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Question 2: Poor Primary Education System: The Achilles’ heel in Pakistan’s Economic Development

Aysha Malik Class of 2011 HOD 2420

Professor Brian Heuser November 11, 2009 (Fall 2009) HOD 2400-01

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Abstract Pakistan’s fragmented and underdeveloped education system has hindered the country’s economic development. Education plays a fundamental role in building both human and economic capital. Empowering individuals with knowledge allows them to give back and eventually increase their output. Increased economic participation directly impacts the stability of a country. Unfortunately, Pakistan’s primary education system has thwarted this progress. The relationship between primary education and economic development is explored through several economic theories and theorists. An analysis of international organizational aid’s effectiveness is subsequently addressed. Lastly, policy recommendations focused on decentralizing the government’s role in the education system are provided. Ultimately, it is clear that a nexus between effective primary education and positive economic development exists. People are the engine of growth but currently they are stuck in the slums of Pakistan.

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Poor Primary Education: the Achilles’ heel in Pakistan’s Economic Development Primary education is imperative for development. It promotes an industrious and informed citizenry and opens opportunities for the socially and economically disadvantaged echelons of society. The United Nations subscribes to this tenet in their Declaration of Human Rights stating, ―Everyone has the right to [an] education‖ (1948). In Pakistan, however, the dichotomy between the quality of education practiced and the vision detailed under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are gravely different. This paper investigates how Pakistan’s neglected primary education system has crippled the nation’s economic development. Economic theories subscribing to this tenet will subsequently address how education can serve as an effective remedy to cure some of Pakistan’s economic woes. Members of the international community such as the World Bank and USAID have contributed significant resources to reform Pakistan’s education system; the use of these funds will subsequently be assessed. Despite the effort of several international organizations, illiteracy continues to impede economic development in Pakistan, thus recommendations on how to proceed will be presented. Importance of Reforming Pakistan’s Education System Education plays a pivotal role in building both human and economic capital. It empowers individuals with the necessary information to increase their productivity, thereby encouraging them to participate in the labor force, helping to build a robust economy. Studies show that education and the workforce’s skill sets are inextricably linked to economic growth and raising productivity (Amjad, 2005). Since the main source of differences in living standards and development among nations is a disparity in education and human capital, Pakistan’s primary education system is explored. A poor education system in Pakistan has increasingly become an international concern. Limited educational opportunities have handicapped economic

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opportunities, which in turn have made young Pakistanis eager for a better life and vulnerable targets to extremist groups (Bajoria, 2009). In August 2009, chief counterterrorism adviser to the White House John Brennan reiterated this notion stating, ―It is why they [the extremists] offer free education to impoverished Pakistani children, where they can recruit and indoctrinate the next generation‖ (Bajoria). According to the World Bank, nearly half the adult population of Pakistan cannot read, and net primary enrollment rates remain the lowest in South Asia (Bajoria). Although advancements have been made, failure to reform Pakistan’s primary education system carries serious implications, for both economic development within the country and for global security. Quality of Education in Pakistan Pakistan is an interesting paradox. ―It has a well-educated and entrepreneurial Diaspora who thrive as small business owners in industrial economies, skilled workers in Gulf States, and high officials in international organizations‖ (Easterly, 2001, p. 1). The country has seen respectable per capita growth since partitioning from India and has been privy to intense involvement by donors and international agencies, receiving over $58 billion in foreign aid (Easterly). As the third largest recipient of official development assistance, one would assume that Pakistan’s investment in human capital would be greater. To the contrary, Pakistan’s literacy rate hovers at 49.9% while 24% of its citizens continue to live below the poverty line (CIA, 2008). As William Easterly (2001) notes, there is a pattern of growth without educational development in Pakistan. The faulty development pattern in Pakistan follows a long history of negligence on the government’s behalf. Despite receiving the aforementioned aid packages and international

