Mekong Sub-region.

Thailand’s prostitution industry has a notorious reputation, amongst local and foreign men who purchase commercial sex acts (Bishop and Robison 1998; Brody 2006; Jeffrey 2002; Van Esterik 2000). A number of researchers, practitioners, and grassroots activists contend that some people willingly enter sex work as a profession, while others

are trafficked into prostitution against their will (Ditmore 2012; Doezema 1998; Jeffrey 2002; Kempadoo 2012a; Kempadoo 2012b; Napier-Moore 2012; O’Neill 2001; Peach 2005; Sanghera 2012; Watenabe 1998). As a Christian feminist, I stand with other scholars who assert that payment for sex acts is inherently exploitative, thus I make no distinction or separation in regards to how someone entered the prostitution industry (Aoyama 2009; Cavalieri 2011; Kamler 2013; Kinney 2014; Snajdr 2013; Thompson 2012; Weitzer 2007). At the same time, I realize that there certainly are individuals who were forcibly put into sexual exploitative situations. Despite this, I believe it is the underlying factors that created and perpetuate the popularity of the prostitution industry in Thailand; therefore, I believe that a transformation of several dynamics within the national Thai culture will reduce or eliminate the sexual exploitation industry in all of its forms, including trafficking situations.

One of the best ways to analyze social inequalities is by using intersectionality as a framework because it captures the nuanced, interwoven, and inseparable factors that impact people’s lives in a wider society (Hill Collins and Bilge 2016). Intersectionality is often used by advocates of social justice and change as an analytical tool (Hill Collins and Bilge 2016). Similarly, using systems thinking to address social problems allows one to examine these intersectional factors within their wider context (Stroh 2015). This is because systems thinking is the skill of recognizing “interconnections in such a way as to achieved a desired purpose” (Stroh 2015, Loc 440). Finally, the integrative theory of social analysis not only show the overall elements of the system and separate them, it shows the intersectional relationship between such factors (Ritzer 1980; Ritzer 1981; Ritzer 1990; Ritzer

1991). This theory moves from the large, macroscopic level of a country with the macro-objective, which includes institutions and conceptions like the law, government, technology, society or architecture to the macro-subjective, which includes national notions of shared culture, norms, and values (Ritzer 1980; Ritzer 1981; Ritzer 1990; Ritzer 1991). Then it includes the microscopic levels wherein examples of specific localities, communities, or ethnolinguistic groups may have overt or nuanced differences to that of the macro-levels. The micro-objective level includes patterns of behavior, action, and interaction and the micro-subjective level includes perceptions, beliefs, and other components that make up the social construction of reality (Ritzer 1980; Ritzer 1981; Ritzer 1990; Ritzer 1991). Together, these three theoretical frameworks will help to examine the underlying, overlapping factors that impede the end of the prostitution industry throughout Thailand. Through such an analysis, a case for how transformation can be made in order to see the demise of sexual exploitation throughout the Greater Mekong Sub-region.

Institutions, Policies and Behaviors: Macro-Objective and Micro-Objective Levels

At the macro-objective level in Thailand, there are intersecting social institutions and policies that created and maintain sexual exploitation in the country. At the micro-objective level in Thailand, there are certain patterns of behaviors, actions, and interaction that are rooted in history and tradition that perpetuate the sale of commercial sex acts. Both the macro-objective and micro-objective levels in Thailand are shaped by underlying cultural, societal, and social beliefs, practices, and values that are all are barriers to

ending sexual exploitation. The historic and legal contexts are two such components that prolong sexual exploitation in Thailand.

Historic Context

As members of a Buddhist, conservative nation, Thai traditional values inform rigid gender scripts that emphasis modesty and submission amongst females (Jeffrey 2002; Van Esterik 2000). Additionally, children are raised with the expectation that they own their parents for the gift of life; males are expected to temporarily become a Buddhist monk in order to make merit for his parents whereas females are compelled to remain close to their childhood home to care for the farm and household chores or to migrate for work and send remittances (Van Esterik 2000). When females lack an education and job skills, they become vulnerable to exploitation and trafficking. Many poverty-stricken females have ended up in prostitution (Nishizaki 2011).

There are several historic factors that shaped the modern prostitution industry. Prior to World War II, Thai men frequently married multiple wives and kept concubines (Jeffrey 2002; Van Esterik 2000). After the war, wide-sweeping reforms meant to push the nation toward modernity were implemented, including making polygamy illegal (Jeffrey 2002; Van Esterik 2000). Thai men, however, did not instantly become monogamous. Instead, the legal protections for women diminished. Many lesser wives and concubines turned to prostitution (Jeffrey 2002; Van Esterik 2000). Paying for commercial sex acts is common for Thai men (Thianthai 2004). Many Thai males, including teenagers, visit prostitutes with their friends or co-workers, as it is considered a normal form of male bonding (Thianthai 2004).

Foreign men also have a long history of paying for commercial sex acts within Thailand. During the Vietnam war, Western soldiers on leave visited Thailand for “rest and relaxation” turning Pattaya, a small fishing village, into an infamous location for the prostitution industry (Jeffrey 2002). Thailand’s prostitution industry remains internationally notorious among tourists who visit for the sole purpose of paying for commercial sex acts (Bishop and Robinson 1998; Brodeur, Lekfuangfu, and Zylberberg 2017; Dahles 2009; Ryan and Hall 2001; Seabrook 2001).

Legal Framework

Understanding Thailand’s embeddedness within the Greater Mekong Sub-region helps clarify the legal framework that impedes the end of sexual exploitation. There are two macroscopic intersectional legal factors that are important to understand. The first of these is the complex role of migration, citizenship, and statelessness on the increase of trafficking. Secondly, the Thai government’s laws on the sale of sexual acts oppress the sexually exploited, rather than place responsibility on those who purchase commercial sex acts.

Migration, Citizenship, and Statelessness.

Osborne (2013) explains that prior to World War II throughout Southeast Asia, if one were to map out borders to separate different kingdoms, it would have included at least 40 different spaces. Following the war, contrived bordering lead to the creation of only ten nation states. Within the region, the norm for the last several centuries has been for many ethnolinguistic groups that are minority, nomadic, hill tribe peoples to migrate across official borders. Given

their remote locations, it is not uncommon for minority hill tribe peoples to be isolated from mainstream society.

Unfortunately, many such people are stateless, without citizenship. In the 1950s, Thailand’s officials began to document the people in the nation, formally awarding citizenship and other protections (Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015). Due to their transient nature and life in remote, inaccessible locations, many hill tribe minorities were simply overlooked in this process (Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015). Thai law also used to prevent many members of hill tribe minorities from becoming citizens, though the law changed in the 2000s to allow for increased citizenship for some minorities who previously had been denied (Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015). Stateless individuals are typically unable to utilize formal migration systems.

Despite this change, not every minority person is aware that they can apply for citizenship, and others who remain stateless simply do not see a point in becoming a citizen (Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015). In addition to this, some hill tribe people are born in another country, such as Myanmar, so their entry into Thailand usually classifies them as illegal or, at best, refugees (Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015).

The situation is further complicated by Thai societal norms. Even though many minorities have the legal right to citizenship, it is normal for members of the majority Tai ethnolinguistic group to hold ethnocentric views and, thus, discriminate against minorities (Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015). Corrupt officials, the only Thai citizens some hill tribe members may encounter, have the power to dissuade or deny legal protections that the government has mandat-

ed, and do so.

Stateless people remain vulnerable to exploitation and trafficking. Within Thailand, stateless people, such as refugees, have restrictions that prohibit free movement and land ownership, and limit access to Thai jobs, healthcare, and education, even though many laws that are meant to provide such opportunities (Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015). Many members of hill tribe minorities, including those who are stateless, are impoverished and undereducated, so they leave their village to seek better opportunities for helping their families, leaving them open to being trafficked, because traffickers are skilled at deceiving people into believing good, high-paying job opportunities exist (Kara 2009; Rijken et al. 2015; Spires 2015).

Once trafficked, people often have little to no legal recourse against perpetuators (Kara 2009; Rijken et al. 2015; Sorajjakool 2013). This is because there is not usually one sole person involved in exploiting an individual. There is usually a well-established network that moves trafficked people on a common migration route, often across borders, to a final location where they will be exploited for sex or other labor (Kara 2009). Sometimes trafficked individuals are moved into new locations that are operated by the same group, or they are resold elsewhere (Kara 2009). Finally, if trafficked individuals do not hold Thai citizenship, they are often deported, placing them in the same situation that made them prone to exploitation in the first place. There are many examples of people who fled the abuse of Myanmar’s military government and came to Thailand, but ended up trafficked or otherwise in the prostitution industry, only to be returned to their home villages and met with further harm from government officials (Cavalieri 2011; Davidson

2015). Some laws need reform, while others need to be routinely enforced, rather than selectively applied when the government comes under criticism by other nations, by the United Nations, or by well-known NGOs. Clearly, the Thai government needs to further address each of these intersectional components of migration, citizenship, and statelessness in order for trafficking to diminish, or fully end.

Laws on Prostitution

Thai law prohibits prostitution, making the sale of sex acts illegal. This is a common approach to prostitution in many nations. Some nations have adopted the Nordic model, which originated in Sweden, and decriminalized the sale of sex (Connelly and Sanders 2016; Ekberg 2004; Kara 2009; Skilbrei and Holmström 2013). This does not mean prostitution is fully legal, as it is in other countries; instead, the purchase of sex is illegal under this model, shifting the legal burden to individuals who pay for commercial sex acts. Criminalizing those who purchase commercial sex acts helps the public to recognize that there are intersectional layers of inequality and stratification which lead to a person’s sexual exploitation (Farley 2006; Kara 2009; MacKinnon 2011). Changing the law in Thailand, and criminalizing the purchase of commercial sex acts, is another necessary component to ending sexual exploitation within the country.

Beliefs, Values, Norms, Perceptions, and Social Construction of Reality: Macro-Subjective and Micro-Subjective Levels

Changing the legal framework is not, nor has it been, sufficient for ending sexual exploitation. Certainly, the Thai government has made a difference by creating better laws

and enforcing them. For example, the United Nations and international law mandate that all people in the prostitution industry who are not of majority age are to be treated as exploitation victims, regardless of their entry into prostitution, because underage females and males cannot consent to sexual encounters with adults (Thompson 2012). In some countries, this is ignored, making it easy for predators to pay to sexually abuse children (Kara 2009). This used to be common in Thailand, but in the last several years Thai officials began to strictly enforce this law, making it far more difficult, though not impossible, for someone to access an underage female or male for commercial sexual exploitation (Spires 2015).

Despite this, changing and enforcing policies and laws is not sufficient by itself, as it will not result in complete transformation leading to the end of sexual exploitation. It will only lead to the reduction of sexual exploitation in Thailand. Harrison (2000) asserts that societal improvement, development, or progress, are hindered by a national culture’s values. Additionally, policies and laws alone only resonate with a person’s social constructions of information, knowledge, and, perhaps, emotions. Unless a person experiences a deeper paradigm shift, it may not be feasible to expect him or her to act in true accordance with knowledge of laws and policies. Thai men are certainly aware that the prostitution industry is illegal. This knowledge is so widespread that Thais often deny its very existence, even when faced with evidence to the contrary (Bishop and Robison 1998; Jeffrey 2002). Yet, it is Thai men, not foreign tourists, who purchase commercial sex acts most frequently and in the highest numbers (Jeffrey 2002; Thianthai 2004). Because of this, it imperative to change the macro-subjective

and micro-subjective levels of Thai society to see sexual exploitation end.

Norms, Beliefs and Values: Societal and Personal

Hiebert’s (1985, 2008, 2009) worldview model is a useful tool for understanding how a paradigm shift results in both new societal policies and reforms, and in individual behavioral changes. This is because a worldview is made up of taken-for-granted assumptions about the way the world is or should be. Worldview shapes societal and personal interactions, norms, behaviors, beliefs, and values. People within a national culture share common elements of a worldview, as it helps to maintain a collective and shared experience.

Of course, each person is a complex, unique individual whose personality, life experiences, and other factors, such as religion, ethnicity, status, socioeconomic status, and gender, also shape worldviews. Thus, society, alone, does not program people with a worldview that gives them a core set of beliefs and values. Social location theory explains that individuals, embedded in their national culture, society, and ethnolinguistic groups, are influenced by social institutions but also by their own personal circumstances (Daynes 2007).

Addressing the macro-objective and micro-objective levels only resonates with the cognitive level and the affective dimension of worldview. The cognitive level contains logic, wisdom, and knowledge while the affective dimension includes aesthetic and feelings (Hiebert 1985; Hiebert 2008; Hiebert 2009). The final level, which is the evaluative dimension, is made up of allegiances and values (Hiebert 1985; Hiebert 2008; Hiebert 2009). If this level is ignored, values do not change; therefore, the sexual exploitation in-

dustry cannot be eliminated.

Individual paradigm shifts are important, but widescale, systems-level changes are necessary, too. Systems theory helps one understand the overall context of a social system by holistically identifying the interconnections between its individual, but interdependent, components, both at the macroscopic and microscopic levels (Stroh 2015). These components maintain or change the system through what are known as feedback loops (Stroh 2015). When input, like an idea, is introduced to a system, the system either maintains its current state, or changes to the desired state due to the new input. The result depends on how the overall system of components accept the input (Stroh 2015).

If the input maintains the current system, this kind of loop is known as a feedback loop, whereas a balancing loop is an input that produces some kind of directed change. Stroh (2015) explains, “Balancing loops are the driver for improving a social system—we seek to bridge the gap between the current and desired condition—and the key to understanding a system’s resistance to change, because the current system is in equilibrium around goals that it is already achieving” (Loc 991). Therefore, within the Thai social system, someone wanting to affect an important change, like ending sexual exploitation, must be able to identify how to use balancing loops to move away from the current state to the desired state. With complex problems, multiple inputs and feedback loops may be necessary (Stroh 2015).

Lindsay (2000) claims, “…cultural values matter because they form the principles around which economic activity is organized—and without economic activity—progress is not possible” (282). One can make the same claim

about making progress in other societal examples, including what harmful, abusive practices must truly be eliminated. In Thailand, cultural values structure the principles that maintain sexual exploitation.

Previously noted, polygamy was legal and widespread. When the law changed to define marriage as the union between one man and one woman, Thai values were not addressed (Jeffrey 2002). Because of this, it is not uncommon for Thai males to pay for commercial sex acts, as it is not an important value to preserve sexuality within a monogamous, committed relationship. The marriage law was changed swiftly, without any regard to persuading Thai men to change the paradigm that defines relationships and acceptable male behavior toward women; therefore, for sexual exploitation to end in Thailand, it is imperative that Thai men are taught to value monogamy and to distain paying for commercial sex acts.

In addition to this, Thais’ worldviews must change so that they value those who are sexually exploited, seeing their worth and dignity as humans. In doing so, they will become repulsed by the abuses endured by the vulnerable throughout the Greater Mekong Sub-region. This will, in turn, take action for any necessary reforms, and includes no longer ignoring the predominance of foreign men who visit Thailand specifically to pay for commercial sex acts.

Toward (Lasting) Change

According to Rogers (2003), “An innovation is an idea, practice, or object that is perceived as by new by an individual or other unit of adoption” (11). Likewise, Spindler (1977) stresses that an innovation does not need to be a brand new idea, but can be a recombination of existing

ideas, or a return to a once important idea. Additionally, ideas that are innovations must be communicated to the target audience in order for them to be adopted. This process is called diffusion. Rogers (2003) explains, “Diffusion is a kind of social change, defined as the process by which alteration occurs in the structure and function of a social system” (6). Within Thailand, the diffusion of a specific innovation is central to ending trafficking.

To eliminate sexual exploitation in Thailand, and throughout the Greater Mekong Sub-region, the idea that all humans, regardless of gender, socioeconomic status, ethnicity, or nationality, have inherent worth and dignity, is the innovation that must be adopted. This is not a new idea, as it is foundational for many historic and modern societies. Many religions, including the dominant religion in the religion, Buddhism, supports the idea that all humans are valuable. Christians believe that because each person is an image bearer of God, humanity has immeasurable worth.

Yet there is certainly a disconnect between religious and societal ideas and pragmatic considerations. Thus, it is not enough to simply launch governmental campaigns, educational lessons, or other persuasive strategies to remind people that all everyone should be treated with dignity and worth. This innovation must be connected to the social construction of reality that perpetuates sexual exploitation, since the idea of human worth is often only rhetorically idealized. When people begin to make specific connections between this innovation and specific behaviors, such as practicing monogamy or punishing purchasers of commercial sex acts, it will help propel Thailand toward lasting change.

The role of Change Agents/Mavens/Connectors

One person cannot be solely responsible for linking human dignity to action as a means of ending sexual exploitation in Thailand. Change agents are individuals who help to guide others toward adopting an innovation (Rogers 2003). Gladwell (2000) uses the term “connectors” for people who help to communicate an idea to others to help propel it toward widespread adoption. There is another important role Gladwell (2000) discusses: that of the mavens, who are individuals with specialized knowledge. I believe within Christian missions, mavens and connectors can both take on the role of change agent. Within Thailand, the mavens are scholars who research and make sense of the data on exploitation and trafficking issues. Connectors are practitioners, who focus on different aspects of ministry to those in the sexual exploitation industry. Both are change agents when they help communicate the situation to the wider community and national culture.

Collaborative Partnerships

There is not one specific solution that will work in ending exploitation. Such a significant, multilayered problem requires holistic solutions that are implemented by mavens and connectors, together, acting as agents in collaboration with other strategic partners. Christian scholars and practitioners, NGO workers, government officials, and other concerned individuals must all work together to end sexual exploitation. There is not one, singular approach or campaign that will work to make such an important, lasting difference. Rather, a complex problem demands multitiered, holistic responses within Thailand that will help end sexual exploitation.

Many in the Greater Mekong Sub-region are working to reduce sexual exploitation at the macroscopic and microscopic levels through the hard work of concerned individuals and organizations engaging in awareness, prevention, identification, intervention, rescue, conversion, restoration, rehabilitation, empowerment, reforms, or other strategies that are commonly used to contend with trafficking. All of these strategies are useful, depending on the context, though many only have been used in the field, and lack formal research or measurement of organizational success. Within the Greater Mekong Sub-region, many individuals and organizations relied solely on testing ideas in the field, without formal research (Spires 2015). In the last few years, further collaborative efforts and strategic partnerships have helped organizations to better align their vision to praxis (Spires 2015). One of the outcomes of increased partnerships has been seeking assistance from the wider academic community to assist in appraising the effectiveness of methods and strategies in aligning with the organization’s mission, vision, and goals.

It is now becoming more common for strategies to not only be tested in the field, but also verified through research. In recent years, many organizations have used formal program evaluations that include both quantitative and qualitative data collection on staff, clients, and stakeholders to better analyze the effectiveness of their approaches, which has compelled leaders to make changes when appropriate (Bethell 2014; Sworn 2014). Increased collaboration between these individuals, organizations, and institutions is a vital part of ending sexual exploitation, even when encountering challenges, such as divergent agendas (Bethell 2014; Sworn 2014). Additionally, too many governments

and organizations create policies without the lens of survivor perspectives, so intentionally using survivor-informed frameworks will help increase effectiveness. Looking at a problem solely from the outside often creates a failure to understand all nuanced components that hinder solutions. Certainly, Christians can work alongside those who believe in legalizing the sale of commercial sex acts, provided there are clear goals that align. The specific proposed innovation, that all humans should be treated with dignity and worth, will likely be agreed upon by all potential change agents.

Collaboration becomes more complex when there are divergent agenda about specific actions. For example, if Christians support the Nordic legal model while others advocate for legalization of commercial sex acts, there may be disagreement on some potential collaborative efforts. Despite potential disagreement, collaboration allows all concerned parties to see the overarching goal they all share: the end of exploitation.

Heath and Heath (2010) recognize that change is difficult, so working to affect change at the personal and community levels may have a larger impact. Grassroots, community-level change is often far more actionable than approaching change from the national sphere. Even if there are national changes, these usually only affect the realm of policy and law, without a paradigm shift that changes deeply-seated values. Heath and Heath (2010) explain that, to make a lasting change, helping others to see the end goal and understand why a change is necessary helps concerned individuals take actionable steps toward ending exploitation. Additionally, with the recent trend of vulnerable mission in missiological theory and praxis, greater emphasis on working alongside communities helps prevent issues

like paternalism and dependency (Harris 2012). Overall, through organizational, community, and individual collaboration, Thailand’s national culture can be transformed so that sexual exploitation is eradicated.

Reducing or eliminating sexual exploitation in Thailand will also have a positive effect on the wider Greater Mekong Sub-region. This does not mean that sexual exploitation within other Greater Mekong Sub-region countries, or even worldwide, will simply cease if it ends in Thailand. Yet, as many who are in sexual exploitation originally hail from countries bordering the Greater Mekong Sub-region, trafficking may be reduced, or at least made more difficult.

Critics may assert that it is naïve to believe that sexual exploitation can be fully eliminated (Bales 2014); however, Christians are mandated to live out social justice by taking on impossible tasks to show mercy, kindness, and love. When there are humans who are suffering because of abuse and oppression, it is an intrinsic role for the Christian community to rise up, speak up, and take action. Even if someone is not a Christian, human dignity and worth are universal values that must be better prioritized and further linked to daily action and behaviors; therefore, for sexual exploitation to end in Thailand, throughout the Greater Mekong Sub-region, and perhaps worldwide, advocates must understand the intersectional, macroscopic, and microscopic factors within the social system that normalized such harm in the first place. Addressing the problem, through the use of research-verified and holistic responses, while targeting all of the intersectional factors, Thai national culture can be changed from a place that simultaneously denies, while quietly accepting exploitation, to a country that truly enacts the values of human dignity and worth by ending subjugation

within its borders. This will make it an example to the rest of the Greater Mekong Sub-region, the continent of Asia, and the entire world.

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Chapter 3

Mission in the Killing Fields: Feminicidio and Christian Mission

Juliany González Nieves

“And the night was a precipice, And the night was a hollow sound,

Beyond all depths and silences.

It was night in the city of Juárez and the dead women of Juárez

Protected the living ones.

It didn’t seem like a typical night at the border. It seemed more like the drowsiness of a mute inferno

And flames transforming into knives.”

-Marjorie Agosín, author of Secrets in the Sand

Introduction

On October 8, 2016, 16-year-old Lucía Pérez was kidnapped, drugged, gang-raped, and sodomized with a wooden pole by three men in Argentina. The assault was so brutal that she went into cardiac arrest, and later died due to internal injuries (Wang 2016). The horrific crime sparked protests across Latin America, in what was called Miércoles Negro, or Black Wednesday -a day in which thousands mourned Lucía’s death and demanded justice (BBC 2016). Their cries

echo until this day. If you listen attentively, you will hear the voices of all the dead women who preceded and followed Lucía in her fatal destiny. Like 7-year-old indigenous Colombian Yuliana Samboní, who was kidnapped, raped, and killed by 38-year-old architect Rafael Uribe Noguera; or the 76 women who were killed due to gender-based violence in Bolivia between January and August of 2018, victims of misogynous violence (Ariñez 2018).

Violence against women has a long history as a sociopolitical and cultural global phenomenon. Take for instance, female genital mutilation or types of economic violence against women. Although these injustices are horrific in and by themselves, there is a form of gender-based violence that seems to be widely ignored: the systematic and systemic killing of women in Latin America and the Caribbean. The latter named by the UN in 2017 as the deadliest regions for women outside of a war zone (Reina, Centenera, and Torrado 2018).

The term femicide was coined in the North by Jill Radford and Diana Russell in 1992 to refer to “the misogynous killing of women by men” (Radford and Russell 1992, 3). A definition that Russell would expand or rephrase in 2001 as “the killing of females by males because they are female” (Russell 2001, 3). And although these definitions are widely acknowledged as the standard, there are several reasons why I will use the Spanish term feminicidio often. First, a decade prior, scholars in Latin America had already coined the Spanish term feminicidio to describe the particular experience of Latin American women with gender-based violence (Fregoso and Bejarano 2010, 5). Second, I resonate with Fregoso and Bejarano’s desire “to dismantle the colonialist formulation of Latin America as ‘a field of study rath-

er than a place where theory is produced’” (Fregoso and Bejarano 2010, 4). Third, instead of just appropriating a term coined by feminists from el Norte, using the term feminicidio is a way of pointing to the particular experience of Latin American women. And although at an elemental level both terms refer to the same idea, the reality they communicate is multilayered and always contextual –as life is. Fregoso and Bejarano define feminicidio not only “as the murder of women and girls founded on a gender power structure” but as “gender-based violence that is both public and private, implicating both the state (directly or indirectly) and individual perpetrators (private or state actors)” (2010, 5). Additionally, they argue it is both systematic and “systemic violence rooted in social, political, economic, and cultural inequalities,” and ultimately, a “crime against humanity” (Fregoso and Bejarano 2010, 5).

It was las muertas de Juárez, the dead women of Juárez, who became the paradigmatic case for the discussion, when in 2001 eight bodies were discovered in a cotton field. Only seven were identified (20 minutos 2011). And through the marks of what was left of their mutilated bodies, Laura, Claudia, Esmeralda, Mayra, Merlín, María, and María de los Ángeles, pointed the international press to the reign of death and impunity that had been ruling over Juárez since the mid-1980s. It is a reign that has expanded across the continental region, crossing borders and the Caribbean Sea, manifesting itself in the micro and the macro of society, and finding its way even into our temples and seminaries, where some theological discourses and doctrinal elaborations seem to feed it. Lest we forget, the very same region the United Nations reported as the most dangerous for women in the world is also the most Christianized one, with at least

601 million Christians (CSGC 2018).

This paper explores three major questions about feminicidio and Christian mission in Latin America and the Caribbean: (1) What exactly is going on? (2) Why is this happening? (3) What missiological considerations should be taken into account? Given the impossibility of assessing the entirety of the region, the paper will focus on México, the Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico as representative countries.

