A Free Nation? - August/September 1991

TENTION, RVI C E S...

hroughout a decade of a flourishing practice, the Law Offices of RafiOurfalian has grown steadily from a solo practice to a full-service litigation firm in the Southern California community.

Now staffed with seven attorneys and 25 legal professionals, the firm has recently moved to larger offices in the Toluca Lake/Burbank area, offering its

clientele a broad spectrum of legal services supported by state of the art technology and expertise.

Specializing in personal injury immigration and business law the Law Offices of Rafi Ourfalian continues

to provide its clientele with personal attention and the best and most modern legal services available.

Ask our clients about us.

Law

ffices

of

RafrOu#alian Law Offices of Rafi Ourfalian 3900 West Alameda Avenue, Suite 2100 Toluca Lake/Burbank, California 91505 Telephone

81

8.841.57

Telefax 818.841.9004

57

/\INI COVER STORY

The Long and Winding Road One year after Armeniafirst declared it would seek independence from the Soviet Union,AIM investigates howfar the republic has come on the road to sovereignty.

With a referendum on independence taking place in Armenia in September, we also gauge public opinion across the Diaspora in an exclusive poll.

24

ARMENIAN INTERESTS

gage 24

The First Twelve Months A lookat the principles and style of President LevonTer-Petrosyan, as the democratic

government reshapes Armenia.

11

PROF!LE

Tiny Triumphs Who is this man andwhy is he considered a giant? Meet Armenia' s Gulliver and enter a mysterious world where camels really do pass through the eye of a needle!

22

INTERV!EW

End of Empire

Yelena Bonner has waged a lifelong struggle for human rights in the Soviet Union.

As the communist state crumbles, she talks to AIM on Armenia,freedom, and

lift

afterGorbachev.

3g

SCIENCE

The Final Frontier We profile the ftrst Armenian astronaut and talk to the scientist leading NASA's preparationsfor man to colonize the heavens.

56

FILM

Video Visions Director Atom Egoyan is winning plaudits with his perceptive films about love and lift inthevideo age.What's realwhen everyone has a camera?

70

MUSIC

Music to His Years A major American composer for nearly half a century , Alan Hovhaness is joined by the music communiry in celebrating his 80th

birthday.

page 7O

lg

SPORTS

It's All in the Foot

When Ararat takes the fteld, Armenians celebrate the skill and drama offootball.

Afier years in the doldrums, the soccer team is rising again to the dazzling heights of the

1970s.

A2

page 82

Publlrherc ilote Lotters Armenian World

page2i2

People Speclal Report Gommunity

lnternational

5

Traditlons

6

Educatlon

I lo

t6 4l 46

Books

54 60 67

Art

74 76

fedia

86

Essay Cover Painting:

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PAPERWTTIAT

IT'S NOT EVERY CELEBMIES BOTI{ A DECIARATION OF INDEPENDENCE ND AI{ INTERNATTONAL MAGAZINE.

You

lnve our heardelt wishes for many morc years o{ Armenian soereigrty and unity.

@

1\INI

From the Publishens

Rrblished byAlllr lrrc.

EDITOR-11{CHIEF: Vadan Oskanian Chades Nazarian Raffi Shoubookian ITIONS: Michael Nahabet Keshishian, H. SassoJnian Minas Kciaian l: La/on lltarashlian ORS: Ke\oft lmizian (Boston); Ara lclavdiian (Boston): Haio Kerocfan (L.4.) lNIl: SEcTloN EolToH: Josboh Kechiifiian ARTIi ETXTOR: Neerv lvlelkonien (Santa Fe) STAFF WR]TERS: Tony Halpin, lshkhan Jirfbashian, Viken Beberian ASSISTANT EDITOR:KatI CONTRIBUTORS: Gerard irmmd Mooradian. Armen

Almost a year to the day after Armenia first declared its intention to seek independence, the hardline coup long feared by Soviet reformers swung into action in Moscow. For three long days, the grim ghost of Stalin threatened to destroy all hopes for democratic change in the Soviet Union.

The coup happenedjust48 hours before AIM was due to go topress. Suddenly our cover story on Armenia's independence was in danger ofbeing overtaken by events. A decision was made to change the whole story, some 13 pages, by pulling out articles, commissioning new analysis, and writing a fresh lead. The next day we were ready to go-but on the Wednesday, events in Moscow he tanks nearly spoiled the party .

For AlM,

there cou ld haVe been

no more

d ra

mat

i

c way

tO mafk

our own first anniversary.

3::: UllflT,l":l,J"dfll'T:'#; ii:["":lt?Jj,::,X1X?i##SHffi: original pre-ioup coverase.

These are momentous days in the Soviet Union and for Armenia's relaMankasarian, Mkhitar Khachatrian PRODUCTION DIRECTOR: Vartan Karaoohlanian ORCULATION DIRECTOR: Thomas Yetdrian MARKEnNG MANAGER: Armenia K. Sinanian

:':l*?#',ilJl;,f"::f"?ikfrfl"#infl trol of theirown $estinv lry

!i11iffi:;'ffi::ili#;l;:i::*Y which' H:""?,il':'i' H: niJil"J

AIX

(ISSN 105G3471), AUGUST 1991, Vol.2, ll,o.8, is publishaj monthv, $45.00 Der year, by AlM, lnc., 109 E.

government's hand in the negotiations with Moscow that must follow.

For AIM, there could have been no more dramatic way to mark our own first anniversary. We do so with fond memories of the past and eager anticipation of the future. The sense of a scattered global Diaspora communicating through the pages of the magazine has been truly inspiring. The encouragement and support given AIM by our readers and advertisers has enabled us to grow at a speed unimagined when we set out just 12 short months ago.

Our horizons, like those of the Armenian people everywhere, are expanding with each new day. For us all, the year ahead promises to be exciting and nervewracking in equal measure.

Harvard Sl., Suitd 305, Glendald, CA 91205; Phone: (818)

W-225. Fax (818) ilG2283.

Coovrioht @ 1991 bv AlM. lnc. Allrioh noi be?eoloducsd iri anv riranner. efrh, without r hitten permissio'n lrom the pub not resoonsible lor unsolicited manusr stamoeh. sell-address€d snvelooe is exoresseid in sioned artides do rrit neo vieiws ot ttre pu6isners.

or an unbss a

Moke Check PoyobleTo:

IUt'|D' 9336 Oeemore Orive , Tuiungo , (A 91 042

CllA/iJII.IAt{ ARMEt.lIAN SCI|OOT'BOO(

(81

fity

Zip

Stote

DVISA

Teleohone

-

Plme odd 54.00 for shippng ud hondthg. Alsil

-

36

8) 24l-9334

-

v&k

lor

kfrwy

[xpirolion Dole

OTIISTERCARD

role at the inception and during the early growth of the AESSC, but he was not the founder. The idea originated with now-

there). However, AIM's image and credibility do not stand high (Hye) when the Iikes of aRuthZakarian ("Young and Rest-

deceased James Koundakjian, who was the

less," June 1991) consume a double-page spread. (Any number of Armenian show-

initial force behind it.

The center formally opened in 1977 under the auspices of the Armenian Evangelical Churches, with the assistance of the Armenian Missionary Association of America and subsequent generous funding from the Stephen Philibosian Foundation.

Mr. Baliozian was appointed as the center's first executive director. The small staff, including Mr. Baliozian, was paid by

the Armenian Evangelical community.

Many others served at the center purely on a voluntary basis.

Norair N. Sarian, M.D. Los Angeles, Califurnia

Endangered species lives

Displacing Armenia As I was reading James Pettifer'p article about the Armenian community in Albania

("Back to Life," July 1991), I asked myself, What if these two people changed places? Albanians would be among their

fellow Muslims, and Armenians among fellow Christians...

Of course it is not easy to relocate six or seven million people but it is not impossible. Despite all the downsides, I kind of

liked the idea...

Garo Garakian Pasadena, Califurnia

Depopulation and "Greon GardD I was outraged at what I read in the "Coming to America..." article in your June issue. Once again, it seems some of our Armenian community leaders decide the fate of the rest of us.

The article said that "... the Armenian

I can't agree with you more! We are an endangered species and we will be sorely missed (Editor's Note, June l99l). I hope the stubbom and misguided ones are reading youreditoriaM do agree that we didnot have Armenian schools, but I do not agree that we did not have cultural institutions, particularly in larger cities.

For example, in Los Angeles we have

the Armenian Allied Arts Association which is 57 years old. What is irritating is that the foreign-born do not know of us or they do not think of us as Armenian enough.

What has that got to do with art, beauty and culture? What is important is that AAAA,

like other Armenian-American organizations, is trying to prepare talented Armenian-Americans to enter the mainstream of the American cultural world, instead of keeping them prisoners of the Armenian community where they will wither and their art will die.

National Committee of America, spurred by concerns ofdepopulating the homeland, urged forexclusion of Armenians from the Lautenberg Amendment. " It seems that the same individuals who decide not to support such issues are also the ones who live abroad and enjoy the freedom and luxury that life abroad has to offer. Why can't it be the choice of Arme-

nians in the homeland? They deserve at least that. For the rest of the AmericanArmenians opposing such amendments as Lautenberg's, I would invite them to move to the homeland themselves.

I think it is about time Armenians start supporting each other.

Arda M our adian M cC art hy Tinton Falls, New Jersey In your article, "Red Tape, Green Card" (June l99l), you erroneously state: "Balizoian, founder of the non-profit Armenian Evangelical Social Service Center..." This letter is written to set the record straight.

It is true that Hratch Baliozian played a

Studio

C

biz talent could have been featured) . Here to real people!

Sona

Middle Eastern communities with their savings. With their meager resources they kept their heritage alive in this land, always remaining respectful to what it stands

for-

freedom and opportunity.

lanet Kassouny N ort h H o llyw ood, C alifurnia

Beel peopleat issue My initial subscription to AIM was a supportive gesture to a magazine with a genuine Armenian commitment (with bits of glitz and glamour injected here and

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

991

s

Kludjian

Forest Hills,NewYork

tore

on

tadonna

When my father told me he had gotten me a subscription to a new Armenian publication, I smiled politely and thanked him.

All the time thinking to myself, I

have

neither the time nor the interest in reading more articles about the Armenian Church or some fund-raiser for a politician.

When I received my flrst issue and saw a picture of one of my favorite musicians, Madonna, I knew this was not your typical, boring Armenian publication. I now find myself reading the entire magazine and saying things like, "I didn't know that." I find your magazine a refreshing change

from the usual closed-mindedness I have experienced in the Armenian community.

To Nubar Aroyan (Letters, June l99l) I say lighten up! There is much more to the

new generation of Armenians than pilaf and the church. At least there is to this year-old Armenian school teacher.

Keep up the good work!

3l-

Patricia A. Ohanian Califurnia

San Jose,

I am proud of the gentleman who criticized the Madonna photos and article (Letters, June 1991) but I'm prouder still that you had the nobility of mind to print it. I feel just like that writer and I, too, said in my mind: "What is this?"

kt's

put our

best foot forward. Anyone can do the other.

J. Haviland ity, C alifornia

In addition to being abusive, disregarding native American-Armenians is also irrational. They came to these shores through the Ellis Island gateway with a longing for the homeland in their hearts, without resources, confused and helpless. Starting from scratch they built a name and a position, and later contributed toward the educational and cultural foundations in the

'

Thelma Khoyan

Arlington, Virginia

Karabagh Yiews defined I feel I need to respond to Mr. Vasken Malkhassian's reaction to my previous letter (Letters, June 1991).

I never questioned Armenia's right to Mountainous Karabagh. Based merely on the ethnic principle as the deciding factor, Karabagh belongs to the Armenians.

I merely wished to point out other factors and Azeri claims that we, Armenians, seem to always ignore. Merely to cry injustice while closing our eyes to the realities around us is not and never has been sufficient in winning our claims.

Houri Berberian Lo s Ange le s, C alifor nia

Armenianfont: Lola Koundakjian's article, "In Search of a Standard Armenian Keyboard" (Technology, March 1991) was a first-rate review. Lola, well done! Thanks for finding

an expert commentator to report on such an

important field.

It

was exciting to read of the new ad-

vances in PostScript fonts. PostScript natu-

rally leads to a galaxy of opportunities awaiting in the field of Armenian multimedia and presentational programs combining text, sound, images and movement.

There could then be programs in which we could read Baruyr Sevak's The Evertolling Belltower,listen to arecital of the poem by

Marie-Rose Abousefian, hear Komitas' music and interpretations of his songs, see photos of his life and times and watch a documentary movie of his life-all on a computer screen.

Lola wrote (with some praise) of some MacintoSh systems. I would be most grateful ifyou could supply addresses. Those of us who live 19 flying hours away from North America are always stumped when we lack contact details!

Noric Dilanchian Chatswodd, Australia Miss Koundakjian is cunently working on another te c hnolo gy article, on the avai la-

bility and possibilities of CD-ROM for

storing and playback of Armenian cultural treasures and language on personal computers. For the many readers who have asked for the addresses of the Armenian

sources featured in the previous article , we present the following list: George Keverian, 153 Dover Road, Mil-

font

lis, MAO2O54; (5OBJ 57649O5 Ari Topouzkhanian, 13, Hue des Alli6s, 691@ Villeneuve, France; t33) 7889 2144 Lines, Fonts SCircles, 22O5. Kenwood, Suhe 1OO, Glendale, CA 912O5; [818)

5074433

Speaking of politics...

Past issues of AIM have included

a

feature article on the Hunchak Party and an interview of a Dashnak Party leader.

I think it would be quite appropriate for AIM to present similar treatment of the

ADl/Ramgavar Party.

G. Ohanian West Hills,Califurnia

Forthcoming issues of AIM will serially feature the Dashnak and Ramgavar political parties, as well as major fraternal, cultural and charitable organizations.

AlM, August /Septemberl 991

Brisk Business at BeneJton

Under the agreement, Hayasa, which is controlled by Armenia's Ministry of Light Industry, is managing the 50-50 joint venture, while Benetton is providing the

Yerevan Armenians spent more than 60,000 rubles on colorful casualwear in

technology and overseeing quality-control and distribution throughout the Soviet Union.

Firct lntemational Treaty The republic of Armenia in June signed

its first treaty with a non-Soviet state, independently of Moscow, with govemment officials and businessmen of the

Store manager Davit Rostomian and sales asslstant Anna Arsenlan ln Yerevan's

new Benetton boutique the opening two days of Benetton's new

boutique in the Armenian capital, the latest of the Italian firm's 6,000 shops in 80 countries.

The world's largest manufacturer of

The cotton products are designed in Benetton's highly-computerized Treviso

Armenian partner, Hayasa, began production in late June.

headquarters, near Venice.

The company also has 58 boutiques next door-in Turkey, where the international clothing giant is considering basing its Middle Eastern operations. I

tion

Flying ctanes

written in Armenian and the emblem of

planes by the end of the year, according

Landing at Yerevan's Zvartnots airport on July 3 was Armenia's first airlineran IL-86 airbus with "Armenian Airlines"

Mount Ararat.

to general director Hohannes Yeritsyan.

Samvel Margarian, vice-director of the

knitwear and

its

a flying crane over the silhouette of

With its new aircraft, Armenia became the third republic in the Soviet Union,

after

John Huntsman lays the loundatlon for the luture center ln Yerevan ol hls company, Utah-based Huntsman Chemical Corpora-

company, piloted the plane to .Yerevan,

where

it

Russia

AIM Photo/Mkhitar Khachatrian

and Uzbekistan,

to

was blessed by Archbishop

have na-

its own

ROGER K. DERDERIAN FINANCHL CONST'LTANT

tional liner.

plane,

airThe

pur-

chased for 30 million rubles from the Rus-

sian

ronezh

Voair-

craft factory, seats

350 pas-

sengers.

Oleg

Mikhailov, general direc-

ONE COMMERCIAL

PII\ZA

251II FLOOR HARIT'ORD, Cf,O6IO3

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tor of Vosaid during the ronezh,

landing ceremony that Armenian Airlines had reached agreements on the airliner's use both on Soviet and intemational routes. Armenian Airlines expects to acquire three similar

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

991

of the Hripsime monastery.

Armenian Airlines is the extension of the previously state-controlled Armenian Deparfinent of Civil Aviation.