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advice, government officials have not made improving the education system a priority. According to UNESCO records, Pakistan spends 2.9 percent of its gross domestic product on education, slightly less than India's 3.2 percent and well below the U.S.'s 5.2 percent (Toosi, 2009). This education system has consequently matured into a fragmented and inadequate system. When parents are sending their children to school they must choose between a free madrassa, a government-run public school, or a private school. Within this fragmented system, the quality of education has suffered from poor curriculum, unqualified teachers, and an infrastructure that is deficient and physically falling apart. These divisions have invariably led to intractable problems that have directly impacted social and economic development. Madrassa Schools The majority of parents in rural Pakistan either lack access to private schools or are unable to pay the tuition fees which are approximately 1300.78 rupees a year that converts to $27.87 U.S. dollars (Andrabi, Das, & Khwaja, 2002). Those parents that live near public schools often choose not to send their children to these institutions since the quality of education is poor. Impoverished parents in rural areas usually choose to send their children to Madrassas that provide a religious education, food, and housing (Ray, 2006). Madrassas account for one percent of school enrollment in Pakistan. Numerically, this means that over half-a-million students are being taught at one of the 7,000-10,000 established institutions. Unfortunately, half a million students attending Madrassas each year receive a poor education that inadequately prepares them to integrate into a globalized world. In reality, the crux of the problem at Madrassas is the type of education provided for children. Syllabi contain no world history, math, science, technology or vocational training unless a student wants to

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become a Muslim cleric (Looney, 2003). According to Looney, ―Their graduates are unable to multiply, spell their own names in English, find their nation, or for that matter any other country on a map and are very ignorant of everyday happenings in the world‖ (Looney, 2003, p. 263). Stifling the creativity of these children and breeding bigotry have become defining characteristics of these schools. The children that attend Madrassas are often uneducated, young, and dependent on their instructors for guidance. Therefore, the poor instruction is bred both out of outdated curriculum and unqualified teachers. Instructors at Madrassas are known for censoring the material they teach to students. Part of this comes from the fact that an individual cannot teach at a Madrassa until they have been approved by a Muslim cleric. Even so, these conservative, male teachers are frequently indifferent to their students. The rote teaching method used at Madrassas is detailed in this unfortunate inscident: Crouching on a threadbare carpet, the young boys rocked backwards and forwards, their voices blending into a medley of high-pitched chants. They sat cross-legged beside a low wooden bench on which were propped copies of the Koran. A row of 20 white-capped heads bobbed to and fro as the boys pored over their texts. Their bearded teacher, perched on a cushion at one end of the dark, crowded room, appeared indifferent. He ignored his tiny charge, aged between six and eight, as they concentrated on memorizing all 6,666 verses of the Koran, learning two words of the Arabic text at a time (Looney, 2003, p. 263). Another disconcerting component of Madrassas is the fact that malleable young minds are taught a distorted version of Islam and educated in violence. Most religious schools ―include weapons and physical training in their regimen, as well as fire branded lessons on speechmaking where rhetoric is memorized against America and liberal politics‖ (Looney, 2003, p. 264). With spartan classrooms and strict single-minded teachers, children that attend these religious institutions are

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unprepared to pursue secondary or tertiary education, preventing real contributions to Pakistan’s economic development. Public-Run Government Schools Each year, students graduating from Madrassas receive an education that lacks substantive material. Unfortunately, the 65% of Pakistani children enrolled in Pakistan’s public school system do not fare much better than these Madrassa students (Andrabi, 2009). Like Madrassas, public schools in Pakistan indoctrinate students with distorted information. This distorted information comes from The Provincial Textbook Boards (PTBs) which has manufactured textbooks for Pakistan’s public schools since the 1960s (Ray, 2006). The International Crisis Group underscores the fact that, PTB produces textbooks that align with the policies and national curriculum framework of the Federal Ministry of Education’s Curriculum Wing. Monopolizing the textbook industry allows the government to limit published information. According to Major Ray, Restrictions on educational content are rigid--the government disallows any reflection of Pakistan’s ethnic, social and economic diversity in any educational material. Worse, the state distorts the educational content of the public school curriculum, encouraging intolerance along regional, ethnic, and sectarian lines, to advance its own domestic and external agendas (Ray, 2006, p. 56). The memorization of distorted information has taken a toll on student’s analytic skills. Studies show that public school students exceed on rote learning compared to reading comprehension, analytic questions, and life skills. Pervez discovered that at the end of 5th grade, over 60% of children were proficient in rote learning while only 18-27 percent could write a letter, read and demonstrate an understanding of life skills requiring original thought and critical thinking skills (Mirza, 2003). Public school students have been alienated from succeeding as the lessons they learn in the classroom are saturated with political dogma and inaccuracies. As mentioned, the