The Killing Fields

Welcome to the killing fields. So, what exactly is going on in Latin America and the Caribbean regarding gender-based violence? From 1993 to 2005 approximately 470 women were murdered in Ciudad Juárez México (Washington Valdez 2006, 1). Sadly, what took over a decade, was easily replicated in a four-year span -from 2008 to 2011- when another 400 females were violently assassinated (Cruz Sierra 2013, 15). These statistics do not even consider those who have disappeared and their bodies have not been found. The victims are primarily impoverished brown girls in their teens, who are abducted while walking home from work (Gaspar de Alba and Guzmán 2010, 1). Their bodies dumped in empty city lots tell stories of vicious rape and torture, that kind of torture that can only take place when we dehumanize the other, and in doing so we dehumanize ourselves. Their breasts “mauled by human teeth,” or in other cases cut off (Washington Valdez 2006, 1). Their backs carved. Their bodies burned, “evidently while still alive” (Staudt 2008, ix). But no one sees anything. No one hears their cries. From 2012 to 2016, at least 7,404 women and girls have been assassinated in México, and each day, 7 Mexican women are killed (El País 2017).

Now, we move to the Caribbean. In 2018, the Dominican Republic was named by the United Nations as one of the Caribbean countries with higher prevalence of feminicidios. Between 2005 and 2010, 1,153 women were assassinated in the island, and at the beginning of March of 2018 the Center for Gender Studies of the Technological Institute of Santo Domingo reported that “during the last 10 years the average number of feminicidios in the island range between 150 and 200 per year” (Noticias SIN 2019).

Puerto Rico

In 2018, 23 women were killed on the island in cases of feminicide. That is twice the number of women killed in 2017 due to gender-based violence. The first feminicide victim this year was 31-year-old Yashira Serra Santiago, who was stabbed to death by her partner. He also stabbed Yashira’s 8-year-old daughter in the neck and back, but the girl survived (Colón 2019). It has been noted that women were the most affected demographic by hurricane María, and it is in its aftermath that gender-based violence has reached the highest levels we have seen in recent years (González 2018). The latter coupled with the inaction of the local government resulted in protests led by feminist organizations. In response, the governor Wanda Vázquez Garced declared a state of national alert, which means that all public and private entities in the island ought to be proactive and diligent regarding the laws and policies that protect women (Univision 2019).

The Creators and Sustainers of the Killing Fields: Why is this happening?

As Parrot and Cummings state, “Violence against women does not occur in a vacuum. Education, religion,

cultural values, family structure, socioeconomic status, traditional beliefs, myths, geography, economics, government policies, […] political unrest, and natural disasters all affect the violence and in many cases, contribute to it” (2006, 23). Latin America and the Caribbean are multilingual, multicultural, and multiethnic regions. Each of its countries has a specific history and sets of dynamics, and although there are some factors that function as common denominators among countries when it comes to the feminicide crisis, there are others that are very particular to the socio-economic and political realities of a country. These factors operate not only as individual forces; they are integrated into a cultural matrix that perpetrates and perpetuates gender-based violence. Let’s consider some of the factors at work on the femicide crises in Ciudad Juárez, the Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico.

Ciudad Juárez

As Fregoso and Bejarano pointed out, feminicidio is “systemic violence rooted in social, political, economic, and cultural inequalities” (2010, 5). With the unprecedented inclusion of México into globalized economic relations through the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994, gender violence rose to gargantuan proportions. The agreement made Ciudad Juárez a profitable hub for American-owned transnational factories, infamously known as maquiladoras (Arriola 2010, 25). At the beginning of the industrialization process, these factories hired far more women than men, to the extent that “women made up 80 percent of the industrial workforce” (Staudt 2008, 10). With time, the workforce became more diversified and balanced. However, the very idea of females working outside of

home was and is subversive to a society characterized by machismo. Furthermore, these foreign factories found in women the perfect employee: poor, uneducated, “migrants from even poorer regions of the country,” where there is no “water, electricity, or public lighting” (Arriola 2010, 26). Their dark skin kissed by the implacable sun. Alone, socially defined by the deadly sin of not having a husband. Young. It is there, at the intersectionality of race, gender, economic status, age, civil status, and level of education, that death disguised as opportunity, as ‘one-step closer to the American Dream,’ takes their lives at the hands of patriarchy. And those who are still alive are socially stigmatized as maqui-locas.

The idea of maqui-locas in the Mexican social imaginary refers to “women who think they are independent because they work at a maquila when all they really are is so far from God, so close to the United States, the most ‘unredeemable’ of all the provinces” (Gaspar de Alba 2010, 80). The females who work at the maquiladoras are accused of assimilating to the customs of the “libertine” North. Society sees them as women who lost their “good Mexican girl morality” by trying “to behave like an American” (Gaspar De Alba 2010, 80). And by doing so they have lost their value as women. They are thought of as females who dress provocatively, consume alcohol, have sex, stay out late dancing, and are “asking for trouble and usually find it” in the form of vicious rape, torture, and death (Gaspar De Alba 2010, 8081).

The maqui-loca is ultimately la puta in the Mexican theo-cultural-social discourse, “which constructs women’s gender and sexuality according to three biblical archetypes –virgins, mothers, and whores” (Gaspar De Alba 2010, 81). This is what Alicia Gaspar De Alba calls the “Tres Marías

Syndrome,” a society that morally categorizes women as one of the three Marys: Virgin Mary, Mary the mother of James and Joses (Mark 15:40), or Mary Magdalene, the redeemed puta. La Virgen María is praised as the ultimate goal for all women. She is the “obedient one.” The one who knows nothing about her own sexuality and does not leave her parents’ house unless there is a wedding ring on her finger and a husband by her side. Parallel to la Virgen María is Mary the mother. She is conceived as the archetype of the woman who lives for her husband and children, to the point of even neglecting herself. She is the one whose sexuality is reduced to the act of procreation. Lastly, we find Mary Magdalene, at the bottom of the social strata, hiding in the shadows. She is the one “who has sex for pleasure, takes birth control, corrupts men, [and] shames her family,” transgressing the mythos of what a woman should be; she is the one “who deserves what she gets” (Gaspar De Alba 2010, 82).

At the State level, one of the main obstacles is the lack of reliable information in official registries. The State’s indifference and the perpetuation of impunity regarding feminicidios is part of a massive corruption scheme. As Washington Valdéz notes, feminicidio is not solely “the work of depraved criminals with police protection and ties to the underworld,” it is the work of a “Police Cartel” (2006, 2). Or I would say, a “State Cartel.” Police officials primarily respond not to the public but to drug lords. And their basic duty is “to protect drug dealers and drug shipments” at all costs (Washington Valdez 2006, 102). One way they do this is by ‘marking their territory.’ Through the killings and the rapes of not only females, but also of boys, they create a culture of fear and silence, a silence that translates into a judicial system that is a dead end because these crimes are executed

by “men with links to the highest levels of the Mexican government” (Washington Valdez 2006, 2). As federal legislator Marcela Largarde states, “Femicide is a crime of the State” (Godínez Leal 2008, 33). Women are not only being killed, but justice is being hampered. How do you raise your voice when the whole system is compliant? How do you find the courage to speak up?

The Dominican Republic

The Center for Gender Studies of the Technological Institute of Santo Domingo identifies at least five (5) key factors that sustain and normalize gender-based violence: an unchanging machista culture; the ideological and political influence of the Roman Catholic and evangelical (read Protestant) churches, which promote misogynist attitudes and legitimizes masculine power over women; the resistance against eradicating patriarchal practices and the sexist content from the education system; the lack of importance that the State gives to women’s rights; and a weak justice system (Noticias SIN 2019).

Puerto Rico

It has been observed that women and girls are disproportionally affected in situations of emergency such as natural disasters. Ten months after hurricane María, the most powerful that we have experienced in about a century, hit Puerto Rico, El Nuevo Día reported that women were the most affected sector of Puerto Rican society. “The violence and the persistent lack of jobs, affordable housing and better social opportunities keep many women living in a state of vulnerability” (González 2018). The latter translates to women being forced by the circumstances to stay in situa-

tions of domestic violence. Hurricane María hit the island in September of 2017. One year later, 23 cases of feminicide had been reported. That is twice the number of women killed in 2017 due to gender-based violence. And we should be aware that it has been reported by the Center for Investigative Journalism that official data on violence against women in the island is not reliable after the hurricane (Tighe and Gurley 2018).

It is important to note that in each of these countries, Christianity and its ideological influence has been identified as one of the main factors for the perpetuation of violence against women. That ideological influence is tightly related to the way Christian churches think and carry out their mission.

Missiological Considerations in Light of the Feminicide Crisis

Hence, the feminicide crisis and the factors that seem to sustain it raise questions about how past and present missiological models and practices have been implemented by both autochthonous churches and foreign misions. And it requires us to make some missiological considerations.

The first missiological consideration concerns the preeminence of a one-dimensional understanding of need. Here I am not referring to the debate of spiritual versus physical need but to those who embrace transformational missiological approaches, yet who in praxis are exclusively fixated on the socio-economic aspect of injustice. This exclusive fixation acknowledges the dimension of class but not necessarily those of race and gender. The feminicide crisis challenges this one-dimensional understanding of need and requires an intersectional missiology that responds to the

three-dimensional character of women’s struggle (Aquino 1993, 37).

A second missiological consideration has to do with the imposition of theological elaborations from the North without an analysis of the context’s socio-cultural realities and its power dynamics. In Latin America and the Caribbean, we are not newcomers to being in the receiving end of imperialistic enterprises. And often, it has been the case that Euro-American theologies have been imposed on us in the name of safeguarding orthodoxy, but without any regard for how they translate into everyday life, spaces, and relations. In a context where women and girls are systematically abused and killed, consider how ecclesiological models based on gendered hierarchical relations (e. g. complementarianism) are susceptible to interpretations that affirm relations of domination. Theology then becomes a matter of life and death for Latin American and Caribbean women, and not only in the spiritual sense, for these theologies are used to baptized abuse with a new name: the will of God.

Our third and last missiological consideration regards the ideological use of theological discourses. For example, “[f]eminist liberation theologians have identified the detrimental effects on women by the ideological use of concepts like the atonement for the purpose of legitimizing the suffering of women as analogous to Jesus’s own trials” (Martínez 2017, 606). The embodiment of the atoning life often results in women’s broken bodies. Within the religious landscape of Roman Catholicism, Mariology also has suffered from ideological manipulation to serve the same purpose. These uses of doctrine for us are prima facie illegitimate but in the communication in context it gets mixed with the socio-ethical imaginaries.

Conclusion

So far, I have broadly described the situation of violence in which Latin American and Caribbean women find themselves and identified the factors that perpetuate it, which includes the ideological influence of Christianity. I have claimed that the feminicide crisis raises questions about how past and present missiological models and practices have been implemented by both autochthonous churches and foreign missions. These require us to make some missiological considerations, which I have delineated. We have before us a task of self-examination. “Are there serious deficiencies in [missiological approaches] in relation to women?” (Long 2002, 155). Are our missiological imagination, models, and practices androcentric? I am here, presenting a paper about that girl who is being tortured in this very moment. I am here, talking about that body that will be found next week, or next month, or next year, dumped in the sands of the desert. I am here joining the mothers who carry pink crosses with the names of their daughters on them, claiming for justice. May we see. May we judge. And may we act by cultivating a missiological imagination that acknowledges the realities of women and moves away from andro-centrism.

“That night

They told her

The girl was missing.

The mother looked like a statue

In the garden of the dead

That night, the mother

Rested motionless

She knew there was no justice for the poor.

[…]

That night she felt daughterless

Life eluded her

Death danced around

With its shadows and Aprons made of Dead birds” (Agosín 2006, 69).

References Cited

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De la Cruz, Santiago Benjamín. 2018. “En 2018 han ocurrido 50 feminicidios.” Listín Diario, 7 de octubre de 2018. https://listindiario.com/larepublica/2018/10/07/536359/en-2018- hanocurrido-50-feminicidios

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González, Leysa Caro. 2018. “Más vulnerables las mujeres tras el paso de María.” El Nuevo Día, 10 de julio de 2018. Gaspar de Alba, Alicia, and Georgina Guzmán. 2010. “Feminicidio: The ‘Black Legend’ of the Border.” In Making a Killing: Femicide, Free Trade, and La Frontera, edited by Alicia Gaspar De Alba with Georgina Guzmán, 1-22. Texas: University of Texas Press.

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Mission in the Killing Fields

de marzo de 2019. https://noticiassin.com/rd-es-eltercer-pais-con-la-tasa-mas-alta-de-feminicidiosde-la-region-segun-ceg-intec/

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Chapter 4

“Clothed with Power from on High” (Luke 24:49): Venezuelan Women Empowered through Prayer

Jody Fleming Introduction

The deepening crisis in Venezuela does not always make the evening news. Desperate conditions have forced many to flee the country in search of work or food needed for basic survival. Like many Latin American countries, there is a patriarchal system in place that makes the crisis even more pronounced for women. Many of them feel powerless to change their situations and care for their families. While finding solid information from Venezuela is difficult, there are some reports from neighboring countries such as Columbia that highlight the plight of many women who are simply trying to survive and look after their children, often by themselves. Other reports tell of women taking the dangerous boat trip to Trinidad only to find more trouble.

Some women have chosen to stay in Venezuela due to lack of funds for travel or unwillingness to leave elderly or ailing friends and loved ones behind. Humanitarian aid is often blocked from entering Venezuela, and violence is common on the streets of large cities such as Caracas and Maracaibo. Smaller communities that are away from the dangers that exist in the larger cities still face challenges to survive. How will those who have chosen to stay cope?

Against this dismal backdrop, a group of women have chosen to seek power from on high as they seek God through prayer as a means of connecting with the spiritual power they need to meet their dire circumstances.

This chapter will discuss the growth of a prayer ministry amidst the crisis in the country and how it provides spiritual power to face sometimes overwhelming circumstances. The ministry, specifically focused on mothers calling them to pray for their children, is growing despite the daily difficulties in Venezuela. These women have turned to the source of their strength, they are depending on their Christian faith through a spiritual practice of prayer with the expectancy that God will provide the power they need to survive. Although they may seem powerless to change their physical circumstances, their spiritual power addresses the root causes of their difficulties, giving them strength to survive and care for their families.

The discussion will begin with an overview of what is taking place in Venezuela in recent months, specific to how the crisis is continuing to affect women. This is followed by a call to prayer within Venezuela followed by a description of the ministry that continues to grow despite the desperate circumstances that many women are living in. The organization’s leader shares her journey as she continues to work to spread the prayer ministry and empower women through the strength found in the Holy Spirit. Their rallying cry for the year was “Clothed with Power From on High,” as quoted from Luke 24:49. It is this power that has sustained the ministry leader and encouraged women to not give up but continue to seek the power of the Holy Spirit in all circumstances of life. The names of the women and the specifics of the ministry will not be shared in this chapter to protect the

safety of those involved.

The Venezuelan Context

To say the current situation in Venezuela is serious is an understatement. As noted above, the country continues its downward spiral with little evidence of any kind of improvement. A recent article states that May 2019 saw a drop in the inflation rate (Dobson 2019). That might seem like a positive step; however, the inflation rate had been running at one million percent. Yes, one million percent. According to the opposition controlled National Assembly (AN) the inflation rate from May 2018 to May 2019 dropped to 815,194 percent (Dobson 2019). While this shows some improvement, the numbers are staggering. In addition to the economic crisis, the promotion of women’s rights struggles to address culturally engrained problems that exist in the country.

Gender-based Violence

Women’s and persons with disabilities rights activist, Giocondo Mota, notes the longstanding problems of gender bias violence in Venezuela (Marquina 2019). While some advances have been made in the areas of women’s rights, measurable results are uneven at best. This is not a new issue for Venezuela or South American culture in general. In a November 2018 interview, Mota states: [Venezuelan politics at the state level] fail to grasp that the structural problem of gender violence. This is a deep cultural problem: violence against women has cultural and economic roots, and the battle against it should be multidimensional. As I indicated there have been some legal advances regarding access to justice, but the results have

been very limited. In part this is due to there having been practically no advance in the area of prevention, and prevention must go hand in hand with cultural transformation” (Marquina 2019).

The result of the problem of violence against women is one of the causes for the high number of single parent families. Four out of ten, forty percent, of families in Venezuela are single parent households headed by women. The lack of economic opportunities and justice for women has made it far more likely that these households will be part of the statistics of the extreme poor (Marquina 2019). Many of these families live in life-threatening poverty.

The political situation that has contributed to the issues in Venezuela is beyond the scope of this paper, but the economic problems created by rampant inflation have been devastating. Many Venezuelans, especially women, are going without food, water and other necessities. This has caused them to seek extreme measures to survive and care for their children. Few options in poor neighborhoods have led these women to seek earning cash any way they can. Shampoo can cost as much as a month of a minimal salary so dishwashing liquid is substituted. The high cost of basic needs is compounded by the fact that there are frequent water shortages “caused by nationwide blackouts that shut off water pumps” (Sanchez 2019). With little other means of supporting themselves and their families some women are selling their hair for use in wigs and hair extensions. Because of the sense of powerlessness, those who cannot survive in Venezuela are attempting to flee to neighboring countries such as Columbia and Trinidad. But their fate there is often no better than in their home country.

Migration to Colombia and Trinidad

Venezuelans are leaving their country in record numbers. The United Nations has called the recent exodus of refugees and migrants the “largest in the recent history of Latin America and the Caribbean” (Kennedy 2010). NPR reports that most of the refugees have remained in South America. Columbia is hosting the greatest number of migrants that currently stands at 1.3 million. The refugees are looking for food, work or both. Instead of finding hope and relief from food and work shortages and gender-based violence, women are finding themselves in dangerous situations in Columbia. An article in the Washington Post notes that “women are suffering extreme levels of assault, kidnapping and other violence” along the Venezuela-Columbia border (Zulver 2019).

Many women simply cannot find means to support their families and turn to the sex trade as a means of desperate survival. Even if they are not involved in sex work, these women still face verbal abuse and sexual harassment. They are assaulted as “dirty foreigners” and pressed for sex on the waitressing or cleaning jobs they can find (Zulver 2019). Even if crimes are reported to the authorities, the stories of these women are not believed. This increases their fear about reporting crimes against them as it could jeopardize their immigrant status or even put them and their families at risk. The hope of finding refuge in Columbia is faced with conditions that are at times even worse than what was left behind. These women are all but invisible and powerless against all kinds of violence or even death.

Some women have opted to take their chances and sail across the water to neighboring Trinidad. Young wom-

en, some of them teenagers, are lured to make the trip by promises of abundant work and food; a means of escaping the desperate circumstances in their home country. Reports (Casey 2019) as late as April 2019 document the trafficking that is taking place by smugglers from both Trinidad and Venezuela. A sixteen-year-old was promised food and work in Trinidad so she and her cousin snuck out of their homes to board a fishing boat. She did not know that her future was to be forced into prostitution in a brothel in Trinidad. The overloaded boat capsized en route and only nine of the thirty-eight on board were recovered (Casey 2019). These teenagers and women are forced into the sex trade with no real hope of escaping due to the ongoing cycle of debt. The traffickers add extra fees for “food, clothing, shelter, medicine and protection” (Bassant and Ramkisson 2019), trapping women in the endless succession of obligation of repayment. Christian communities are responding but are also struggling to meet the widespread needs across the country.

The Christian Response

Venezuela is one of the least religious countries in South America. Many of her citizens identify themselves as Catholic, and there are protestant, Jehovah Witness and Buddhist communities as well. In response to the humanitarian crisis taking place in the country, Catholic bishops have expressed concern for the safety of emigrants, especially women who are leaving Venezuela’s desperate situation. They call for the faithful to combat the sale of children, women and men being forced into begging, prostitution and labor, but little practical responses were offered in addressing the issue of trafficking in the country (CNA 2019). Many Christian agencies would agree that something needs

to be done to relieve the suffering in Venezuela, but political blockades have made it difficult for aid agencies to provide help.

Some relief agencies have been able to get assistance through to Venezuelans. Catholic Relief Services (CRS) is collecting donations to assist those who have left their homes for other countries. CRS is providing “support including food, safe shelter, medical care, legal assistance, livelihoods support, protection, children’s education and counseling” (Koslosky 2019) to Venezuelans who have fled to other countries. Save The Children, a humanitarian aid agency, is also raising support to help curb the spread of dangerous infectious diseases by “improving hygiene practices” and addressing the root problems that are causing mass migrations out of Venezuela (Koslosky 2019). Franklin Graham’s aid organization, Samaritan’s Purse, is also offering assistance at the Colombia border. Their focus is to provide aid with “the overwhelming physical and spiritual needs of thousands of Venezuelan migrants who are daily entering Colombia” (Samaritan’s Purse 2019).

Beyond providing for the physical needs, the spiritual needs are also of great concern. Samaritan’s Purse along with other Christian agencies are calling for Christians to pray for Venezuela, her people and government. The call to pray goes beyond the physical and political issues in the country. For some Venezuelans, the conflicts that are causing the problems in Venezuela that are affecting women go beyond the physical and political. It is a spiritual battle with darkness and some Evangelicals in Venezuela are turning to prayer as a means of coping with dire circumstances they face every day. The commitment to prayer is what they believe will bring change needed in their country.

The Call to Prayer

Although Venezuela is one of the least religious countries in South America, there are faithful evangelical Christians who are committed to Christ as well as to their country (Fleming 2015), believing in the power of prayer. A Pew Research study (Wormald 2014) shows that prayer in general in Latin America is a day-to-day occurrence. Like many Latin American Countries, the study shows that Protestants are more likely to pray daily outside of an organized worship service than Catholics. In Venezuela, seventy per cent of those who responded that they prayed daily were Protestant (Wormald 2014). Many believe that the spiritual battle taking place there must be countered by interceding for change through prayer. In his article, “Prayer and Missionary Movement Beyond the Self,” John Flett argues that prayer orients the pray-er to God. This is done in community with other believers as God’s witnesses to all of creation (2018, 249). Prayer connects believers to the power of God to endure the difficult circumstances and bring about change in their country. The need for prayer is not limited to those living in Venezuela but there is a call for the worldwide church to be interceding on the country’s behalf.

A Venezuelan born-and-raised Lutheran pastor from Milwaukee noted the spiritual battle taking place in his home country in a March 2019 interview with Christianity Today (Lee 2019). He noted that “Venezuela is experiencing a terrible darkness” and asked Christians from all over the world to unite and “pray for freedom and democracy” (Lee 2019). He concluded the interview with a call to prayer for humanitarian aid to be sent to Venezuela and for the government there to accept the help. The power of prayer is what many believe is needed to address the complex prob-

lems that exist in Venezuela. This call to prayer goes beyond just believing that prayer can change things to participating in the practice of prayer both personally and as part of the worldwide church.

Praying for Social Reform

In response to the call for street protests in Caracas in late April 2019, “Venezuelan and Latin American evangelical leaders have called ‘for prayer and unity for the turbulent situation gripping the country.’ The Vice President of the Union of Christian Churches of Venezuela called for the Christian church worldwide to pray” (Bolaños 2019). His call for prayer states:

“It is important for all the people of God to prayer that we might have a peaceful way out that allows us to regain freedom, justice, peace, and democracy” (Bolanos 2019).

Although the Venezuelan Evangelical Council (CEV) has taken no official position on the call for street protests, the consensus is for Venezuelans to pray. There is also a worldwide appeal to the global evangelical community to pray for Venezuela and do all they can to support refugees who have emigrated.

This call for prayer is not just a reaction to a dire situation but is spiritual engagement with the power struggle taking place at the highest level of government. A pastor who is part of the Christian Front for the Defense of the Constitution and Democracy stated that the church “has the responsibility to guide its people to actively participate in society, avoiding isolation or getting away from the just claims that society has” (Bolaños 2019). He goes on to say that it is their “duty to make a call to prayer” recognizing that they

must protest peacefully and calmly seek restoration of constitutional order in Venezuela (Bolaños 2019). These calls for prayer are not only understood as a personal act to cope with the ongoing crisis, but also as a “powerful instrument of transformation.” (Samuel 1996, 8).

Responding to the crisis through prayer is considered spiritual warfare. Prayer is a spiritual act of intercession that communicates directly to God and addresses the root causes of social and political disfunction. In an article about migrant churches in Norway, Stian Sørlie Eriksen (2018) notes that prayer in this situation is “not only seen as an activity for congregational or personal spiritual life, but something with a potential to bring about societal transformation” (132). C.B. Samuel contends that prayer that seeks the transformation of this kind of situation must also “acknowledge the problem without covering it up. We cannot detach ourselves from the sins of our society” (Samuel 1996, 10). The Venezuelan pastor acknowledges the challenges the country and her people face and the call for prayer is a means of confronting the difficulties they deal with on a daily basis. Those who have remained in the country are encouraged to “focus on prayer and wait on God, knowing that He will do His work” (Bolaños 2019).

Prayer in the Migrant Population

The importance of turning to God in prayer is not limited to those who have remained in the country but is also evident on the borders where Venezuelans are migrating to other countries. As noted above, with so many people leaving, neighboring countries are facing an onslaught of humanitarian needs. Sadly, women and children have and continue to fall prey to manipulation and abuse. Although

getting aid into the country is difficult, Christian ministries have been able to respond and many of the border crossing points. Not only are the Venezuelan refugees cared for on a physical level, but these agencies are also providing spiritual support.

On the Columbian boarder an outreach ministry led by Youth With A Mission (YWAM) and Operation Blessing provides spiritual support, along with supplying for physical needs to the Venezuelan “walkers.” Carpa Esperanza, or Tent of Hope, provides care for those making the difficult trip out of Venezuela on their way through Columbia to other South American Countries or as they emigrate into life in Columbia. Beginning in October 2018, the ministry receives around two hundred walkers per day. Volunteers “welcome walkers and give them food, shoes and medicines, and anything else they need” (Evangelical Focus 2019). One of the YWAM missionaries explained their purpose is not only to take care of physical needs, but that “Carpa Esperanza is where walkers can find spiritual food” (Evangelical Focus 2019). Mission volunteers share the gospel with refugees, provide foot massages and pray with them as a means of encouragement for the difficulties they are experiencing.