I Anania,

State of Utah. The American delegation was headed by Utah Governor Norman

Defense Committee were "very optimis-

Bengerter and included Senator Jake Gam,

trial. "Busch was a material witness, and both the jury and the Supreme Court based their verdict on his testimony," said a spokesman for the committee, which was

Rep. Wayne Owens, prominent business leaders and representatives of the Mormon Church.

The group was given an official reception at a state banquet hosted by Presi dent Levon Ter-Petrosyan, and later had meetings with Prime Minister Vazgen Manoukian as well as His Holiness Catholicos Vazgen I in Etchmiadzin.

After signing the Armenia-Utah agreement on cooperation and partnership with Governor Bengerter, Prime Minister Manoukian said bilateral economic contacts in the future will be extended to copper extraction and processing in Armenia.

Earlier, Manoukian joined John Huntsman, president of the Board of Directors AIM Photo

tic" and expected to be granted a

Retrial for Sassounian?

A Los Angeles Superior Court judge ordered an August 15 hearing of a motion for a retrial of Hampig Sassounian, after a jailhouse informant admitted he

formed by volunteers immediately follow-

ing Sassounian's arrest in January

lied when he testified that Sassounian confessed to the murder of the Turkish consul general to Los Angeles n 1982.

The decision

new

was

prompted by a petition filed on July 15 by Attorney Charles M. Sevilla. It was based on the signed confession of Jeffrey S.

Busch, the prosecution's

key witness in the 1983 trial, stating that he was prodded into giving false testimony by Deputy District Attomey Lael Ruben.

In his confession, Busch, who was located by Sue

1982,

and continued to work through his lengthy trial and conviction in 1984.

Sassounian, now 28, has

been serving a life sentence without the possibility of parole.

The committee said it considers the case to be a violation of civil rights

and Sassounian's rights

to due process. The independent group estimated the legal costs of

a retrial could exceed

it is appealing for support from the $50,000 and

community

and

con-

cerned individuals. Do-

nations to the defense Sarkis, a private investigaHampig Sassounlan fund may be sent to the tor hired by Sevilla, admitSDC at l2l2A North San Fernando ted he "never came into personal contact Boulevard, P.O. Box 132, Burbank, CA nor had a conversation with" Sassounian.

I 91504-4298.

Attorney Savilla and the Sassounian

LITCIIFIELD'q

Prime finioter Yazgen ilanouklan tou;s the ncw Huntcman Chemlca!

Gorporatlon p!.nt ln Yereven wlth compant/ oflicials of Huntsman Chemical Corporation, at the opening ceremony of the company's new plant in Yerevan. The joint venture with

the Armenian govemment will produce 300,000 tons of ferro-concrete building

structures annually. Mr. Huntsman also laid the foundation for his company's planned building in a southwestern district of the Armenian capital.

Before leaving, Mr. Huntsman, whose family made large donations to the earthquake-devastated children's hospital in

DidYou Litchfield's cirries more than toys for your child's needs. \7e carry a large selection of baby cribs, fumiture, bedding and accessories. Brand names such as G.rry', Graco, Fisher-Price, Evenflo, Century and more!

Stop by and take a look before and after yourbabycomes. Youwi[[be surprised tofind everything you will need as your baby grows.

Leninakan, noted in a news conference that earthquake relief aid provided by foreign firms such as Huntsman Chemical was now developing into long-term economic cooperation ventures with Armema.

T AlM, August /September 1991

TPEOPLE -1 ompiled by Kat he rine C hilj an

"Friendships are the most rewarding as-

Sojourn at Avignon

prestigious festival, and ran throughout

The land of Ararat has welcomed Nora The star of Deadline in Seven Days, a feature film directed by new-waverAraYerenjakian in Armenia, is re-

July.

Armani with open arms.

Armani and Papasian also star in direc-

tor Haroutiun Khachatrian's film of the play which started shooting in Avignon and will continue in Armenia later this year. "It was the ffust

portedly the first non-

Soviet actress to be in

From fedia to llediator

a

Soviet production. The Armenian Theatre Union also invited Nora and her

time an Armenian film crew was authorized to film outside of the coun-

husband, Gerald Papasian,

try," remarked Armani.

to bring back their twoperson play, Sojourn at

Also the first English-language feature film to be

there in 1987 to a packed

produced in Armenia, it is planned to be distrib-

audience

uted world-wide.

Ararat, last performed

at Yerevan's

pect of living and working in Armenia," s4ys Linda Bedeian, the newly appointed director of the Armenian Assembly office in Yerevan. Bedeian, 29, will continue many established progrirms; she and her staff

work with

will

closely Armenian

govemment officials to further cultivate their tieswiththeU.S.

government, non-governmental and international organizations.

A New

York-based

Suntukian Theatre.

The play has toured in over 20 cities intemation-

garnered eight DramaLogue Awards for two

television

a

consecutive years for per-

Bedeian will deal with the Armenian media in Yerevan, and U.S. and other press bureaus in Moscow to extend media coverage and to ensure accurate reporting. She con-

ally, most recently in

TheCairo-borncouple

French-language version formance and creation, at the Avignon Festival in France. Under and won best actor and actress awards in the title, "Le Chant d'Ararat," it was the June from the Cinematographers Union of first Armenian production featured at the Armenia.

I

Telling Tales Children's books: talking animals, fantastic journeys and, also, an unrecognized form of fine art. Lois Sarkisian and partner Abbie Phillips are slowly changing that with their Los Angeles gallery, Every Pic-

ture Tells

A

Story. Lining the walls is

children's books, and also "where the real talent is." Annual sales have reached over $l billion, with new titles frequently pop-

ping into the adult bestseller lists. The

gallery has not had a slow moment since its October 1989 opening, and has plans for a New York branch. Works sell from $50 to $25,000; a large selection of children's books is also offered.

Sarkisian believes that the attraction of this genre is that "we all get to live in our child a bit. The response to the work is very emotional and ittouches

us."

I

llove ovel Oysters and Green ll&lls...

"This will relax you and will give you strength," says Arpiar Afarian, holding a package of herbal tea labeled simply

and

video producer,

siders the acquiring of current situation video material for world broadcast of greatest importance. "We have begun with the documenting of recent refugees who have fled Azerbaijan, but I'm particularly interested in broadening coverage in Armenia's modern cultural accomplishments, its progressive economic reforms and profile-fype feature stories," she said.

Bedeian has studied and traveled extensively in Armenia. "I enjoy living and working in Yerevan, and feel as at home here as in New York." She feels fortunate to be present during the September referendum and October presidential elections. I

A

former photography store owner

from Beirut, Afarian is manager of Kalustyan's, a New York city grocery spe-

cializing in Middle Eastern and Indian food. When he came to the United States

"Aphrodisiac He has a hard

original art from children's books. "There was this big line between illustration and fine art and we wanted to cross it," says Sarkisian, a former interior designer.

Many artists of children's books would not sell their original works because they didn't feel it was appreciated. Now they have an outlet in this gallery-the only one in the world-inspired by partners with passion and love for this art work. The clientele is very mixed. "The preconceived notion is that people will buy the art for their children, which happens very rarely," Sarkisian explains.

Connoisseur magazine proclaimed the 1980s as the start of a new golden age in

15 years ago, he

knew

nothing about the food business or pre-

time keeping the stuff in stock. "We

paring aphrodisiacs. Now he

have other aphrodisiacs: paste,

spicy

is a

celebrity,

getting

syrup,

media

baby walnuts, but this I pre-

coverage from

pare myself on the premises

pan. Customers

New York to Ja-

ask his advice on topics rang-

from 38 differ-

ent

ing from

plants."

he copied the recipe

what

kind of rice to

Afarian claims from "a very old man"

use for grape leaves, to what to do when

in Lebanon many years ago. Sorrel, car-

suffering from insomnia. He recom-

damom, oregano, sage, chamomile and cinnamon are some of the components of

mended the aphrodisiac tea to one insomniac, who was so satisfied that she later

this highly fragrant blend.

bought a couple of

AlM, August /September 1991

pounds.

I

A Yeat in Power Levon Ter-Petrosyan's Quiet Revolution

By ROUBEil SHUGARIAN Alll

Yerâ‚ŹYan Eureau

velvet revolution

that is how Ter-Petrosyan, the young President of the Armenian Parliament, sees the chain of events that have shaped the Armenian Republic

lrvon

-

since February 1988.

If

the revolution was carried out by

the people, the velvet mark of the changes

that combination of -strength, was fumished and sheer grace

by Ter-Petrosyan himself -who, as the New rare

versatility,

York Times once observed, has been steer-

ing with subtlety even before he came to power a year ago.

Ter-Petrosyan's resolve was frst put to the test immediately after his inauguration as president of the parliament, when an Armenian civil war, widely believed to have been engineered by the Kremlin, seemed all but inevitable. With a series of diplomatic maneuvers that eamed him the early admiration of both Moscow and

the Armenian people,

Ter-Petrosyan averted an impending catastrophe, while signaling the advent of new political thinking in the Armenian government. Having persuaded Mikhail Gorbachev to postpone the disarming of the illegal armed groups, Ter-Peffosyan proceeded to coal( the Ar-

menian National Army into demobilization. By the end of August 1990, only 25 days after he assumed office, Ter-Petrosyan had not only disbanded the ANA peacefully but had prevented a military encroachment by Moscow.

A new Amenia During his first months in office, TerPetrosyan initiated a number of economic reforms that were designed to cast the foundations for a self-sufficient, independent Armenia. Chief among them was the passage of the land privatization law, a measure that has been hailed by such economists as Abel Aganbegyan, and is

viewed in Armenia as a genuine transi-

tion "from Communism to common sense." The only republic in the Soviet Union to have adopted such a law, Armenia has already distributed about 80 percent of its state-owned farm lands to

individual farmers.

The decision to move quickly to largescale private ownership of land marked a

clean break with the past, a fundamental AlM, AugusUSeptember 1 991

ll

shift in Armenia's social and economic relations. For decades, the state had been master of the people. By now transferring property, and hence a measure of control over their own lives,

it

consistently successful were also at play during parliamentary debates on the issue of secession from the Soviet Union. Amid growing controversy and dissension,

parliament had dramatized. The national referendum on the secession from the Soviet Union would be held on September 21, in keeping with Moscow's demand for a six-month in-

terval between

be-

came the servant

a

resolution to hold a referendum and the

of public wishes, and instilled the

referendum itself,

notion that enter-

and

in accordance with Soviet laws

prise would be rewarded, not pun-

ished,

and constitutional

in the new

provisions for the secession of repubthe

Armenia.

Iics from

To complete the formative phase of economic reforms, TerPetrosyan's govemment also launched the privatization of small

U.S.S.R.

With his nonconfrontational

stance on the referendum issue,

Ter-Petrosyan has brought the Arme-

and medium-sized

nian republic in-

state

valuable diplomatic

enterprises,

gains from the in-

thus ushering in a

flurry of

commer-

cial and industrial activity throughout the republic. "We have been romantic as a nation," Ter-Petrosyan once noted in a parliamentary speech, "and now it's time

to become realistic."

Since his arrival on the po-

litical

members of the parliament presented some unusually heated deliberations on the questions of procedure and a timetable for a national secession referendum.

Some members voted to hold the epochmaking event

before

March 17

scene,

viet referendum

has spearheaded

that was,

in

fect, to decide the fate of the

mocratization.

Having all but

U.S.S.R. Many

dismantled a 70-

to hold the

year-old totali-

tional

tarian regime by

dum on May 28,

others proposed na-

referen-

establishing the

the Armenian

basic freedoms of speech, press

Independence

and conscience,

feeling and inherent symbolism in this par-

Ter-Petrosyan's

government took the next

Popular

of parliamentarigreat number ans.

Ter-Pet-

political

parties have been registered with the

rosyan,

govemment, and

at least 15 oth-

porters, finally

the process of being

hammered out a

in

consensus that has led to a far

confirmed.

more

same

velvet methods that made TerPetrosyan's ini-

tial reforms

so

respon-

sible and far-

Ter-Petrosyan and Gamsakhurdia signing the tirst Armenian-Georglan lnter-republlcan agreement on July 27,1991

tln

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the

supplia,

compufers, hwsewres, elc,

than some seg-

of

to

Union.

rp palmffit oblbofim by fu'od&essee.

how-

ever, along with a group of sup-

The

V DaH

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a

multi-party system. So far, no less than seven

ers are

.'h fu YOUn Uc}sD PARG. NHDs TO fuirua IH Sous tlNroNn

ticular date had

crucial step of

instituting

republics such as the Baltic states, which have brushed off the framework of the

ef-

country's struggle for de-

Day.

send observers to the September 2l event.

By contrast, the secession strategies of

the So-

Ter-Petrosyan

the

temational community, a fact that many Westem countries have already attested to by agreeing to

Soviet Constitution, have ultimately ham-

pered their independence processes. In

fact, from a legal standpoint, the secession referendums of these constituent republics are now seen as little more than public opinion polls.

Though Ter-Petrosyan's opponents have criticized what they consider his ina-

bility to meet with either President George Bush or Secretary of State James Baker during his American tour last year, the Armenian statesman's first official visit to the United States, including his meeting with National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft, have actually eamed him and the Armenian bid for independence much valuable exposure. Perhaps as a direct consequence of Ter-Petrosyan's U.S. visit, the Armenian govemment later signed an economic treaty with the state of Utah, and is expected to reach a similar agreement with California.

Ter-Petrosyan continued to expand Armenia's foreign relations with official visits to Italy, France, Russia and Georgia. He was received by Pope John Paul II and met with several high-ranking Italian officials, including members of regional parliaments. After a meeting with French President Frangois Mitterand and other top officials, Ter-Petrosyan gained France's commitment to sign an economic

treaty with Armenia in the near future.

High-level negotiations aimed at establishing economic relations between the two countries are currently being conducted by Yazgen Manoukian, the Armenian prime minister.

Forging new taes In July of this year, Ter-Petrosyan met

with Boris Yeltsin, the newly elected President of the Russian republic, in Moscow. This was Yeltsin's frst official meeting after he was swom in. Later that same month, Ter-Pefrosyan headed a dele-

gation to Georgia, where he met with President Zviad Gamsakhurdia and other officials. After the talks, the two leaders signed a groundbreaking treaty in which the general principles for diplomatic, economic and cultural ties between Georgia

and Amenia were outlined. The agreement, described as only a first step to-

ward a more comprehensive agreement between the two nations, is seen as an important factor in the stabilization of the

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whole of the Caucasus.

Ter-Petrosyan has also been the target

of much disparagement, mainly from the Armenian Communist sector, for his handling of the Karabagh issue. Disapproval for his policies has been particularly intensified in the light of joint Soviet-Azeri deportation campaigns that have recently ravaged the Shahumian region and the towns of Getashen and Martunashen. But even his staunchest opponents agree that

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the situation in these areas is now being stabilized, thanks to a well-organized system of armed resistance by Armenian selfdefense groups and a program of ongoing negotiations that Ter-Petrosyan has initiated with the Kremlin.

Widely suspected of having been planned by Moscow to intimidate the Armenian people and discredit the Ter-Petrosyan govemment, the deportation campaigns in the border towns have ultimately failed to obstruct either the democratization or independence processes in the Armenian republic. In fact, popular con- Ter-Pstrosyan addressing the crowd in fidence in the Armenian govemment and lndependence Square in Yerevan Ter-Pefiosyan himself have since grown that were taken by Soviet and Azerbaijani stronger. As for the Armenian hostages

invaders in the Armenian towns, most have been eventually set free following talks between Yerevan and Moscow.

In an era of revolutions, Ter-Petrosyan has served the Armenian republic as the catalyst for a new historical order. A sober-minded intellectual, he has been the balancing principle for the shifting currents and myriad passions of his countrymen. But despite his pragmatism, he has betrayed an unmistakably romantic flair for change, growth and healing. His would be the velvet revolution.

On October 16 the Armenian people will elect the first president of the republic. Most seem to have decided already I for whom they will vote.

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Armenia in the Russia House BorisYeltsin's inauguration in July as the first democratically elected President of the Russian Federation her' alds a new chapter in the history of the Soviet Union's largest republic. ln this special report, AIM writers examine howYeltsin's Russia might affect relations with Armenia, and look into links both past and present

The Yeltsin Era ByTHEODORE KARASIK Speci.ltoAlltl n

Increasingly, Armenia finds itself in a difficult economic position within the So-

June 12, 1991, almost46 mil-

lion Russians (57.3 percent of eligible voters), elected Rus-

viet Union. Ekonomika iZhizhn reported in January that Armenian industry declined the most in all the republics, 7.3 percent over the previous year. While Russia is a net exporter of goods and services to the republics, Yerevan is a net importer. Recent data revealed that Armenia could also become dependent on Russia for oil, gas, coal, timber and food. Other republics, such as Azerbaijan, possess some of these valuable resources but are unlikely to trade with Armenia in the near future.