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United States is often portrayed as an aggressor. Failing to provide quality education needed to allay the spread of poverty has perpetuated economic development problems. Without proper schooling it is difficult to compete and develop products in the twenty-first century. The quality of education is also constrained by an insufficient number of qualified teachers. The majority of instructors working at public schools are untrained or provided with rudimentary training. In fact, most primary school teachers, principally women, have had fewer than 10 years of education (Kazmi, 2005). Moreover, they are unfamiliar with core courses such as mathematics and, therefore, lack the capability to adequately teach class lessons (Kazmi). Another component hindering teacher’s effectiveness is the lack of incentive to improve performance. The education system is not structured to reward advancement opportunities or salary increases. Consequently, little motivation for progress exists for students and teachers alike. Pakistan’s public educational woes stem from outdated curriculum, inexperienced teachers, and the poor infrastructure of the school buildings. These factors have created a toxic environment for learning and growth. In 2008, a Human Development Report of the federal government found, ―one out of 40 schools do not have a boundary wall, one-fifth are without electricity and drinking water facility and one-fourth do not have any class room furniture, oneseventh do not have lavatories‖ (Interface: Your Education Partner, 2008). Only 39 percent of public schools have been declared ―functional,‖ this means that only four out of ten schools actually provide students with a substantive level of education (Ray, 2006). T.M. Qureshi, an official at the Ministry of Education noted the malfeasance by government officials stating, ―The quality of education in the public sector is deteriorating day by day‖ (Interface: Your Education Partner, 2008). As the quality of education decreases, Pakistan’s future productive workforce

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dissipates. Meanwhile, 43.6 million of Pakistan’s 70 million youth do not attend school (Interface: Your Education Partner, 2008). Pakistan’s current education system is seemingly a poverty trap that continues to breed discontent. As more children receive outdated schooling or stay at home, the dearth of well educated and skilled citizens increases. . Assessing Economic Implications of Inadequate Education Examining Pakistan’s lagging economic development through the lens of education is both important and relevant. Currently, the education that children receive from government operated schools and Madrassas fail to provide students with foundational skills essentially needed in the global economy. UNESCO purports ―on average students do not achieve competency on more than half the material in the 5th grade curriculum‖ (Interface: Your Education Partner, 2008). Fifty percent of individuals in Pakistan are trapped in a cycle of poverty and unable to help modernize Pakistan’s economy. Instead, this sector of Pakistan’s population stagnates in low-skilled industries such as agriculture and perpetuates the country’s inability to progress. Pakistan’s dependence on agriculture, specifically the cotton industry, has stifled economic growth into more advanced markets. Currently, more than 70 percent of the country’s manufactured exports depend on cotton and more than 40 percent of total employment comes from the cotton industry (Amjad, 2005). Over the years, manufacturing cotton has served Pakistan’s economy well, but prosperity in this market has stagnated as technology evolves. Successfully assimilating into today’s international marketplace will require Pakistan to develop a skilled labor force that can compete with other developing nations such as China and India. In order to reach this level, children must graduate primary school with an understanding of