Other relief agencies such as Samaritan’s Purse and CRS have provided for physical and spiritual needs at the borders as a means of sharing the love of God through Christ to people who are in desperate need. Praying with and for Venezuelan refugees provides assurance that God is with them in all circumstances. Samuel states, “Prayer is a positive demonstration of our belief that our God reigns” (Samuel 1996, 11). He is in control even in dark and desperate times. The ongoing issues for Venezuelans, whether they are staying in or leaving the country are not only physical

but also emotional and spiritual, especially for women and children. The call to prayer is a cry to God for his help and for courage to endure the dangerous conditions faced on a daily basis. According to Samuel, “Prayer opens our eyes to the ‘power that is available to us in Christ’ (Eph. 1:18-19)” (1996, 11). It is power from on high that provides hope for a small but growing group of Venezuelan women seeking God on a regular basis through prayer.

Clothed with Power from on High

Amidst the crisis in Venezuela there is a small but growing group or women who have chosen to make prayer the priority for addressing the overwhelming challenges they face. They pray for their country and each other, but the focus for this group is praying for their children (and grandchildren); the next generation of Venezuelans. The name of the prayer ministry and its Venezuelan leaders are not shared or have been changed in order to protect the safety of the women involved. The international prayer ministry is conducted through a small group model in which mothers, grandmothers, aunts, etc. meet once a week for an hour to intercede for the lives of their children, their well-being and their education. Although living conditions and life situations may be very difficult, these women seek power from on high as they pray and ask God for strength.

International Prayer Ministry

The prayer ministry came to Venezuela in 2008 through several American women. These women went on a short-term mission trip with an interdenominational agency that focuses on partnering with national churches to plan and carry out mission work in their country. This was the first time women in Venezuela were introduced to prayer

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as a small group ministry. Since that time the ministry has continued to grow and spread to various places in Venezuela. It has developed to the point where a Venezuelan woman became the regional director for five years and was moved to the position of Country Coordinator about one year ago. She notes that although she and her leadership team “face many adversities and challenges [they] are serving with hope and courage.”

The prayer model is based on praying scripture and praying conversationally in a small group. Adele Ahlberg Calhoun (2005) contends praying scripture returns “us to a simpler state of openness and attentiveness to God. We lay aside our own agendas and open ourselves to the prayers given to us by the Bible” (246). This moves Christians “beyond the self and to the ground of one’s existence in God in Christ and so in the movement of Jesus Christ to the world as witnesses to the reconciliation found in him” (Flett 2018, 250). The entire prayer time is grounded in scripture and includes a basic structure of praise, confession/repentance, thanksgiving and intercession. The outline keeps the prayer time on task and focused on God and his word.

Praying God’s word back to him out loud in agreement with others connects life in the Spirit as a means of relying on the power of God. The model of the prayer ministry is designed to be done in a small group setting. Christian community and participation in the missional call of God are both found when these mothers come together to pray. Partnerships develop in these small groups for the purpose of praying for children, grandchildren, relatives and friends and the schools they attend. The ability to share burdens and praises with others provides a deep and lasting bond and grows the ability to “[bring] all aspects of…life

to God in prayer” (Calhoun 2005, 242). The conversational style invites all who are in attendance to participate. Each woman has the opportunity to share a short informal prayer in concert with the others in the group. The conversations “keep company with Jesus and the others in the group” for “prayer is a positive demonstration of…belief that…God reigns” (Calhoun 2005, 242). For the women in this ministry, “prayer is the easiest communication possible; it is spirit with Spirit” (Samuel 1996, 10). amid Venezuela’s complex difficulties.

Growth in Adversity

As noted, the prayer ministry began in 2008 in Venezuela as a result of a mission partnership. Ministry leaders from the United States returned to the country several times, each time training women in the prayer ministry as time permitted. The first prayer ministry training retreat was held in 2014. Around sixty women scraped and saved, held fundraisers and traveled long distances on busses to attend. This would be the last trip the U.S. Americans could make as the national situation quickly deteriorated and it was no longer safe to travel to Venezuela. Since that time, women continue to answer the call to prayer in hopes of changing not only their current situations for their families, but for the future of the country. The country coordinator adds her prayer request “that the spirit and faith of the Christian women will not be shaken because of the situation that our country is in.” What follows is a brief summary of how the ministry of prayer is growing in the middle of some extremely difficult circumstances, empowering the powerless.

The ministry in Venezuela adopted the theme “Investidas con el poder desde lo alto,” “Clothed with Power

from on High (Luke 24:49)” for 2019. In early January, fifteen women from several neighboring churches gathered in the country coordinator’s home church for a Global day of Prayer and fasting. They fasted and prayed all morning and ended their fast with a small lunch. Far from this group of faithful women the presidential palace in Caracas was surrounded by “sandbags and rifle-toting troops” suggesting declining confidence “as Venezuela sinks deeper into economic ruin and political isolation” (Phillips 2019). Around the same time, the country coordinator was very encouraged by the financial support she received from friends in the U.S.A. She hoped to invest part of the sizable donation in a business to raise support for ministry. She believed God had told her not to worry about her needs and that He was in control.

A nationwide blackout struck Venezuela on March 7 resulting in looting and violence in Maracaibo, the country’s second largest city (Urdaneta 2019). By mid-March, as opposition and government loyalist demonstration rallies took place in Caracas, “power and communication outages continue to hit Venezuela, intensifying the hardship” (Torchia 2019). Even though these reports are from cities far away from the country coordinators home, her city was affected as well. Amid rolling blackouts and food and supply shortages, the coordinator remained steadfast. She notes the difficulties of her situation but resolved to continue working with the prayer ministry. She met with her leadership team and one of the area coordinators to plan additional trainings. Throughout March and April over one hundred women from a dozen different churches attended meetings and were trained for the prayer ministry. As a result of the work in and around her city, thirty new prayer groups have

started there, and the team’s goal is fifty. The coordinator acknowledges that life is very difficult in Venezuela and she realizes the importance of preparing a solid foundation for the next generation. She states, “God has been working to change me to stay unshaken in this time.”

Despite the lack of access to her bank accounts, concentrating on providing care for her elderly parents, nieces and nephews, and concerns about having her expired travel visa renewed since the U.S. Embassy closed in Venezuela, the country coordinator remains steadfast in her belief that prayer will make a difference in her county. She continues to preach and encourage women to rely on God and seek to be clothed with power from on high, the theme for the year. The power from on high is a connection with God through the Holy Spirit that brings resilient endurance in the most difficult time in human existence. Eriksen notes “This imaginative and visionary dimension of prayer is seen as a powerful tool for spiritual change, representing a window into the mind of God and his plans and resources beyond the limits of human agency and understanding” (2018, 139). Being “clothed with power from on high” has allowed these women to survive and continue to spread the love of Christ while their world falls apart around them.

Conclusion

This study is a small example of what has been and continues to take place in Venezuela and neighboring countries. Women and children are at the highest risk for exploitation both within their country and in places where they hope to find refuge. Christian support ministries are doing what they can at border entry points and some Venezuelans who have chosen to remain in their country recog-

nize the importance of prayer for their immediate needs and the future of their country. What God has done with a small but growing prayer ministry that was planted there eleven years ago brings a ray of hope amidst a very dark situation and global crisis.

Everyday life for the country coordinator and the women in the ministry with her is a struggle for bare necessities and survival. These women show that their power does not come from the government or political protests, but from God himself. The “power from on high” they receive through the Holy Spirit as a result of “prayer is a positive demonstration of our belief that our God reigns” (Samuel 1996, 10). This power sustains these women amid economic and political crisis. Their prayers strike at the root of the spiritual battle in their country and empowers them to boldly pray for the next generation of national leaders. The resolve of these faithful women is a testament to the power of God and the advancement of his kingdom.

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Chapter 5

Destruction and Redemption in the Life of Syrian Refugee women in Jordan

Sam Kim

Isiah 55:8-9 “For my thoughts are not your thoughts, neither are your ways my ways,” declares the Lord. “As the heavens are higher than the earth, so are my ways higher than your ways and my thoughts than your thoughts” [NIV].

Introduction

Displacement happens frequently. Nearly 28,000 people have to leave their homes every day (UNHCR). In particular, displacement as a result of war is a tragedy quite different from normal immigration. It makes people refugees, mixed with complicated emotional and physical pain due to hate, anger, despair, wounds, death in conflict and destruction of people’s lives. Refugees are forced to leave the places where they have lived with families and relatives and lose their livelihood. Refugees from war are also different from the poor. Refugees do not just suffer from the poverty, but also lose their identities and secure positions in life.

In course of time during these difficult situations in displacement, especially women and children who are the majority of refugees become innocent victims of these social and political conflicts and driven to barren circumstances without any help or protections. At the same time, in honor and shame cultures, women often face shameful and dishonorable moments mentally and physically adding

to all the difficulties they have to go through.

Syrian refugee women in Jordan were in the same situations as other refugees from the war. Since 2001 they had to leave their home country, but still the majority of them could not settle into a new place or return to their home. Their lives were totally destroyed. At the same time, however, they have encountered new things they never expected when they were in their home country. That is new life. This paper talks about aspects of the destruction and redemption of Syrian refugee women’s lives in Jordan, furthermore, the kind of life they have after becoming Christians.

Biblical understanding of displacement

Displacement and being strangers

In the Bible, displacement has several meanings in the relationship between God and human beings. Since Adam and Eve, sin is embedded in humans’ lives and make us displaced from God. Therefore, in many cases in the Old Testament such as the history of Israel, displacement had been seen as a punishment of God for Israel’s injustice and sins, or it was forced by enemies such as Assyria and Babylonia. But every time, God protected them, promised to recover them and led them encounter God through those difficulties and pains of displacement. In his paper “God and Refugees,” Rupen Das, a Canadian Baptist scholar and practitioner for refugee ministries, points out “Yet what is remarkable in each instance is the character of God who extends his grace and unmerited favor to those have been displaced enabling them to cope with the consequences of their own actions, even though the crisis was their fault” (2016, 3). The attitude of God towards refugees or people in displacement have shown characteristics of God, such as

His goodness, love and compassions.

On the other hand, some cases of displacement can be shown to have a spiritual meaning. In case of Abraham, his self-displacement was a blessing and calling from God (Acts 7:3). When God chose to bless Abraham by turning him into a sojourner, not as a punishment but as part of God’s plan for the salvation of the nations. God in the Psalms is described as a refuge for the broken and the weaker. In particular, Psalm 46:1 says that “God is our refuge and strength, an ever-present help in trouble [NIV].” God also commands that the Israelites treat strangers among them equally (Num. 16:15-16) and provide for their needs such as protection and respect (Lev. 19:34, Deut. 26:12, Ezek. 47:21-23)

In the New Testament, Jesus showed His compassion on the marginalized or the vulnerable and talked about himself being hungry and naked in Matthew 25, possible expressions of refugees’ tough lives. The book of Hebrews extends the meaning of displacement of Israel to its pilgrim identity (Heb. 11:16) on the earth. It calls the Old Testament people exiles and strangers, looking for an eternal home, as human beings who have their identity from where they belong. Although people have to leave the place they call home, their spirits belong to God eternally. Before Christ, the nations were separate from Christ but then God adopted us into his family through Jesus Christ and we are “no longer strangers and aliens” (Eph. 2:19 [NIV]). Therefore, “our citizenship is in heaven” (Phil. 3:20 [NIV]).

Women’s displacement in the Bible

Regarding women’s displacements in the Bible, Hagar encountered God in her exile. She became the first woman in the Bible to call God’s name and receive God’s favor

for her and her son, Ishmael (Gen. 16:7-14, 21:17-20) in her displacement. In Genesis 16:6, Hagar had to leave because of Sarah’s persecution and later in Genesis 21:9-12 as well. Although she did not have great faith or certainty in Him, Hagar cried out to God in the distress caused by her displacement. She experienced God’s goodness and grace. God took care of Hagar and her son, Ishmael. Her despair and sufferings in expulsion led her to encounter God and experience His grace.

Although they were not refugees or in displacement, Jesus showed compassion and embraced the emotional and physical pains and wounds of vulnerable women displaced from society such as the Samaritan woman in John 4: 5-33, the woman possessed by evil spirits in Mark 16:9, a Siro-Phoenician woman from Tyre in Mark 7:24-30, etc. These are representative cases showing that Jesus encountered and cared for people in lonely and desperate situations. Jesus showed his respect and care for these alienated and foreign women.

Syrian Refugee Women in Jordan

Islamic understanding of displacement and sufferings

In general, Muslims believe that their suffering or displacement is a part of their fatalistic destiny from Allah. Allah has determined all difficulties and sufferings for human beings, so that they have to accept those difficulties as plans of Allah. Is he, then, to whom the evil of his conduct is made alluring, so that he looks upon it as good, (equal to one who is rightly guided)? For Allah leaves to stray whom He wills, and guides whom He wills. So let not thy soul go out in (vainly) sighing after

them: for Allah knows well all that they do! (Qur’an 35:8 [Yusuf Ali]).

No kind of calamity can occur, except by the leave of Allah: and if any one believes in Allah, (Allah) guides his heart (aright): for Allah knows all things (Qur’an 64:11 [Yusuf Ali]).

Be sure we shall test you with something of fear and hunger, some loss in goods or lives or the fruits (of your toil), but give glad tidings to those who patiently persevere (Qur’an 2:155 [Yusuf Ali]).

Muslims, however, have considered sufferings as opportunities to prove their righteousness by enduring (Mustapha 2020). Furthermore, the prophet Muhammad mentioned that Allah forgives Muslims’ sins when they are in sufferings, worries, depression or even in illnesses (Mission Islam 2020). However, at the same time, they believe that Allah does not bless the wrongdoers, so he punishes human beings by giving death or sufferings.

The recompense for an injury is an injury equal thereto (in degree): but if a person forgives and makes reconciliation, his reward is due from Allah: for (Allah) loveth not those who do wrong (Qur’an 42:40 [Yusuf Ali]).

According to the strong hospitable culture of Bedouin understanding which is the root of Islamic and Arab culture, being a stranger or sojourner might embody the presence of God and bring blessings in multiple ways (Siddiqui 2015, 11).

Those who believed, and adopted exile, and fought for the Faith, with their property and their persons, in the cause of Allah, as well as those who

gave (them) asylum and aid: these are (all) friends and protectors, one of another. As to those who believed but came not into exile, ye owe no duty of protection to them until they come into exile; but if they seek your aid in religion, it is your duty to help them, except against a people with whom ye have a treaty of mutual alliance. And (remember) Allah seeth all that ye do (Qur’an 8:72 [Yusuf Ali]).

Socio–cultural situations of Syrian refugee women: Destructive experience

The Arab Spring started from Tunisia, in December 2010 and spread over the neighboring countries such as Oman, Yemen, Egypt, Syria, and Morocco for four or five years. As a result of the Arab Spring and Sunni-Shia conflicts, those countries have had political changes like falling of secular governments and presidents, such as Muammar al-Gaddaf in Libya, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, and Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen.

In Syria, Bashar al-Assad was a Shia Muslim which consist of 11% of the Syrian population. He protected Christians (10%) for help in maintaining his political power in Syria, where Sunni Muslims consist of 74% of the population (18million). But most Syrian Sunni Muslims did not like his government and civil war broke out in 2011 (World Bank 2020). The Assad government military was mainly from Shia’s and independent armies of Sunnis. Syria became the center of international conflicts and one of the important countries showing the current trends and dominance of international affairs. This still is the situation.

When the Syrian civil war broke out, countless refugees flowed into Jordan. For instance, the population of

Mafraq, a northern province of Jordan near to the Syrian border was about 386,500 in 2010 before the Syrian civil war, but it jumped to about 580,000 in 2017 (CEIC 2020). There are somewhat less than two times more Syrians than the Mafraq locals. There is an official Refugee camp, Zaatari, in Mafraq; 100,000 Syrian refugees still live in the camp and 300,000 people live in the town. Living in refugee camps helps refugee women in many ways, but there are still a lot of difficulties. There are rumors of rapes and kidnapping when women or girls use the public bathrooms in the camp. Some of the rumors are true. Women are kidnapped and sold as wives in rich countries. Some of the situations of women living in the town are more difficult. Even though they could have more liberty, they have to pay the rent of the house and are responsible for other living costs.

In general, Syrian refugee women in Jordan have had difficulties from their broken family system caused by war. It is well known that Arab society is traditionally a family and tribal society, following a patriarchal system. In the course of time, although family and relatives try to live together or close by, they face separation from their extended family members or relatives. Families also take diverse forms among refugees. Because of polygamous systems in Islam, some men have two or three wives and many children. Sometimes one of the wives just leaves her children and the other wife has to take care of all the children. It is often observed that there are more than 10 children in one family, sometimes with one mother and no father.

This broken family system also brings changes of economic structure among families. Many married women, including widows, take financial responsibility for their family members. Through the war, many of them lost their hus-

bands and sons, or their adult male members are wounded. Women used to not have any jobs or work in public outside of their homes, but now they have to provide for the needs of family members. It is not surprising that Syrian refugee women are looking for aid from diverse humanitarian organizations. To get aid, there are rumors that a beautiful widow can get more help from people working in the humanitarian organizations. Education of daughters is easily neglected in these tough situations. According to their tradition, they try to have their daughters get married with rich men in other countries, even at an early age such as 15 and 16.

In the course of leaving their hometowns, many Syrian Refugee family members become lost or scattered on the roads. Even after settling in Jordan, their extended or even nuclear family is scattered because of their status as asylum seekers, being moved to other countries by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) or seeking for workplaces. Most refugees hope to make asylum in European or Western countries, but elderly people are afraid of moving to other countries because of language and other issues; thus asylum becomes another cause of separation and scattering of extended family members. Seeking asylum is not easy for a widow. When refugees apply to seek asylum, they need to provide documents to prove their birth and citizenship in Syria and other official documents. Often this is not easy for a widow to prove. Maya lives with her only son and wants to apply for asylum for her son’s future. In order to do this, she has to submit various documents. Although a temporary Syrian consulate has opened in Amman, she cannot receive any documents related to the process. Maya’s husband disappeared in the war. Nobody knows whether he is still living or not, but Maya believes that her husband died

in the war. Because of this situation, Maya does not have any document of her husband death. According to the Syrian legal system, she and her son could not move to another foreign country without her husband’s agreement.

No matter where they stay, all Syrian refugee women are wounded from the war and have broken relationships with others. They are traumatized from painful experiences they had to go through. Emotionally and physically, they are vulnerable.

Encounter with Jesus: Redemption

Although human wickedness caused the war, God has been using disasters since the Bible times for his redemptive work. Because of tough circumstances, many Syrian refugees come to church to receive help, and they welcome Christians who visit them. Among normal charitable work, Christian workers have tremendous opportunities to share the gospel. In reality, many Syrians are hearing and responding to the gospel. If they had continued to live in Syria, they would have never heard of the good news. The present crisis in Syria reveals His kingdom and the presence of Jesus in the sufferings of Refugees.

Syrian refugee women’s encounter

There are various reasons why many Syrian refugees became Christians, but here is the most common reason: Muslim background believers share in the disappointment of Islam and other Muslims. One Syrian refugee woman, Amira, shared that the primary reason why she opened her heart to hear the Christian message was because of disappointment towards other Muslims. She experienced that people in charge of the distribution of goods for refugees do not carry out the financial aid from other countries with

honesty. They themselves took many of the items which should have gone to the refugees. She shared that the local church people were different. They provided food and any aid she needed without discrimination. Because of their needs, Syrian refugees even though they are Muslims, come to local churches to get help and send their children to be educated in the churches’ programs for refugees or the schools run by the local churches. Through the services of the local churches, Syrian refugees experience the love of God and the compassion of Jesus.

Only the cross of Jesus can embrace their pain and sufferings. Ida Glaser states that the pain in the heart of God towards human beings’ sin and sufferings brings Jesus to people in sufferings in discussion of the pain of God towards people in Noah’s time. She understands the pain of God is Jesus and “the heart of the good news” (Glaser 2018, 140).

Encounter of local churches with Jesus

The encounter with Jesus is not just bringing refugee women and men to the light but is also revitalizing the local churches. It brings the awakening of Arab churches toward the power and love of God towards Muslims. Christians used to live as secondary citizens in the predominantly Muslim nation. It was a big challenge for them to reach out to Muslims in the past. But through helping Syrian refugees, Christians gained confidence to approach them and be bold to preach the gospel. Many foreign workers and local church leaders agree that this is the harvesting time for the Middle East.

The local churches, at the same time, have started to learn to be a body of Christ toward these new converts. Christians are born as Christians and Muslims are born as

Muslims in this area. Now the local churches have grown and matured to take care of new brothers and sisters in spiritual and physical ways. They “carry each other’s burdens,” and in this way, they “fulfill the law of Christ” (Gal. 6:2 [NIV]).

Finding and forming true identity of Syrian refugee women as children of God

Many Syrian refugee women, in particular those living in towns, have responded to the gospel or want to know about Jesus. Because of their unique situations as Muslim Background believers and refugees, however, they have lots of difficulties in settling into new faith or seeking to know more about it. If they are widowers, it would be easier to have a new faith and have Bible studies. Although other Syrian refugees or Jordanian Muslim neighbors are watching, it is easy to make excuses like receiving Christian workers’ visits in order to get aid or goods. But if they are married women, it is still difficult, because they are under the husbands’ authority.

Syrian refugee women believers are finding new identity and community in the process of their new season of life. Before they knew and encountered Jesus, their identities were just as refugee women, but now they have learned and realized their new spiritual identities. They see themselves as finding a new refuge and protection in God. The Syrian crisis can be seen as giving a new understanding that God is revealing the Kingdom of God and the reality of Christ to Muslims through local churches and Christian Arab brothers and sisters and global Christian communities. The aid from Christians towards Muslims has made Muslims cross over their religious and tribal boundaries.

Conclusion

The Syrian civil war has had a great effect on the lives of the Syrians. In particular, women and children are the most vulnerable victims of this war. Syrian refugee women have faced unexpected and various difficulties. Although Muslims believe that Allah could reward their sufferings, their physical circumstances are very tough.

Sufferings and pains cause Syrian refugee women to open their spiritual eyes and hearing to encounter the Good news of God. As God heard Hagar in the desert and many others’ crying, God has heard Syrian refugee women’s cry as well. As God sent Jesus and He came to His people, some of them have met and received Jesus as their Savior and have experienced the life in Jesus from destruction to redemption. Compassion for the vulnerable and the love of God through the body of Christ, such as local churches and global communities, bring them to God.

References Cited

CEIC. 2020. “Jordan Population: Mafraq” Global Economic Data, Indicators, Charts & Forecasts. Accessed June 12, 2020. https://www.ceicdata.com/en/jordan/ population-by-region/population-mafraq

Das, Rupen. 2016. “God and Refugees.” Paper presented at the Amman Refugee Mission Summit, Jordan, December 14.

Glaser, Ida. 2018. “Fire-words: Voicing the Pain.” In When Women Speak, edited by Moira Dale, Cathy Hine, and Carol Walker, 137-155. UK: Regnum Books International.

Mission Islam. 2020. “Sickness According to Qur’an and Sunnah.” Accessed June 12, 2020. https://www. missionislam.com/health/sickness.html.

Mustapha, Kifah. 2020. “Muslims and Illness.” Imam Messages (blog). Mosque Foundation. Accessed June 12, 2020. https://www.mosquefoundation.org/ muslims-and-illness/.

Siddiqui, Mona. 2015. Hospitality and Islam: Welcoming in God’s Name. New Heaven, CT: Yale University.

UNHCR. 2020. “What Is A Refugee?” Refugee Facts. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Accessed June 12, 2020. https://www.unrefugees.org/ refugee-facts/what-is-a-refugee/

World Bank. 2020. “The World Bank in Syrian Arab Republic: Overview.” May 6. Accessed June 12, 2020. https:// www.worldbank.org/en/country/syria/overview.

Chapter 6

Poverty as Broken Relationships: An Analysis of Patriarchy in Post-Colonial West Africa and Implications for Development in Liberia

Cynthia Talley

Introduction

From the days of the “Scramble for Africa” to this present age, Western expansion in the Majority World has contributed to the growth of poverty. Whether it was attempts “civilize the savages” during colonization or modernize underdeveloped nations in the post-colonial era, Western development strategies often did more harm than good. While poverty has historically been defined in economic terms, Bryant Myers (2011) defines poverty as “relationships that do not work, that isolate, that abandon, and devalue” (143). From this understanding of poverty, he developed the “theory of poverty as broken relationships.” Acknowledging the merit of the poverty as deficit motif, Myers (2011) contends that development based solely on economic factors is imprudent as it does not account for the cultural and spiritual causes of poverty. Accordingly, development should be holistic, focusing on the material, social, psychological and spiritual dimensions of life. Development should create positive, holistic change in the lives of those who experience poverty. Myers (2011) refers to his approach as “transformational development” (3).

Myers’ theory of poverty as broken relationships is demonstrated in Liberia’s patriarchal society where women are socialized to believe they are inferior to men (Olukoju 2006, 125). While some women are empowered to achieve their God-given potential, many others, particularly in rural areas, live according to traditional beliefs and customs that relegate them to a disenfranchised and marginalized status. For Liberian women, poverty alleviation requires more than economic development. In this post-war, patriarchal society, poverty alleviation also requires the development of spiritual and emotional wholeness born out of healthy relationships with God, self, and others.

The purpose of this paper is to exam post-colonial patriarchy in West Africa through the lenses of West African Christianity and African women’s theology to discover how women experience poverty as broken relationships and demonstrate how Myer’s theory of transformational development might be used as a framework for healing broken relationships between men and women in Liberia. To those ends, first, I will elaborate on Myer’s theory. Secondly, I will examine post-colonial patriarchy in the region of West Africa. Thirdly, I will examine post-colonial patriarchy in the region of West Africa through the lenses of West African Christianity and African women’s theology. Finally, I will draw implications for transformational development as it relates to healing broken relationships.