Despite this gloomy portrait, Armenia and Yeltsin's Russia continue to establish a

sian Supreme Soviet chairman Boris Yeltsin as the first President of the Russian Republic. Yeltsin, 60, rose from combine engineer in Sverdlovsk, Russia, in the early 1960s to become in 1985 a Communist Party Central Committee Secretary in Moscow responsible for construction. From 1985 to 1987, he served as Moscow City Communist Party first secretary and a Politburo candidate member. He had little to do with Armenia while serving in these senior party positions.

In a surprise move, Yeltsin openly defied Gorbachev and the Soviet leadership in 1987. Dismissed and disgraced, the future president seized upon the popular discontent within Russian society over the pace of Gorbachev's reform efforts. He sought to revive the Russian republic, improve its economic situation, and reinvigorate its institutions. Because of his back-

ground, Yeltsin's election to the newly created executive presidency raises an important question: to what degree will he favor Slavic republics over non-Slavic en-

tities? Specifically, will Armenia benefit or face increased isolation within the Soviet Union as the Russian Republic gains strength?

As Russian Supreme Soviet chairman, Yeltsin's initial overtures to other Soviet

republics focused exclusively on the Baltics, the Ukraine and Soviet Central Asia.

Significantly, he sought to create a core group of Slavic-Central Asian (especially Kazakhstan) republics, with Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania and Moldova playing a peripheral role. Yeltsin discussed his formula on Soviet television last year and noticeably failed to include Armenia in his scheme. His primary reason for favoring these republics over Armenia can be traced to the number of Russians within their

dialogue

Boris Yeltsin, Russia's lirst President borders. The I 989 census data revealed that

only 51,555 Russians lived in Armenia, whereas the numbers in the other republics were many times greater.

Moreover, Yeltsin's administration preferred to promote republic-to-republic ties with the core republics rather than the peripheral ones. Cultural, economic and political cooperation accords were signed with

Lithuania (August 1990), Georgia

(Sep-

tember), Kazakhstan (October), the Ukaine (November), Estonia and Latvia (both January 1991). Although a pact was signed with

Armenia in September 1990, the agreement merely stipulated that l99l trade would not fall below 1990 levels-more a gesture of goodwill than any full-fledged agreement with meaningful economic retums.

AlM, AugusVSeptember

1

991

as

the Soviet empire disintegrates.

According to ArmenPress news agency, a cooperation agreement for joint scientific research and education training was signed in June. This signaled an important development-for the first time, Russia intended to assist Armenia in reviving Russian schools within its territory. Such a step could bode well for future relations between the two republics. Leader-to-leader relations also improved and appeared to be moderately healthy. In June, Yerevan Radio reported that Armenian President Levon Ter-Petrosyan congratulated Yeltsin on his election victory. Yet, Ter-Petrosyan quickly proposed that an "association of free states,"

instead of the core republics, would be a more desirable outcome from Yerevan's perspective.

Still, President Ter-Petrosyan's proposal neededtobe weighed againstthe Kremlin's desires and objectives. In April and May, Gorbachev appeared locked in with hardliners against Armenian independence, and

adamantly supported Azerbaijan's territorial claims. Soviet military deportations of almost 5,000 Armenian villagers reinforced this perception. Simultaneously, Yeltsin, after talking with Ter-Petrosyan via telephone, dispatched a delegation of Russian

People's Deputies to investigate the disturbances. Interestingly, the Azeris, with assistance from the center, forced the delega-

tion out of Azerbaijan. Ter-Petrosyan quickly recognized that these actions might forge closer political ties between Armenia and Russia.

Overall, Armenia can expect to find moral support from Yeltsin's regime for its independence drive. But because of the distribution of natural resources in the Soviet Union and the demographic situ-

ation in many republics, Yerevan might want to seek continued internal assistance from other sources as well. There is already an appreciation of this salient point. On

May 25-26, Armenian delegates met in Kishinev, Moldova, with other independence movements from the Baltic states, Georgia and Moldova. Together, these officials established a consultative and coordinating body called the "Assembly of Popular Fronts and Movements for Republics Not Joining the Union Treaty." Infor-

mally known as "The Kishinev Forum," it is supposed to hold monthly meetings to enhance political and economic cooperation among these republics. Yerevan's perception of the group clearly signals that

Armenia recognizes that Boris Yeltsin's Russia should not be considered as the sole

reliable partner who will always be there.

Theodore Karasik is an Adju nct Professor at the Monterey lnstitute of lnternational Studies, California

ls There an Armenian Community in Moscow?

By TIGRAN XilALIAN AIM Yerevan Bureau

All AIM Photos by Armen Tsr-Mesropian

he special importanceof Moscow as a center of the inner Diaspora

is obvious when one

considers that about one-and-a-half million Armenians live in Russia, the highest number in the world outside Armenia.

Father Diran Kureghian, 42,anative of Nicosia, Cyprus, is the religious leader of

Moscow's Armenians. He repatriated to Armenia with his parents in 1962, studied in Etchmiadzin seminary, then became an archimandrite in 1973. This did not save him from being drafted into the Red Army for two years, but since 1976 he has been clergyman of Moscow's only Armenian church. Another two were destroyed, no doubt in the name of the victory of communism. This one, little Sourb Haroutioun (Holy Resurrection), founded in l8l5 by the Lazarian family, survived due to the old Armenian cemetery in which it stands. To illustrate the conditions ofthe last 30 years, the bishop told how young Armenian students in Moscow broke down the church door on April 24,1975, justto light candles

for the 60th anniversary of the l9 I 5 Genocide. The church had been locked on the orders of officials, and the former priest had not dared to ignore them.

Father Diran does not care about such orders: since February 1988 all meetings and rallies of the Moscow Armenians have started in the churchyard. A man with an opinion on every point of policy, he believes the Armenian Church was too passive in the turbulent early days of the Karabagh Movement in 1988, and is convinced that Armenia would do betterto be ruled by clergymen.

"Under the rule of our Apostolic Church, Armenians peacefully lived for 6(X) years, and our national disaster began with the rise of the political parties," he said.

Our conversation was intem:pted several times forchristenings: two Ohanjanian sisters, residents of Moscow-Susan, 18,

and Angela, 17; they said they wanted to feel like real Christians and they enjoyed the beauty of the rite. Robert Karapetyan,

42,bom in Kislivodsk, northern Caucasia, brought his new-bom first son David "to AlM, August /September 1991

make him a real Armenian."

Another two participants refused either

to answer questions or to pose for photographs. During the ceremony they both looked kind of indifferent, asking immediately after they received their certificates of baptism if someone could translate them

into English.

Father Diran explained with sadness that they were Armenian refugees from Baku who came without faith just for the certificate, which they needed to leave for the United States.

"It's a sin to baptize them; most of them

are unbelievers,

I know.

But how can I

refuse them? They are lost both for God and for the nation. Nobody could blame them, but I am sorry that they are running to

Russia, America, everywhere instead of returning to Armenia," he said.

"Remember that legend about Persian King Shapookh, who invited the Armenian King Arshak, and talked with him while walking on a rug. Under one half of the rug were strewn some handfuls of Armenian soil, and the Persian was amazed that Arshak

t7

All GOD'S CHILDREN: David Karapetyan, aged 18 months,

and

Susanohanianyan,ls,werebaptilzedonttr6sameday spoke very proudly when he was standing became humble again on the foreign soil."

ing here in the same way?

"Sure. Since 1988 a lot of local Armenians, especially young boys and girls, are coming here just to feel their national identity, even before they went to the "Armenia" food store or to the soccer stadium when the Ardrat team visited Moscoil.

"Here is h patch of Ar-

:f;|,,i;"X%"J;til"}h8.,J:ilment

cians."

into account that I know the local condi-

Prime Minister Vazgen Manoukian said

tions as I lived here during the writing of

after Mr. Mamykonian's appointment as representative in Moscow that he rested great hopes in his mission. I wondered why he was chosen for the job?

"You should ask the Prime Minister about that. I can only suppose that he took

my candidate thesis. Soviet republics were always just lap dogs of Moscow and the same with their embassies, but now each day brings something new and Moscow is

on the Armenian half and then

Do you mean that Armenians are com-

Armenians in Moscow plead with a milltlaman to allow a demonol Armenians in Azerbaiian to

the center ofthose changes. The center still keeps and pulls all the strings both in policy and in economics, so Moscow is the most

important place for Armenia after Yerevan and our interests here must be protected."

So what is the main problem facing the local Armenian community today?

"There isn't a local Armenian community andthat'sthemainproblem. The simple combination of people, even as many as 100,000, does not make up a real national

menian land in Moscow.

Look at the floor: it's un-

even under the rug. There are the graves of the Lazarian family who founded this church. God created man from the loam, from the soil

community," he said.

"It's no wonder, because in the last 70 years official Soviet policy aimed to create a sort of 'Soviet nation' with no ethnic, religious, or psychological differences. As a result of this meaningless and cruel policy, whole nations lost their identity and

and man becomes

the ground again when he dies.

So we must stay on our land

and it will keep us alive.

Here is a spiritual center, the heart of the Armenian community in Moscow."

were assimilated," he said.

"Armenians else-

No real community Felix Mamikonian is the

this process but, thank

in the Soviet Union didn't escape

where

God, our national instincts didn't disappear. There were attempts to consolidate Moscow Armenians,

newly appointed represen-

tative of Armenia Moscow. Born

in

in 1946 in

Leninakan (now Kumairy), he is married and has a 15year-old daughter. His family remains in Yerevan because he lives in a Moscow

hotel.

Before taking up his new post,

Mamykonian worked as a physicist at Yerevan University, reminding me of a Polish reporter's remark that events in Armenia in 1990 were a "revolution of mathemati-

but the typical miskhatchkar (right) in memory of those killed in the lg88Armenian earthquake stands in the graveyard ol A

the Holy Resurrection Church in Moscow, the last remaining Armenian

church in the city

AlM, AugusVseptember 1 991

take was the Bolshe-

vik-like slogan of unifying all Armenians. We could notand we neednot

all-

be unified. We

are

different and that is

our national treasure.

"But to promote consolidation now, we are connecting several professional associations of local Armenians. Recently I met a group of Armenian economics experts who work in Soviet organizations abroad,

and

it was a very

sense

useful meeting in the of coordinating our efforts. A few

days ago, some high-quality Armenian physicians from the best local hospitals asked my assistance in visiting Armenia for lectures and operations.

"We have to create a real living and working community which will have support from the motherland and which will support Armenia itself," he added. "Of course there are many problems. We don't have a single Armenian school here; that's very dangerous for the future of the community, so we are planning to establish a private college in a building of theLazarian Oriental Institute. It should be ready in a year or

two."

How would you define the general aim of your mission?

"I think for today it's a contribution of the all-round economic links with republics and with Russia, first of all. Within the U.S.S.R. or without it, Russia would be a great state with interests in ourregion which we can't ignore. Our traditional relations are too important to risk and sacrifice on

political changes.

The lormer Lazarian Oriental lnstitute houses Armenia's Moscow deleqation. Armenian and Soviet llags hang side by side from the building (right)

At the same time, contacts with foreign countries and firms are also easier here in Moscow, where their offices are concentrated. In my first month here, several foreign ambassadors visited our mission before their visits to Armenia. We met representatives of several respectable firms with business proposals for Armenia, including

AlM, August /September 1991

Bosch and Tissen, for example. Recently

two Turkish firms, Kog and RAM, requested my help in establishing some contacts with Armenia.

"So today the priority of my job is the

economy. We have to be ready for our

independence."

f

t9

An Unhappy Marriage The Shifting, Centuries-Old Relations between Russians and Armenians

By TIGRAN XTALIAN AIM Yerevan Burcau

elations between Russia and

tiros Saryan and filmmaker Sergei Parad-

Ar-

janov brought fame to the Soviet Union as much as painter Aivazovsky and architect Tamanian did to the Russian Empire. The ninth world chess champion was Tigran Petrosyan, and today's champion, Gary Kasparov, is half-Armenian. Finally, Armenia gave 600,000 soldiers to the Red Army during World War II, including 86 generals and four marshals. There are some eminent Armenian functionariei in the modem Soviet Govemment, such as Sitaryan, Aganbegyan, Gabrielyants and Shakhnazarov.

There have also been many Armenian opponents of the regime: Stepan Zatikyan was the only Soviet dissident officially sentenced to death in Brezhnev's period; then Paruyr Hayrikyan became the first and only dissident to be condemned and exiled from the U.S.S.R. during Gorbachev's per-

menia date back at least 1,0(X) years, when Russia adopted Christianity in 988 after the marriage of Great Prince Vladimir to the Byzantine princess Anna. Basil II, Emperor of Byzantium and an Armenian, arranged the marriage of his sister to Vladimir and ensured political support with the baptism of pagan Russia. Perhaps this is the root of why, since medieval times,

many Armenian politicians have been obsessed with the idea of a new Russian crusade to emancipate Armenia.

In the early lSth Century, Russian Emperor Peter the Great listened to such ideas, but preferred to fight for the Baltic and Black seas, not Armenian mountains.

His widow Catherine I merely suggested to five "meliks" (dukes) of Karabagh, who asked for her protection, that they leave Armenia and emigrate to the Russian steppes. Catherine II viewed Armenia as a convenient camp for her troops conquering the South. Finally, in the 19th Century the policy of Empire was formulated by Count Lobanov Rostovsky, a governor of Caucasia who has been quoted as saying: "We need Armenia without the Armenians."

Russian rule in Eastern Armenia, conquered in 1828, was not much different from Persian or Turkish domination and was rather more repressive than Armenians had anticipated. Even the name of Armenia disappeared from the map of the Russian Empire, replaced by "Erevan's Province."

In I 880 the Armenian Count Loris-Melikov became Chief Ministerof Russia and prepared many liberal political projects, but he was dismissed after the assassination of Tsar Alexander II in I 881 . Incidentally, the first attempt to kill the Tsar was made in 1866 by the revolutionary Karakozov, who was of Armenian descent.

Towards the end of the l9th Century, the

Russian govemment closed Armenian schools and reduced the number of Armenians in the civil service. Another gover-

nor general of the Caucasus, Prince Golitsyn, struck at the heart of the Armenian nation with the "ukaz" ofJune 1903. The authorities nationalized all the property of the Armenian Apostolic Church and, when Armenians resisted, Russian police with Cossacks occupied Etchmiadzin.

The administration continued to be suspicious of Armenians and proceeded to suppress them. During the 1905 revolts, the Russian governor of Baku encouraged 20

estroika. The Karabagh Movement was also the first of the national movements which have led to the collapse of the Soviet Em-

The grave in Moscow of former world chess champion Tigran Petrosyan

pire.

Ar-

After the death of Andrei Sakharov, the

menians. In 1911, about 100 political and cultural leaders, including the poet Hovhannes Toumanian, were put on trial. They were saved by Russian democrats, who broke up the trial; defense advocates included Alex-

voice of Russian democracy in defense of Armenia almost disappeared, with the exception of the permanent support of two courageous women-Sakharov's widow, Yelena Alikhanyan-Bonner, herself halfArmenian, and his follower, Galina Starovoytova.

In the last three years, public opinion in the Soviet Union has followed Moscow's

the local Tatars in a four-day slaughter of

ander Kerensky and Pavel Miliukov-future leaders ofthe February Revolution of 1917.

After the Bolshevik Revolution and Russia's withdrawal from World War I, the heroic resistance of Armenians was rewarded by the short period ofthe independent repub-

l9l9.Butinlate l920theTurksreached an alliance with Lenin, and Armenia was

lic in

divided again between Russia and Turkey.

Mountainous Karabagh and Nakhichevan were later cut off and presented to Soviet Azerbaijan in 1923, under pressure from Stalin.

The new Soviet regime found a number

of passionate

Armenian followers: Stepan

Shahumian, who won Baku for the Bolshe-

viks; Alexander Miyasnikian, who headed the communists of Byelorussia; Anastas Mikoyan, who served in governments from Lenin to Brezhnev, and other eminent Armenian revolutionaries. The tsarist administration probably was not wrong in its suspicions.