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mathematics and reading comprehension. However, Pakistan’s integration into advanced markets is seemingly impossible because three out of five persons in the country currently cannot read or write (Mirza, 2003). Several economic theories acknowledge a correlation between investments in the education system and economic development. The economic principle known as, the endogenous growth theory explains how education impacts developing country’s economic output and economic development. The theory suggests: Economic backwardness is highly linked to low labor efficiency and training, deficient supplies of entrepreneurship and slow growth in knowledge. The countries that have surged ahead, on the other hand, are characterized by high level of human capital accumulation where the educated labor force has raised the level of output and the rate of growth over a sustained period of time. (Hussain, 2005) This model depicts how the quantity and quality of education influences the labor force’s effectiveness and efficiency. Based on the research discussed, it is evident that the poor education that many Pakistani students receive has inhibited Pakistan’s economic output. A study by Robert Topel underscores the endogenous growth theory stating, ―based on data on output per worker and educational attainment for 111 countries over a 30-year period (1960-90) [found] that a one-year increase in average years of schooling for a country’s workforce raises output per worker between 5 and 15 percent‖ (Amjad, 2005). Statistically, this increase in output is critical. Currently, only 63 percent of Pakistani children complete primary school (Stuteville, 2009). If more resources were invested in building human capital, and if every child attended school for just one additional year, Pakistan’s output would increase exponentially and help develop its economy. The Social Policy Development Center published a study supporting literacy development, ―In Pakistan, it has been shown that districts with a higher literacy level have a higher level of development‖ (Hussain, 2005, p. 1).

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In The Process of Economic Development, economists James Cypher and James Dietz agree with the endogenous growth theory and that an educated labor force is a critical component of building both human and economic capital. Cypher and Dietz suggest that ―Education is the means by which a nation is able to appropriate from and share in the gains arising from technological and knowledge advances at the world level by augmenting the economy stock of human capital‖ (Cypher & Dietz, 2009, p. 391). The correlation between taking stock in education and economic output proved profitable for several High Performing Asian Economies (HPAEs). The World Bank found that enrollment in primary education in 1960 predicted astounding percentages of total economic growth from 1960-1985. The data went as follows:     

Hong Kong— 86% of total predicted growth Thailand— 87% of total predicted growth Indonesia — 79% of total predicted growth Malaysia— 73% of total predicted growth Japan— 58% of total predicted growth (Cypher & Dietz, 2009, p. 406)

Clearly, a relationship exists between investing in youth and output, as several Asian countries benefited from this venture in the 1980s. Cypher and Dietz further acknowledge the relationship between primary education and HPAEs integration into the technological world stating, ―the level of primary education was far and away the most important contributor to the predicted growth rates of the HPAEs and Japan‖ (Cypher & Dietz, 2009, p. 406). A similar investment in Pakistan could certainly prove fruitful for its economy. According to the Journal of Asian Economics (2006), ―Pakistan in her efforts to promote democracy and development must pursue the example of those countries that have built stronger civil and political institutions and made investment in people as the key to enhance their development prospects‖ (Aslam & Khan, 2006, p. 918). Pakistan can engineer economic development by investing in education and its people.

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Economist William Easterly also develops a case for primary education in The White Man’s Burden, stating that resource allocation should begin with primary schools (Easterly, The White Man's Burden, 2006). This is consistent with other economic theories, like the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) posited by Jeffrey Sachs. According to Sachs, quality education is a prerequisite for upward social and economic mobility. A significant component of this upward mobility though is the meticulous use of development aid (Sachs, 2005). Unlike Sachs, Easterly opposes investing large sums of aid to improve social and economic development. Easterly references the failed Social Action Program in Pakistan as an example of how development aid can be ineffective. For over eight years, government and international donors worked to improve Pakistan’s education system. After investing $8 billion in social projects, data suggests that primary school enrollment actually declined slightly over the 1990s. From 19981999 the total net primary enrollment dropped to 40 percent from its original 46 percent in 19901991. Meanwhile, the size of private primary schools exponentially increased as a result of parents' dissatisfaction with the quality of government-run schools (Easterly, 2001, p. 15). In 2000, a review of SAP was published and attributed the failed investment to: inadequate resources, lack of trained staff, weak monitoring, and accountability (Easterly, 2001). The failings of this program reflect earlier research detailing the inadequate and corrupt role of the government in Pakistan’s education system. Lack of accountability and oversight is driving parents who are financially able to, send their children to private schools, meanwhile those utterly impoverished families are forced to enroll their children in a broken school system or no school system at all. To date, Pakistan’s education system has failed to inculcate its youth with the cognitive, vocational, or life skills needed to assimilate into the global economy. This has resulted in a loss