Myer’s Theory of Poverty as Broken Relationships

Bryant Myers’ theory of poverty as broken relationships provides a helpful framework for constructing productive principles and practices for development in an African context as it is built on the premises that the material and the spiritual realms of life should not be bifurcated and

that the cause of poverty is fundamentally spiritual, both of which are consistent African culture. Drawing from Paul Hiebert’s notion of the “excluded middle” and Jayakumar Christian’s “poverty as a disempowering system,” Myers (2011) concludes that poverty is relational and is the result of sin.

Critiquing the Western worldview that dichotomizes faith and reason, evangelism and development, church and state, and values and facts, Myers asserts that “these dichotomies are major hindrances to finding a genuinely holistic Christian approach to human transformation.” (2010, 385). Because traditional cultures locate cause and effect in the spirit world, Western responses to the problems of life that locate cause and effect in the material world fail to address the needs of people in traditional cultures. In order for development to be sustainable, says Myers, it must include a gospel of liberation that turns people toward God and calls them to respond. For development to be sustainable, evangelism/discipleship and development must be held together in creative tension.

In his “poverty as a disempowering system” framework, Jayakumar Christian asserts that poor households are embedded in a complex web of interacting systems which include a personal system, a social system, a spiritual or religious system, and a cultural system. To these Myers adds a biophysical system.

The poor find themselves trapped inside a system of disempowerment made up of these interacting systems. Each part creates its own particular contribution to disempowerment of the poor… The non-poor understand themselves as superior, essential, and anointed to rule. The result is the

poor become captive to the god complexes of the non-poor…captivity to god complexes, deception by principalities and powers, inadequacies in worldview, and the strains of a diminished biophysical system result in the tragic marring of the identity of the poor (2011, 124).

This marred identity manifests itself in very significant ways. The poor are systematically excluded from society having been judged unworthy, lazy, or ignorant, usually by the non-poor. Secondly, exclusion, suffering and deception are often internalized by the poor to the degree that they no longer know who they truly are or why they were created. They begin to believe they have no worth and their purpose in life is to serve. For many, the result is a lack of freedom and a loss of hope. This has been the experience of many women in Liberia and other patriarchal societies in West Africa. Using this “poverty as a disempowering system” framework within the context of relationships in a patriarchal social system, the “poor” would be the women and the “non-poor” would be the men. Women have been systematically excluded from society, they have been robbed of their dignity, and they have internalized the negative labels placed upon them causing them to feel they can never rise above their disenfranchised and marginalized status and live into their God-given destiny.

In keeping with the “poverty as a disempowering system” framework, Myers argues that poverty is the result of unjust relationships that are absent of shalom (2011, 97). Referencing the work of Nicholas Wolterstorff, Myers explains that shalom is a relational term that signifies “dwelling at peace with God, with self, with [others], with nature…belonging to an authentic and nurturing commu-

nity in which one can be one’s true self and give one’s self away without becoming poor. Shalom is the biblical ideal for human well-being or flourishing” (2011, 97). Unfortunately, this ideal is not the reality for women or men who have been excluded from society by the non-poor. The goal of transformational development is for the liberating gospel of Jesus Christ to presented in a manner that people will hear and respond so that cultures, values, and worldviews are changed and everyone experience human flourishing.

According to Myers, poverty is the result of unjust relationships absent of shalom. The absence of shalom is the result of relationships distorted by sin. So then, broken relationships are the result of sin which contributes to poverty as deprivation. If economic poverty is the result of broken relationships and broken relationships are the result of sin (a spiritual issue), and if economic deprivation and broken relationships are to be restored through the process of development (a material process), then in African contexts, methods must be adopted that do not bifurcate the spiritual and the material. Myers theory of poverty as broken relationships is a useful framework for engaging in development work among women in Liberia and other patriarchal societies who are not experiencing human flourishing as God intended. Patriarchy is being defined herein as “a system of male authority which oppresses women through its social, political, and economic institutions” (Makama 2013, 117). In the following section, the history and consequences of patriarchy in West Africa will be explored to set the stage for considering how development might be approached specifically among women in Liberia.

Post-Colonial Patriarchy as a Cause of Broken Relationships

In order to appreciate the plight of women in patriarchal societies of contemporary West Africa, it is important to understand the region’s history, particularly as it relates to colonization. To say European colonization introduced patriarchy to Africa would be inaccurate. Indeed, “before colonial capitalism, African economic, social, and political institutions were to varying degrees patriarchal and promoted male-dominated societies” (Gordon 1996, 6). Yet, within some of those male-dominated societies, women maintained a considerable level of autonomy. There were communal structures in place that allowed women to have control over certain realms of society. In many societies, women held a degree of economic independence and control over productive assets (Gordon 1996, 29). Though men were dominant, women were still valued. However, with the arrival of colonial capitalism and the Western patriarchy that accompanied it, the woman’s status began to change. So then, it would be accurate to say colonialism introduced and even imposed a Western form of patriarchy to the continent of Africa. “Perhaps the greatest irony of the colonial era” says historian E. Francis White, “was that Europeans used an ideology suggesting that they would improve African women’s lives as part of their justification for imposing colonial rule. In reality, the changes set in motion by colonial rule and capitalist penetration impoverished many women” (Berger and White 1999, 113).

Sadly, imported patriarchal beliefs and practices adopted in the colonial era continue to be observed. The following paragraphs will examine three arenas in which women experience marginalization in post-colonial West Africa:

economics; gender relations; and the church. It should be noted that not all women experience patriarchy the same as they are stratified by class, education, status, and exposure to the global society. However, being a woman in a patriarchal society means that at some level her value and her agency as a human being will be called into question.

Economics

In Transforming Capitalism and Patriarchy, April Gordon argues, “Patriarchy as it currently exists must be understood within the context of Africa’s peripheral and dependent position within the global capitalist economy” (1996, 7). Granting that a few prosper, Gordon asserts that most Africans struggle to survive within the constraints of the capitalist economic system that was imposed upon them. However, women experience more disadvantages than their male counterparts because of patriarchal attitudes and practices, both African and Western, that persist in African societies. The inequitable sexual division of labor is a Western patriarchal practice that continues to marginalize African women. With the imposition of capitalism there was a shift away from subsistence farming to cash crops and industry, particularly for men. Women were rarely employed in industrial labor or the “formal sector” where they were paid for their work. Rather, the “informal sector” was and is where most women have been able earn a living through trade, a few more successfully than most. Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch (1997) notes that, unlike women in other parts of Africa, urban women in West Africa have a long history in trading that pre-dates colonialism: These were often very large networks operating internationally, dealing both wholesale and cash-and-carry in salt, fish, palm and kola nuts,

shea butter, cloth and gold…Today, as a general rule, food is traded entirely by women, and so is cloth…As for handicrafts, the closer to home an article is produced, the more likely it is handled by women…On the other hand, any kind of metal product (forged or jewelry) and imported product is usually traded by men. In essence, trade in articles that require capital and direct connection to international markets is usually male; everything to do with daily subsistence and local markets is usually female (Coquery-Vidrovitch 1997, 94-96).

This change was influenced by the Western sexual division of labor that says the man is the breadwinner and the woman’s place is in the home.

Gordon argues that paid work empowers women and therefore conflicts with patriarchy’s interest in controlling them. Keeping women in subsistence and petty trading minimizes competition for wage labor and assuages the egos of those who believe women are inferior beings. Just how much women, collectively, have advanced since emancipation is debatable. In attempting to answer this question, it must be taken into consideration that some are better off and some are not due to stratification. However, the general consensus is that even though there are more women who are entering the formal sector women’s wages continue to be considerably less than men’s (Coquery-Vidrovitch 1997, 232). Today, more parents seek to educate their daughters in an effort to increase their economic opportunities. This raises the issue of gender inequality that is persistent in post-colonial patriarchy.

Gender Relations

In “The Many Faces of Gender Inequality,” Amartya Sen (2001) argues that “within every community, nationality, and class, the burden of hardship often falls disproportionately on women” (35). Describing his own experience growing up in Ghana, Samuel Adu-Poku writes: I was socialized to believe that boys and girls were predestined to fulfill distinctly different roles in society…Females, generally, are socialized to internalize that marriage and procreation is what woman was created for…The overarching effect of male dominance in the colonial state became a legacy in post-independent African states where women were virtually reduced to second-class citizens, unfit to determine their own destinies (2004, 256-257).

Adu-Poku’s experience is consistent with the sentiment that is expressed again and again in the literature; the imposition of colonial capitalism played a major role in the erosion of traditional gender roles and relations in many African societies. The institution of marriage is just one area where this erosion has occurred to the detriment of women.

In Liberia’s politically hierarchical culture that values submission to the powerful, wives are taught to submit to and tolerate unfaithful husbands. According to Ayodeji Olukoju (2006), this indoctrination comes from the family, the school, and the church. “This system of obedience is underpinned by subtle threats of consequences of dissent, rewards, and sanctions” (Olukoju 2006, 125). One can understand, then, that fear of inciting anger and retaliation would cause women to be reluctant to challenge patriarchal

authority. Beyond that, the internalization of doctrines that teach submission and inferiority leads to low self-worth. Disenfranchised and marginalized, women often lack the will to challenge authority especially in an economic system of underdeveloped capitalism where kin is the only source of security (i.e. land). Through it all, women have demonstrated great resilience, and sometimes rebellion, as they have created their own strategies for survival. For many, their help and their hope has been their faith in God. Yet even in the church, patriarchal beliefs and practices have marginalized women.

The Church

In mainline churches, African Initiated Churches, Pentecostal and Neo-Pentecostal churches alike, patriarchal beliefs and practices have promoted gender inequality in post-colonial West Africa. Musimbi Kanyoro (2008) notes that while women account for more than 70% of the membership of the church, in most cases, women do not hold positions of ordained leadership or administration. Rather, women are in the pews, the kitchen, prayer meetings, and fundraising events (Kanyoro 2008, 221). Further, the churches theology and teachings are androcentric. Perhaps this could be attributed to the fact that Christianity made its greatest impact in West Africa beginning in the second half of the eighteenth century in concert with colonialism. A dominant male ideology resulted in unequal gender relations in the church. Women were not allowed to hold ministry or executive positions in the church. Women in polygynous marriages suffered rejection when their husbands were baptized into mission churches. And, though women sacrificed their resources for the sake of propagating the

gospel, they were socialized by the church to believe women are inferior. Sadly, not a lot has changed, particularly in most mainline denominations.

In Charismatic and Neo-Pentecostal Churches, women are granted more freedom in the practice of ministry than women in the African Indigenous Churches and most mainline denominations. However, they too have their own challenges. Though women are given license to use their spiritual gifts, they still must wrestle with fundamentalist ideologies, particularly in churches that adopt literalist interpretations of Scripture.

For some, their conception of the female and marriage is patriarchal and sexist. Although they may recognize the need and value of women’s occupation outside the home out of economic necessity, the sign of true womanhood to them is a woman devoting her life sacrificially to the demands of husband and children. Her primary function is as wife and mother and being subject to the authority of her husband in all spheres of life (Mwaura 2007, 383).

An uncritical reading of the Apostle Paul’s teachings that women should remain silent in the church (1 Cor. 14:34) and wives should obey their husbands in everything (Eph. 5:22-24) deny women the opportunity to function as free moral agents which is contrary to sound doctrine. The church becomes complicit with society in acting unjustly against women. So then, the question becomes, “How is God calling men and women in patriarchal societies to be in relationship with each other in the church and society?” The answer to this question will provide insight for how to approach transformational development in Liberia.

A Theological Analysis of Post-Colonial Patriarchy in West Africa

A sound theological analysis of post-colonial patriarchy in West Africa requires that it be viewed through an African theological lens and from the female perspective. To those ends, this section will examine post-colonial patriarchy through the lenses of West African Christianity and African women’s theology. Before viewing patriarchy through these theological lenses, distinctive features of each will be provided.

West African Christianity’s theology of the Incarnation begins with the universality of the Victorious Christ, emphasizing that he is the Savior of all people of all times rather than the particularity of Christ which emphasizes his Jewishness. From this perspective, says Kwame Bediako (2004), one quickly discovers that Christianity is no stranger to African culture. That is not to say, however, that his Jewishness is without meaning. It is by faith in this Jewish God-man that salvation, spiritual and material, comes. It is when the universal relevance of Christ is understood that the Gospel story becomes the African’s story. Christianity is not synonymous with western beliefs as taught by the missionaries (Bediako 2004, 24). West African Christianity is justice and advocacy oriented. This is demonstrated in Ghanaian theologian Kwesi Dickson’s declaration, “To preach the Gospel should involve facing the issues that confront society, such as education, poverty, and dictatorships. Secondly, it is not enough to seek to improve the social circumstances of society; it is more important that people should be aroused out of their inner apathy and encouraged to be self-reliant” (1984, 223-224). These are certainly challeng-

es with which women in West Africa are confronted. West African Christianity’s theology is a grassroots oral theology that “comes from where the faith lives, in the life-situation of the community of faith” (Bediako 2004, 17). As such, it is essential to but can never be replaced by academic theology, argues Bediako (2004). Academic or written theology, rather, has the task of making known the significance of oral theology for the broader purpose of making the gospel known to the world. Finally, West African Christianity is distinguished by the “African factor.” African agency rather than Western missions was responsible for the expansion and growth of Christianity in West Africa. What really set it apart from Western Christianity was its ability to hold together the kingdom of the world and the Kingdom of God.

African women’s theology, as described by its founder, Ghanaian Mercy Amba Oduyoye, is “African Christian theology in the women-centered key” (2001, 10). In other words, it theologizes about God and the things of God from the vantage point of women’s experiences. Consistent with West African Christianity, African women’s theology is rooted in story. Women tell their own stories and listen to the stories of others then seek to understand how those experiences relate to their context. Out of these times of reflection come statements of faith and plans of action. African women’s theology “does not stop at theory but moves to commitment, advocacy and a transforming praxis” (Oduyoye 2001, 16). This relational theology is sensitive not only about the needs of women, but the well-being of the entire community. Having identified culture as a “tool for domination,” and recognizing that African culture has been “touched” by colonialism, African women theologians “undertake a critique of the colonial culture’s effect on women’s

lives and an appreciation and evaluation of the resilient elements” of those women whose lives have been impacted by colonialism (Oduyoye 2001, 18). African women theologians view God as the “Triune liberator of the oppressed, the rescuer of the marginalized and all who live daily in the throes of pain, uncertainty, and deprivation” (Oduyoye 2001, 50). The Victorious Christ redeems from oppressive cultures. For African women theologians, salvation and liberation are one and the same. The “Golden Rule” of African women’s theology is reciprocity. Closely aligned with reciprocity is hospitality. Collaboration and mutuality, women and men working alongside each other for the good of the whole community, is the ultimate goal. With these understandings of West African Christianity and African women’s theology in mind, we will now turn to a theological analysis of post-colonial patriarchy in West Africa, particularly as it relates to economics, gender relations, and the church.

Economics

Kwesi Dickson (1984) argues that in some respects the colonial legacy continues to exercise a negative influence in Africa. The underdeveloped capitalism of the colonial economy contributed to and perhaps even caused many of the socio-economic problems in the lives of Africans today. However, Dickson (1984) would also argue that some of Africa’s poverty is self-induced by “a hankering for unessential commodities (officially labelled ‘essential commodities’) and ways of life” (228). In response, he calls the church to “theological activism” in a way that allows the impoverished to recognize that they may have contributed to their poverty themselves (Dickson 1984, 228). To do this effectively, “the evangelist must be familiar with the life-circumstances of

his people; he does not have to be a specialist in economics or political science or cultural affairs, etc., but he must be sufficiently conversant with socio-economic, political and cultural matters so as to enable his hearers to hear Christ…” (Dickson 1984, 228). The church must respond to persons experiencing poverty in ways that address the wholeness of human life while upholding the dignity of the individual person, male and female.

Addressing the issue from a woman’s perspective, Oduyoye (2010) argues that since the 1960s, the problem of poverty has altered traditional relationships that upheld human dignity and encouraged reciprocity. Affected the most have been women. As patriarchal beliefs and practices have undermined the African principle of reciprocity, women have been impacted economically. While women have made great strides since the 1960s, though not without struggle, they continue to be marginalized in the labor market. Genesis 1:26-27 indicates that God created man and woman in God’s image with equal authority and worth. Women must be empowered to enter the formal sector on an equal footing with men. Both were given dominion over the created order. Both were given agency. Both must be given opportunity. Women in Liberia are forced to be breadwinners. They are either heading their households or are responsible for providing food for their household even if there is a male head. These women need access to opportunities to work. Paul teaches in 2 Thessalonians 3:10 (NLT), “Anyone unwilling to work will not eat.” Women and their children are suffering, not because women are unwilling to work, but because they are denied opportunities to work. For some, the issue is a lack of education. Women and girls must be given the same access to education as their male counterparts. Unequal ac-

cess to education reflects the issue of gender relations in patriarchal societies.

Gender Relations

“It is often expressed that in African societies women have an inferior status. In my opinion,” says Dickson, “such words of comparison as inferior and superior are out of place in the African context; they represent the importation of Western attitudes into a context to which they don’t belong” (1984, 64). Again, one could appeal to Genesis 1:2627 to establish an argument for equality between men and women. It is sin and the resultant broken relationships as a result of the Fall (Gen. 3) that is the source of broken relationships between men and women today, in the public and the private sphere. What is noticeably absent is the African notion of ubuntu which communicates the idea “I am what I am because of who we all are” (Jusu and Keener 2017, 1894).

This is reflective of the Apostle Paul’s teaching in 2 Corinthians 2:1-15. There he encourages the church at Corinth to demonstrate generosity by voluntarily sharing in the offering for the saints in Jerusalem as an of love. He teaches them to give in proportion to what they have understanding that any gift, however great or small, is acceptable if it is given eagerly. Paul goes on to say his intent is not for the gift to be a financial burden to the giver; rather it is a matter of creating an equitable environment where “The one who had much did not have too much, and the one who had little did not have too little” (2 Cor. 8:15 [NLT]). The patriarchal society of post-colonial West Africa is not equitable. Women have continued to uphold traditional norms of ubuntu while men have pursued western individualism. Until gender relations are transformed women will continue

to suffer.

African women theologians believe Christianity has the resources to transform the dehumanizing effects of patriarchal culture. Their hope is in God, the source of life and “Alafia” (Yoruba word for shalom/well-being). They believe God will hear women’s cries and come to their rescue; that God will help them overcome their physical and their spiritual afflictions. Women draw strength from events in the life of Jesus who “challenged tradition and acted on the side of justice and compassion” (Oduyoye 2001, 117). African women theologians believe Christianity, properly understood, offers help and hope for women everywhere.

It should be noted that Lamin Sanneh (1983) offers a positive critique of Western Christianity as it relates to polygamy. Sanneh argues Western Christianity’s prohibition of polygamy has made an important contribution to the emancipation of women (Sennah 1983, 167). The commentary in the Africa Study Bible concurs with Sanneh. It states, Polygamy was never God’s plan. In the beginning God said, ‘A man leaves his father and mother and is joined to his wife and the two are united into one’ (Gen. 2:24) …Polygamy is a very difficult form of marriage. It can create mate and sibling rivalry, hatred, and conflicts make living together in a family not work well. It usually makes the dominant spouse the sole decision-maker—and others subservient…In many cases, new converts are in polygamous relationships. The church should not automatically condemn such people. Instead, the church should counsel each to find the right solution, considering the implications of each option on the children, the partners, and

the testimony and ministry of the church…The church’s role should always seek to be redemptive…

The church’s duty is not to separate families but to build harmonious families with pure and godly relationships (Jusu and Keener 2017, 494).

Given the statement at the beginning that polygamy was never God’s plan, more research is needed by this researcher to know what is intended by “harmonious families with pure and godly relationships” within the context of a polygamous Christian marriage. Since, by this definition, persons who convert would not be required to divorce, it seems that there would be some who would remain in the polygamous marriage. It is important that the church be redemptive whichever decision is made given the numerous challenges already women face. If a woman is forced by the church out of a marriage in an oppressive patriarchal society and has no other source of support, the church adds to her oppression.

The Church

Kwesi Dickson argues that “The church plays its true role when it preaches liberation from sin, death, the law and demonic powers, as well as liberation and justice in human relations” (1984, 101). Unfortunately, the church in post-colonial West Africa has not always played its true role. Dickson charges the church with tolerating policies and practices that hinder people from realizing their humanity. Systemic injustice occurs not only in the government, it also occurs in the church. The church has instituted policies and practices that endow men with power and at the same time oppress women. An example is denying women the right to be ordained. Again, this is the result of sin and broken relation-

ships that occurred with the first man, Adam and the first woman, Eve.

The Fall in the Garden of Eden resulted in the corruption of the power and authority that God gave us. Since that time, human rule has a bent towards sin, away from the flourishing of creation as God intended…even in the churches, there is a tendency towards authoritarian hierarchy or the dictatorial use of power (Jusu and Keener 2017, 1229).

Rather than being a light that shines in darkness, pointing the world to God through harmonious communal relationships of reciprocity and mutuality, the church disenfranchises and marginalizes women through its oppressive doctrines and practices.

Oduyoye (2001) says the church needs to be redeemed. Women are the silent majority who are the pillars of the church but go unrecognized by the church. Women are denied ordination and administrative positions yet are expected to make great sacrifices for the church, financially and otherwise. Redemption begins by “breaking the silence around the church’s attitudes to and teachings concerning women” (Oduyoye 2001, 88). Galatians 3:28 (NLT) says “There is no longer Jew nor Gentile, slave nor free, male and female. For you are all one in Christ Jesus.” Acts 2:17 (NLT) says, “In the last days, God says, I will put out my Spirit upon all people. Your sons and daughters will prophesy. Your young men will see visions, and your old men will dream dreams.” Both of these verses speak not only to the issue of gender relations, but also to fact that women have agency and can and should use their spiritual gifts in service to God.

So why do women remain in a church that oppresses them? Women remain out of a sense of solidarity with Christ. Their commitment is not to the local church that oppresses them, but to the Church over which Jesus Christ is the head, trusting that one day he will liberate them from the unjust structures of the world.

Implications

The purpose of this paper was to examine post-colonial patriarchy in West Africa through the lenses of West African Christianity and African women’s theology to discover how women have experienced poverty as broken relationships and how Bryant Myers’ theory of transformational development might be used as a framework for healing broken relationships between men and women in Liberia. Libera is a post-war, patriarchal society where women are stratified by class, education, status, and exposure to the global society. Therefore, women experience patriarchy differently. Some women are empowered by their fathers, their husbands and their churches to live into their God-given destinies. Others struggle daily to meet societal expectations, having internalized traditional beliefs that have taught them that they are physically, intellectually, and morally inferior to their men and were created for nothing more than marriage and procreation.

Liberia boasts the distinction of electing the first female head of state in Africa in 2005. Nevertheless, there is continued resistance to female leadership at community and national levels. Further, some women have experienced abuse and exploitation to the extent that it has robbed them of their self-worth. Compounding the problem for Christian women is they are taught that the Bible says women are to submit to their husbands even if that means submitting

to abuse. Because Liberians give a great deal of credence to pastors’ words, the way Scripture is interpreted from the pulpit is directly related to the status and role of women in the church and society. Women’s inferior social status has negative implications for their physical and spiritual well-being.

Women in Liberia suffer economically, spiritually, and emotionally. Therefore, development programs must respond holistically. While no one program can meet every need, development workers should take into consideration how their services will impact other areas of a recipient’s life. Ultimately, the goal is to do no harm. Perhaps development organizations might consider how they can be in partnership with other agencies whose services target different needs. Sharing resources is a good stewardship practice.

Consistent with the beliefs of West African Christianity and African women’s theology, Myer’s theory of transformational development is “concerned with seeking change in the whole of human life—materially, socially, psychologically, and spiritually” (2011, 3). All three agree that the material and the spiritual cannot be bifurcated; that God is concerned about all of life’s situations, physical and spiritual; that the Gospel calls the church to advocacy and social justice; that the church must uphold the dignity of all persons, male and female; and that women have agency and should be allowed the freedom to use their gifts in service to God, their community, and their family. God’s intent for all people is human flourishing; shalom. However, many women in Liberia are not flourishing, they are not experiencing shalom because of broken relationships; because of power structures that deny women their humanity. So then, how might transformational development be used as a framework for healing broken relationships?

Based on findings from the literature, what follows are four practical suggestions for engaging in transformational development. These suggestions presuppose international development workers will be working among Christians. Because they will be working in a cross-cultural context and because the spiritual and the material should not be bifurcated, Paul Hiebert’s critical contextualization method will be helpful to the process. Hiebert’s four-step method includes: exegesis of the culture; exegesis of the Scripture and the hermeneutical bridge; critical response; and new contextualized practices. Exegeting the culture involves the pastors or local leaders and development workers uncritically gathering and analyzing traditional beliefs and customs. Exegeting the Scripture and hermeneutical bridge involves the pastors or local leaders and the development workers in leading churches or groups in a study of the Scriptures related to the issue at hand. Critical response involves the people critically evaluating together their past customs in light of their new understandings and determining how they will respond. New contextualized practices involve the pastors or leaders helping the people arrange the new practices they have chosen to adopt. This phenomenological approach allows the local people to ultimately determine what they will become and do. This method could conceivably be used with each of the suggested development strategies.

The first suggested strategy would fall under the umbrella of advocacy and calls for the training of pastors and theological students on issues related to gender relations. Because pastors hold so much power and their words are received as authoritative, what they teach matters. The Africa Study Bible is a highly recommended resource for the training. Branded as “God’s Word through African eyes,” the Af-

rican Study Bible (Jusu and Keener 2017) interprets the biblical text for an African context. It contains over 130 Articles and Learn Notes that will provide the readers guidance for their daily lives as they confront spiritual and physical issues as well as help them understand their African Christian heritage. These groups could discuss traditional beliefs and practices related to gender relations. The development worker/professor and local leader could then teach from the literature. At the end of the teaching the group could gather to discuss what they have learned and decide how they want to respond. The local leader could then meet with the group to help them determine how they will put into practice new ways of being and doing.