In the 75 years of Soviet life, there have been outstanding Armenians in many fields: physicist Alikhanian assisted Kurtchatov in the creation of the Soviet A-bomb; Artyom Mikoyan was a general designer of the famousjetfighter MIG, which retains his name;

his brother Anastas Mikoyan mediated be-

tween President Kennedy and Mr.

Khrushchev during the Cuban missile crisis.

Composer Aram Khachaturian, painter Mar-

AlM, AugusVSeptember

1

991

official interpretation of the conflict in

Mountainous Karabagh as an ethnic, religious andtenitorial dispute, notas astruggle for human rights and national self-determination as the Armenians claimed.

Some spoke out in newspaperandmagazine articles against the orthodox view, but theirs were voices in the desert of public indifference. Sakharov's defense of Arme-

nian rights and author

Aleksander Solzhenitsyn's criticism of the Bolshevik handover of Karabagh to Azerbaijan in his open letter, "How Can We Rebuild Russia," both fell on deaf ears.

But public opinion has begun to change.

In May, forced deportations of Armenians from Getashen and Martunashen by Soviet

troops were seen as punishment for Armenia's declared intentto seek independence. On May 20, Armenians and Russians held a joint rally near the Kremlin to protest the army's actions. A Karabagh Committee of Russian Intellectuals has also been

formed in Moscow. Its acronym, KRIK, signifies "the shout" in Russian. Is anybody listening now?

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Wonderworld

order for a large viola, but

Microminiaturist Ghazarian Views the World through the Eye of A Needle ner than a human hair, and on the other ball are two fighting karate men. All the figures

By GOURGEN KHAZHAKIAN AIM Yerevan Bureau

are moving asynchronously-no move-

he smallest sculpture in world-Charlie Chaplin

the

standing

in a needle's eye-is a favorite work of the micro-miniaturist Edward Ghazarian. Bom in Yerevan in 1923, he was only three years old when he held his first exhibition of drawings and little sculptures in kindergarten. At age 13, he made his first mini-violin, and by 20 he was already a well-known violin maker.

Ghazarian's miniature sculptures were first shown in Yerevan in 1947, visible only by microscope. One miniature was a tractor carrying a banner with the phrase

"more grain

for my country;" it

was mounted on a grain of wheat. Another was a train with passengers inside, mounted on

human hair one centimeter long.

Over the years, Ghazarian has created more than 500 micro-miniatures, but his highest achievement was to found a new a

trend in this exacting art-moving microminiatures. The idea of moving figures came from an exceptionally curious incident: contained in one of his miniatures, the static micro-figures on a micro-stairway started to go up the stairs by themselves! Apparently the figures, made of marmot's tooth, had attracted microbes which transferred vibrations to the figures.

In another remarkable work, "Gulliver in the Country of Lilliputians," Gulliver is sitting on a wire (a human hair) set between two houses and holding a ball in each hand.

On one ball, a Lilliputian sportsman

is

tuming on a horizontal bar 100 times thin22

ment is repeated twice.

Ghazarian's astounding effects have shocked and pleased many scientists and

artists. He describes the movements as "an interaction of magnetic and gravitational power, the formula

it was impos-

sible to play due to its enormous size.

Ghazarian found Hoffman's calculations, took a piece of 200-year-old wood, slightly altered the size, and the forgotten instrument sounded again after 250 years.

He has also created a quartet of old instruments consisting of the viola-pomposa, a stringed organ (combination of violin and

organ), and the specially created "Dvin" violin and violoncello. A glass pitcher ex-

o o

L

of which the great Einstein tried to find. I have a prac-

tice version of this formula." He considers his greatest challenge yet is to make works where figures

would start moving just as the observer approaches.

Ghazarian creates his miniatures by splitting a diamond piece to tiny and

very thin solid pieces, and then attaching them to the tool. He uses

a

microscope

that magnifies several thou-

sands of times. "The picture in the eyepiece is rendered upside down, so I have to move my hand in the opposite direction," he

explains.

Career violist

Charlie Chaplin inside the eye of a needle in the world's smallest sculpture

By profession, Edward Ghazarian is a

viola player and has given thousands of concerts. He has also crafted and revived ancient instruments, including the violapomposa. In 1784, the famous German violin-maker Hoffman met J.S. Bach's

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

991

cavated from the ancient Armenian site of Dvin portrayed a scene containing these instruments, which Ghazarian crafted ac-

cordingly.

His repertoire also includes an Scm

micro-violin and, most notably, a l.4cm

eye of a needle in Ghazarian's world

easy to pass

violin, which specialists consider produces sounds very close to those achieved by the

great Stradivarius. Inside this baby violin

is a special acoustic device, which multiplies the level of sound tens of times that of an ordinary

violin.

Utilized in medicine Ghazarian's unique talents have been called upon in the medical field. He created almost invisible needles 100 times thinner than conventional needles, to enable the famous eye-surgeon Sviatoslav Fedorov to perform bloodless surgery.

"I know it is necessary for my mother-

land Armenia to have such medical microequipment and I'm ready to do it, but unfortunately I haven't even a separate workshop for my work," he said.

American themes occupy an important place in his life and art. In I 977 people waited in line for hours to see his works on display in the Soviet National Exhibition at the Los Angeles Convention Center. The media wrote that "the hit of the Soviet Na-

tional Exhibition is not the Soyuz space capsule nor the impressive model of the Kremlin, but rather a sampling from the incredible works of Edward Ghazarian, an Armenian of unique talent, perhaps a mi-

nor genius...[his works are] the wonder of the

Dls4ppearing,,.,,

rl,rar:i:r:rlji,:i.

;l

Dancing Girls...

Mr. Toros Halburian of Van Nuys, Califomia, ir,friend of Edward Onorriqli;,re. called an incident relded to him by the miniatwe artist in November 1977, when Ghazarian's creations were on display in the visiting Soviet National Exhibition.

"Ghazarian told me thal.A!!ce, whil.e :. , . was carving.il gloup 0f 1;.$,$nir0old,dati.b-:,,r, ing girls, he inadvertently inhaled 10 of

".

them,'Halburian said. r.r,:r $incd

thenrffazarian has,always wom,;,:

',a mask over'.his mouth as.,hâ‚Źrgqrvesi sg:r', , ,lhai his breath.dog$ lpJ$$ili!ffid rnicm:

eighth

world." During his Los

Angeles visit, Ghazarian met many American officials, including Mayor Tom Bradley and philanthropist Alex Manoogian.

Bush on a corn Ghazarian has made gifts for several world leaders, including the American President and First Lady. President George Bush received his portrait inscribed on half a kemel

of com with a background of de-

stroyed Armenian towns and villages, and the words "to Mr. Bush and the American people with gratitude from Armenia."

For Mrs. Bush, a bunch of scarlet roses with petals made of fish scales colored in ancient Armenian scarlet "vortan-karmir" and a stem made of human hair. These

works are presently displayed in Ghazarian's own museum, World of Wonders, in central

Yerevan.

AlM, August /September 1991

I

oth the leaders and the people who gathered in Independence Square, to celebrate the historic day 73 years ago when Armenia first declared independence, fully comprehended that the ceremonies had only

symbolic meaning-simply marking the end of an era and the start of a long and

treacherous journey toward nationhood

and sovereignty.

There are three prevailing positions in Armenia on the independence issue. One is the outright declaration of total independence, regardless of the circumstances, basing all relations with the central government and other union republics on bilateral agreements. The strongest advocate of this position is Paruyr Hayrikian, leader of the National Self-Determination Association. "Full independence must be

officially declared immediately after the referendum," says Hayrikian. "It is ridiculous and naive to think that we can come out of the Soviet Union simply by playing by their rules. It resembles a situation where a slave wants to be liberated by asking permission from his master."

But people nowadays are most often pondering the question: "Is now the right time for independence?"

"No parent is ever ready for parenthood, and no nation is ever ready for state-

hood," says U.S. Congressman Tom Lantos (D. Calif.). "But the time is as good as any. To wait until all aspects of the political spectrum say, 'okay, today is the day to go'... that day will never come."

The leaders of Armenia are a little more cautious than Hayrikian and Congressman

Lantos. While holding steadfast to their conviction of eventual independence, they have chosen the path of a gradual, stepby-step approach to independence. Indeed,

when the Armenian Parliament put forward the declaration of the start of the process of independence on August 20

last year, the wording of the announcement as a Declaration oz Independence, rather than a Declaration o/Independence, was far more than a play on words. It was a carefully thought out and deliberate policy that characterized the nonconfrontational approach of Armenia's new leaders to its relations with the central government. The date for the referendum on independence was also set to conform with the requisite process of the Soviet Constitution. Francis Clines of The New

York Times went as far as to call ihe referendum decision "a minor masterpiece

of political craftsmanship."

"We try to avoid any unnecessary confrontation," states the President of the Armenian Parliament, Levon Ter-Petrosyan.

His style is winning friends in the U.S.

"Armenia has made a wise choice to test Gorbachev's law on secession. It would be extremely difficult for the United States not to recognize Armenia's independence

if

they comply with the law," says Rep.

that the republics are sovereign. In return, the central govemment maintains power in the areas of foreign policy, defense, monetary policy, taxation, energy and raw materials, transportation and tele-

communications.

According to Armenia's Prime Minis-

ter Vazken Manoukian, "the treaty does

not give the republics any new hope."

Indeed, as it stands today, Armenia is an involuntary de facto member of the proposed Union. There are things that Armenia can do on its own and has done.

Land privatization and radical reforms in the education and health systems are good cases in point. On the other hand there

are things that Armenia can not have regardless of its intentions; such as economic independence, its own currency, army and foreign policy.

But Manoukian thinks it was a mistake not to participate constructively in the treaty negotiations. Recently there has been some effort to correct that mistake.

On July 24, Ter-Petrosyan participated in

David Bonior (D. Mich.), House Majority Whip and sponsor of a resolution

it U.S. policy to support republics seeking independence.

But no matter how nonconfrontational the new leaders try to be, and how subtly Ter-Petrosyan tries to steer the republic to independence, Armenia's independentmindedness puts it necessarily on a collision course with Moscow, as the time gets closer for republics to decide whether or not to sign the Union Treaty.

There is tremendous pressure on the

the'treaty discussions in Moscow, without committing himself to signing it. One

which would make

of the major obstacles for Armenia, which makes acceptance of the treaty inconsistent with the govemment's step-by-step policy, is the absence of a clause giving republics the right to pull out of the federation if they so choose in the future.

When the people of Armenia take on the question, "Do you agree that the Republic of Armenia should be an independent democratic nation outside the structure of the Soviet Union" in a republic-

Armenian government, both from the Kremlin and from forces within the re-

wide referendum on September 21, one might expect the plebiscite to provide, at

public, to seriously consider signing the Union Treaty.

Gorbachev calls the treaty "a serious redistribution of powers in favor of the republics." It introduces new principles for goveming the union, and recognizes

the least, a barometer of the popular mood.

But will it? Regardless of their views on independence, extensive efforts are being made by all parties to ensure that the voters overwhelmingly say 'Yes.' For one,

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

991

the Armenian Revolutionary Federation 25

Armenian leaders to continue to

(ARF), which has recently been in direct confrontation with the Arme-

press for independence if the populace refuses to give them that extra

nian National Movement (ANM) has joined forces with all the oth-

bargaining chip.

In a public opinion poll conducted in Armenia by AIM's Yere-

ers to ensure a positive outcome in the referendum. "Our stand on independence has been consistent all along," says Hrair Maroukhian, chairman of ARF's World Bureau.

"We have been advocating Arme-

van Bureau, only 67 percent of

those polled opted for independence. It was fear of a low outcome which spurred some of the parties to object to a referendum. "Even if 99 percent of the population votes

nia's independence for 70 years and we continue to do so. But we want do it such that Armenia becomes independent in the true meaning of

'yes' for independence, nothing will change the day after the referendum," says Berd Karapetian of

the word and not in just rhetoric."

The Armenian Democratic Liberals (ADL), another Diaspora party officially registered in Armenia like the ARF, is on much better terms with the Armenian government.

"We are for independence as long as the word independence is not defined as cutting all Armenia's ties

the Armenian National Committee, Western Region, a lobbying organi-

zation affiliated with the ARF. "Nothing will change" is exactly the message being conveyed to the people by Armenia's leaders. "It is often misconstrued," says Prime Minister Manoukian. "People think that if they vote 'yes' on referendum, the next day we will cut all

with its neighboring countrier and the republics," says Dr. Arshavir Supporters ot the Armenlan Sett-Oetelnlnatlon essociaGeonjian, chairman of ADL's tlon demanding a declaralio! q! lotal independence ln our ties with Moscow and hang loose in the air. That's what scares Centril Committee. ..Our belief is lront ol the Supreme Soviet building in Yerevan that independent Armenia should some people off of voting 'yes'." percent) majority to accept the outcome tie its economic interests with the interCome September 21, everybody's atof the referendum as the expression of tention will focus on Armenia, to see how ests of the other Soviet republics. And I think that we are in line with the thinking the people respond to the referendum the people's will. For a republic that is question. Rep. Wayne Owens (D-Utah) being hailed for playing masterfully by of the Armenian leaders on this issue." the rules, it will be extremely difficult for is organizing a group of congressmen to Soviet law requires a two-thirds (66.6

What You Think.,. f, H

rmenians in the Republic and the Diaspora favor independence from the Soviet Union by more than two to one, an AIM

poll shows.

And, in a show of support which might surprise many politicians, seven out of ten favored political and trade relations between an independent Armenia and Turkey.

The survey conducted by AIM in Armenia and six countries of the Diaspora found 180 out of 260 people questioned, or 69Vo, would vote yes in the referendum being held in Armenia on September 21. But the response in Armenia suggests the result could be close to the minimum approval required by Soviet law.

A total of 188 (727o) said they supported contacts between an independent Armenia and Turkey, though some clearly had reservations and saw ties as unavoidable if the republic was to survive outside the Soviet Union.

The poll contained bad news for Armenian political parties in the Diaspora. Of 160 people questioned, two-thirds said they were neither members nor supporters of any party.

Of those in the Diaspora who said they would vote for independence, 79Vo favoredrelations with Turkey. Of those who said no on the independence questiorL 47Vo sud they would support relations if the vote went in favor of independence for Armenia.

The random poll was conducted in Armenia, the United States, Canada, France, Britain, Argentina and Venezuela by AIM staff and correspondents. The numbers surveyed in each country were weighted to reflect the relative sizes of the Armenian populations.

AlM, AugusUSeptember 1991

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TOIIY

HALPI}{

Constitution of the new Republic of Armenia will serve as road map for the uncharted Grritory of life in a democratic state. It is a starting point for the joumey ahead and a framework he a

within which the country will operate. As such, writing a constitution is probably the most important task of the infant state.

Few people in the world are privileged to be a modern-day founding father, but lawyer Vafikes Yeghiayan is one. Based in Glendale, California, he recently completed a draft of Armenials new constitution.

Aided by University of San Diego Professor Bemard Siegan, who,drew up Bulgaria's new constitution, Yeghiayan set about transforming a document containing 153 articles, handed to him

by Armenia's Minister of Justice, Yahe Stepanian. His finished version hasjust I I articles. heavily influenced by the principles of the United States and French governing systems.

It opens with a preamble declaring Armenia's sovereignty and the intention of its people to "safeguard their lives, liberties, and properties, and to banish forever oppression and tyranny from their land." It goes on to define the powers and duties of a President, the national assembly and the judiciary, the procedures

and timing of elections, and the personal rights of Armenian citizens.

Those liberties include freedom of assembly, conscience and religion. lreedom of expression, the right to travel, and to own property. The right to a fair trial'and protection from "cruel and unusual punishments" are also written in, as'are safeguards against govemment searches and seizures.

A committee of the national assembly has been reviewing the draft since April and a final version is expected to be presented to the full assembly soon. The constitution could be ready for adoption by the end ofthe year, said Yeghiayan.

There were some knotty problems to be thrashed out. Principal among the difficulties for the Armenian authorities was the notion that thejudiciary should be separate from and equal to the government. "Philosophically, they had a problem understanding that concept," said Yeghiayan. "It is completely alien to them."

Another was the timing of elections to regional and municipal

authorities, and even the idea of devolving political power to loqal bodies.