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of output, fewer exports, and minimal growth in living standards. But as economist Amartya Sen, states, there are countless benefits reaped from investments in education. ―Basic education is not just an arrangement for training to develop skills (important as that is), it is also recognition of the nature of the world, with its diversity and richness, and an appreciation of the importance of freedom and reasoning as well as friendship. The need for that understanding—that vision— has never been stronger‖ (Sen, 1999). Economists and numerous empirical studies alike have established a strong correlation between education and economic development; now is the time for Pakistan’s government to make that connection and act on it. Response by International Organizations Several organizations have formulated operational strategies to improve Pakistan’s education system. The World Bank, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and the United States’ Agency for International Development (UUSAID) have all financed education projects in Pakistan. However, for purposes of this paper, the effectiveness and efficiency of Releasing Confidence and Creativity (RCC) a program by Aga Khan Foundation will be evaluated. USAID/Pakistan monetarily supported RCC, a program which worked on early childhood education programs in Pakistan. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is an independent bureau of the U.S. government that provides economic development and humanitarian assistance worldwide to support U.S. foreign policy goals. Since 2002, USAID's education division has devoted over $682 million into reforming Pakistan's education system (USAID/Pakistan, 2009). One of the projects that received funding from USAID/Pakistan was Releasing Confidence and Creativity (RCC), a program managed by the Aga Khan Foundation through six local nongovernmental organizations (Khan, 2005).

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In 1981, the Aga Khan Development Network was established with purposes of raising funds for social development programs. The organization’s mission is to ―strengthen the capacity of grassroots communities to solve their own problems and to promote opportunities that lead to solutions in income, health, education and the sustainability of local institutions and the environment‖ (Idealist Org., 2009). The Aga Khan’s grassroots approach aligns with William Easterly’s idea of searchers that emphasize homegrown solutions. Aga Kahn also falls in line with Muhammad Yunus’s grassroots microcredit plan of bringing change by empowering the people. Structurally, The Aga Khan Foundation is headed by the Immat and is divided into three branches: economic development, social development, and culture. For purposes of this paper, the social development division will be studied, because it is through this division that the Aga Khan Foundation was able to implement the RCC program with USAID/Pakistan. Releasing Confidence and Creativity’s overall objective was to ―improve the quality of learning and teaching during the early years in selected government primary schools and their surrounding communities in Pakistan‖ (Rich-Orloff, Khan, & Juma, 2007, p. 13). The pilot program was directed at girls aged 3 to 7 living in rural areas. The program reformed primary schools in Pakistan through a number of creative and critical thinking activities including: creative children’s games, group activities such as storytelling, poetry recitation, painting and acting (Khan, 2005). These creative approaches to contrast to the traditional rote memorization of government mandated textbooks described earlier. In addition to these interactive lesson plans, traditional teacher-centered approaches were replaced by interactive teaching techniques that emphasized student-centered learning. Families were also encouraged to promote these interactive activities at home (Khan, 2005).

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An Aga Khan Foundation manger, Randy Hatfield, noted the program’s effectiveness, saying, ―students involved in the program behaved in a totally different manner from what he had otherwise observed during his 15 years in Pakistan‖ (Khan, 2005). Hatfield also expressed how the program was well-received in these rural communities, RCC has become so attractive to parents in some of the rural communities that in one instance they raised $20,000 -- an enormous sum in rural Pakistan –to install the program in their schools. Some even donated land and offered other services, while others transferred their children from private schools to state-run schools with RCC programs, he said (Khan, 2005). The fact that parents are receiving the program so well and moving their children from private schools to government-run public schools is a true testament to RCC’s effectiveness. The program is also being expanded into the city of Chitral, perpetuating the notion of the program’s success and effectiveness. Hatfield imagines the RCC program spreading to the other 160,000 primary schools in Pakistan. He says, ―An RCC program is a low-cost model with start-up costs of only $2,000. To incorporate the RCC program in all the existing primary schools in Pakistan would cost just over $3-million‖ (Khan, 2005). Overall, it seems as though Aga Khan Foundation as an organization and even as a program supporter is effective. In fact, Charity Navigator granted the organization with three out of four starts for organizational efficiency. Although the organization seems to be efficient, expense reports and funding for RCC were noticeably difficult to find. Neither USAID/Pakistan nor the Aga Khan Foundation released the amount of money donated from different sponsors. Aga Khan’s website simply states, ―Funding sources include income from investments and grants from government, institutional and private sector partners - as well as donations from individuals around the world‖ (Khan, 2005). However, the State Department released that the RCC program cost $4.5 million (Khan, 2005).