The second suggested strategy follows from the first, Bible studies in local churches. It might be best to begin with gendered groups which would allow for freedom of discussion. After completing a series of studies on selected scriptures related to issues concerning gender relations, then begin a series of classes with men and women combined. Again, the Africa Study Bible would be the recommended resource. As with the courses for pastors and theological students, these groups could begin with discussions of traditional beliefs and practices. The development worker and pastor/local leader could then teach from the Scriptures. At the end of the teachings the group could gather to discuss what they have learned and decide how they want to respond. Finally, the pastor could meet with the people to help them determine how they will put into practice new ways of being and doing.

The third suggested strategy is facilitated conversations between men and women. These conversations would allow women to talk to men about where they are in terms

of their place in society and where they desire to be. The goal is to “empower women to share their perspectives as well as reconstruct their self-esteem” (Oduyoye 2001, 29). Additionally conversations between men and women is suggested based upon the fact that not all men harbor hegemonic feelings of domination. Some men are in solidarity with their sisters and can provide a source of strength and support as women take steps to move forward into new ways of being that allow them to give full expression to who God created them to be. These conversations will also help men become better advocates for their sisters. A plan would have to be devised for recruiting appropriate male participants. Again, Hiebert’s critical contextual method can be applied using the Africa Study Bible.

The final suggested strategy, and perhaps the most critical, is theological activism as suggested by Kwesi Dickson (1984). This is potentially the most critical piece because it is directly related to how women see themselves, which often determines their level of motivation to help themselves. Dickson noted that people sometimes contribute to their own poverty. Some women contribute to their poverty by their lack of motivation to take advantage of opportunities to make a better life for themselves. Their spirits have been broken and they are convinced that they can never be anything more than what they currently are. They have internalized the negative messages that have been spoken into their lives, whether from society or the church. There is no sense of purpose that compels them to open the door when opportunity knocks.

Theological activism involves helping these women know their worth, to understand how they might be contributing to their own poverty, and then develop a plan of

action to move from poverty in its various forms towards self-sufficiency. Here is where it will be important to be in partnership with other agencies. Many of these women will likely need professional counseling, if they are willing to participate, due to various types trauma. Many will need literacy and job skills training. Some might benefit from microfinance loans to start small businesses. These are just a few of the pressing needs commonly expressed. As with the other three suggested strategies, Hiebert’s critical contextualization method could be adapted to use with individual women. The African Study Bible would be a wonderful resource to use with women as it highly affirms the value of women in the eyes of God.

Conclusion

Liberia is a fractured nation. From its earliest beginnings until now, the country has been marked by broken relationships. Women have been particularly affected in the post-colonial era because of patriarchal beliefs and practices that relegate them to an inferior status. This is not God’s will for women anywhere. Consistent with beliefs of West African Christianity and African women’s theology, Myer’s theory of poverty as broken relationships works well in constructing strategies for transformational development that are designed to heal broken relationships. If strategies such as these that have been suggested are implemented, perhaps the day will come when the women of Liberia and women everywhere will experience shalom, life in all of its abundance, as God intended.

References Cited

Adu-Poku, Samuel. 2004. “Envisioning (Black) Male Feminism: A Cross-Cultural Perspective.” In Feminism and Masculinities, 255–79. Oxford Readings in Feminism. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Bediako, Kwame. 2004. Jesus and the Gospel in Africa: History and Experience. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

Berger, Iris, and E. Francis White. 1999. Women in SubSaharan Africa: Restoring Women to History. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.

Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine. 1997. African Women: A Modern History. Translated by Beth Raps. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Dickson, Kwesi A. 1984. Theology in Africa. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

Gordon, April A. 1996. Transforming Capitalism and Patriarchy: Gender and Development in Africa. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.

Jusu, John, and Craig S. Keener. 2017. Africa Study Bible: New Living Translation. Wheaton, IL: Tyndale House Publishers.

Kanyoro, Musimbi. 2008. “Not without Struggle: Changing Roles of African Women in the 21st Century.” In Changing Relations Between Churches in Europe and

Africa: The Internationalization of Christianity and Politics in the 20th Century, edited by Katharina Kunter and Jens H. Schjorring. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

Makama, Godiya Allanana. 2013. “Patriarchy and Gender Inequality in Nigeria: The Way Forward.” European Scientific Journal 9 no. 17 (June): 115–44.

Mwaura, Philomena Njeri. 2007. “Gender and Power in African Christianity: African Instituted Churches and Pentecostal Churches.” In African Christianity: An African Story, edited by Ogbu U. Kalu. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press.

Myers, Bryant L. 2011. Walking with the Poor: Principles and Practices of Transformational Development. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

Oduyoye, Mercy Amba. 2001. Introducing African Women’s Theology. Cleveland, OH: Pilgrim Press.

Olukoju, Ayodeji. 2006. Culture and Customs of Liberia. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

Sanneh, Lamin. 1983. West African Christianity: The Religious Impact. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books.

Sen, Amartya. 2001. “The Many Faces of Gender Inequality.” New Republic 225, no. 12 (September): 35.

Chapter 7

People of Peace in Contexts of Violence: Reflections on Christian Witness in Fractured Societies

Dr. Karen Fancher

Introduction

Many contemporary humanitarian crises are the direct result of violent conflict. A common response of the Church amid global crisis is to provide humanitarian assistance for the vulnerable. This is an essential aspect of Christian ministry and witness. However, there are unique challenges faced in maintaining effective Christian witness in societies fractured by political, ethnic, and sectarian strife. As we consider mission amid global crisis, an often-overlooked dynamic is the response of the Church to the root issues and historical narratives that are fueling these conflicts. In this paper, I propose that the promotion of gospel centric narratives, which promote peacebuilding and active engagement against injustice, are foundational for effective witness.

To support this thesis, this paper reflects upon the role of narrative and church engagement in two contexts: the Rwandan Genocide and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For each of these case studies a brief history of the conflict and the role of the church is presented, followed by an examination of the impact of narrative in justifying and maintaining

this conflict, specifically within the context of the Church. I then provide an opportunity to learn from a church leader within that context who provides an example that is gospel centric and intentional in promoting peace and reconciliation. In closing each section, I extrapolate guiding principles for effective ministry engagement. By reflecting on voices of leaders from the global Church, I hope to provide insight for effective witness and engagement amid conflict, including in the midst of contemporary tensions in the United States.

Rwandan Genocide

The Rwandan genocide took place in a country in which the majority of the population professed to be Christian. Although the genocide was not defined in terms of religious identity, historical narratives which fueled the conflict were influenced by the relationship between the church and political elites. The Church has also been a powerful catalyst of healing post genocide.

History and Role of Church

The world was shaken with horrific images of fellow citizens brutally murdering innocent men, women and children in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. It is estimated that more than 800,000 Rwandans were killed in three short months. Most of those who died were Tutsis, and most of those who perpetrated the violence were Hutus (BBC News 2011). One of the most shocking aspects of this tragedy is that it has been estimated that the greatest number of killings in the genocide took place in churches or on church property” (Safari 2010, 874). Numerous people who ran to churches seeking protection were murdered, and many religious people were targeted by militias. A grievous reality

is that “a significant number of clerics were involved in the killings themselves” (Safari 2010, 874).

Prior to the genocide, it is estimated that 62% of the population were Catholic, 18% were Protestant, and 8.6% were Adventist (Safari 2010, 874-5). The Catholic church was noted to be the second most influential institution in Rwanda (after the government), and it had strong ties with political leaders.

To understand the role of the Church, a brief historical perspective will be helpful. In “Church, State, and the Rwandan Genocide,” Safari notes that, “before colonization, the Rwandan kingdom was built on a rich ideology contained in myths and oral traditions of the ruling royal court” (2010, 876). Although the ruling court was Tutsi, the majority of the population was Hutu with a small number of Twa. Under the Belgian rule, social and economic differences between Tutsi and Hutu were institutionalized, favoring the Tutsi. In 1931, the Tutsi King, Mutrara Rudahigwa was converted to Christianity by the Catholic missionaries, and the king dedicated his country to Christ the king (Safari 2010, 877). The “White Fathers” and Belgian King were very pleased.

In 1940, in the post WWII climate, a new generation of young Catholic missionaries came to Rwanda. They sympathized with the Hutu majority and focused upon social justice, liberation and anti-communist ideology. Thus, “the missionaries sponsored the formation of a Hutu political party, led by a small number of Hutu elites who had studied in missionary schools or seminaries” (Safari 2010, 877). In 1959, the Tutsi monarchy was abolished by Hutus with the support of the Catholic Church and the support of

the civilian government. The king was deposed, and many Tutsi were killed or fled in exile. Rwanda became independent under a Hutu government in 1961. Within the Catholic church, which was still dominated by Tutsi priests, tensions increased. In 1973 there was a government “purging” of Tutsi’s from schools and civil service.

It is important to note that there were some voices of protest from the Catholic Church in response to such actions. Catholic hierarchy met in February of 1993 to condemn the unjust policies and racism. In response, the government removed some priests from office and closed some Catholic institutions. Tensions continued to rise, and in 1973, Juvenal Habyarimana took over Rwanda in a coup, promising to end the violence and lead a “moral revolution.” He was Catholic and recognized the influence of churches which supported his regime. By the time of the genocide, there were numerous conflicts between Hutus and Tutsis for leadership in the Catholic Church as well as in other denominations. “Although the Catholic church leadership was solidly Hutu, the middle class largely comprised Tutsi priests, religious and intellectuals” (Safari 2010, 880).

On April 6, 1994, the plane of President Habyarimana was shot down and the genocide began. The impact upon the Church during the genocide was multi-faceted. Thousands of victims were killed en masse by machetes and grenades as they fled to churches for sanctuary. Victims were often killed by those of their same faith, and often by people they knew. Approximately 1/3 of the Catholic priests, and 250 nuns were killed in their churches or convents. In the Presbyterian church 1/3 of the pastors died in the genocide, and 1/3 fled to exile. The remaining 1/3, approximately 15 pastors, remained to rebuild the Church. Some priests died

trying to protect their parishioners, and others participated in the killing (Safari 2010, 866).

The Role of Narrative

Various grievance narratives were often wed with spiritual themes to justify violence. Although it is difficult to quantify their pervasiveness or impact, they are important to acknowledge. Viateur Ndikumana is an Old Testament scholar who has researched collective memory and identity in the Rwandan genocide. He notes that “some pastors and Christians justified the extermination of an enemy by genocide based on the text of Deuteronomy 25:17-19, read in connection with 1 Samuel 15” (van ’t Spijker 2016, 3). 1 Samuel 15:2-3 invokes the destruction of the Amalekites. This is what the LORD Almighty says: ‘I will punish the Amalekites for what they did to Israel when they waylaid them as they came up from Egypt. Now go, attack the Amalekites and totally destroy all that belongs to them. Do not spare them; put to death men and women, children and infants, cattle and sheep, camels and donkeys (NIV).

Ndikumana concluded that, “Using a literal and fundamentalist interpretation of this text, some extremist Hutu identified themselves with Israel, seeing the Tutsi as Amalek, and by doing so justifying the genocide of the Tutsi as a God-given order” (van ’t Spijker 2016, 3). He pointed out the error of using this text to justify genocide, noting that in the Old Testament the Jewish people often showed hospitality or lived in peace with other neighbors, and that Amalek seems to represent evil. The New Testament calls followers of Christ to “love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you” (Mt. 5:43-48, NIV) and to “love your neighbor

as yourself” (Mk. 12:30-31, NIV).

Ndikumana presents an important commentary on collective memory noting that “the collective memory is the self-chosen privilege of the victors or conquerors, who use the collective memory to legitimize their ideology, and to reinforce the dictatorial powers (van ’t Spijker 2016, 4). The Hutu majority who had felt oppressed by the Tutsi monarchy created a legend of righteous acts of liberation, while many Tutsi fostered feelings of superiority over others. Ndikumana concluded that such legends helped to facilitate the genocide.

broad presence of legends and myths to refresh the negative memory of the Rwandan kingdom that was falsely attributed to all Tutsi. In this discourse, the church remained silent, thus becoming implicated in the injustice based on this manipulation of history” (van ’t Spijker 2016, 4).

“The people and their acolytes who planned the genocide made extensive use of the

Another narrative that seemed to have impacted the justification of genocide was the association of Tutsi political leaders in the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) with communism. The precursor to the RPF, “Ranu,” was formed by Rwandans in exile who initially held to a strong leftist ideology. As the RPF evolved, it created a more inclusive ideology with emphasis upon the right of return for refugees, rule of law, democracy and national unity. However, some Hutu religious leaders framed by the defeat of the Tutsis as a just and godly cause against communist influence (Reed 1996, 485-486).

Ndikumana admonishes followers of Christ to be

mindful of how we frame our collective memory, and to remember painful events in light of the hope of the gospel and the message of reconciliation (van ’t Spijker 2016, 5). He also reflected on the power of commemoration; indicating that commemoration should be a creative process which will remember the past in a way that will enrich the future, and protect memory from being manipulated for evil purposes. In our commemoration of painful events, the struggle against evil should be the central theme, rather than villainizing a perceived enemy. He also appropriately emphasized the importance of acknowledging those who resisted the genocide and honoring those who stood against violence (van ’t Spijker 2016, 5).

The Church as an Instrument of Healing: Pastor Anastase Rugirangoga

The horrific stories of massacres taking place within churches and pastors involved in the murder of church members can become the defining narratives of the genocide. And yet, the history and testimony of the church in Rwanda is much more complex than these selected and grievous narratives. Following is a summary of insights from Pastor Anastase Rugirangoga, a Rwandan Free Methodist pastor who is seeking to bring healing and witness of the gospel to a country still recovering from the deep scars of the genocide. He states that the testimony of the Church was damaged before, after, and during the genocide.

Anastase noted that as we consider the testimony of the Church, we must be cognizant that non-believers often form their perception of the Church through its leaders, missionaries, bishops, nuns and pastors. Prior to independence, the Church was closely aligned with the colonial

leaders through its foreign missionaries. This close relationship framed perceptions of the Church as an entity reinforcing ethnic division. After independence in 1962, the Church in Rwanda was led by Rwandan Bishops and pastors. Anastase commented that the Church was very aware of the ethnic divisions, and he lamented that after independence the Church at large did not “focus at that time on reconciliation, and to warn political leaders of the danger of ethnic discrimination and social injustice” (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019). He stated, “The seed of hatred has been sown by colonizers, the church teaching and preaching failed to uproot it, ill-intentioned political leaders watered it, and it went on bearing fruit at different periods and leading to the 1994 genocide” (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019). According to Anastase, by the time that the genocide occurred, the Church as an institution was disempowered, and thus unable to stand firm against evil. Its’ testimony was further damaged as some of its’ leaders were directly involved in the killings. Anastase observed that a lack of Christian maturity and discipleship was a key factor in the outbreak of violence. He commented on the process of slowly regaining trust in the Church (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019).

Though the church in Rwanda continues its work and people continue to attend, it will take a long time to build trust and a good testimony. . . . Day after day, as many started to confess and asking for forgiveness—people started seeing that the church is there, and its’ damaged testimony has been going through reparation. People came to understand that individuals failed, but the church has not

disappeared (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019).

Twenty years after the genocide, there is still a long path to healing. Anastase stated “The reconciliation of Rwandans has required a bitter remedy—forgiveness, and Rwandans have accepted to swallow it. It is bitter, but it cures” (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019).

There are signs of hope and restoration as well. Anastase noted testimonies of the living church demonstrating the character of Christ during the genocide; such as individuals who risked their lives to save neighbors by hiding them in their homes. “These Christians who were killed while trying to save others have been a sign of the Church being present, suffering and witnessing in the midst of hardships” (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019). Post-genocide there was a powerful movement of outreach and preaching to prisoners who were ashamed and traumatized by their participation in the genocide. Many perpetrators of the genocide repented and were baptized in prison.

Pastor Anastase stated that post-genocide there is a notable growth in unity between local congregations, where previously there had been division. This is indicated in increased cooperation and shared Christian identity between Catholics and Protestants, especially as they address the process of reconciliation. Platforms for interfaith dialogue have also increased, with Christians and Muslims discussing issues of peace and reconciliation. He noted that there is currently little tolerance for divisive speech or rhetoric. He also acknowledged how sensitive the issue of

advocacy and engagement with politics is. As noted, the Church prior to the genocide had a history of being complicit in aligning itself with political powers, and in being silent in the midst of injustice. Anastase noted that church leaders must be courageous to speak up. He appreciated “the political will to have a vision for Rwandans coming together to rebuild their country, and to establish a justice that reconciles” (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019).

Anastase offers advice for church leaders discipling and leading congregations in the midst of political tensions and conflict, noting that they will deal with people who are wounded, who mistrust one another, who fear one another, who are suspicious of one another, but who are in need of relating to God and to one another, to have relationship restored, and who need healing. The work of reconciliation, people with God and people with people, has been entrusted to the church. Pastors and church leaders should be mediators, reconcilers, neutral people standing in the gap (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019).

Pastor Anastase shared his advice for the church in the United States to maintain effective witness in our society. His insight is very applicable for our times, as he notes the danger of division and passivity. He states that when “racism, white supremacist, and divisive rhetoric are evidenced in the community and in the church,” and that when leaders use divisive and inflammatory speech, followers of Jesus should not watch and remain silent (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019). He emphasized

that the church must foster helpful and healing dialogue, noting that “the churches should make sure that members come together and talk together in a constructive way” (Anastase Rugirangoga, interview with author, April 12, 2019). He also stated that preaching in a big congregation allows people to hear; but only when they come together in small groups in which they get to know one another can healing take place. He encouraged churches to bring people together at the grassroots level to engage in projects that enrich their communities. He indicated that as the church fosters a community that truly cares for the needs of others, there is effective witness for Christ and foundations for peace are strengthened.

Implications for Witness

There are several key themes were noted in this brief examination of the church in the midst of ethnic conflict in Rwanda that can be applied to other contexts as well.

The first is the need for a prophetic theology, which speaks into culture; confronting evil and injustice, and clearly presenting the transformational message of the gospel. A prophetic theology will confront distortions in culture which seek power and political favor over righteousness and redemption. It will call the church to repentance for failing to speak out against injustice, and for being complicit in it. Prophetic theology calls the church to stand against cultural norms of enmity and to embrace the one that society rejects, demonstrating the redemptive love of Jesus. Just as Jesus recognized the dignity of the Samarian woman and confirmed God’s love for her, an outcast among the Jews; so Hutu and Tutsi were called to demonstrate the all-encompassing love of God for people from every tribe and ethnic group. This

call to be people of justice and redemption is noted in Isaiah 58 where true fasting is defined in terms of breaking chains in injustice, caring for the poor, doing away with oppression (which includes pointing fingers at others and malicious talk), and satisfying the needs of the oppressed. As divisions and enmity were being fueled in Rwanda, it was the prophetic calling of the church to affirm the dignity of all persons and to speak against unjust treatment of any group within society.

The call to form disciples united in identity in Christ; marked by mutual love, hope in the gospel and a commitment to restoration of communities is also evident. If Hutu and Tutsi Christians had first regarded one another as brothers and sisters in Christ, rather than members of enemy tribes, the genocide would not have occurred. In John 17:20-23 23 Jesus prays for all believers that they may be one so that the world will believe that Jesus was sent by God. Our witness is predicated upon our love for one another, especially when it is costly. This identity in Christ must be a foundation for unity in the midst of diversity, and affirmation that we are one in Christ Jesus.

In addition, we are called to accountability to walk with integrity, and to avoid compromising ties to political power. Anastase noted that the church in Rwanda had close ties to the government, and had often been silent in the midst of injustice. When the church seeks to influence a society through power or position rather than through sacrificial faithfulness, the witness of the church is eroded.

As followers of Jesus we must avoid narratives which spiritualize political agendas or use historical narratives to justify destructive actions in the present. As noted, it is

easy to choose narratives which can be distorted or are incomplete, in order to justify political or personal goals or to minimize personal accountability. The narrative which identified Tutsis’ as aligned with communism and with past oppression was used to justify vilifying an entire people group. Thus, destructive actions were defined as “redemptive violence.”

Finally, the Church is called to be a proactive conduit of peace, teaching a theology of peace and reconciliation. Jesus stated, “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called children of God” (Matthew 5:9 NIV). The foundation of the gospel is forgiveness and restoration through Christ. We demonstrate the character of Christ as we perceive those who the world defines as our enemies as ones loved by God and invited to find life in Christ. When we experience peace with God (Rom. 5:1), we have a foundation of hope in the midst of trails, (Phil. 4:7) and thus can be instruments of peace in this world through the enabling of the Holy Spirit (Gal. 5:22-23).

May we each seek wisdom and courage to live in light of these principles in our contexts of life and ministry.

Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

The second context of conflict I examine is the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The conflict in Israel/Palestine is uniquely significant to the identity and soul of Christians throughout the world. Salim Munayer describes the complexity of this conflict, “For Palestinian Christians and Israeli Messianic Jews, this entangled dispute engages a variety of important subjects: theology, identity, eschatology, ethics and the interpretation of Scripture” (Munayer and Loden 2014, xi). The global Church wrestles with these complexi-

ties as well. It is not within the scope of this paper to address these issues in depth; but rather to identify principles which guide followers of Jesus to foster unity within diversity, to promote healing, and to be an effective witness in the midst of tensions. Following are brief reflections regarding some key dynamics in this conflict.

History and Role of Church in Conflict

Christians currently comprise approximately two percent of the overall population in Israel/Palestine; including Orthodox, Non-Chalcedonian, Catholic and Protestant. Indigenous Christian communities are predominantly Arabic-speaking. Most are likely descendants of early Christian communities of the Byzantine period (Jewish Virtual Library n.d.), and thus take pride in being an enduring Christian presence in the land. The majority of non-Arab Christians living in Israel immigrated after 1990, many accompanying Jewish family members under the Law of Return. It is estimated that there are approximately 20,000 Messianic Jews in Israel (Halon 2019).

To understand the impact of the church in the midst of the conflict, it is helpful to briefly summarize the history of the tensions related to the establishment of the State of Israel. Israel was birthed in the midst of conflict. The land was occupied by the Turkish Ottoman Empire from 1517 – 1917, and came under British mandate of control in 1920 (Gushee 2017, 124). Although there had been a remnant of the Jewish population in the land for centuries, the Jewish population began to grow exponentially in the late 19th century as they fled persecution in Europe and responded to the Zionist vision to establish a Jewish homeland. The Balfour Declaration in 1917 affirmed this aspiration. It stated

that the British government supported “the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people.” At the same time, it said that nothing should “prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities” (Knell 2018).

The 1930’s were marked by violent conflict between Jews and Arabs, as well as resistance to British rule. In the midst of these tensions, WWII and the horrors of the Holocaust took place, with the resultant death of over six million Jews. After the war, tensions increased and the British handed resolution of the Jewish Arab conflict to the U.N. The U.N. General Assembly passed Resolution 181 on Nov. 29, 1947; which offered a partition plan involving an Arab state, a Jewish state and an internationally controlled Jerusalem. This plan was accepted by the Zionists, but not by the Arabs (Gushee 2017, 124).

On the day the British Mandate ended, May 14, 1948, the Jewish people declared an independent state of Israel. By 1949 Israel was internationally recognized as an independent Jewish state (with unsettled borders), but was not recognized by the Palestinians or the surrounding Arab states (Gushee 2017, 125). As Israel declared victory, over 700,000 - 800,000 Palestinians were displaced from their homes in what they refer to the as the “Nakba” or “Catastrophe” (Bourke 2013, 43). The U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) was established to support refugees who were displaced during the 1948 conflict. UNRWA continues to serve 5 million people living in the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria (Bourke 2013, 101). During the six day war in 1967 Israel expanded its’ territory; conquering the Golan Heights, the Sinai Peninsula, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. This

shifted the balance of power in the region (Bourke 2013, 125). The Occupied Territories were under military rule pending a negotiated agreement.

A negotiated agreement has yet to be reached. In subsequent years, Israel has built settlements in Palestinian Territories and demolished Palestinian homes, fueling tensions. Terrorist attacks from radical Palestinian groups have taken place, resulting in a military response including missile attacks, especially in Gaza. Two Palestinian intifadas or “uprisings” further incited enmity. The first intifada, in the 1980s, was primarily manifested in non-violent resistance. The second intifada in 2000, involved suicide bombings, rocket attacks and sniper fire. In response, Israel began to build the barrier wall in 2002. The Israeli justification for the wall was to reduce terrorist activity. The wall has resulted in economic hardship, high unemployment and isolation in the West Bank and Gaza. The World Bank noted that 24% of Palestinians live below 5.5 U.S. dollars per day (2019).

Throughout the years, there have been numerous attempts to achieve a negotiated peace. The key issues in the tensions are borders and security, Israeli settlements in the Palestinian Territories, Palestinian refugees, and the status of Jerusalem (which both Israelis and Palestinians claim as their capital city and a sacred religious site). Other issues to be resolved include allocation of water resources and prisoners (Bourke 2013, 177).

In light of conflict in the historical lands of the Bible, the global church is caught in the tension. The land is often idealized as the birthplace of our Lord and a place of pilgrimage. A Messianic Jewish friend who lives in Israel noted, “Millions of Christians come to Israel every year to see

and take pictures of the ancient stones marking the history of the early church; and take no notice of the living stones of the contemporary church seeking to be a witness of Jesus, as a small minority living in the midst of tremendous tensions.” Many Western evangelicals demonstrate little understanding of current dynamics within the country, including the challenges faced by fellow Christians.

The Church within Israel/Palestine is often divided between conflicting political and theological convictions. It is important to acknowledge the profound testimony of Israeli Christians, Palestinian Christians, Christian immigrant communities, and Messianic followers of Jesus as integral to Christian witness in the region; with each group persevering, serving, and teaching within unique contexts.