"The national assembly was a little concerned about other people being elected, and how much authority they will have. The whole concept of a city police force, of a municipality with its own electricity or libraries was foreign to them."

Deputies from Armenia plan to visit the United States as interns to see how municipal goverrrment operates.

But the most serious debate centers on one issue-Who gets the power? In Yeghiayan's draft. Armenia would have a sl"rong central presidency along American lines, rather than a French-style division of powers between president and prime minister.

"At the present time, the national assembly and the prime minister seem to be sharing powers. Under this constitution the power would shift to a president," explained Yeghiayan. "I felt this was a better system, especially for an emerging country. It is clear who has the power, and the president is not just a symbolic person."

His proposal would establish a presidency elected for a maxi m-um of two four-year tenns, and assisted by a presidential council whose members would be approved by parliament. Anyone over 40 and of Armenian parentage, who is resident ir1 Armenia for 10 years and speaks fluent Armenian would be eligible.

The president would represent Armenia in intemational rela: tions, act as commander-in-chief of the military, and submit a budget to the national assembly. Armenia's parliament has voted to set up a central presidency, after vigorous lobbying by Levon Ter-Petrosyan, and elections are set for October. Ter-Petrosyan has also told parliament that local government bodies "must be freed ftom the whims of the Council of Ministers."

The national assembly itself would shrink from 242 to 150 members, elected every four years, under Yeghiayan's plan. Any petition of 20,000 voters would also be empowered to initiate legislation in the parliament.

Yeghiayan freely admits that most of the principles underlying his constitution were modeled on the U.S. system, but he believes the Armenian version enjoys at leasl one improvement. The Supreme Court would be divided into two, with a seven-person Constitutional Court interpreting the constitution, and a nine-member Judicial Court, including three elected judges, acting as the ultimate tribunal on all other matters.

He is pleased wirh rhe result of his work and still a little stunned by the magnitude of the opportunity he received. "When they gave it to me, I had goose pimples all over. In my 25 years of legal experience I just didn't expect that somebody would hand me the task of drafting the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia."

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that U.S. policy could shift in favor of the republics," says Eugene Iwanciw, director of the Ukranian National

Association in Washington, D.C.

"But one of

the

biggest stumbling

to indeis the question of nublocks

pendence

clear arms.

The United States and

Europe are terrified that the Soviet

Union

would break up and nuclear weapons fall into the hands of the republics."

Richard

Ho-

vannisian, Profes-

sor of Near East History at the

a new dimension-that of Azeri

University of Califomia at Los Angeles, is equally clear. "Armenians looking to the United States as a potential ally are very naive," he says.

that this referendum could be interfered with, directly or indirecfly, either through intimidation or another method. Hence the

few million dollars, but they are not going to stick their necks out for Armenia. Armenia is not Kuwait."

There is certainly no naivit6 on behalf

observe the ballot in Armenia. "There is and Soviet violence," says his congressional aide Mike Yeager. "The prospect exists

concem that the referendum be conducted fairly and freely."

Regardless of the outdome, no one expects any change in the position of the United States toward Armenian independence. American policy toward the individual republics is guided by the broader interests of superpower politics. o'I suspect the reason Bush went to Kiev is to send a message to the center

"They may say nice things and give

a

of Armenia's leaders, who fully accept that even a free Armenia will be within the sphere of influence of a democratic Russian state. No one is even contemplating changing Armenia's political alignment. "We are not rejecting the Russian orientation," states Prime Minister Manoukian. "We simply refuse to trecome a tool for Russia's political ambitions."

The Power Game The uncertainty surrounding the independence issue is further complicated the divisions and the confrontational attitudes groups participating in the process of Armenia's political resfructuring.

by

of

A clear formulation of the concepts of state and state sovereignty could occur only in a nation that was already developing the appropriate judicial, administrative and

legislative institutions, observed

French philospher Jean Bodin in the late l6th Century. Four hundred years later, Armenia does not need to re-invent the wheel, but the collapse of the system that had kept an entire govemmental structure in artificial harmony for 75 years leaves no choice for the AIM lllustration / Sarkls

AlM, AugusVSeplember 1 991

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new leaders in Yerevan other than going back to basics.

"The old infrastructure was operative

only

because the Communist Party was

the ultimate authority," explains Manoukian. "That was destroyed, and so far we haven't been able to replace it with a new order. That has thrown us in disar-

tay."

Indeed, the lack of a clear constitutional delegation of power to the execu-

tive and legislative branches of government has created a deep division between

even two ideologically close friendsPresident of the Parliament Levon TerPeffosyan (the head of the legislature) and hime Minister Manoukian (the head of the executive). The two fought together with the Karabagh Movement and then

dential elections-as a shrewd political move, since he has already announced his candidacy.

Manoukian is an ideologue, Ter-Petrosyan more of a pragmatist. They made a good team together on the road to lead-

ership and during the

first year of

Armenia's new govemment. Despite the republic's dire situation today, the govemment performed well and has accom-

plished quiet a lot. People in Armenia certainly sense and acknowledge that.

There is a fine line in the public mind as to who is the main mover and shaker of events; as the two most viable presiden-

tial candidates start campaigning for

the

will hear more claims for credit for the most positive happenings of the past year.

elections, the public

Indeed, the issues facing Armenia to-

day-ranging from independence to signing the Union Treaty, from dealing with Turkey to confronting Azerbaijan on the Karabagh issue, from reforming the economy to establishing a democratic govemmental structure, from accomodating the refugees to changing the public's attitude makes politics in the republic so complex and unprecedented that it defies easy answers and solutions.

With reporting by AIM Yerevan Burcau and Tony Halpin in Los Angeles

the Armenian National Movement to lead-

ership positions. During the last two months both men asked the Parliament

for greater power and authority

to

lead

the nation more effectively. This power struggle generated charges and counter-

charges from both camps, eventually culminating in the Prime Minister's July l8 announcement that he was forming a new party, the National Popular Union.

He urged ANM members to join him. The Prime Minister's move was a reaction to a statement by the ANM Executive Committee the previous day accusing Mr. Manoukian and his ministers of ignoring democratic norms and not implementing parliamentary decisions. Furthermore, the statement asked parliament to pass laws that would curtail the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister and his Cabinet.

After several weeks of lengthy deliberation and heated debate, the Armenian Parliament approved a draft of the law establishing the post of president and for-

warded it to the legislature's Constitutional Commission for final revision.

The debate over the law was about the legality of establishing a presidency without .my popularly approved constitutional framework. Proponents of the law insisted on the necessity of presidential authority as soon as possible, to clear up the prevailing leadership confusion. Opponents argued that presidential authority without constitutional guidelines could lead to dictatorship.

However justified and logical the arguments on both sides, the debate certainly had its partisan overtones. With the new law, the Armenian people will elect its president on October 16. Holding presidential elections at short notice and at a very early stage of Armenia's political ref-

ormation puts the most visible man in

C.omein and ask about

Inmedible Saui,ngs!

Armenia, Ter-Petrosyan, and his party, the Armenian National Movement, at an advantage. Now, even the Prime Minister's maneuvering of the last several weeks could be viewed-in the context of presi-

AlM, AugusUseptember 1 991

our

Hear This Now Political of A Philosophy

Leadership

Armenia at the Crossroads: Democracy and Nationhood in the Post-Soviet Era Edited by GerardJ. Libaridian Blue Crane Boolcs, P.O. Box29l

the Third Force," historian and Karabagh Committee member Rafael Ishkhanian rejects the strategy that has dominated Armenian political efforts since his countrymen first beseeched the Pope in the 15fi)s to liberate Armenia from Muslim rule. Ishkha-

,

Cambridge, MA02238, 1991, 180 pp, $29.95 (hardcover), $14.95 (paperback) Revlewed

lor

nian denounces the mentality that has equated hatred of the Turks with patriotism toward Armenia. Those in line for criticism include not only the political parties of the

AIM

By MARK ilALKASIAII

Diaspora, but also members of Armenia's Russophile communist in-

gers of Pan-Turanism and as a lobbying force for the retum of Armenian lands and recognition of the Genocide, the ARF emerges as an obvious opponent of the ANM. To emphasize the distinction, Libaridian includes in the appendices statements by ARF Bureau Chairman tkair Maroukhian and the ARF World Congress.

He also notes that the party reversed its traditional policy in support of Armenian independence after Maroukhian met with the head of the Armenian Communist Party in November 1988.

For all their daring, the iconoclasts of Armenia at the Crossroads also inadvertenfly reveal the limitations of the very political movement that has so boldly broken through constraints of the past. Manoukian speaks of introducing a separate Armenian currency and

istening has never been a sffong point of the Armenian Diaspora.

But speaking? Of course.

That's been the very lifeblood of

then surveys events ofthe past three centuries, argu-

de-

scattered communities. Pontifications,

transforming Mountain-

pendence on the Christian

exhortations, lamentations, accusations, supplications and condemnations--definitely yes. Speaking has served as an af-

West

ous Karabagh into an "inaccessible fortress. " Ter-

telligentsia. Ishkhanian

ing that Armenia's

to achieve its

national goals has proven

firmation of life for a people threatened

disastrously naive. Many of Armenia's mostrevered

with annihilation. But listening, especially

historical icons-Israel

to other Armenians? Unfortunately, that

Petrosyan forecasts the imminent collapse of the Soviet empire and looks forward to the establish-

Ori and General Antranig

ment of an Armenian

has not come naturally

in

a Diaspora

lack-

ing a shared sense of purpose and values.

That makes Arm enia at the Crossroads :

Democracy and Nationhood in the PostSoviet Era all the more important. Within the book's pages, some of the leading figures in Armenia's national democratic movement discuss the philosophical principles that have transformed the political landscape of Armenia in the pastfew years.

The vision guiding the current govemment of Armenia is presented uncut and unadulterated. For the most part, the ideas of the Armeniannational democratic movement have reached the world beyond Armenia only through the filters of the Soviet and Westem media or Armenian Diaspora organizations. In conffast, Libaridian serves as a conduit rather than a middleman. He has chosen nine essays, interviews and speeches by prominent figures in the Ar-

menian National Movement, including President Levon Ter-Pefrosyan and Prime Minister Y azgen Manoukian-Armenia's

two highest-ranking officials since the ANM came to power in August

1990. As a counterpoint to the ANM philosophy, the appendices offer viewpoints from the Diasporanpoliticalparties. Libaridian's ample footnotes flesh out key points in the text.

But he has done more than provide an introduction to the thinking of the ANM. Instead, he has clearly aimed to challenge the mindset of the Diaspora. In the course of Crossroads, three main targets emerge.

Most pervasive is the belief that Armenia must rely on a foreign power to protect it from the depredations of Pan-Turanism. In an essay entitled 'The Law of Excluding

among them-also fare

army. Inthelong run,the may indeed be on the sideof history. Atthe moment, such statements seem oddly incongruous with the deportation of Armenian villagers from the district of

ANM

poorly under Ishkhanian's analysis. Further in the book, Vazgen Manoukian applies Ishkhanian's inter-

pretation of Armenian history in the context of current events. Placing the threat of Pan-Turanism at the top of Armenia's agenda means that Armenia will forever need a powerful protector, Manoukian contends. Independence will always be subordinate to survival. In setting a new course, Manoukian, Ishkhanian and other ANM leaders have insisted that Armenia can develop normal relations with its neighbors only as an independent state.

The second article of faith to be shredded concerns the politics of symbolism, and again the Diaspora is portrayed as

sadly immature. The traditional rallying cries demanding the retum of Armenian lands in eastem Turkey, and intemational recognition of the Genocide are largely dismissed as self-deluding clich6s. Meanwhile, the voices heard in Cra ssroads make a point of stressing their realpolitik savvy.

As Ter-Petrosyan said last year: "Instead of an audacious, romantic nation, we must become a cold, realistic and pragmatic nation whose each step must be circumspect, based on concrete and faultless calcula-

tion."

Finally, underlying the central message

of the book is an indictment of

the

Diaspora's leading political party-the Armenian Revolutionary Federation/Dashnaktsutiun. As both an exponent of the dan-

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

99'l

HadrutinKarabagh, and the serious energy shortage that Armenia faces this winter. Armenia under the ANM often seems more helpless than hopeful.

At a deeper level, there are other rea-

sons why Diaspora Armenians may have

difficulty listening to the arguments in this collection. Armeniahas onlybegun to speak out since Feb,ruary 1988. During the previous 68 years, political activism had been largely the prerogative of the Diaspora.

With tlrc development of the Karabagh Movement, Armenians suddenly regained their voice, and their call for democracy rocked not only Communist authorities in Yerevan and Moscow but also rattled the leaders of insular Diaspora organizations.

In putting together this book, Libaridian clearly hoped to shake up the Diaspora further. Fittingly, the final word rn Armenia at the Crossroadsbelongs to him: "For the Diaspora organizations to par-

ticipate constructively in the making of Armenia's future, they must fully share in the democratic and national values being created by the people of Armenia and its movement," Listening?

tta*

l/,ol*eslan

ls a

Rhode lsland wrlter

who has studld the rlee ot the AN*l

3l

The Problematic Neighbor

By ROiIALD GRIGOB SUNY Spcclal

lo Alll

s

tionality. There are very few non-Armenians left in Armenia-+nly some Russians and Kurds-and about 100,000-plus

Armenians move step by

cautious step toward national

independence,

geography looms as the most serious impediment to viability as a sovereign state.

Cut off from Europe by Georgia to the north, with no outlet to the sea, and surrounded on three sides by Muslim states that have often been hostile to Armenians, tiny Armenia appears to be the most vulnerable of the six Soviet republics that have opted out of the U.S.S.R. While serious initiatives to

Armenians in Karabagh and the nearby villages remain in Azerbaijan. A long history ofcoexistence, sporadically but infrequently broken by violence, has now been forgotten by both sides, and in its place remain images of eternal hareds and long-standing feuds.

Eastern Transcaucasia, the area now known as Azerbaijan, was in ancient and early medieval times the home of a littleknown people called by historians "Cau-

as "Tatars." Only with the rise

adopted.

Most Azeri-speakers were peasants, dominated by the local Muslim clerics, the rich landlords, and a small group of industrialists. The largest city, Baku, housed a mixed population of Armenians, Russians, Azerbaijanis and Persians, but the Muslims found themselves at the very bottom of the social hierarchy. Armenian businessmen, many of whom (like the Mirzoevs and Gukasovs) grew wealthy in

the local oil industry, and Russian officials lived a privileged life, ran.the local political institutions, and generally looked down upon the Muslims as "dark," infe-

rior people.

Not surprisingly, in 1905 and again in 1918, Baku's Muslim poor turned on the local Armenians as the most convenient target. In a series of violent clashes, Azerbaijanis and Armenians

fought each other, while the Russians either stood aside or tried to mediate.

Social, religious and cultural differences kept the two Caucasian peoples distant from one another.

improve relations with Turkey and Georgia have been undertaken by the

Ter-Petrosyan government, Iittle has been done

eyeing each other suspiciously from different districts in the same town or from separate villages.

to improve relations with Armenia's neighbor to the east, Azerbaijan.

In the new constella-

tion of forces that

The first Azerbaijani state declared its inde-

has

emerged since the March l7 referendum, in which Azerbaijanis overwhelmingly voted to remain within the Soviet Union,

pendence on the same day

as modern Armenia-

May 28, 1918. For just over two years the repub-

lic existed, fust as an ally of Turkey, then under the protection of Great Britain. With the withdrawal

April 23 agreement of nine republics and the

(the three Slavic and six Muslim Soviel republics)

to work out a common program for a new con-

Gorbachev's ace-in-the-hole? Young Armenian relugees lrom Azerballan

federation, Armenia is more isolated than at any time since the Karabagh events exploded in February 1988. Azerbaijan, on the other hand, has emerged from the dark days of the Soviet invasion of January 1990 to become a reluctant ally of the Gorbachev govemment. In April and May of this year, this new alignment of forces was brutally confirmed when Soviet

troops moved side-by-side with Azerbaijani militia to deport Armenians from villages within Azerbaijan.

Within their two republics, Azerbaijanis outnumber Armenians by almost two-to-one. In the last census, 1989, the population of the Armenian republic was

3,283,000; the Azerbaijani, 7,O29,O00.