Also, the cost-benefit analysis of the project was never released, calling the

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organization’s transparency into question. Despite, these shortcomings the organization seemed to perform well with a clear line of leadership in the participating communities. Through the partnership of the Aga Khan Foundation and USAID/Pakistan, 155 primary schools were transformed and the lives of 5,000 children will never be the same as now they have a chance at participating in the globalizing market. Recommendations Shortly after Pakistan gained its independence from India in 1947, its founding father Mohammad Ali Jinnah proclaimed, ―The future of our state will and must greatly depend on the type of education we give to our children‖ (Easterly, 2001, p. 17). I firmly believe that Pakistan’s youth is an untapped resource waiting to be unleashed. Moreover, I believe that education is an effective remedy to cure Pakistan’s economic and social ailments. In order to reap such benefits, Pakistan’s education system needs to be overhauled. The elite and corrupt government officials are at the heart of Pakistan’s education issues. Therefore, I am proposing four recommendations for Pakistan’s education system: decentralize decision making, form a Parent-Teacher Association (PTA), facilitate access to schools, and increase public expenditure on the education system. Currently, Pakistan’s education system is highly centralized in the hands of a few government officials. Established earlier, one of the biggest complaints is against the government-run primary schools which are often ineffectively run due to nepotism. Decentralizing the decision making process enables each region with the opportunity to cater their education system to reflect the needs of the particular district or village. Centralized government systems overlook the specific needs of different regions. This approach reflects

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William Easterly’s idea of being a ―searcher.‖ Big plans are appealing, but a grassroots approach enables sustainable educational development. Conversely, a concentrated system fails to provide the needed resources to enact real change within the education system. In the United States, the education system is somewhat decentralized, with each state or school district having jurisdiction over the education system. A similar system is recommended for Pakistan, based on provinces, districts, and finally villages. I am suggesting that a superintendent of the province be elected as head of education. Next, a superintendent of each district within the province should be chosen by the conglomeration of villages that make up the district. Additionally, a representative from each village should be chosen to sit on the board of directors for the district’s education system. Within each village, principals should be elected to take responsibility for the success of their schools. This level of accountability will also help build a stronger, more responsive base of teachers. As noted earlier, unqualified teachers have been a hindrance to the quality of primary education provided. Ultimately, giving each head of school flexibility in his individual methods helps ensure students receive the best education possible tailored for their particular village. In addition to decentralizing those government officials in charge of dictating education policies, the process of selecting textbooks should be reformed. As noted, the National Syllabus and Provincial Textbook Boards have a monopoly over textbooks in the public school system. Concentrating power in the hands of these boards limits students’ ability to ever receive an education untainted by political propaganda. Instead, each district should have the option of holding open bidding for all textbook companies to supply schoolbooks for the region. Putting more power in the hands of the local people increases the possibility individuals will receive a quality education appropriate for their social and economic environment.

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Another level of accountability should come from parent-teacher involvement. Therefore, I suggest a PTA system be implemented. The RCC program funded by the Aga Khan Foundation and USAID/Pakistan implemented a similar system to foster a more welcoming learning environment at home. Opening these lines of communications allows teachers and parents to build a mutual, trusting relationship. If parents trust the teachers, they will be more apt to keep their children enrolled in schools. Higher retention rates mean more children will move on to secondary and tertiary schools, thereby breaking the cycle of poverty, and increasing Pakistan’s chances of participating in the global market. Reforming the public schools mean nothing if students cannot reach them. It is incredibly important that more schools be built in rural areas; however the board of directors for each district must ensure that these schools be centrally built. Public transportation should be provided to and from school to increase student retention rates. If a child does not have to walk 10 miles to school, he or she will be more likely to stick with the educational programs. Fostering an appreciation for education at a young age will help mold Pakistan’s youth into active participants in its economic development. Lastly, I would recommend increasing the public expenditure on education to at least 4 percent of GDP, per the recommendation of UNESCO. This money should be invested into better curriculum, teacher incentives, and public school infrastructure. These funds can also be used toward the recommended transportation system. Moreover, a scholarship system that grants scholarships to high-achieving students to go to private schools would help cultivate productive members of the workforce at a young age.