The Role of Narrative

The role of narrative in this conflict is worthy of reflection. I will briefly address aspects of three distinct narratives: an Israeli Messianic Jewish narrative, a Palestinian Christian Narrative, and a Western evangelical Christian narrative. We must be cognizant to not make generalized or dogmatic assumptions about the narrative of people from any of these constituencies, or to minimize the diversity within each tradition. However, these examples highlight some themes expressed in shared identities, which impact responses to the “other” in the midst of this conflict. In reflecting upon narrative, the following quote from Salim Munayer is helpful. Salim is a Palestinian Christian and the founder of Musalaha, which is “a non-profit organization that promotes and facilitates reconciliation between Israelis and Palestinians from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds, based on Biblical Principles of Reconciliation”

(Musalaha 2019). He notes: Each narrative tries to make sense of the same events and the same history, but each interprets these events and history in fundamentally different ways. For the adherent of either narrative, any interpretation that differs from their own narrative is seen as a grave, potentially mortal challenge to the narrative in its entirety. . . . In the case of Israelis and Palestinians, each has the sense that if they were to accept the identity of the other, this would nullify their own identity and even endanger the basis of the claims for legitimacy and statehood” (Munayer and Loden 2014, 119).

The common narrative of the Israeli Jews is that of a people who have been persecuted and who need SECURITY. The grievous history of the Jewish people is defined as those whom others seek to displace or destroy. The state of Israel was established in the shadow of the “Shoah” or Holocaust. Since its inception, Israel has continued to face threats from hostile or unstable bordering countries. As noted by Bourke, Israel has been attacked at one time or another by every neighboring country (Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon.) Missiles from Iraq hit Tel Aviv in 1991. Palestinian terror attacks inside Israel have taken the lives of hundreds of Israeli civilians, and rockets from Gaza have inflicted death and injury on many Israeli citizens. Israelis living in the north have been killed and injured by rockets launched from Lebanon. Groups like Hezbollah and Hamas have both called for the destruction of Israel, and some consider themselves involved in a holy war against Israel (Bourke 2013, 119).

Thus, this narrative of a need for security is must be acknowledged.

Israeli Jews have determined that they have a right live in the land of their origin, and many view the establishment of the modern State of Israel as an act of God. Israeli Messianic Jews (Israeli Jewish followers of Jesus the Messiah) generally believe that the establishment of the modern State of Israel is a fulfillment of prophesy in preparation for the coming of the Messiah. They tend to be strong supporters of service in the Israeli military.

In response to these concerns, narratives of enmity are easily formed. Palestinians are often viewed by Israeli Jews as a threat to security and enemies of the Jewish State. For religious Israeli Jews, they may be viewed as those opposed to the fulfillment of God’s promises to the Jewish people. Thus, the cause of the Jews is portrayed as righteous, and that of the Palestinians as evil--seeking to claim lands that God had given to Israel. In such a good/evil narrative there is no nuance to evaluate the actions of the secular State of Israel or to consider the concerns of the Palestinian people. There is no room for compassion, no space for negotiation, and thus no hope for peace.

The primary narrative for Palestinians is one that seeks JUSTICE. Palestinians identify as a people who have been treated unfairly, and who deserve a homeland of their own. The majority of Palestinians want opportunities for their families to live freely, to maintain their ancestral lands and to live in peace. Their narrative is marked by the Nakba or the “Catastrophe” in 1948, in which Palestinians were forced from their homes and have lived under occupation or in refugee camps (in Palestine and in neighboring countries) ever since (Bourke 2013, 45). They believe that as inhabitants of the land long before the establishment of the state of Israel, they were unjustly displaced and denied their

rights for a fair division of the lands. In the midst of their despair, some Palestinians have adopted a narrative of enmity which regards all Israelis as ruthless oppressors, who use their narrative of past oppression to justify oppressing others.

Some Palestinian believers fear that they are the last generation of Christians in Palestine, as large numbers are choosing to emigrate due to the challenges such as lack of self-governance, economic hardship, barrier walls and checkpoints, lack of freedom of movement (even to visit holy sites), property and natural resource seizures, lack of access to water, limited access to medical care, difficulty getting permits for non-Palestinian spouses to live in the land, etc. Palestinian Christians note that God is a God of justice; and that He holds governments and specifically the leaders of Israel accountable to treat people justly. (Ex. 22:29, Mt. 23:23, Is 43) Thus, they emphasize that Christians should be advocates for just treatment of the Palestinian people. Many feel betrayed by the Western church, which is often oblivious to their suffering. In order for healing to occur, Christians from the West must repent of anti-Arab biases which have manifested in the church both historically, and in light of current political and geopolitical tensions.

These conflicting narratives present valid concerns for security and justice. However, when they are told in a manner that has no space for the suffering or lived experience of the other, and frames the other only as a threat to be defeated, peace is elusive. Munayer wisely notes, “Achieving justice will therefore not truly be achieved if we only address the injustices themselves; instead we must embark on an extensive process of transforming the mentalities that lead to these very injustices” (Munayer and Loden 2014, 173).

The posture of many evangelical Christians in the West is that of strong political support for the State of Israel. This is based upon certain approaches to eschatology and interpretation of Scripture, which cannot be addressed in this paper. It is important to acknowledge that there are mysteries in the unfolding of God’s redemptive plan, and in the midst of theological distinctions and convictions, we are called to represent the redeeming love of God for all peoples.

The widespread support of Israel by the Western evangelical church is also a response to the horrors of the Holocaust and acknowledgement that the historical Church has at times been complicit in persecution of the Jewish people. Martin Luther blamed Jews for the death of Christ. Such teachings were a factor in inciting the persecution of Jews during the crusades and the pogroms in Eastern Europe, and to justify some of the atrocities of the Holocaust (Evener 2016, 237).

After WWII, there was great shame when the horrors of the Holocaust were exposed, and many Western nations had to bear the responsibility for refusing admittance to Jews fleeing the Nazis regime. Christians were forced to examine the impact of destructive hermeneutics which villainized Jewish people, and to repent where the church had been a catalyst for antisemitism. In a desire to atone for past sins, many Christians feel responsible to ensure that the Jewish people live in safety.

Concurrently, there is responsibility to support fellow followers of Jesus in the land, including Palestinian Christians. Western Christians often have little awareness of the plight of the Palestinian church and their struggle to be salt

and light in the region. The church in Palestine faces challenges to be both advocates for justice and peace makers in the midst of incredible tensions.

One Palestinian man shared the grief that he felt when Christians in the West portrayed Palestinians as enemies of Israel and potential terrorists; without seeing individual people who God loves and seeking to understand their stories. This quote summarizes this challenge, When Christians cavalierly say that the Bible gives the land to the Jews, then what the Arab, and the broader Muslim community hear is, “We Christians care nothing about you, or your family at all. You meant nothing to us as an Arab, whether you are a fellow Christian or Muslim.” Muslims may legitimately conclude, “I suppose I meant nothing to your God. Your Bible is not worth reading (Nathan 2017, 37).

As we reflect upon the complex intersection of these narratives, we must consider the calling of the Church; to be witnesses to the hope of salvation in Christ, to make disciples, and to be participants in the ministry of reconciliation. In the midst of theological differences, we must seek unity in our identity as followers of Jesus, trusting that God will unfold his plans in his sovereign wisdom and timing. David Gushee stated, “I believe the proper posture for evangelicals is to be pro-Israel, pro-Palestinian, and pro-(just) peace” (Munayer and Loden 2014, 131). As followers of Jesus we can be witnesses to each narrative, challenge distortions, and seek to wed the need for security with the need for justice. Jesus was the radical reconciler, who broke the bonds of enmity. As Psalm 85:10 notes, “Love and faithfulness meet together; righteousness and peace kiss each other” (ESV).

Humility is required to honestly examine how we are allowing our context and political dynamics to impact our theological convictions. We must hold on to what we know is true and to the foundations of our faith, and be willing to engage with others in areas where sincere Christians may disagree. Although we cannot resolve all of the complex issues in the region, we can adopt a posture that seeks to reflect the heart of God for all people.

The Church as an Instrument of Healing: Grace Al-Zoughbi

I close the discussion on the Israeli-Palestine conflict with insights on narrative and reconciliation from Grace Al-Zoughbi. Grace is a Palestinian Christian who was the head of the Biblical Studies Department at Bethlehem Bible College. She is currently pursuing a PhD in Theology at the London School of Theology. As a Palestinian Christian, she understands the challenges of seeking to be people of peace in the midst of ongoing conflict. Grace emphasizes the primacy of discipleship and loving others, both fellow believers and those who do not know Christ, and focuses upon the sacrificial character of love.

Grace noted that effective witness is hindered when the church loses sight of its’ mission to make disciples who can be salt and light in their communities. She lamented that, “we are called to expand God’s kingdom, but some sought to build their own kingdom, not God’s kingdom” (Grace Al-Zoughbi, interview with author, April 17, 2019). She also acknowledged important steps between Messianic Jewish believers and Palestinian Christians to foster unity in the church and to promote peace in the region. She states,

“It is great to see individuals from both sides, Palestinians and Israelis, whose hearts are for reconciliation. This is God’s heart. God’s heart is actually for breaking barriers, not building walls. . . .We live on different sides of the wall, and we come from completely different churches, completely different backgrounds and sometimes we can have different theologies. But is has been so encouraging to see that the love of God conquers all. However, sometimes there are some people who choose to adopt a different approach and this is sometimes problematic, because people focus upon differences rather than focusing on that which unites us; that is Jesus Christ and the redemption that Jesus Christ has done for all of us. So, I think that when people forget why we live and who we live for, it is very easy to face this tension on a daily basis, and it is very easy to hold grudges or to harbor bitterness in our hearts that consequently have very negative impacts on the lives of people: the ways that they think, the ways they act, the ways they speak--which is of course poisonous for the region. . . . Imagine a generation being raised in this environment of hatred and bitterness (Grace Al-Zoughbi, interview with author, April 17, 2019).

Grace reminded us that we are called love God with all of our heart, mind and soul. She acknowledged that in Palestine there is a challenge to love, as there are many grievous tensions on a daily basis; and yet she also emphasized that Matthew 5 commands us to love those who do evil to us. Grace is often invited to speak internationally about the situation faced by Palestinians. Her advocacy is consistently

focused upon inviting others to join her to pursue solutions and to seek peace. She notes that it is God’s grace which empowers us to be ministers of reconciliation. First of all, we must remember that we have to be reconciled to God. As we are mindful of this truth, then God helps us to overcome all other obstacles to reconciling with one another. Peacemaking has two dimensions; it is vertical and horizontal. And when we know that God’s love (which has been poured into our hearts through the Holy Spirit) helps us to overcome and to conquer—then He alone will give us the strength to understand the other, and to appreciate their uniqueness and their differences, and also to celebrate these differences. Often as Christians we tend to be blind to other people and our lives are self-centered—it is only me, myself, my race, my people--and we fall in this trap to be victims in our own context and in our own places--but I think that God gives us the strength to rise above all of these things to reach out to the other (Grace Al-Zoughbi, interview with author, April 17, 2019).

Anastase and Grace have given us glimpses into God’s heart for the ministry of reconciliation. They have reminded us that ultimately it is God who works in us and through us, as we receive grace and empowerment through the Holy Spirit.

Implications for Witness

Significant implications for witness are evidenced in this brief reflection on the role of the church in light of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I will briefly highlight a few predominant themes. First it must be noted that the church is called to love

sacrificially. It can be very costly personally, socially and politically to seek to build relationship with, serve, and advocate for one who is considered an “enemy” or the “other.” It is often easier to stay within our own ethnic, political or social groups and avoid challenging assumptions which marginalize others. Sacrificial love invites us into the uncomfortable places of humility and grace.

We must also note that the ability to seek to understand the narrative of the other is a foundation for demonstration of the love of Christ. For Palestinian Christians and Israeli Messianic Jews to seek to understand the narrative of the other, even when they still may deeply disagree, is an act of love. Being willing to hear to the pain, fears, and hopes of the other; as well as to acknowledge their faith journeys, is to see that person as a beloved child of God. Colossians 3:12-13 states:

Therefore, as God’s chosen people, holy and dearly loved, clothe yourselves with compassion, kindness, humility, gentleness and patience. Bear with each other and forgive one another if any of you has a grievance against someone. Forgive as the Lord forgave you (NIV).

Although forgiveness and reconciliation is a process, we can begin that journey by bearing with each other in a posture of kindness, humility, gentleness and patience.

In addition, it is important to note that advocacy must be done in a manner that promotes justice, peace and restoration for all. Chris Rice provides an eloquent definition of peace or “shalom.”

Shalom as God’s peace envisions the wholeness, well-being, and flourishing of all people and the rest of creation, both individually and corporately

in their interrelatedness with God and with each other… Shalom pursues mercy, truth, justice, and peacefulness through both personal conversion in Christ and societal transformation (Rice 2015, 11).

Thus, as followers of Jesus our advocacy must be for the peace, just treatment, and flourishing of all people in the midst of tensions; not just those with whom we align politically or doctrinally. As I seek to confront injustice, I must also seek to embrace each person and invite them into God’s restorative grace.

Finally, effective witness is contingent upon seeing others through the eyes of Jesus and adopting a gospel centric narrative. This implies that I must ask God to help me to treat each person with dignity as one created in the image of God, and to seek wisdom to reflect God’s heart of compassion, justice and redemption for all.

Conclusion

This brief reflection on the church in contexts of conflict has not been presented so that we can dispassionately observe and judge the actions of others. Our responsibility is to seek wisdom to live as faithful disciples of Jesus in our context of service. Society in the United States is becoming increasingly fractured. Although we are not living in an overt context of violence, we are in need of peace. Today, as a faithful follower of Christ, where we are called to be a person of reconciliation in the places in which we live. From the insights we have gained from brothers and sisters in Rwanda and Israel/Palestine, we can prayerfully seek wisdom to guide our responses to tensions and the narratives we create in our current contexts of life and ministry. Here are potential questions to guide personal reflection and nar-

ratives:

1. What is the relationship with the Church and political elites? How is that relationship impacting Christian witness?

2. What religious-nationalistic narratives have we embraced that may distort our engagement with others in light of God’s redemptive purposes?

3. Where has the Church been silent about injustice in ways that make us complicit in continued suffering and marginalization?

4. Where do I tend to believe the best about myself and fellow Christians, but believe the worst about the motives of others?

The ability to love one whom the world considers our “enemy” is the testimony of a deeper identity and another kingdom. The witness of the Church can shine most brightly in the darkness of conflict and violence when followers of Christ have the courage to speak against injustice, seek to see others through eyes of Jesus, and are willing to risk our very lives for the sake of love. The Church is called to be an instrument of healing, forgiveness and reconciliation. As Flett notes,

“Any failure on behalf of the church to be active in reconciliation is, foremost, a failure to participate in the history of Jesus Christ. This is simply to confirm one of the central affirmations in missio Dei, ‘there is no participation in Christ without participation in His mission to the world.’ Likewise, Christian edification, our maturation in the faith, is not divorced from our being reconciled and being active in reconciling. Edification occurs as the Spirit draws the community beyond itself, and

as it follows the Spirit so it receives the fruit of the Spirit” (Flett 2014, 75).

As the redemptive community, we seek to bring glimpses of the perfect kingdom, knowing that full restoration and justice will occur when Christ returns as king.

“He has told you, O man, what is good; and what does the LORD require of you but to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with your God? (Micah 6:8 ESV)

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Chapter 8

African Migrant Women in Liminality: Negotiating Identity, Invisibility, Belonging and Home

Mercy Langat

Introduction

Scholars have proposed that “international migration is one of the greatest issues of this century… we have entered a new era of mobility” that has been enabled by the growth of technology and globalization in general (Pocock 2015, 3). There has been a continual growth of migration to the United States since 1965 when the US Immigration Act was approved and by doing so removed the national quota system. The demographic of immigrants changed since then. Research shows that “significantly more Asians, Africans, and Latin Americans began moving to the United States” whereas it was more European migrants before 1965 (Igielnik and Krogsad 2017). The African diaspora, in particular, is growing due to various push and pull factors. Some factors are changes in Africa such as unrest in respective countries due to ethnic clashes, economic hardships and political climate. In fact, “more Africans than the total number that were brought involuntarily to the United States as slaves have settled in the country” (Arthur 2010, 5). They consist mostly of refugees, sojourners and students who believe that there are more opportunities for them in the United States than in their own countries.

As migration continues, so does the need to find out challenges and issues faced by immigrants. While there have been a growing number of studies focusing on migrants, there seems to be a gap on studies concentrating on issues faced by African women. The aim of this paper is to fill that gap by investigating the lives of African women migrants. The first section will provide context by focusing on feminization of migration and the conceptual framework of liminality. The second section will be on themes emerging from African women migrants experiencing liminality and the third section will provide a contextual theology of liminality.

Feminization of migration

Research indicates that from 1970s and 1980s, “women accounted for about half of all international migrants in the world” (Nwadiora 2007, 28). There are some women who migrate to reunite with their families because the US immigration policy emphasizes family reunification; it is easier to migrate as a dependent than as an independent person (Nderitu 2009, 53). However, more African women today are migrating independently rather than with their families, husbands or joining them in the US. As traditional roles in Africa change, so does the number of women who migrate. For some women, the expectation of better income and educational opportunities are reasons why they migrate. “Extreme poverty pushes women out of their traditional roles in favor of work and educational opportunities outside the home” (Nyemba 2014, 36). This is furthered by the dual labor market theory in the United States, which is an outcome of the demand for cheap labor. Immigrants such as African women are more likely to find low income jobs such as cooks, waiters, etc., because there is a stigma associated

with such jobs that discourage Americans from applying to them. These jobs enable African women to get settled and provide for their families (Nyemba 2014, 37). Not only are well-educated women migrating in search of job opportunities but poverty has also propelled more women to look for job opportunities in the United States. This has been enabled by different kinds of visas and the green card lottery program.

Education

John Arthur notes that most research focuses on linking migration of Africans to globalization, colonization, internal displacements, failed nation states, and demand for both skilled and unskilled workers. However, he acknowledges that there is a recent recognition among scholars studying African migration “that education and cultural literacy are poignant factors in modeling the determinants of African migration. Africans have always placed a premium on education” (Arthur 2010, 38). Africans are instilled with the importance of education because it is seen as a means of access to high income jobs, higher standard of living and social mobility. Governments believed in the importance of educating their citizens as well. Following the end of colonization, most countries sponsored citizens to pursue higher education (Arthur 2010, 39). Furthermore, the recent focus of empowering the African girl child and women has resulted in more women getting more educated and furthering their studies in the US.

There continues to be a tendency for educated African immigrants to look for job opportunities in the States once they complete their education. Research indicates, “82% of Africans who go to the United States arrive with student

visas… upon graduation and completion, 90% of the Africans will engage in some form of practical training to gain experience in their fields of study” (Arthur 2010, 50). Some workplaces are able to sponsor visas that enable educated African migrants to work in the US and later go through the process of becoming naturalized citizens. Indeed, there is a serious case of brain drain that affects most African countries because African migrants gain jobs, high income and social mobility in the US (Arthur 2010, 50).

As for African women, one has to question whether it is a matter of brain drain or brain waste. “Female migration flows to domestic service conceals the reality that a significant number of women are in fact professionals who have chosen to devalue their qualifications as a temporary measure to gain entry to the labor force with the hope that they can someday utilize their credentials for more appropriate jobs” (Caritas 2017). Many women who used to work as managers, doctors, engineers and professors often have to settle for menial jobs when they migrate to the US. This is because there are some added requirements for professions such as doctors that require immigrants to go back to school. It might also be easier to acquire low wage jobs than professional ones. Such cases of brain waste affect women, their families and remittances to their home countries.

Liminality

A French Anthropologist named Arnold Van Gennep first coined “liminality” in 1908 to describe rites of passage (Szakolczai 2009, 141). Later in 1964, Victor Turner, a British anthropologist, used the word through his work that also dealt with rites of passage (Szakolczai 2009, 142). These two anthropologists documented that there were three stag-

es in the ritual process and liminality was the second of three stages. The first stage was separation while the third stage was reincorporation. Separation signified scattering from a group. Individuals in this stage disengage from the community and enter into the liminal stage. The liminal stage is ambiguous marked by vagueness. Individuals in this stage depict actions that are subservient and humble and typically have to construct new structures of beliefs and action (Thomassen 2014, 1; Ybarrola 2011, 8). Communitas occurs among individuals in liminality due to their shared ambiguous identity. Reincorporation, the final stage, takes place when an individual or group is received back into the community from which they had detached.

Examples of individuals in liminality are those that describe themselves as third culture children or immigrants; those who have lived in more than one place. They live in the juxtaposition of feeling as though they do not fit in any one culture that they have lived in, yet at the same time, they do fit in. They continuously live in cultural tension where they regularly have to think about and adapt to particular cultural values, traditions, and norms to fit the cultural context they find themselves. This is evidenced when immigrant children speak with one accent, dialect or language while at home and change to another while at school or when with friends.

Since its inception, liminality has been applied in other fields such as theology. Michelle Trebilcock, who has studied liminality and theology, argues “liminality theory has a particular application to theological discourse because of the close association of ritual to theology in traditional formulations of the tradition…” (Trebilcock 2016, 74-86). Therefore, it is essential to empirically search for theolog-

ical knowledge in liminality. Richard Rohr (2007), a Franciscan friar, applied the concept of liminality to theology by describing the liminal space as “the prophetic position,” a sacred place on the spiritual edge of the inside. This sacred place is not marked by “an outsider throwing rocks or a comfortable insider who defends the status quo, but one who lives precariously with two perspectives held tightly together” (Rohr 2007, 1).

In The Uses and Meanings of Liminality, Bjorn Thomassen, articulates various ways in which liminality can be used (2016, 5-28). It can be used to describe experiences of an individual, group or society and it can also refer to moments, periods or longer seasons (Trebilcock 2015, 45). Liminality can be a sudden event in one’s life that causes disruption or it can be intentionally planned as a rite of passage and be life affirming such as an engagement, baptism or marriage (Trebilcock 2015, 45). Liminality can also be used to designate a phase in one’s life. Rohr says liminal spaces are

“when we are betwixt and between, have left one room but not yet entered the next room, any hiatus between stages of life, stages of faith, jobs, loves, or relationships. It is that graced time when we are not certain or in control, when something genuinely new can happen…” (Rohr 2016, 135).

Liminal spaces can also denote physical places that individuals occupy. These spaces could be churches, houses, and prayer rooms just to name a few. In the rites of passage that Van Gennep and Turner studied (Szakolczai 2009), the people not only occupied a liminal phase; they occupied a physical liminal space as well. The rites of passage occurred in an actual space. The initiates entered that space with one

identity and left with another; transformation occurred. Rohr proposes that “…much of the work of the biblical God and human destiny itself is to get people into liminal space and to keep them there long enough to learn something essential and genuinely new” (Rohr 2007, 1).

In this paper, liminality is used to describe the position of African migrant women who live in cultural tension. These women experience separation from their home countries and find themselves living in perpetual liminality in their host countries. Most people, including the African migrant women, believe that they will eventually be reincorporated into the host country. However, the reality is that most of them form communitas among other migrants who are also in liminality. Communitas “stresses personal relationships rather than social obligations of status” (Russell 2019, 37) The experience of communitas in liminality is can be challenging, renewing and transformative. It can also be profoundly prophetic especially when understood theologically in light of Jesus’s and the Christian liminal experience. The following section explores issues faced by African women in liminality.

Themes Emerging from African Women Migrants in Liminality

The themes that have typically emerged from ethnographies among African women migrants are home, belonging, identity and invisibility. These themes might be similar to those that emerge with African men or other immigrants in general. However, research indicates that these tensions are more prominent among women especially those who find themselves living in between cultures. Furthermore, the themes are interconnected; the idea of home is often intertwined with the feeling of belonging while identity is

connected with the challenge of invisibility.

Invisibility and Identity

One of the main questions that many African women migrants internally and often saliently ask themselves is “what is my identity in this country? Who am I ?” This question of identity among African migrants is largely due to invisibility. The experience of invisibility is especially humbling for African women who had significant social status and careers in their home countries. Invisibility in the United States is often systemic because there are social orders that have been instituted so that those that are in the margins continue to be excluded (Pierre 2002, 194). Donald Carter (2010) has studied the idea of invisibility in his book Navigating the African Diaspora, where he observes that Africans in the diaspora deeply struggle with social invisibility in their host countries. The invisibility ranges from exclusion from some public spaces to being left out of official census records (Carter 2010, 5). In many cases, the invisibility is “perpetual marginality” where systemic orders are implemented so that immigrants continue to be excluded from the society.

Unfortunately, invisibility typically does not disappear even when immigrants climb the social ladder by way of attaining education or certain careers. Many African migrant women who have attained exemplary positions in their careers still experience moments/situations of invisibility and marginalization. Carter rightly states that “invisibility is not a once-and-for-all event but rather is an ongoing, often occasional or flexible employment of power, politics, and social positioning that must be configured as a kind of routine practice…” (2010, 6). Navigating invisibility

requires psychological and spiritual adjustments especially when coupled with the issue of racial consciousness.

For most African women migrants, racial consciousness begins when they migrate to the United States because Africans typically identify themselves with ethnicity or religion. While in the separation stages, African immigrants associate blackness with African Americans (Asante 2012, 47). This identity is often contested until when the individual realizes that brown-skinned people from Africa, the Caribbean Islands and other contexts are considered black people even if they are not African American. According to Abedi-Anim (2017), there are four reasons why Africans contest being identified with African Americans. Africans consider themselves transnationals who have an “exit option” of going back to their home countries. Secondly, Caucasians treat Africans better than African Americans; this “benefit” encourages them to “hold on to their ethnic and cultural identities as a way to gain favor from Whites, especially Whites in positions of power” (Abedi-Anim 2017, 5). Thirdly, Africans feel as though their identity is restricted when they identify as African Americans because African Americans are considered to be at the bottom of the hierarchy in this American context. Finally, the main reason why Africans distance themselves is because they do not want to be associated with African American stereotypes (Abedi-Amin 2017, 5).