Since the forced migrations of late 19881989, both republics have become almost homogeneous states made up of one na32

of a na-

tionalist intelligentsia later in the century was the term azarbayjanli (Azerbaijani)

casian Albanians." The counffy, known to Armenians as Aghvan, came under the cultural influence of the Armenian Church, and in the 4th Century the Albanians converted to Armenian Christianity. Beginning in the 7th Century, the Arabs conquered much of Transcaucasia, and Muslim rulers dominated much of the region. Four hundred years later, with the coming of the Seljuk Turks, the population began to adopt Oghuz Turkic dialects and eventually the Shi'i variant of Islam. Thus, a new people close to the Ottoman Turks-linguistically but religiously close to Safavid Persia----emerged along the Caspian coast, south into Iran, and up to the Armenian mountainous plateau. By

the time the Russians conquered and annexed Transcaucasia early in the 19th Century, the Muslim peasants were known AlM, AugusUSeptember 1991

of the British from Tran-

scaucasia, Azerbaijan succumbed to the Com-

munists, who proclaimed the Soviet So-

cialist Republic of Azerbaijan

in April

1920. Both the independent republic and the Soviet claimed the Mountainous Karabagh region as part of Azerbaijan, and a

long-unsettled dispute between Baku and Yerevan simmered for 70 years of Soviet

power. Even though its population was roughly three-quarters Armenian, the Soviets kept Karabagh in the Azerbaijan S.S.R. for economic and strategic reasons.

Resentrnents and memories of past vio-

lence prevented most Armenians and Azerbaijanis from establishing close relationships. Yet, during the seven decades of Soviet rule, about half a million Armenians lived in Azerbaijan, and many thrived in Baku and other cities as wellestablished professionals. A slightly fewer

number

of

Azerbaijanis

lived in

the

Armenian Soviet republic, most of them farmers and reputedly the purveyors of the best fruits and vegetables to be found in the open markets. Little intermarriage took place between the two peoples, and Armenians in Azerbaijan preferred to leam Russian rather than Azeri. Karabagh Armenians often fared better than their Azerbaijani neighbors, but were aware that in their autonomous region within Azerbaijan they were not as well off as their Armenian compatriots across the border in Armenia. Armenian cultural and educational institutions suffered, and protests against Azerbaijani rule occurred

Popular Front recently told this writer, however, that Gorbachev would never expel the Armenians, for they were his ace-in-the-hole to make Baku behave and keep Azerbaijan inside the new Soviet Union. Pawns in a larger political game, the last Armenians in Azerbaijan have few

champions aside from their own countrymen in Armenia and the Diaspora. Some progressive activists in Russia, like the

indomitable Galina Starovoitova

and

Yelena Bonner, use domestic and international forums to keep the issue of Karabagh alive, but too often their audiences view the problem as an insoluble "tribal

Armenians and Azerbaijanis have lived side-by-side for centuries, uneasily, and never on the basis of equality and mutual respect. Pragmatic politicians in Baku and Yerevan must realize that there is no alternative to finding another way to live together in years to c6me. As independence-minded Armenians contemplate the future, the most unpredictable card to be played remains the Azerbaijani.

Ronald Grigor Suny is Alex Manoogian Protessor ol Modern Armenian History at

the Univercity of Michigan

periodically.

lndiscriminate killings When the demonstrations demanding

the merger of Karabagh with Soviet Armenia began early in 1988, Azerbaijanis in the industrial town of Sumgait reacted violently, killing Armenians indiscriminately. These pogroms, as well as the failure of the Gorbachev government to deal effectively with the Karabagh issue, led to a steady escalation of the level of hostility and violence.

ETHAIIAttEI[.

Azerbaijani intellectuals organized a Popular Front to defend their national interests, but soon lost control of a mass movement that fed on the growing hatred

for Armenians. A blockade of Armenia prevented goods and fuel from reaching the republic from Azerbaijan and indefinitely delayed the rebuilding of earthquake-devastated regions.

In January 1990, mobs in Baku rampaged through the city, hunting down Armenians until the Soviet army moved in,

killing hundreds of Azerbaijanis,

and restored a fragile order. The Popular Front lost what influence it had left, and the Azerbaijani Communist Parfy re-emerged

as the defender

of Azerbaijan's "territo-

rial integrity." The Mutalibov leadership positioned itself as the best safeguard against the "pretensions" of the Armenians, and in alliance with Gorbachev the local Communists restored their authority within the republic.

By mid-1991, the calculus of costs of the Karabagh Movement was dismal indeed. About 400,0(X) Armenians had been

forced out of Baku and other Azerbaijani

cities where they had lived good lives, and these refugee Armenians found little welcome elsewhere in the Soviet Union.

Many have moved on to the United States. Karabagh remains under siege and less and less likely ever to be united with Armenia. Pessimists see little chance of

the hostilities that have brought disaster on both republics ending soon, and are certain that Moscow and Baku are deter-

mined

to

deport

all

Azerbaijan.

A spokesperson

Armenians from

for the Azerbaijani

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AlM, AugusUSeptember 1991

33

History's Ghallenge How to Escape The Hammer andThe Anvil

By GHRISTOPHER WALKER Speclal to

All,

ast new prospects are in view

for Armenia--{emocracy, independence, maybe the unification of Karabagh with the country. These vistas carry with them

equally momentous risks: invasion, border conflicts, ethnic violence, econbmic collapse. Armenia's neighbors are powerful or have powerful'friends, and some of them harbor ideological hostility to Armenia; so the risks are almost certainly greater than those for, say, Slovenia, where there is no comparable legacy of ideological hate.

Armenia is unquestionably now seeking separation from the U.S.S.R. The result of the September 2l referendum on independence cannot really be in doubt. The old idea that Armenia was protected by Russia whatever the regime, because other forces were worse, has tumed out in the era of Gorbachev to be mistaken. Moscow has abrogated responsibility forNagorno-Kara-

bakh, and has left the people there to de-

Not all of Soviet rule has been like this.

In the past 70 years the Armenian S.S.R. gained within the U.S.S.R. a deal which was not bad. Above all, it gained security and stability. Now those very things, which are essential for Armenia, are vanishing.

This is grave for a country bordered on two sides by nations in which the notion of ideological Turkism is present, even ifdormant. For whatever reason, Gorbachev, and the hidden Transcaucasian agenda of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, have tumed out to be antipathetic to Armenia and the interests of the Armenian people in the regiop.

Soviet forces claimed in May that they were disarming the populace. However, the brutal and despicable actions of Moscow and Baku proved how much the local Armenians needed arms to defend themselves.

Soviet and Azeri forces demonstrated the necessity ofthe very situation they had collaborated to destroy. Such actions can only fuel Armenia's desire to get out of the rotten Soviet system.

But if Armenia does get out, how can it be sure that the new I system will be better? Democracy by

itself will not produce instantresults, especially since the

country is physi-

cally situated between continuing dictatorship in Az-

erbaijan,

the

afuless, guideddemocracy that one sees

in Turkey, and the

weird

political

watch is the strength of the alliance of the regime in Moscow with Turkism-that is, with those forces which seek the expansion of the Azeri peoples in the region, at the expense of the Armenians. The bitter truth

has been that, since the heady days of February 1988, Moscow's alliancehas been with Turkism. At every tum (apart from the brief rule of Arkadi Volsky in Karabagh,

and also following the crude Azeri violence manifested during the Baku pogrom of Armenians in January 1990), the Kremlin has favored the enemies of Armenians. ln Communist terms, the C.P.S.U. today is the inheritor of the anti-Armenian tradition of Radek and Stalin, rather than the more evenhanded tradition of Chicherin and Legrand. Why Gorbachev has been so antiArmenian despite the allegiance of the Armenians to perestroika in the first Karabagh demonstrations is a question that has yet to receive a definitive answer. But it is

important to realize that Moscow is antiArmenian, and that until it takes a more evenhanded approach and starts talking the language of equal human rights, there is unlikely to be any change in its hostility to Yerevan, and no possibility of a change in the status

of Karabagh.

A symbol of

vidlity

Nagomo-Karabakh is today, unfortunately, the symbol of Azeri political virility. Few Azeri public figures even thought of it before February 1988. Now it is a central issue in Baku, with immense quantities of Turanian pride invested. As ever with Turanian pride, the issue is not democracy, or human rights, or justice, but control for the sake of control. Nothing is sought beyond the macho fact of being in control, and squashing the 'enemies' who reject that control. It is important for the Armenians to see the true dynamics of the movement that they are up against.

Now that Armenia is seeking independence, and seeking it legitimately-that is, playing according to the rules laid down in

manifestations cur-

the Soviet

Constitution-it

seems that Yere-

rently on show in

van is incurring the wrath

of Moscow even

Georgia. In order to

more. Despite the crude, repressive nature

work,

democracy needs to be accomThe spirit of the age requires clear minds.... panied by a strenuous commitment to fend themselves against a hostile and viohuman rights, and to diversity within the lent Azerbaijani regime; it has itself played region. If, over the past three years, the a destructive role in the May l99l killings issue of human rights for the people of of Armenians in Getashen, Martunashen Karabagh, and indeed for all Transcaucaand other villages in Soviet Azerbaijan. sian peoples, had been more forcefully These villages were subjectto attacks as feexpressed, rather than backward, regresrocious as Nazi reprisals in occupied Eusive and particularist notions about Chrisrope during World War tr. Russian central tians versus Muslims, and Christians being policy appears today almost as Armenobetter than Muslims, there is a possibility phobic as it was in the days of Tsar Nichothat the Armenians of Nagomo-Karabakh las II, when the Armenian-hating Prince would today be in a better state.

Grigory Golitsyn was unleashed as goverAs regards the future of Transcaucasia, nor-general ofthe Caucasus in 1897-1905. one of the most important indicators to

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

991

of its rule, Moscow still believes it

has a

future in controlling Yerevan. This is nonsense. Communist Moscow has had its chance and its time is up. However, it is still

scheming

to prevent Armenia achieving

independence, and will exert all political and economic pressure to persuade Armenia to stay within the union.

Turkey is another powerful player in the regional game that is none too eager to see an independent democratic Armenia. Such an Armenia might, at a future date, start voicing treaty-based demands on territory today in Turkey. (It would be interesting to hear the U.S. State Deparffnent's view on this, and to assess whether Washington's close alliance with Ankara, and its possible

sought

to identify its

national needs with thoseof whichevernation it is petitioning for support. All nations seek convergences of interests; but to create

a convincing impres-

sion, these have to come second to

a

clear

exposition

of

Armenia's primary andnon-negotiablena-

tional claims. In this context, I hope there is.

...and cool heads desire to prop up Gorbachev's shaky regime, has influenced its thinking on the future status of the Caucasus republics.)

As in 1920, Transcaucasian Armenia is, to use the vivid phrase of Simon Vratsian, between the Bolshevik hammer and the Turkishanvil. Faced with such power, what can Armenia do?

The world of 1991 is not, in most respects, the crude, insincere and unresponsive place it was in 1920, or even in 1946.

The days when the cosy club ofgreat powers could make cynical arrangements be-

tween themselves, to suit themselves, are over-if the smaller nations are forceful enough in saying that their interests will not be overridden. In the post-Cold War era, diversity has a chance. The U.N. is becoming less subservient to the big powers, and even the G7 nations are issuing statements imbued with democracy rather than a conservative support for the status quo.

The European Community, too, is becoming a powerful voice in intemational affairs. Despite complaints from its opponents that it is apotential super-state, it is much more like an association of diverse nation-states, whose diversity in the main is strongly upheld. National diversity has become a valid quality in itself. So Armenia has a chance to pursue its aims of creating ademocratic, genuinely independent state. The most important thing is for Armenia and its leaders to be in tune with today's political thinking, and to use the political language oftoday. Over and over, in the years 1918-20, chances for Armenia were lost because Armenian leaders (of all parties) were out of date, basing their hopes on past assumptions, and expressing their aims in last year's language. It must not be allowed to happen today.

To take advantage of that chance, and to prevent Armenia being crushed again between the Soviet hammer and the Turkish anvil, it is important to hear clearly the voice of Armenia itself. This has not been adequately heard. Most often, the Armenian case seems tohave beenputforward in the manner, 'It is in your interest to support

Armenia'. In other words, Armenia has

no hint ofobeisance to

Turanianpride. Equality ofall nations and peoples before the law is the only guideline for the independence of states.

A major aspect of Armenia's govemance that must have pleased her non-Armenian friends is the calm, collected and unhys-

terical style of govemment. There is evidence that it was the style of the first Armenian independent government of l9l8-20, and its tendency to secrecy in spite of parliamentary forms, which alienated European (especially British) statesmen. No democrat wants to see the gung-ho revolutionary theater of Che Guevara-typefedayin groups, where streets are full of posturing men making an issue of looking tough.

They are counterproductive to democracy in 1991. This is now being firmly upheld in Yerevan, and that is good for the future ofa stable democracy. In Baku, self-defense is (or was) a necessity for the Armenian villagers north of Karabagh, to protect themselves against Azeri violence and chauvinism, given backing by Moscow's Interior Ministry troops. But within Armenia itself, the guerrilla groups are irrelevant and a menace. They appear to have disappeared, and that is good for democracy.

Although the way forward for Armenia

is certainly difficult,

it is not perhaps

so

dark as at flust appears. The crudeness and violence of Moscow Communism are still around, as the marfyr-villages of Getashen and Martunashen testify. Communism may

Qralify Dental Care and Personalized

Treaftnent in a Pleasant Atnosphere.

gain an even more repressive aspect in its

collusion with Baku. But the spirit of the age worldwide is for democracy, for ethnic and national diversity, and for the reclaiming of national identities after the collapse of self-serving political Molochs.

I hope that Armenians will hold on to the calm, moderate style of President Levon Ter-Petrosyan's govemment, which speaks the same language as Western democracies, and thereby the spirit of true democracy may come to Armenia and perhaps in the future for Karabagh.

Christopher Walker is a British historian and author o, Armenia: Survival ot a Nation AlM, AugusUSeptember 1991

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other contradictions in views on the fu-

Moscow'sView: "Armenia's Interests Lie within the Union"

By GUEORGUI TARKOSSOV

Baltic republics, Georgia, Moldova or

Special to AIH

powerful trend to independence in Armenia is developing

against the background of rapid and radical changes in Soviet political and economic systems, in basic principles that govem the relations of the center with constituent republics in the Soviet Union. Today, all 15 republics in one way or the other have proclaimed their independence and the goal of becoming sovereign, pluralistic, democratic states

on the "separation procedure." In this regard, no distinction is made between the

with market economies, though vast

differences remain in their levels of preparedness and political will that are necessary to achieve this goal.

Armenia. At the same time, Moscow and the nine republics of the new Union make no secret of the fact that relations with those opting for secession will be govemed by different principles.

It is not yet clear what exactly those principles will be. Under any circumstances the policy of the Union will be

aimed at preserving as close political, economic, social and cultural ties with breakaway republics as possible. But leaving the Union will undoubtedly have its costs. As far as economic relations are concerned, the interests of the Union and the constituent republics will have priority over the interests of breakaway repub-

In April, nine constituent republics reached an agreement among themselves and with the

the Declaration of Independence.

A dream of many generations of Armenians to restore a fully independent national state on the soil of their ancestors is understandable and has an enorrnous

emotional appeal

in Armenia and in

Armenian communities in the U.S.S.R. and abroad. Yet, as far as a practical deh-

nition of Armenian independence,

the

modalities and the time-table of achieving it, are concemed, opinions differ

greatly both in and out of Armenia, it very difficult to reach national consensus on those issues. The events of making

the last 12 months that revealed the micro-

cosm

of challenges and opportunities of

independent Armenia

did not

make

achieving that consensus any easier.

During that period relations of

the

independence-minded Armenian government with central authorities have had their ups and downs. Arme-

established

new ties

and

concluded agreements with other constituent republics, international contacts have intensified, mostly in the economic and cultural fields, and ties with the ex-

temal Diaspora have become closer. In a sense, Armenia has

tics and produced a watershed division among the constituent republics, leaving six of them, including Armenia, with very difficult and fateful choices to make.