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Education is the vehicle which will drive Pakistan’s future. The question is whether a rickshaw or a Mercedes will drive the country’s development. A quality education system will provide Pakistan with the necessary tools to assimilate into the globalizing market place. Other South Asian countries have taken a leap of faith and invested into the primary education system. Now, it is Pakistan’s turn.

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References Amjad, R. (2005). Skills and CompetitivenessL Can Pakistan Break Out of the Low-level Skills Trap? The Pakistani Development Review, 387-409. Andrabi, T. (2009, June). The Madrasa Myth. Retrieved Noveber 13, 2009, from Foreign Policy: Andrabi, T., Das, J., & Khwaja, A. I. (2002). The Rise of Private Schooling in Pakistan: Catering to the Urban Elite or Educating the Rural Poor? Pomona: Pomona University. Aslam, N., & Khan, S. (2006). Modernizing Economic Education in the Global Economy with Reference to Pakistan. Journal of Asian Economics, 904-922. Bajoria, J. (2009, October 7). Pakistan's Education System and Links to Extremism. Retrieved November 13, 2009 , from Council on Foreign Relations: CIA. (2008). The World Factbook. Retrieved November 14, 2009, from Central Intelligence Agency: Cypher, J., & Dietz, J. (2009). The Process of Economic Development. Routledge. Easterly, W. (2001). The Political Economy of Growth Without Development: A Case Study of Pakistan. Boston: Kennedy School of Government. Easterly, W. (2006). The White Man's Burden. New York: Penguin Press. Hussain, I. (2005). Education, Employment and Economic Development in Pakistan. Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center. Idealist Org. (2009, November 12). Aga Khan Foundation U.S.A. Retrieved November 2009, 15, from Idealist Org : Interface: Your Education Partner. (2008). Pakistan primary education, 3 out of 5 are Illiterate. Retrieved November 14, 2009, from Interface: Your Education Partner: Kazmi, S. W. (2005). Role of Education in Globalization: A Case for Pakistan . SAARC Journal of Human Resource Development. Khan, A. (2005, July 25). U.S. Supports Innovative Children's Learning Program In Pakistan. Retrieved November 15, 2009, from Embassay of the United States: Islamabad-Pakistan:

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Looney, R. (2003). Reforming Pakistan's Educational System: The Challenge of Madrassas . The Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies, 257-274. Mirza, M. (2003). Quality of Primary Education in Pakistan. Islamabad: UNESCO. Ray, R. (2006). Pakistani Education Systems and the Radical Islamic Jihadist Ideology. Fort Leavenworth: US Army. Rich-Orloff, W., Khan, J., & Juma, A. (2007). Pakistan Early Childhood Education Program Evaluation. DevTech Systems, Inc. Sachs, J. (2005). The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time . New York: Penguin Press. Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. New York: Anchor. Stuteville, S. (2009, August 16). Pakistanis in Seattle Give a Pakistan Community the Gift of Girls' School. Retrieved November 12, 2009, from The Seattle Times : Toosi, N. (2009, November 8). To Defang Taliban, Some Look to Private Schools. Retrieved November 12, 2009 , from Real Clear World: ome_look_to_private_schools.html United Nations. (1948, December). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Retrieved November 12, 2009, from The United Nations: USAID/Pakistan. (2009, August 5). USAID/Pakistan. Retrieved November 14, 2009, from Partnership for Education:


HOD 2400-01 Aysha Malik November 11, 2009 (Fall 2009) Professor Brian Heuser Class of 2011 Malik 1 Malik 2