African women in the liminal stage begin coming to the realization that they are also included in the “black” category. They begin understanding the sociocultural, historical and power dynamics in the American context. It is true that “African immigrants are rendered invisible within Black America while simultaneously presented as not great-

ly affected by the U.S processes of racialization and racism” (Pierre 2002, 201). This means that when compared to African Americans, most believe that Africans are not as affected by invisibility yet the ideology of race deeply influences interpersonal and intergroup interactions. African immigrants are perceived through racial lens and as a result, it impacts the places they live and worship, career opportunities, their sense of community and their identity.

Home and Belonging

The concept of home and belonging is the idea of feeling established or part of something that gives a sense of security and possibility for the future. Some women find a sense of “home” and “belonging” wherever they have immediate and extended family. For some, that might be the country they migrated from or the United States. For these women, physical structure and location do not matter. On the other hand, some women believe that home is a community that people consciously create. These intentionally created communities could be other migrant communities that also find themselves in liminality or with other Christian communities that understand the liminal experiences. The created communities that serve as home are typically built using memories of home countries and/or expectation of the future. This allows them to reconcile the past and embrace the future in the new context.

Given the challenges that African migrant women face, they seek to find modes of incorporation or places of belonging. In many ways, they seek liminal spaces where they can become visible; places where can feel a sense of home and belonging though sharing with those who embody a similar sense of identity. Most African women are

interdependent due to the collectivist African culture and heritage. They get social support from friends, family, community and the church. The African collectivist worldview enables African women to find ways to cope with any stressors that they might have as well as integrate into the community. The other modes of incorporation are the church, informal women’s get-togethers and house churches. These get-togethers and house churches provide unstructured, liminal, spaces where the women can strengthen their identity and bonds.

Towards a Contextual Theology of Liminality

Globalization did not introduce immigration. Immigration has been evident as far back as the Biblical times. There are several themes in the Scriptures that enable us to understand and reflect on crossing borders. They show that crossing borders is central to human life, God’s plan and Christian identity. While the previous section attempted to understand the African immigrant perspective, this section proposes that a theology of liminality rooted in the liminal experiences of Jesus is one that African immigrants will identify with. This section will investigate liminal experiences in the Scriptures and examine Christian identity as liminal.

Jesus’ Liminal Experience

Jesus entered human liminality when he left his status and structure with the Father and entered the structure of the world (Lee 2010, 60). It is through his divinity and humanity that the reign of God came to be realized in creation. Even though he was divine and Holy, Jesus experienced liminality and marginalization just like the Galileans. Galileans endured political, economic and religious oppression due to

Roman rulers. As a Galilean, Jesus understood the hardships of his people and used his prophetic position to preach heal and restore the society (Lee 2010, 78). Even though Jesus ministry in of itself is an example of him using his prophetic position in liminality, he was led into a period of liminality after his baptism and prior to his ministry.

After John the Baptist baptized Jesus, he was driven by the Holy Spirit to go to the wilderness- a liminal place. This period of solitude was marked by spiritual crisis in the form of temptations, weakness and struggle. During this period, the angels ministered to him and the presence of God never abandoned him (Mark 1:13). Richard Rohr parallels the three temptations Jesus faced to the ones commonly faced by human beings (Rohr and Feister 2011). He sums up the temptations as the need to be significant, the need to be correct, and the need to be influential or poses power (Rohr and Feister 2011, 103). However, Jesus overcame the temptations and exited the wilderness immersed with the power of the Holy Spirit (Rundel 2015, 33; see also Luke 4:1, 14). The wilderness is a place of liminality because it was in-between Jesus’ baptism and ministry; it was a place of separation from the community where essential confrontations took place, and most importantly, a place of encounter and surrender to God (Russell 2019, 71-72). The encounter with God in the wilderness set the trajectory towards what God had in store for him- ministry, crucifixion, burial, resurrection and ultimately, the reign of God. While there are many other examples of liminality (experiences and places) in the Scriptures, the example of Jesus is exceptional. It is particularly significant for African immigrants who realize that Jesus understands what it means to be driven out of the community, experience marginality, find reliance in God

and utilize the prophetic position to bring people together.

Christian Identity as Liminal

The Christian life ought to be lived in liminality because it is the ideal place for connection with the divine which fosters relational and spiritual growth. Transformation takes place during Christian liminal rituals. Indeed, there are several church rituals that promote liminality such as Advent, Lent, Holy Week and other ceremonies such as baptism, funerals and weddings just to name a few. Advent and Lent are examples of periods of waiting. According to Rundel (2015), “Advent is a liminal season in which the church, in preparation for the Second Advent of Christ, lives out the expectation of the first advent of Christ” (112). It is a source of hope as believers anticipate salvation from the suffering of the world through the coming of the Lord. It is a season of joy and hope because of Emmanuel.

During Lent, we enter the sufferings of Jesus in the wilderness as preparation for the sufferings in his crucifixion and burial (Holy Week). The invitation to enter the liminal place of the wilderness during lent reveals our addictions, weaknesses and areas in our lives where we have to surrender to God (Rundel 2015, 117). The purpose of lent is to shift the posture of our hearts through transformation. Funerals, weddings and baptisms are also transitional rites of passage that enable people to journey with each other through thresholds (Trebilcock 2012, 4). These examples show that liminality is not only a major theme in the Scriptures; it is part of the Christian identity. Spiritual formation occurs in liminality because God often leads us into that space so that we can be transformed.

African Women Migrants and Contextual Theology of Liminality

In the book Being Latino in Christ, Orlando Crespo (2003) says:

“I have spent much of my life in this space of multiple identifications...fighting not to choose one over the other, but living in the blessings and contradictions of both. I have decided that I love being somewhere in the middle of both my Latino and American worlds. … I have come to realize that my Latino identity in this country … is about God designing a new breed he is pleased to use to influence both culture and the world” (8).

Even though Crespo is referring to the Latino experience in America, it is quite similar to the experience of African immigrants who embody a liminal identity. The main way that African women migrants find stability through finding their identity in Christ; the only one who is constant and understands all that they go through. Therefore, the church plays an important role in grounding them as they navigate liminality. Steven Ybarrola suggests that liminality often makes people more open to the Gospel and they also “tend to be more ecumenical than in their home context” (2011, 8).” Religion, particularly Christianity, offers spiritual renewal, relationships and ideologies that are necessary for identity formation. It also helps in deliberating identity issues and finding resolution.

Conclusion

This research area is significant because we currently live in a globalized world that is heightened by immigration.

Even though the topics of migration, transnationalism and immigrants have been heavily researched, there continues to be a void in research concerning the experiences of African migrant women. Feminization of migration proves that this gap in research has to be filled. This paper has proposed that a framework that can be applied to examine the livelihood of women migrants from Africa is liminality. It is an appropriate framework because it explains the ambiguous identity due to cultural tensions that these women embody. This ambiguous identity presents both challenges and opportunities as evidenced through the themes of identity/ invisibility and home/belonging. These challenges propel African immigrant women to find community in unstructured yet liminal social groups such as get-togethers and house churches. Furthermore, African women migrants identify with a contextual theology of liminality rooted in the liminal experiences of Jesus. This contextual theology enables the women to use their prophetic position to bring forth reconciliation and teach the church to empathize and understand the “other.” They identify with Christ because he has experienced liminality and draws them to the liminal space to experience transformation.

References Cited

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——— . 2016 Adam’s Return, New York: Crossroad Publishing

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Chapter 9

Always a Visitor:

Moving Beyond Cheap Diversity in the Church

Joyce Collins

Introduction

“11am on Sunday is the most segregated hour in America” Martin Luther King

Years after the civil rights movement studies have shown that churches in the United States still reflect the racial divides in our country. In their book Divided by Faith, Emerson and Smith found that 90 percent of African Americans attend predominately black churches and 95 percent of white people go to white churches (2000, 16). Since their study, recent studies have shown that churches are growing more diverse. The National Congregation Study conducted by Duke University in 2012 reported that in 2012 20% of people attended churches that no ethnic group made up 80% of the congregation. They also reported that 82% of people attending predominately white congregations had non-white presence (Duke University, 2019). However, the question remains is non-white presence enough to be considered truly diverse and welcoming to people of all ethnic backgrounds. I propose that for many churches, diversity is just a description of a non-white presence rather than a verb that describes action aimed at true inclusion of people of

different ethnic backgrounds into the church.

For this paper, I examine the missional efforts of one church’s efforts to create a diverse faith community for the population within its boundaries. The church, I will refer to as North Tulsa Church (NTC) , is in an area that is surrounded by predominantly black communities. The population of the immediate location of the church is 74.4 % African American. The average household income is $35,542 and median income is $24,635. The age group from 45 to 64 has the highest median income of $28,925. The African American female is the predominant gender at 55%. The unemployment rate is 13.1%, 51% of households have no income, and 43.4% of residents live below poverty level. Majority of housing is renter occupied with 63% of households being households without children. Single guardian/singles predominant household at 74%. The educational background in the community is comprised of age group 25+ years at 59.5% high school graduate, 10.5% bachelor’s degree, and 6.8% associate degree (United States Zip Codes).

Currently the church has a membership comprised of white, retired, middle income, and 50/50 gender ratio. The church leadership and members purport a culture that is ‘welcoming’ and ‘diverse.’ However, out of the average 50-75 worshippers each week, there are only four African American members who attend regularly, including myself. This number represents the non-white demographics of the church. The focus of this research is why does the congregations consider themselves diverse and some of the barriers for true inclusion of people of different backgrounds, specifically those in the surrounding African American communities.

Background to Current Study

My own experience as an African American woman in the church is an important part of the background for this current study. I was reared in the Methodist tradition as offspring of an African Methodist Episcopal preacher. Because expressions of worship to God and service for God may vary greatly within the Christian faith, I grapple with a human tendency to judge negatively that which falls outside of my cultural comfort zone. My worship experience at NTC includes sermons, whereby, the theological and historical narrative of the sermon only includes white theologians and white heroes of the faith. The preacher’s sermons are delivered in a lecture format without participation of the worshippers. Comparatively, churches with predominantly black parishioners and a black preacher, sermons will typically draw the hearer into the text. Preaching in the predominantly black church will typically address social issues that impact people of color or a marginalized status.

I became a member of NTC while completing the process to become an ordained elder. My hope included the opportunity to gain experience that would benefit me when I planted a church in a nearby community. During my attendance, I enrolled in seminary and worked professionally in cross-cultural training as a licensed Qualified Administrator for the Intercultural Development Inventory (IDI). This assessment is used to help the participant recognize their cultural competencies. The results of the assessment create a developmental plan to aid in the acceptance of persons of different cultures. Additionally, I was trained to help parishioners think through cultural issues Biblically. Parishioners could become better communicators with differing demographics creating unity and congruency to build the

Kingdom of God.

During my time at NTC, I was treated as a lay person. For the most part, people were kind to me and welcomed me into the church. Each Sunday, I was greeted with ‘I’m so glad you worshipped with us today.’ Such a greeting made me feel like a visitor instead of a member. I was not recognized as a person who was called into ministry whereby, my spiritual and professional gifts were ignored. I was often invited to sing in the choir, but my lack of musical talents tended to restrict my capacity to serve. Consequently, about once a year, I was asked to preach during the month of February to recognize Black History month. Although I had no official position in the church, I still wanted to help with outreach to the surrounding community. At one point during my time at NTC, the pastor shared a need for the church to look at diversity and solicited my assistance. I was delighted that I would be able to use my gifts and training in helping NTC embrace the surrounding communities.

I became involved in the Outreach group so that I could deepen my relationship in the church. At one point the man in charge of the Outreach group suggested participants read and discuss the book, The New Jim Crow by Michelle Alexander. Previously, I read the book and was excited that I would be able to contribute to the church’s understanding. However, on the first night of the study it was announced that a white female would lead the study and share what she had learned about the Black experience. It was noted that I would be available to answer questions that people might have. As the group studied the book and talked about the Black experience, I would attempt to interject my own experience and was largely ignored. I also tried to raise the issue of systemic racism, but was told by a white gentleman, that

systemic racism was just the viewpoint of disgruntled people. They did not want to hear what I had to say.

My desire to have a closer connection with the church did not diminish nor the ability to provide outreach to the surrounding community. Moreover, I led a Bible study group in hopes of creating a space to discuss outreach to those of different cultures. Additionally, I wanted to hear what people thought about diversity in NTC. The Bible study consisted of 4 white females and two white males. The group met weekly. It was this Bible study group that provided the foundation for the ethnographic research.

Methodology

I chose the qualitative research approach for this study. Participants were able to share their narratives by freely expressing feelings, assumptions, beliefs, and concerns. Some may view this research style to interact with those who are diverse, often experiencing things uncommon in relation to one’s own life. Further, persons may discover this method to understand people of all races and circumstances, lowering the potential of misunderstandings.

However, I was hesitant to approach members to conduct the assigned ethnographical based research paper. The inner voices within me suggested that the congregates would not receive me because I lack the privilege to ask questions. I heard members voice their disinterest in the plights of the African Americans in the surrounding communities. I realize that members have the privilege to ignore issues that haunt and hurt black people. To sit in a pew next to persons of the African American culture, may cause discomfort to the congregants. I am acutely aware of the leadership and various members views about the number of African Amer-

icans becoming a part of the church community.

I cautiously asked open- ended questions from African American members and visitors, engaged Bible Study participants in conversations to gain their perceptions of HTC’s culture. The participants in my research included myself, three other African American members, and six members in the Bible study group that discussed diversity. The Bible Study group members involved in this study faithfully attended each week. The group included four white females and two white males. Unfortunately, one of the women died while conducting the study.

My observation includes my own effectiveness in the church to bring change. I had to change my mindset and cultural lens. I understood the need to move from a monocultural to an intercultural mindset. These changes allowed me to listen emphatically by suspending preoccupation with myself, laying aside concerns, and assumptions.

What Diversity Means for NTC

There were two major themes that came from the interviews about diversity. The first is that people felt welcomed. This was expressed in various ways. First, newcomers of all ethnicities are welcomed into the church, but often social economic class is also a factor in how welcome they feel. One woman affirmed this stating, “We were looking for a new church home and some of our friends were attending NTC. We had no expectations, other than our friends liked it. I remember remarking how friendly everyone was and we decided to continue coming… we found NTC welcoming.”

NTC frequently boast of bearing the theme that the church is the most diverse in the District. It is a fact that various members will greet you with a smile and hello. And,

some will ask your occupation and residence as a form of getting to know you. Communication in this format is the norm. Unfortunately, an African American who appears to have limited resources, will not be approached. At the time I joined NTC, there were three African American members which included an affluent married couple and a judge. Each held a nominal church office position, treated with dignity, respect, and honor by most congregants. These three members were the persons who the church felt created diversity. However, although people are welcome, they are not encouraged to be involved. The theme that is held in high esteem for NTC is the quote “we welcome everybody.” However, on any given Sunday you will see the same faces and persons performing activities of the church. A visitor stated that he would visit again but would not contemplate being a member. He felt that members were friendly, but no attempts were made to encourage him to become a part of the church community.

Another factor why African Americans do not feel included is because their worship style and concerns are not mentioned or addressed. A small percent of members have suggested NTC alter their worship style to attract more African Americans. The church is in a predominately African American community and has less than a handful of African American members. However, there is resistance to make changes in the worship service. For instance, church leadership very adamantly advise parishioners that NTC would follow an Anglican order of service because it was its tradition. The singing of Negro spirituals had a season and Black preaching as well in the month of February. Another issue that is not addressed is the very history of racial injustice that is part of the historical landscape of the communi-

ty. According to Moschella (2008), observing and listening to stories can provide pastors and church leaders undercurrents that restrict building communal life. For NTC, the stories shared throughout the African American community about its participation in the 1921 bombing on Tulsa’s Black Wallstreet could be addressed to tear down walls and build bridges. These bridges would not be one-way, but persons would cross from both sides. For example, the parishioners should not sit and wait for people to come to church or the pastor provide the same perfunctory saying, “Welcome our doors are always open.” If persons are on the outside, they will not hear these words or understand the standard “welcome.” The question ‘welcome to what’ should be addressed. The answer could lie in the act of going to the people-take the Word of God to them and teach as Jesus taught the disciples.

The second way the people in the church feel that they are welcoming is through their outreach program. Church members believe they are welcoming and reaching the diverse community that surrounds the church through outreach and many of the members leave money at the altar during Holy Communion to meet church outreach objectives. One person commented that they feel they are making a difference in the community by providing food from a local bakery, gas money, groceries, and communion after each worship services. The monies are given to persons in the surrounding community who are instructed to come to the church’s side entrance or enter the fellowship hall. As one person noted, “Anyone is welcome to come.” There is prepared and unprepared food left on tables in the fellowship hall for consumption of those who are hungry. The provision of monetary assistant, clothing, and food to

those in need is great work. However, besides donations that are available there is no further outreach to the community, nor attempt to build relationships with those who come and connect them to the body of Christ.

Many people agreed that the church is welcoming to people and many feel at home. However, my own experience in the church, is to be a continuous outsider. For NTC, diversity is having black bodies attending services. There is no effort to reach out to a culturally diverse community to include them in the church. Diversity to this church is to welcome those who are ethnically different if they are willing to assimilate to the majority white culture. My personal observation revealed various aspects of my personal bias, fear, and assumptions as a member in a culturally different worship service. I continue to feel isolated, and that I am a perpetual visitor. I experience an inward need to feel what is familiar. No one has harmed me, on the contrary, I feel welcome-just not included. Since we do not enjoy facing our fears or finding ourselves in challenging circumstances, the thought of escape may bring great comfort. Since this original study, only one African American couple remains a part of the church.

Overcoming Barriers to Diversity

My vision for ministry is building or rebuilding faith communities in predominantly black populated areas. Some churches have been abandoned due to neglect or there is little leadership effort to serve the community it represents. It has become difficult or impossible to find pastors to serve in impoverished black communities.

The desire of congregants should be driven by love to rebuild, restore, and revive communities that surround the

church. By surrendering our lives to serve Christ, is a human expression of the attitude of how each member of the Trinity relates to the other. The uniqueness of each member of the Trinity allows ministry to be shaped and colored in special ways to accomplish God’s mission. We are not summoned to be a bunch of individual believers, rather to be a community of faith.” Although this study sought to understand what NTC understood about diversity it also revealed barriers that prevent more than a cheap diversity.

Resistance to change

One of the major barriers to creating a diverse church may be attributed to a resistance to change understanding of self and others. Consequently, such resistance could come across as indifference or dismissive of the experiences of ethnically diverse populations. As noted above, when confronted with information about systemic racism, Bible Study participants ignored, dismissed, or diverted attention away from the issue. For instance, one member during discussions relating to systemic racism switched conversation to a desire for inclusiveness in the LGBT community. In the same study, participants chose not to listen to the actual experience of a Black woman, instead wanted those experiences to be interpreted by a white woman. Rather than confront their own history (involvement in Tulsa massacre) or their own bias, they chose to remain comfortable. Many times, in the church I felt like members only wanted a part of me, the parts they were comfortable with. Many could not hear from a Black woman in authority. Interaction with people of different ethnic backgrounds takes work and often changes the perspective and understanding of people involved. It is challenging, exhausting, and draining.

Fear of change

The second major barrier to change is the fear of change. During interviews, overwhelmingly, respondents voiced a fear of communicating with others due to saying something wrong. Each respondent purported limited experience in communicating with persons who are different than themselves. Interview responders expressed a fear of moving out of their comfortable conversations to include people who are different than themselves.

Another fear is that they were afraid of what they would see or that they would be challenged beyond their own personal beliefs and biases. Further, change may mean modifying the subject of sermons to address issues of racial injustice, issues that they may feel uncomfortable. And, if their personal views changed, rejection of their own communities could result.

Moving Beyond Cheap Diversity

So how can a church move beyond cheap diversity into truly welcome people of all ethnicities, move beyond diversity to a truly multicultural church? Below, I provide just a few suggestions from my own experience.

Prayer and effective ministry

The church should incorporate prayer as a spiritual practice and standard to establish and maintain a lifestyle committed to imitating the life of Christ. To live up to the standard that we are the church that is welcoming, our actions should mirror the examples of Christ. Prayer could provoke worshippers to move beyond fears and trust Christ to cast out fears and insecurities.

Programs with titles and objections ‘only’ meant for

reporting church activity to show diversity and inclusion is ineffective. Effective ministry includes teaching others about God’s heart and God’s ways. God is more concerned about people and their love relationship with Him than He is about programs. The greatest commandment, according to Jesus are we must love the Lord our God and to love our neighbor. We should share the teachings of Jesus to create effective ministry. Jesus provided an example of love and service to one another by undertaking the lowest of tasks. He demonstrated love and service with a basin, water pitcher, and a towel by washing the disciple’s feet, even the feet of one who would betray Him. We cannot pick and choose who to minister to just as Jesus did not die for some but all of humankind.

Listening to Black Voices

If a church desires to have diversity be a verb in their congregation, they must listen to Black voices. First step includes a need to address the fear of African Americans in their congregations. I find it disheartening to be among people who appear to only be ‘tolerant’ of my presence. It may be deemed beneficial to allow persons from a different culture a safe space to share their narratives. Relationships could develop from listening to the stories of a Black lived experience. I avoided intimacy because I did not want to risk facing my vulnerabilities. A reluctancy to share and listen to the stories of others may cause stagnation in church growth.

Second, they must listen to the voices of African Americans in leading change. In my own case I can lead members along the path that moves us beyond our ambivalence. With God’s grace I could demonstrate how relation-

ships connect us together to do those things which please God. As representatives of the Kingdom, we will form the church-appearing like an agent of hope for the hopeless. Together we will amass resources and create partnerships with other entities that provide for the underrepresented. Diversity for HTC will become a verb and not a descriptor. A person recognizes diversity due to our actions by embracing those who are different.

God has blessed me with a spirit of self-control, compassionate heart, godly wisdom, and joy. Integrity is a non-negotiable virtue for me. The way that I interact with others is not reflective of the mistreatment I receive. I remain steadfast on the faithfulness of God to make those things that are meant to harm me, work for His glory and my good.

Reach out to Black Communities

Third, we need to reach out to the Black communities. It is unfortunate that for some ministers and parishioners the ‘American Dream’ was an exchange for the Kingdom of God. There are persons who grew up in a predominantly black church, today, attending churches of other denominations. The theology of the varying denominations is different than their Christian beliefs. It is difficult to conceive how a Christian can say they love God but find it difficult to share the Gospel with someone of another culture.

I desire that people will return home-to their first love. I am filled with compassion and love for people who are unchurched, poor, oppressed, and pushed to the margins of society. Thus, I have a committed, dedicated, and love for the work of the church. The metaphor I use to describe my vocation as a leader for discipleship is a ‘running brook.’ Je-

sus said, “Whoever believes in me, as Scripture has said, rivers of water will flow from within them” (John 7:38). It is my perception that the ability to serve others is a calling from God. My primary calling as follower of Christ is by Him, to Him, and for Him. I am called to God, not to something, or to somewhere. I must remain mindful that it is God who gives the increase and I am a vessel. My individual abilities must extend beyond self to be inclusive of the entire community of faith.

Learn under Black Leadership

Fourth we need to seek out and use the talent and training of our Black members and learn under their leadership. My participation in the Christian community with professional experience is interwoven to provide me an intellectual aptitude and leadership abilities. It is problematic when my upbringing in the church and educational background are overlooked due to ethnicity. A determination that my usefulness is based on skin tone is counter to what the church professes.

Moreover, my mission is to apply God-given gifts of teaching, leadership, and administration through a ministerial role that focus on lay and clergy spiritual formation. I will share an enthusiasm for the Gospel and the Church to inspire others with whom I have contact. Church outreach to all people may be guided by the following values:

• Personal Relationships: Initiating, nurturing, and treasuring our roles and relationships for they are great transitory gifts

• Creativity: Exercising our creative gifts through a diversified means of personal expressions

• Lasting Change: Maintaining a commitment to principles and practices that enable people to achieve positive, permanent transformation

• Lifelong Learning: Expanding our knowl edge, skills, and abilities toward ever-increas ing effectiveness

• Ministry Formation: Assisting others in their growth by offering ourselves as teachers, coach es, and mentors and continually seekingout persons to fulfill those roles for us

Conclusion

In their book Rediscipling the White church, Swanson and McNeil (2020) argue that the solution to the racial divide in the church is not a cheap diversity but rather discipleship. They propose that churches need to be willing to rethink their practices and work together in a creative way to reimagine discipleship practices in a way that can bring reconciliation and transformation to our churches. As a Black woman, my hope and dream is that I would be considered a worthwhile contributor to creative processes that equip lay and clergy leaders of local congregations to grow in sanctifying grace and live as disciple-making disciples so, people are no longer content to be passive consumers of religion, the church will take risks to live beyond themselves; and, disciples of Jesus Christ are made for the transformation of the world. I will fellowship with those who are hungry by preparing a plate of food, sharing prayer, and listening to their stories. I ask the Lord, “as you have claimed me and called me, let it be done to me according to your will.”

Reference Cited

Duke University (2019) National Congregations Study https://sites.duke.edu/ncsweb/files/2019/02/NCSIII_ report_final.pdf

Emerson, Michael O. and Smith, Christian. (2000). Divided by Faith: Evangelical Religion and the Problem of Race in America. Oxford: Oxford University Press

Moschella, Mary C. (2008). Ethnography as a Pastoral Practice: An Introduction. Cleveland, OH: The Pilgrim Press.

Seamands, Stephen A. (2005). Ministry in the Image of God: The trinitarian shape of Christian service. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

Swanson, David and Barbara Salter McNeil (2020) Rediscipling the White Church. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press.