In the general political context of the Soviet Union the question of Armenian independence is not very high on the national domestic agenda. This question is more So what's it going to be? or less viewed as a matter of "local politics" that can have only a marginal lics. In practical terms it will mean trade impact on the overall development of a on the basis of world market prices and payments in convertible currency, no new Soviet federation. It is only natural, though, that both politically and economiinvestment guarantees from the Union for development projects, no grants or subsically, as well as for other reasons, including historic and cultural ties between dies, no preferential treatment. Those Armenia and Russia, secession of Armechanges in economic relations can become nia cannot and will not be welcomed in a sobering reality for breakaway repubMoscow. On the other hand, no specific lics. In Armenia's case, devastated by an measures to block the process of selfearthquake and an economic blockade, determination of the Armenian people, this will be a particularly difficult chalmost of all by use of force or political or lenge. economic coercion, are contemplated.

Under the Union Treaty provisions, the The assets and liabilities of the choice center and the constituent republics will that the Armenian people is making durcoordinate and take common negotiating ing the referendum in September are stands vis-)r-vis problems that exist or will clearly stated by Moscow in political, emerge in their relations with breakaway economic, social and other terms. The republics. These are only a few of the many new elements that the "9+1" agreeUnion government sets no special condiment brought to Soviet politics, evolving tions or demands to the republics that want to secede from the Union, except those in the direction of national consensus on many matters, including ideological and defined by the Constitution and the law 36

the Soviet Union, making it more and more different from that of a year ago when the Armenian Parliament adopted

nia

to

create "a more perfect union" and to that end to conclude a new Union Treaty that will soon become a reality (probably one or two months from now), This event became a landmark in Soviet poli-

center

ture of Soviet society. All these elements largely change the political situation in

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

991

become more independent than a yeiu ago. That, however, did not make it easier for Armenia to obtain the support of the central authorities for its concerns, and intemational relations cannot, at least for now, make up for what

Armenia used

continues

to receive and

to receive from

Moscow both in economic

and

political terms. The vital interests of Armenia today require close coordination field with the rest of the Union and with its center. and cooperation in the economic

Armenian participation in the efforts of the 13 republics to devise and implement the anti-crisis economic program and the agreed plan of transition to a market economy with a dingle currency, and common fiscal, monetary and customs policy is a clear admission of this reality.

It is also clear that despite many dis-

appointments and failures, continued dialogue between Yerevan and Moscow is and will be essential for the future of the Nagomo-Karabakh Autonomous Region and those Armenians who live in other parts of the Republic of Azerbaijan.

The Armenian government had little choice but to deal in this matter with the central authorities who remain the only realistic power-brokers in the deteriorat-

ing Karabagh situation. The problem of Karabagh as well as the future of many Armenian communities and enclaves in the Soviet Union's constituent republics lend a special dimension to Armenia's drive to independencc.

There is another important element that the evenls of the last month put in sharp focus. The central authorities are devolv-

Time to make

ing now to the constituent republicsincluding Armenia-actual control of the economy and nalural resources. in matters concerning fcrreign trade and in establishing economic relations with other countries. New possibilitics arc emerging in the field of foreign poticy, which is no longer the exclusive prerogative of the central government. Republics, Armenia included. have begun to partieipate in coordinating Soviet foreign policy through new emerging mechanisms. and as a next step are preparing to open their consular, economic and cultural missions abroad.

In this context, the disadvantages of independence outside of the Soviet Union are compared to the pluses that an independent Armenia can get if it remains a constituent or associated pafi of a new union of sovereign states.

Centripetal forces in the Soviet Union began to gather momentum in the last few months, considerably reversing the centrifugal trends ol' the preceding period because of new strong commitments by the central authorities to democratic and

market reforms. The changes

in

the

domestic situation in the U.S.S.R. and the transformation of the country into a defacto union of sovereign states sheds new

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37

"Our Tlagic Union"

Yelena Alikhanyan-Bonner, Human Rights Activist and Widow of Soviet Dissident Andrei Sakharov, on Armenia, Democracy, and the future of the Soviet Union

By GAYANE HATBARTZOUMIAN AIM Yerevan Bueau

AIM: How would you describe the present political situation in the Soviet Union?

BONNER: One of the gravest problems today is that of national republics and ethnic minorities. The Soviet Union has thus far existed under a Stalinist constitution whose driving force has been the "Divide and Rule" principle. The division'of republics was so arranged as to obstruct the emergence of homogeneous national republics, _ and a kind of "fifth column" ! was maintained in each re- [ public for the control of local < political processes. Further-

nonsense; yet outright secession from the Union is impossible,

since we're far too much bound economically. The republics have a long way to go before their production reaches intemational standards. And this means they will trade with each other, forming a Common Market-type community and defense pact.

The problem here lies not in the Gorbachev-Yeltsin conflict as presented in the West, but in the old guard at the center who reject the idea of a Europarliament. Why should Yeltsin leave the real Russia to a mythical

center? Gorbachev

Soviet

Constitution was embodied a fundamental contradiction:

one article proclaimed

right of all nations and

as

we are not facing a civil war today except in the Transcaucasus. And the center is to be condemned for the pres-

more, in the two major ar-

ticles of the

and

Yeltsin are not rivals, jut

ent deterioration in that region.

the na-

You have said that Gor-

tionalities to self-determina-

bachev risks entering history not as the author ol perestroika, but as the initiator of the second Arme-

tion, while the other declared the finality of state borders.

To determine whether the

nian genocide-

Soviet government has become democratic, one must decide which of these articles is actually being carried out.

A truly democratic govemment gives preference to the

The strife over Karabagh could and should have been resolved as far back as in

1988 when the Regional Council of Karabagh adopted quite a legal decision to reunify the region with Armenia. But a systematic elimination of Armenians has been perpetrated since then, and I

principle of self-determination; a govemment that defends only its own authority

and statehood chooses the ar-

ticle prescribing the immutability of republican borders.

Five years have passed since the advent of perestroika. heading toward democracy, but until that basic contradic-

don't think the Azerbaijani nation is to blame for that. I suppose this is a central policy that has been authored and continuously supported

tion is eliminated from

by the Soviet leadership and

Everybody thinks

we

are

the

constitution, we can speak of neither democracy nor aspiration for democracy.

A number of republics have proclaimed independence or autonomy following the Lithuanian lead, and by this process the unmistakable dissolution of the unified totalitarian state has begun. But the center is resisting fiercely. The point is that the very need for a center disappears if real independence or autonomy is attained by the democratically developing republics. What is most peculiar here is that we're going back to the ideals of the older Lenin, though I'm in no way an admirer of the man.

During the last years of his life, Lenin had come to the conclusion that only the fields of diplomacy and national defense must be conducted by the center, while other aspects of the country's life should be left to the control of the republics. I think that this is the proper way to proceed, and that talks of federation are 38

Azerbaijan's

Communist

Party. I once told Vezirov, the party's former first secretary, "Why are you offended that the whole world is indignant over Sumgait? Armenia is in such a mess after the earthquake, and you keep talking about fratemal love; yield Karabagh, and praises will be sung to you." "Land is not yielded," he answered, "it is taken by blood." And he's got his blood, both Armenian and Azerbaijani.

The crisis could have two possible outcomes: if the right to the land were to be decided, the Armenian majority would obviously have emerged as the legal proprietor, the more so since Armenians would not restrict the rights of Azeris living in Karabagh or eliminate them. But the Azeris chose to take a different path, that of the extermination of Armenians. There's a parallel to be drawn between the present Kurdish tragedy in lraq

AlM, AugusVSeptember

1

991

with the West have been relaxing during this time, the majority of political prisoners were released, and Soviet troops were withdrawn from

and the plight of Armenians in Karabagh. The problem of Kurds could also be resolved in a civilized manner, through the United

Afghanistan,

Nations, by providing them with

all to the West's

ardent approval. In addition, some

real autonomy. The same might be said for the Kurds of Turkey, Iran and the Soviet Union. Let's not forget that Kurds have been a refugee nation in this country ever since Stalin.

Unwillingness to satisfy claims of independence and statehood creates the seeds of collective suffering and paves the way for the ultimate horror-that of a genocide.

In this respect, I have often voiced J my protest to the U.N. I believe ! that no genocide can be a matter of home policy. And it is the U.N.'s

very real moves toward disarmament were realized.

It was

against

this background that Gorbachev commanded the attention and sympathy of the West.

And what about Eastern Europe?

The West is mistaken in think-

ing that though Gorbachev could have suppressed liberation movements in Eastern Europe, he nevertheless made a grand gesture when

calling for freedom. In fact, Gorbachev could do nothing to muffle ways, in parliamentary contexts, to > < these movements; they evolved inresolve these conflicts so that each Bonner at a press conference given by Levon evitably, as the Soviet Union lived nation may be allowed to live Ter-Petrosyan in Moscow through the shock of the first Conwhere it has always chosen to live. gress of People's Deputies, then the novelty of universal selfArmenians comprised 80 percent of Karabagh's population, and condemnation for the war in Afghanistan and the events in Tbilthey should have had the full right to decide whether to live isi, and then the workers' strikes which shook the whole Union under the hegemony of Azerbaijan, of Armenia, or independleadership, including Gorbachev. Until that point, the working ently. The center is also to blame for the bloodshed in Ossetia, class was considered dead-it would go on starving and workthough this case is more complicated: there exists no such overing hard. whelming majority of Ossetians over Georgians as of ArmeniFaced with such revolutions, Gorbachev and the army could problem should have been rate the But at any ans in Karabagh. do nothing to reverse the tide. And now the West realizes that solved to the benefit of the small nation. Any such situation perestroika is not a genuine process of reform but a kind of ought to be resolved to the benefit of the weak. The state itself beauty treatment that does not work; that, indeed, an ill-conexists for defending the weak against the strong. What is law ceived state policy has unwittingly led to the dissolution of an but the defense of the weak? awesome totalitarian Union.

What do you mean by "weak" in relation to Armenia and But the West is nevertheless worried about the Soviet its conllict with Azerbaijan?

responsibility

to find

civilized

I

mean physically weak-Armenians being less numerous and weakened by the troubles which fell to their lot in the last

few years.

Do you think that at this point only the U.N. can resolve the Karabagh problem?

It always seemed to Andrei Dmitrievich [Sakharov] and me that the Karabagh conflict could be resolved within the Soviet Union and that the Supreme Council was competent enough to address the problem. But today I think that no Soviet Union really exists. We are witnessing the last convulsions of a former totalitarian state. The center, as embodied in the Supreme Council and relatively powerful authoritarian structures, is living out the little remainder of its days, but because of the very convulsions that these bodies are going through, people are perishing and in fact whole nations may perish. In such cases, the intemational community must be involved.

How do you explain the phenomenon ot "Gorbymania" in the West, and the consistent reluctanoe to demand a cor'

dissolution and does not support the secession of some of the republics lrom the center at a time when the whole world, and Europe in particular, are in various processes

ol unification.

We are again and again intimidated by the view that the dissolution of the Soviet Union might bring about chaos and civil war. It's true that tendencies toward consolidation and unification are at work in Europe. But Europe has reached this point after decades of freedom and independence. It is clear that only nations that have won their freedom and enjoyed it can freely consolidate and unify. Thus, the nations of the Soviet Union must first walk the path of liberty and then marry by love. And the stronger the center's resistance, the more difficult for the republics to take the democratic path, and the easier for nationalistic, national-socialist, and even chauvinistic and proto-Fascist forces to thrive.

Which republics do you have in mind?

Georgia, Azerbaijan. I don't like some of the points in the programs of Moldova and the Baltic republics, but I think that

relation ot Gorbachev's foreign and home policies?

along normal civilized interrelations with the center, these problems could easily be settled. But Lithuania was from the

Affection for Gorbachev has some valid basis since he has indeed taken a number of positive steps, though the process of reform had already begun with [Yuri] Andropov. The KGB had obviously decided that a measure of reform was in order; hence the emergence of Gorbachev as leader and teacher. Contacts

very beginning faced with a blockade. On the other hand, though the blockade of Armenia by Azerbaijan has been recognized as an illegal act (unfortunately, no remedial measures were taken), Gorbachev himself has lately repeated the offense against the Armenian republic. Here are two actions, two approaches, which

AlM, August /September 1991

have provoked aggressive reaction among Armenians.

You have mentioned Georgia as a republic with strong na-

tionalistic tendencies.

Zviad Gamsakhurdia does not sympathize with me personally, and has no liking for anyone who is not a Georgian. Does he love Georgians? This must remain an open question, since the love of a nation implies not only respect for its rights and freedom, but a wish to see the nation act with generosity in giving freedom to others. Gamsakhurdia has no such sensibility, and this is why I suspect he dislikes not only Armenians but Georgians as well.

Now a problem with the Armenian population in

upon themselves, upon the Armenian Diaspora, which can muster great support in lobbying and many other areas. It seems to me that Armenians abroad, who have so many respected intellectuals, writers, musicians and politicians, are not energetic enough.

And I reproach them. I reproached them last year in Boston at the all-American assembly of Armenians.

What do you think ot Armenian relations with Turkey?

I have always approached this problem from a perspective that has put me at loggerheads with my Armenian friends.

Someone has even called me an inverted Armenian for my views on this subject and my ignorance of the Armenian language.

I think it is good for all nations to be aware of their history, but also to forget it and live in the present. And when I read how Armenian avengers have put a bomb in the car of the Turkish ambassador and blew his ll-year-old son to pieces, I pity this boy just as much as the boy killed in Getashen not long ago. I think that if Turkey and Armenia are going to live side by side

lnDO-lfanlan Euqs LtO. EXP,) nUgS nâ&#x201A;Ź1g an!antiqgâ&#x201A;Ź Opi6ntal pERsrAN . o

rrorAr{. cHINESE. ARrrrENlAN. ANAToLTAN

human rights are recognized and secured, we should forget our past. Not to forget the historical significance of the year 1915, but to be conscious of the fact that people living on the other side of Arax are not responsible for this past. I do salute all the economic, and probably political, contacts with Turkey. More-

over,

I

think that nations who have existed side by side for

centuries can give each other a lot, both in economic and cul-

tural

terms.

And how do you imagine the tuture ot the U.S.S.R.? Do you associate it with the name of Gotuachev?

Georgia

likely to arise, and that would be horrible. I must say that there are no safe ways out. I think that Armenians can rely only seems

PRES, GEOBGES B. YEBEMIAN (35 YRS,

within an outline of peace proclaimed in the European Charter, in a world where the self-determination rights of nations and

Names are not as important in the U.S.S.R. as the mysterious ways in which they appear and disappear. We don't know how Gorbachev was elected for us, and we leam today of how Khruschev was first elected and then discharged. The same may happen with Gorbachev. As things stand, Gorbachev is the leader of the Communist party and defends its interests as president. I think that the Communist party is doomed, and so is its leader. In my opinion, it is due to the umeasonable policy of the center, headed by Gorbachev, that the Soviet Union has dissolved. If in 1989 it was still possible to retain a cozy and traditional U.S.S.R. by concessions to the republics in the political and economic spheres, today it is impossible.

We hope that our tragic Union-tragic for its own history and the history of nations-will change some day, and the only way out that I can envisage is the establishment and develop-

ment of real sovereignty in the republics, which would then elaborate themselves the principles and methods of mutual relations.

And that is the way that

will save

us.

-Translated

by lshkhan Jinbashian

o.o RUG5 puBcH^sED, rN rRAoE, oR sor.D oN coNsrGNMENr WE OO APPRAISAL WTH WRITTEN 'AKENCERTIFICAIE O FUOS CI.EAI.IED & RESTORED 241 QUEENSr.wESr,roRoNro,oNr.CANADAMsv

cAUcAsrAN

AlM, AugusVSeptember 1991

(416) 593-5870

1z4

All Roads Lead to Rome Armenians Have A Long History and A Lot of Sympathy in ltaly

esides Michelangelo, gondolas and spaghetti, Italy also boasts a good number of Armenian pa-

By CAREN DAVTDKHANIAN .

AIM Rome Correspondent

espe-

hold in Sicily called Rocca degli Armeni,

cially in its southem parts. Having been for centuries the center of the civilized world, and then of Catholicism, it could not have

or Qalaat al Arman in Arabic.

Armenians were also present throughout the Adriatic coast of Italy. There were several churches in southern ltaly, in the cities of Bari, Taranto, Nardo and Matera.

Some ofthese churches (about 40 throughout Italy), such as Santa Maria de Armenis, still exist, although they are no longer officiated in the Armenian rite.

tron saints and churches,

been otherwise.

The Armenian community in ltaly has started, flourished and died out several times in the past couple of thousand years, but its history can more or less be divided into four distinct periods.