United States Zip Codes. https://unitedstateszipcodes. org/74106/

Chapter 10 Understanding Resilience in Women Refugees:

A Review of Literature

Jamie N. Sanchez

Laura Dryjanska

Jacqueline Parke

Introduction

At its inception in 1951, the UNHCR made plans to accomplish the task concerning the global refugee problem in three years (UNHCR 2016). Today, more 70 years later, there are more than 20 million refugees under the mandate of the UNHCR alone (UNHCR 2019). The total number of displaced persons throughout the world is much larger though. The numbers of displaced persons, refugees, and asylum seekers is estimated to be more than 70 million people (UNHCR 2019).

Since 2015, there has been an influx of migrants crossing the Mediterranean Sea to get to Europe in order to escape ongoing conflict in their home countries throughout the African continent. While men, women, and children comprise the global refugee population, data concerning the numbers of each group of refugees are unknown. Part of the reason for this is because women and children are often conflated into one category (Freedman 2015). Yet, while the exact numbers of women refugees are unknown, it is clear that there are more women making the trek into Europe than in past years (Freedman 2015).

There has historically been limited academic literature about women refugees (Gissi 2018). Yet, in recent years there is an increase of interest on the topic of women refugees across the academy. The following literature review details some of the past and current research that elucidates an understanding of our inquiry into resilience in women refugees. We begin with a review literature concerning the discussion of the gendered dynamics inherent in women refugee experiences, followed by a discussion of social representations theory as it relates to refugees and representations. Following that section, we review literature that discusses social capital as a necessary tool for women refugees, giving special attention to Christianity and Education. We then review resilience literature specific to women refugees. Finally, we conclude the chapter with some remarks about future directions of this study.

Gendered Refugee Experience

The refugee experience is gendered (Marchand 2008; Freedman 2016a; Freedman 2016b). That is to say that not all refugees have the same experiences. Some scholars have considered the intersectionality of gender and migration (Marchand 2008; Freedman 2012). Additionally, scholars note that female refugees face a host of unique experiences (Lamba 2003; Colic-Peisker and Tilbury 2007). According to Young and Chan (2015), some early research on refugees was considered gender-blind or only focused on the experiences of men, but since the 1980s researchers have placed a greater emphasis on understanding the experiences of female refugees. One of the key rationales for this focus is that women may experience migration differently and respond differently to stress differently than men (Abraham, Lien, and Hanssen 2018). Furthermore, according to Almedom

et al. (2005), displacement may have significantly more negative effects on women compared to men.

One of the challenges for women refugees is how displacement impacts family dynamics. For families that migrate together, women are generally responsible for children and any elderly persons that may have fled with them (Freedman, Kivilcim, and Baklacioglu 2017). Yet, many refugee families are separated at some point during their journey. As such, some female refugees may need to suddenly become the head of their household (Abbasi-Shavazi, Mahmoudian, and Sadeghi 2017).

Women may have different experiences than men within their country of origin, and there may be unique social forces that force women into migration. As noted by Ginesini (2018), women experience economic and gender-based inequalities that may push them to migrate, and they have compounding vulnerabilities at the intersection of language, race, gender, class, and the stigma of refugee status (Tomlinson 2010). Depending on the expectations and roles inherent to their cultural backgrounds, women may bear responsibility for ensuring a measure of care and protection for children in their family (Gewalt et al. 2018). Further research may reveal how family dynamics impact women refugees (Ramsay and Baker 2019).

Many women flee their home countries to escape the ongoing violence perpetuated by war. Yet, in their escape, they find that violence follows them. An investigation into the gendered dynamics of migration, reveals that there are horrific experiences of sexual violence perpetuated against female refugees (Beswick 2001; Freedman 2016a). Because, in part, women’s bodies leave them vulnerable to all sorts

of exploitation throughout the entire migratory experience, they face multiple forms of insecurity and violence (Freedman 2016b). Freedman (2015) wrote that refugee women run the risk of being raped when they leave their home in the refugee camps in order to get firewood so they can cook for their families. In another study, Freedman (2019) suggested that basic policy changes, like providing firewood for women in their homes, may eliminate the insecurity many refugee women live in on a daily basis. Dahya and Dryden-Peterson (2016) found that some women refugees fear sending girls and women to school because of the possibility of sexual assault. Thus, for many female refugees, the living circumstances in which refugees find themselves is not necessarily safer than the living circumstances they fled. In fact, refugee camps may create the opportunities for sexually based violence (Buckley-Zistel and Krause 2019). We further the discussion about violence and women refugees in the section on resilience at the end of the chapter.

It should be noted that not all female refugees’ experiences are stories of victimization. Women have demonstrated resilience in the midst of horror. Women refugees have claimed that while their lives have been greatly impacted by displacement, their spirits remain unchanged (Comrie 2001). Munt (2012) asserted that women refugees have developed a vigilance that is demonstrated through the reflection of their life journeys. Hutchinson and Dorsett (2012) asserted that refugee resilience depends on their external environments as much as their internal strength.

Social Representations Theory

Social representations theory was developed in France by one of the founders of the European social psychology, Serge Moscovici, in the 1960s. This theory states

that different groups of people in society have a particular style of communication about novelties that corresponds to a specific form of shared representation among the community, depending on their pre-existing belief system (Wagner 2012). While the theory had initially focused on popularized science (namely, the diffusion of psychoanalysis in the French society), later on it was used as a versatile conceptual tool, which could encompass all areas of social life (Moscovici 1963). According to Potter (2019), one of the virtues of social representations theory over a range of other social psychology traditions was that it highlighted the significance of representations for action and opened up a less individualistic, more group-based, approach to key topics such as racism, social change, and collective behavior. The theory is interested in how people think and communicate, making sense of the surrounding reality. It brings to the fore the seeming contradiction between thinking in dichotomies and the complexities of interconnected and contradictory dynamics of social thought and cultural practice (Moscovici 2000).

The APA Dictionary of Psychology (2014) defines a social representation as “a system, model, or code for unambiguously naming and organizing values, ideas, and conduct, which enables communication and social exchange (i.e., at the levels of language and behavior) among members of a particular group or community.” Social representations emerge, are transformed and elaborated in societal discourse (Moscovici 2000). They are a form of knowledge that serves communication and participation in discursive communities. In the absence of an ongoing debate about a socially relevant issue—that is crucially dependent on mass media in modern societies—shared and mutually negotia-

ble representations are not formed. Certainly, the topic of forced migration, often described by mass media as the ‘refugee crisis’, has been since many years a socially relevant issue across the globe, including Europe.

Refugees and Social Representations

The topic of forced migration often brings about polarized thinking, as noted by Howarth et al. (2014). Contradictory themes are at the core of representations of immigration as both a potential resource and a burden (Andreouli and Howarth 2012) and representations of asylum-seeker families as loving and as breeding (Goodman 2007), to mention just a few studies. In Italy, the discursive construction of the causes of asylum-seeker flows has involved overlapping dichotomies of “voluntary”/“forced,” “(im)migrant”/“refugee,” and “economic”/“political” migration, as noted by Colombo (2018). She has analyzed speeches of Italian politicians, concluding that they offered a geopolitical interpretation of the “refugee crisis,” which implies a recognition of a “global poor,” located in developing countries whose needs should be considered within discussions of “managed migration.” The social representation of the “refugee crisis” also tends to recognize that flows of refugees are the consequence of violence and instability in many parts of the world. Hassan’s (2019) assessment of the Italian press articles on refugees, on the other hand, reveals the prejudice towards refugees and even some fake news. She points out that this type of input brings about very negative social representations of refugees as “fakes because they have smartphones,” or immigrants in general as those who carry Ebola, scabies and other ‘medieval’ illnesses. Hassan (2019) concludes that despite rational arguments that disprove prejudices, convictions still contin-

ue to spread resentment against immigrants in Italy.

Looking at the experience of Bosnians and Eritreans in Europe, Al-Ali, Black, and Koser (2001) examine the capabilities of refugees to engage in various activities, and identify a range of obstacles, pertaining to problems of labor market integration and social representation in host countries associated with their refugee status. There is therefore a link between social representations of refugees by host communities and how the forced migrants are received and treated. Beyond the community level, where social representations are seen as the lay ways of thinking and everyday practices, one should also note that reified representations (institutions) formally “manage” otherness, for example by referring to the way refugees are treated by the “system” (Andreouli and Howarth 2013). The recent research on social representations of refugees in Europe concludes that a post-refugee narrative is needed and it will be collective-level interrogation of the socio-political purposes of the category and the parameters of European humanitarianism that will facilitate such a post-refugee narrative emerging (Mahendran et al. 2019). The refugee category is delicately balanced on a series of oppositional affective-cultural political constructions between agency and non-agency, refugee and migrant, refugee and European. In addition, Bansak, Hainmueller, and Hangartner (2016) report that recent studies including 15 European countries identified the following key factors in the perception of asylum seekers: (1) humanitarian concerns, (2) anti-Muslim sentiments, and (3) economic reasoning.

A fruitful line of studies dedicated to the social representations of refugees has been conducted in Australia since almost twenty years. Hanson-Easey and Moloney’s (2009)

research investigated what was understood by the social category of a ‘refugee’ and how this understanding was mediated by the refugee group’s place of origin, in the context of the national and international debate about asylum-seekers and refugees. Moloney (2010) further notices that whilst the term refugee is used to described an individual who enters the host country on humanitarian grounds, the term refugee is also an identity lost replaced by a vacuous administrative label and a construction of the host country.

Specifically concerning social representations of female refugees, there has been some research, for example drawing from the newspaper articles as data sources. Studying the image of Syrian refugees to Turkey, Narlı, Özaşçılar, and Turkan (2019) identified various gender-based problems related to different forms of violence, sexual abuse, specifically cases of forced and early marriage as second wives, and forced prostitution, as well as reproductive health challenges. Overall, while there is a substantial body of research on refugees using the social representations theoretical framework, some more studies specifically on women refugees would shed additional light on their situation, given that forced migration is a gendered phenomenon.

Refugees and Self-Representation

At the end of World War II, Arendt (2007) reminded the world that “In the first place we don’t like to be called refugees.” This nondescript label, refugees, remains in the news, discourse, and academic literature (Crawley and Skleparis 2018). It is an unhelpful term that does not include any personal characteristics of the people it describes. Fifty years later, Agamben (2008) revisited Arendt’s essay arguing that her work was just as relevant as ever. Following Arendt’s

line of inquiry, Gissi (2018) asked Syrian refugee women living in Lebanon about their perspectives of the term refugee. The women responded ala Arendt that the term further stigmatized and marginalized them in their already precarious situation (Gissi 2018, 20).

Much of what is known on the topic of refugees is about refugees. Further what is known is often produced from an outsider with a privileged gaze (Choule 2007, 471). There has long been a need for the voices of these diverse populations to represent themselves in modern narratives and academic literature (Malkki 1996; Rajaram 2002). Increasingly scholars across the academy are developing research that places refugees at the center of their own stories by capturing their voices through qualitative research projects (Gissi 2018; Grant and Guerin 2018; Mansour 2019).

Foucault (1988, 1995) wrote extensively about such representations, suggested that representations produce discourses which often become ahistorical and inescapable “truths” about the subjects represented. There are many stakeholders in the production of discourses about refugees. Subversive discourses about displaced persons reveal how power is used to construct identities of displaced persons (Powell 2015). The perpetuation of such discourses should and can be interrupted by refugees representing.

There is, of course, a slippery slope in engaging in any kind of work that seeks to represent another. Regarding refugee women specifically, scholars have noted the importance of avoiding representation that is essentialist and hegemonic (Eastmond 2007; Marlowe 2009). Female refugees have proven their strength in survival and innovation which must be included in the representations any scholar aims to

produce (Freedman 2019). Ensuring that refugee women can exercise their own agency and, yet, not deny that they victimized in horrific ways is important work.

Refugees and Social Capital

Many scholars positioned the notion of social capital as a framework to understand refugee experiences (Akua-Sakyiwah, 2016; Colic-Peisker, and Tilbury 2003; Lamba 2003). Bourdieu’s work is influential in understanding the refugee experience (Bourdieu 1986). Social capital is developed through a myriad of social relationships within the community one lives. Because social relationships often rely on social norms of the host culture, there can be barriers for refugees who operate with a different set of culturally based norms. Of course, the notion of social capital does not mean that each community is a cohesive and harmonious space. For refugees, there may be societal realities, like xenophobia, that prevent them from entrée into the community (Pittaway, Bartoleomei, and Doney 2016).

While social capital may be understood in certain ways in the academic literature, there may a different understanding of social capital by refugees. Pittaway, Bartoleomei, and Doney (2016) explored how refugees describe and experience capital. They found that any capital they may have had in their host country is often fractured during the refugee journeys to host countries. Additionally, they found that the trauma of the separation of their families limited their ability to establish relationships in their host country.

Akua-Sakyiwah (2016) found that Somali refugees faced several challenges in attaining capital in their host country. In part, women face barriers because “capital” was not a necessary resource, or it was conceptualized different-

ly, in their home country. Additionally, the resources needed to gain capital may not have been available in their home country. For example, many female refugees are not fluent in English which may be a necessary skill for employment in their host country (Akua-Sakyiwah 2016). Social capital is essential for refugees to secure employment and vice versa (Akua-Sakyiwah 2016). In other words, refugees find themselves in a cycle where they must have capital to get a job, but they need a job in order to gain capital.

Access to education is a human right (Sen 1999). Yet, most refugees do not easily have access to education. The UNHCR (UNHCR 2016) stated that only 1% of refugees attain higher education. This number is in contrast to the estimated 3% of people in the same age range throughout the world (UNHCR 2016). Barriers to education include lack of English proficiency and the lack of the social capital needed to access education (Ben-Moshe 2008; Gissi 2018). Many refugees grapple with the challenge of rebuilding their lives in a community where they do have access to necessary resources like education.

In addition to employment and education, religion is an important form of social capital. Lorensen and Buch-Hansen (2018) specifically looked at how conversion to Christianity became a form of social capital in the lives of some refugees. In the next section, we present literature that is at the nexus of religion and refugees.

Refugees and Religion

We looked specifically at the role of religion and spirituality in the empowerment of women refugees. Thus far, literature has mostly featured immigrants’ religiosity in general (Rowatt 2019), and in particular refugees’ conver-

sion experiences (Kéri and Sleiman 2017; Loul, Willott, and Robinson 2014) and religious coping with loss (McLellan 2015; Shaw et al. 2019); religious coping for those working with refugees (Cecil Stoltzfus Hagues 2018); response of the churches to the ‘refugee crisis’ (Baxter 2018; Giordan and Zrinščak 2018; Janzen et al. 2016); religious orientation and commitment in prejudicial attitudes towards refugees among receiving societies (Carlson et al. 2019; Deslandes and Anderson 2019; Mancini, Bottura, and Caricati 2018); and theological literature (Constantineanu 2018; Escobar 2018; Houston 2015; Msbah 2018; Wright 2018).

According to Miller and Ewest (2015), religion and spirituality constitute a central human activity, used to create meaning and form identity. They point out that a scholarly debate concerning the relationship between and definitions of spiritually and religion has been taking place for a long time, with some researchers seeing clear divisions between the terms and others seeing them as conjoined and inseparable. Spirituality focuses on transcendence, discourses of the individual with the absolute being or the divine and relational consciousness or the relationship of the self to the significant others (Pandya 2018). Spiritual inclinations and faith-based reactions are not uncommon human experiences in adversity, particularly among refugees who suffer from the traumatic consequences of various events.

Following multiple losses, some women identify religion and spirituality as a source of strength, using religious conceptions of suffering to make sense of their trauma (Hasanov and Shirinov 2017). Experiences of spirituality in the aftermath of trauma have diverse components, depending on the context, religion, and other factors. Some common notions include a belief that God is in control, prayer; grat-

itude, and spiritual commitment, identified by Smigelsky et al. (2017) who interviewed Congolese female refugees. As faith gives an individual a sense of meaning and purpose in life, enabling them to move on, a woman may be more willing to engage in risk-taking activities, convinced of the divine protection and guidance.

It has been established that faith and religion can play a crucial role in binding individuals and groups together (Ritchie 2017) towards effective actor cooperation. This has important consequences for the empowerment of women refugees. Moreover, religion can be seen as a source of stability following collective traumatic experiences. For example, political and religious Islam has been known for representing one of the few universal points of reference for various displaced societies in a greater situation of uncertainty. Ritchie (2017) noted that a closer association with Islam could create a stronger platform for Muslim women combining religious identity with economic career aspirations. In fact, the role of religion appears as particularly important in the Middle East, where sociopolitical changes have increased the importance of religious identity over and above national identity (Caputo 2018). Concerning Christianity, scholars have found that faith seems to play a crucial role in the development of refugee resilience (Baxter 2018; VanHook 2016).

Refugees and Resilience

Resilience can be defined as “the process of effectively negotiating, adapting to, or managing significant sources of stress or trauma” and it is facilitated by “assets and resources within the individual, their life and environment” which enable them to bounce back in the face of adversity (Windle 2011, 12). Although, human resilience is now considered an

important framework, it has not always been an emphasis in researching refugee populations. There have been some paradigmatic shifts in the relevant psychological literature since the 1970s, moving away from the traditional medical model of psychopathology toward a resilience-based framework focused on positive adaptation and strengths (Masten 2011).

One reason to a shift away from the medical model is that post-traumatic stress disorder (American Psychiatric Association 2013) may not be an entirely appropriate diagnostic concept for refugee populations, given that PTSD is an inherently Western, linear, reductionistic, and individualistic understanding of psychological distress. There have been ongoing debates and critiques regarding the conceptualization of PTSD, especially from a global and historical perspective of how it has been applied in cross-cultural contexts (Good and Hinton 2015; George 2010). Refugee populations experience stress which is usually more complex, continuous, cumulative, and collective in nature than can be captured by the relatively circumscribed diagnostic concept of PTSD (Eagle and Kaminer 2013; Kira, Amer, and Wrobel 2014; Bronstein and Montgomery 2011). Overall, therefore, refugee research has shifted its focus to understanding processes that help reduce trauma symptoms over time; resources at the individual, family, and community levels; and strengths that contribute to pathways of healthy adjustment over time (Copolov, Knowles, and Meyer 2018; Ryan, Dooley, and Benson 2008; Gianesini 2015; Ginesini 2018).

This section of the literature review will focus on female refugees, including the risk and protective factors that combine to influence their resilience. Resilience itself can also vary across gender lines and developmental stages of

the lifespan (Windle 2011; Gianesini 2015). However, given this specific focus on resilience in female refugees, it is important that they are understood to be a heterogenous population. There is heterogeneity in how people respond to potentially traumatic events (Ginesini 2018), and female refugees may still differ with regard to nationality, language, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, ability level, language, religious affiliation, and other identifying characteristics.

Risk Factors: Psychosocial Stressors for Female Refugees

Risk factors are the individual, family, community, or societal factors that make someone more likely to experience a negative psychosocial outcome over time (Mohamed and Thomas 2017; Sabri et al. 2018). As previously mentioned, one important dimension of resilience is the presence of adversity, stress, or trauma—sometimes referred to as risk factors or psychosocial stress (Mohamed and Thomas 2017). The common psychosocial stressors experienced by refugees as a broad population have been widely discussed in the relevant literature (Chan, Young, and Sharif 2016; George 2012; Pieloch, McCullough, and Marks 2016). These are often conceptualized as pre-migration, migration, and post-migration experiences (George 2010; Pieloch, McCullough, and Marks 2016). When considering female refugees as a specific population, protective factors that affect refugees as a broad population still apply. However, there are also psychosocial stressors that are more unique to female refugees, affecting them disproportionately.

Whether it occurs during pre-migration, migration, or post-migration, gender-based violence is the psychosocial stressor most often emphasized in the research regarding female refugees. This may take the form of sexual abuse

or assault, intimate partner violence, sex trafficking, sexual torture, genital mutilation, forced marriage, or witnessing others being sexually victimized (Heise, Ellsberg, and Gottmoeller 2002; Young and Chan 2015; Abraham, Lien, and Hanssen 2018). In the case of intimate partner violence, women may fear retaliation for disclosing the violence or may see no choice except to remain with their abusive partner, especially if their husband is a source of protection and financial provision (Ho and Pavlish 2011). In cultural contexts with strong patriarchal values, women who have been raped can be shunned and marginalized by their families and communities; their children are often included in this shunning and marginalization (Sideris 2003).

Post-migration, women may be disproportionately affected by specific psychosocial stressors in their process of resettlement in a host country. One vulnerability unique to female refugees is migrating or resettling while pregnant or in the early stages of motherhood. According to Gewalt et al. (2018), this psychosocial stressor seems to especially effect women negatively if they have a stressful relationship with the child’s father, particularly in situations where he is unsafe and they fear being found by him. Women who are pregnant also report stressful living situations involving verbal and physical violence (Gewalt et al. 2018). Regardless of whether they are pregnant or not, women report experiencing stress when living situations are not gender-separated (Gewalt et al. 2018).

Women may experience forms of gender-based discrimination pre-migration, and their experiences of discrimination often continue during resettlement, rendering them further marginalized compared to refugee men (Young and Chang 2015). With regard to employment post-migration,

refugee women often arrive in a host country with a lower level of education and literacy compared to men (Hou and Beiser 2006). While some women may have been employed pre-migration, others may enter the labor force for the firsttime during resettlement, sometimes even becoming the sole breadwinner of their families (Young and Chang 2015). Shifting patterns in employment may result in shifting family dynamics. Especially for women who are newly entering the workforce, they may find themselves bearing a “triple burden” post-migration—being a housewife, an employee, and a cultural broker between their children and spouse (Lipson and Miller 1994). Furthermore, there has also been research suggesting that female refugees consistently suffer from higher levels of mental health disorders compared to men (Hollander et al. 2011; Young and Chang 2015).

Protective Factors: Resources and Strengths of Female Refugees

Protective factors are the opposite of risk factors— they are the individual, family, community, or societal factors that can protect a person from developing negative psychosocial outcomes throughout the migration process (Mohamed and Thomas 2017; Sabri et al. 2018). Similar to risk factors and psychosocial stressors, there are protective factors (resources and strengths) that seem to broadly apply to refugees regardless of age or gender. Some of the most consistent research results point to the following as important protective factors for refugees: having a strong sense of mastery and internal locus of control (Wilson 1995), finding meaning in suffering (Wilson 1995), contentment with work and family life (Beiser and Wickrama 2004; Mollica 2006), language proficiency in the resettlement country (Matsuo

and Poljarevic 2011), adopting a bicultural acculturation strategy (Birman et al. 2014; Davidson, Murray, and Schweitzer 2008), social support from peers and the surrounding community (Simich, Beiser, and Mawani 2003; Stewart, Anderson, and Mwakarimba 2008; Lee, Lee, and Park 2017), a positive outlook and hope for the future (Mohamed and Thomas 2017), and spiritual and religious beliefs and practices (Ginesini 2018). As was the case when considering risk factors, these common protective factors still apply to female refugees as a specific population. However, there is also research focusing specifically on refugee women, which may reveal nuances or dynamic interrelationships among protective factors that could be unique to female refugees. Family life, social support, religious beliefs and practices, and coping styles are offered here as examples.

With regard to family life, Sossou et al. (2008) found that “the safety and survival of the family members, especially the children and their spouses, was the one single factor that kept [women] alive through their refugee experiences” (377). This resonates with the results found by Sabri et al. (2018), which indicated that, for refugee women who had experienced intimate partner violence, children were sometimes a source of strength to carry on in the midst of adversity, an impetus for taking protective action, or a reason to continue coping in the face of adversity.

Social support is another protective factor that may have nuances or dynamic interrelationships specific to female refugees. Abraham, Lien, and Hanssen (2018) found that Eritrean female refugees resettling in Norway valued support from asylum center leaders and staff, but the most highly valued support was from support from fellow Eritrean refugee women. This contributed to their development

of a proxy family, strong ethnic identity, and sense of collective resilience. In their study of pregnant asylum-seeking women in Germany, Gewalt et al. (2018) found that social support provided by midwives, social workers, and psychologists was a beneficial protective factor. The researchers also underscored the importance of ensuring continuity and stability of maternity care in healthcare systems for refugee women.

Another protective factor that is strongly associated with resilience in refugee populations is religious beliefs and practices. Faith is considered an “integral construct” (Ginesini 2018, 103) to include when studying resilience in refugee women. Ginesini (2018) found that “faith, in particular, significantly predicted coping flexibility and a more positive evaluation of life events” (115). For female refugees who had experienced intimate partner violence, Sabri et al. (2018) discovered that religious involvement sometimes helped women leave their abusive situations, stay safe, or cope with the abuse—especially if religious leaders were supportive of women. However, it should be noted that religious beliefs or specific scripture passages were also sometimes used as justifications for men’s abuse of women.

Research focused on refugee women has also uncovered specific coping styles that seem to facilitate their resilience. Gewalt et al. (2018) found that pregnant refugee women utilized acceptance of current circumstances, religious faith, and hope for better living conditions as methods of coping with adversity. Abraham, Lien, and Hanssen (2018) found that Eritrean refugee women also coped by dreaming of a more positive future in which they could “further their education and have a normal life” (362). Social support networks also seemed to enable problem-focused coping; for

example, if unable to speak with a physician due to language barriers, a woman could ask a friend who knew the host country language better to serve as an interpreter. Abraham, Lien, and Hanssen (2018) also found that coping in the form problem-solving was facilitated by fellow female refugees.

Summary

The complexity of gendered refugee experiences requires further research, in particular integrating multiple disciplines. The theory of social representations has already been extensively applied to study refugees and it continues to generate diversified research across the globe. It lends itself to giving voice to the main actors themselves by looking at self-representations of women refugees embedded in the context of their unique trajectories and individual capacities, instead of promoting Western hegemonic discourse regarding women in developing countries, for example relying on orientalist and self-orientalizing representations of Syrian women refugees (Alhayek 2014). These hegemonic representations can be challenged by giving voice to the women themselves and paying attention to their social capital, including religion and spirituality, as well as individual protective factors encompassed in resilience.

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