Then there are B theArmeniansaints 3 that are worshiped o all over the country: San Simeone, San Miniato (Surb

Minas.

whose

church. overlook-

above all, San Gregorio Armeno. The latter is the patron

war reparations to ltaly, while the land was

many

southern cities, in-

cluding the Sicilian capital of Palermo; the most character-

istic street of sundrenched Naples, as

well

as one

most

of its

important

churches, is named after him. earthquake region during his weekly general audience at the Vatican on July 10. The visit of the 20 children was sponsored by the local Armenian community

Some historians

relate this strong presence to the

Byzantine

In the first century A.D., Roman poet Juvenal wrote about the Etemal City's

Empire's dominion over large parts of Italy, since many of Byzantium's bureau-

Armenian "magicians" in his third Satrre.

But the earliest material evidence is a 4thCentury sarcophagus found on Rome's historic Appian Way, with an inscription to a certain Aedesius of the "natione Armenus."

crats and statesmen were Armenians.

The third period starts in the l2th Cen-

Also during this period, Tirdates

Siena, Milan, Pavia and Livomo. In Livomo, Tuscany, the community reached its zenith in the lTth Century when there

I

was

crowned King of Armenia at the hands of Nero in Rome.

The second period dates to the Middle Ages. In the 9th Century, for instance, the govemor of Sicily was an Armenian called Alessio Mussele (Mushegh), from the Mantikonian dynasty; he had reached Italy in 832. There are documents from this period mentioning an Armenian strong-

exists, consisted of six cardboard-and-metal

huts. It was built in the early 1920s by Italy's then-Fascist government to house refugees who had been living in a semidestroyed factory on the outskirts of Bari.

The huts came from Germany as part of

saint of

lrom Armenia's

in Rome, the oldest members of the present

community reached Italy in the early 1 900s.

They were followed by a larger influx after 1915. The newcomers settled mostly in Milan, but also went to other northern cities and to Rome. Some settled in Bari, where all traces of previous Armenian life had disappeared, and where poet Hrand Nazariants started an Armenian "neighborhood" called Villaggio Nor Arax.

A 1954 article in L'Europa, an Italian newsweekly, described Nor Arax as "a tranquil republic." The village, which still

ing Florence, is one of the finest in that

unique city), Sant'Arsacio (Arshak) and,

Pope John Pau! ll chats with a group of children

grated into Italian society, and telephone directories provide an interesting clue to this fact. Rome's directory alone lists some t 60 people with sumames such as Armeno, Armeni, Ermini or Armenia.

Except for the religious presence of the Mekhitarians in Venice and the Levonians

tury, with a new influx of Armenian merchants and religious groups. Communities were formed in Venice, Genoa, Florence,

bought using money that Italian dictator Benito Mussolini had put aside for repatriation of Armenians in case Armenia became independent.

When everything was ready for the Armenians to move into their new "homes," the Baresi held an exhibit of Oriental carpets which raised funds to fumish the huts.

A few months later a "church" was built for free by a local architect. Old pictures show the word "Zeitun" written in Armenian on its tiny fagade; perhaps the refugees were

mostly from Zeitun.

The villagers made a living as craftsmen, and had a small business producing Armenian rugs. But they remained very poor. In the I 950s, Nor Arax housed about 100 survivors of the Genocide. Today, only one Armenian family is said to live there.

The others have either moved away or, more likely, married into Italian families.

The last "wave" of immigration into Italy started in the 1980s when hundreds of new families from lran, Iraq and Lebanon fled the widespread political unrest and wars in the Middle East. Some young So-

were 120 Armenian shops in the city. The Armenian church of Livomo, built in I 7 14,

viet Armenians also "discovered" Italy through their contacts with Italian earthquake relief groups and joumalists sent to

was destroyed by Allied bombing during

Armenia in 1988.

World War II.

However,20th Century Armenian immigration to Italy has been on a much smaller scale than, say, to France or the United States. Until recently, Italians them-

Paradoxically, the present-day community in Italy is very young. Experts believe that ancient Armenians have fully inte-

AlM, August /September 1991

4l

selves were emigrating in large

by an active Hai Dun or

numbers to find employment and

better economic conditions. Only in the past l0 years has this trend been reversed, and ltalians now face the problem of large immigrant populations, mainly from North Africa.

Casa

Armena, which organizes cultural events and weekly Armenian language classes for the youth. The Hai Dun houses the Association of Armenians in Italy, in addition to

Armenian cultural, sports and

youth associations. .E It is also active in other ways. o o Concentrated in Milan o During the Karabagh crisis, the o Those Armenians who chose to Eo Milan community published an income here, therefore, had either I6 teresting and informative book, rich o studied at the Mekhitarians' to in historical data on the region, and Moorad-Raphael school in Venice o sent it to Italian journalists and Aror were well-to-do merchants and menian families throughout Italy. professionals in their own counRome, too, has an Armenian Italian President Francesco Cossiga (third lrom right) retries who could afford the "lux- ceives Armenian children who surVived the 1988 earthcultural center, named after Costan ury" of a stay in Italy. There were quake, at Rome's Quirinal Palace Zarian;' it opened as part of the Italso the incorrigible romantics aly-U.S.S.R. Association in 1983 who, like many writers and artists before and jobless, a condition most immigrants and became independent last year. The them, fell in love with Italy's spellbinding have to face in Italy. Those who come here center is run by Elisabetta Keheyan, an Arbeauty and decided to make it their home. do so in order to move on to the United menian chemist; it has organized several This last species of Armenian is less comStates or Canada. They never stay on." events, including concerts of folk music at mon nowadays, which explains why most Consequently, the community is not the Pontifical Armenian College. But fichose to settle in industrious Milan rather organized in helping Armenian immigrants nancial resources and physical space are than laid-back Rome. with their papers and stay-permits. The seriously limited. Some money comes from Milan has been the center of ltalianItalian govemment, too, does not give the members who are, paradoxically, mostly Armenian life for over 60 years, thanks in Armenians special status or treatment: an Italians. "We are now trying to obtain a large part to the employment and business Iranian-Armenian is treated as his fellow building from Rome's City Hall, as well as opportunities it offers. countrymen, and a Soviet Armenian has to some financing from the Region of La"Most of Milan's second or third-gengo through the interminable difficulties tium," said Keheyan. eration Armenians speak good Armenian that Soviet nationals typically face if they She said most of the older generation of in spite of mixed marriages," said Father decide to stay in European countries. Until Armenians in Rome came from families Sarkis Sarkissian of the city's Santi Quarrecently, a real immigration law was virtuthat escaped the Russian Revolution. But anta Martiri Apostolic Church. "The tradially non-existent in Italy and foreigners there are very few of them. The majority tion of teaching Armenian to the children is were hardly ever checked, but last year the today are refugees from Iran, Lebanon, very strong here and it has become more so parliament passed stricter laws in preparaSudan and Kuwait, waiting to obtain their with the arrival of Lebanese and Iraniantion for European unification in 1992. immigration papers to move on to North Milan's Apostolic church was America. She said there were some 250 > donated to the community by families in Rome and at nearby Ostia. Fa< Hovannes and Sarkis Diarbeki- ther Emanuel Batakian of the San Nicola rian in the late I 950s. Its construcda Tolentino Armenian Catholic Church tion did not go without problems. confirmed that number.

The initial site was judged too close to the shrine of Milan's paRoman rivalry tron saint, Sant'Ambrogio, and But the historical conflict between Ropolice brought the plan to a halt. mans and Milanese provides excellent ground for Armenian micro-rivalries too.

It was only after several influential personalities intervened that Asked if that number was correct, Milan's construction permits were granted, Father Sarkissian responded: "Absolutely on condition that the church be not. Rome has no more than 50 or 60 built in a different neighborhood. families."

In the meantime, a presidential One thing is certain: the religious presdecree officially recognized the ence in Rome is more massive than it is in Armenian community and its Milan. Whether 200 or 2,000, Rome's creed, and the church was finally Armenians can count on two beautiful Father Emanuel Batakian (center) with the 1991 stuconsecrated in 1958 by the Patrichurches-San Nicola da Tolentino, a dents al the Pontilical Armenian College ol Rome arch of Constantinople.

Renaissance masterpiece built in 1599, and Armenians in the past l5 years. They have Armenians eventually made their way San Biagio degli Armeni, built in 1072 enriched our community life." back into the patron saint's territory. On over a pagan temple and reconstructed in Father Sarkissian said there are some April 24, 1986, the community donated a the 1700s. There is also the Pontifical Ar120 Armenian families in Milan and the khatchkar from Sardarabad, Soviet Armemenian College with its large library, the church kept in touch with all of them. nia, to the city of Milan in commemoration Institute of Armenian Sisters of the Im"Most Armenians who come here have of the victims of the Genocide. It was maculate Conception housed in a building some kind of higher education," he said. placed in Piazza Sant'Ambrogio; so far donated by the Knights of Malta, and the "Italy does not appeal to craftsmen because there have been no complaints from the Mekhitarians' student center on the Aventof the difficulties in finding employment quarrelsome Milanese saint. ine Hill. here. Armenians don't like being homeless Milan's community life is alsoenhanced Rome's Armenians can also boast an 42

c

AlM, AugusVSeptember 1991

Armenian member of parliament in the Italian Chamber of Deputies. Unfortunately, few seem to know anything about him. Vahe Vartanian is a Green Party member, of Iranian-Armenian origin. He is also vice president of the "Club of Difficult Sumames," agroupof politicians who want voters to be able to use numbers to indicate their candidate on the ballots, thus avoiding spelling errors and lost votes.

Armenians here have never been involved in local politics for two reasons: It is hard to obtain Italian citizenship, and in the past was

virtually impossible. So they have

mostly preferred to study medicine or engineering rather than law or political science;

Italian politics is also extremely complicated and mostly based on compromise and a strong network of contacts, that an immigrant community traditionally lacks.

Despite their small number, Italy's Armenians are quite well-known to the Italians, mainly due to the enlightening presence of the Mekhitarians in Venice, but also because Italian school children inevitably come across the word "Armenia" in their history books.

Tigran Shirinian, professor of Flight Mechanics at the University of Rome, said Italians know Armenians very well and the community's relations with them are excellent. He came to Italy more than 50

The rich interior ol the San Nicola da Tolentano Armenian Catholic Church in Rome estinians. Haghint Vartanian, an IranianArmenian opera singer who has lived here for 28 years, laughed on recalling the years

when her Italian friends affectionately called her "La Bombarola." Although she complains about the organization of work in this country, she enjoys spending her life between Rome and Monopoli, not far from Bari, where she teaches at the local conser-

vatory.

It is a feeling shared by many permanent and less permanent members of the community who have come to love and appreciate all that this country offers: sunshine, friendly people and a way of life which, despite modemization, has kept a special Mediterranean flavor so lacking in

other,more"functional"societies.

years ago from Istanbul, studied at the Milan Polytechnics, and later settled in Rome.

Friendly natives Italians generally consider Armenians to be hard working and honest. But their sympathy has been manifested in more concrete ways. When the 1988 earthquake

hit Armenia, Italian newspapers carried two to three pages of news on the tragedy for days. The aid machine that went into motion was immediate and massive, and far superior, especially on a popular level, to ones organized for other disasters.

"Even Milan's prisoners sent in U.S. $1,000," said Father Sarkissian. A special Mass on December 24, 1988, at Milan's Duomo cathedral, where $9,000 was collected for earthquake relief, was televised in northem ltaly.

Caritas, the Vatican's aid organization, collected U.S. $75 million, $2 million of which came from Milan alone. Money collected by Milan's authorities was given directly to President Levon Ter-Petrosyan on his visit to the city's prefecture.

All this help came from a people who, a few years earlier, had bome the brunt of Armenian anti-Turkish terrorism, at a time when they had serious problems of their own. Bombs that exploded near Turkish offices in Rome were timed to take a high

toll among passersby.

Fortunately, Armenians were never branded as "terrorists" here, unlike the Pal-

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COMPETITION AND COOPEBATION: Leaders of the G-7 Economic Summit gather at the Tower

ol London July

15

TowardAMosaic Economy Economic Relations in the Post-ColdWar Era

By BENJAMIN J. COHEN t the outset of the final decade of the 20th Century, the world economy has entered a critical period of transition. Change, as usual, is driven primarily by developments in the advanced industrial nations-the countries that fordecades have

dominated every aspect of international economic relations.

Recent developments in the industrial world have been momentous: the emergence of Japan as a financial and commercial superpower, the revived pace of regional integration in Europe, the continued erosion of America's industrial competitiveness, not to mention the end of the Cold War. Taken together, these developments suggest that fundamental changes may now be anticipated in the design and management of the global economic system.

Despite emerging strains, it will be pos-

sible to preserve the essential elements of the open, multilateral order erected after World War II. Tensions and friction will undoubtedly be amplified across a broad range of issues, but resistance to disruptive forces will also be strong, owing to certain enduring characteristics of the postwar

If we are in transition to anything, it is toward a much more variegated and system.

mutable order than we have grown accustomed to in the past, one which can best be

described as

a mosaic of international

economic relationships.

Gatalysts for change In the aftermath of World War II, the industrial nations succeeded in creating a remarkably open and prosperous intemational economic order. Rising volumes of foreign trade and investment played a key role in promoting the continued growth of domestic economies.

As the decade

ofthe I 990s begins, those

benefits seem increasingly at risk as a result of two recent and dramatic developments in global affairs. The apparent ending of the Cold War can be expected to alter significantly the calculations that citizens and governments of the industrial world are likely to make in dealing with their common economic problems. Additionally, the accelerating iedistribution of economic power among western nationsin particular, America's relative eclipse in the shadows of a resurgent Europe and an AlM, AugusUseptember 1 991

increasingly assertive Japan-may affect both the ability and the willingness of the United States to bear its traditionally large share of the costs of economic leadership.

Together these two developments threaten to shrink dramatically the supply of cooperative behavior in intemational economic relations even as the need for it increases in order to cope with a mounting array of troublesome issues.

The end of the Cold War is a critical challenge because it removes one of the most important adhesives that for 45 years held the westem world together: the specter of a security threat from the Soviet Union. Europe, North America and Japan may have been competitors in the marketplace, divided by their divergent commercial and financial interests, but they never permitted themselves to forget that they shared a common security interest as well.

Because all industrial nations attached considerable value to the "public good" of

collective security, economic rivalries-

no matter how potentially explosive-were never allowed to endanger the underlying foundations of the westem alliance. All

ultimately preferred to shelter themselves

under their joint "security blanket."

The accelerating redistribution of economic power among the industrial nations represents a critical challenge because of its effect on the West's ability to contain the adverse consequences ofincreased free riding by individual governments. For many years nations relied, first and foremost, on the resolve and capacity of the united states to preserve the liberal postwar order against the corrosive effects ofmutually uncooperative behavior. This re-

quired timely concessions or

in

1989, the United States pressured the European Community to take principal re-

between the United States and Japan had

sponsibility for organizing the West's financial contribution to the reconstruction

most contentious issue was the persistent imbalance in theirmutual balance of trade.

During the 1980s Japan's bilateral surplus with the United States soared above $50 billion a year, generating a rising tide of resentment

of the newly liberalizing economies of Eastern Europe. And in 1990, America pressed

grown highly acrimonious. Clearly

and complaints

REAt GDP GROWTH

cized the Japanese for their habitual strategy of massive penetration of the U.S. market in relatively nar-

row product lines which often caused severe injury to America's domestic producers.

In the early 1980s most U.S. actions to counterthe imbalance in trade slressed negotiation of so-called restraint

welfare of its allies. In return

acknowledgement of

America's dominant role in the westem security system, Washac-

ington self-consciously

cepted a special responsibility

"voluntary"

for management of economic

agreements on Japanese shipments of such products as automobiles, tex-

affairs. In addition to providing

relatively open markets for goods and capital and an abundant supply of the world's major international currency, America's most crucial contribution was strong and elfective leadership in multilateral negotiations and in the major international organizations.

However, with the continued erosion of America's postwar economic predominance, best symbolized by its rapid transformation in the 1980s from the world's largest creditor nation to its largest net debtor, the crucial assumption that the United States will not push its own private agenda to the point of fatally disrupting broader economic ties is beginning to look

exceedingly complacent,

if

not downright unrealistic. The United States possesses neither the resolve nor the capacity it once had. The economic ascendancy ofEurope and Japan has sapped not only America's ability but, more importantly, its willingness to make painful sacrifices for the common interest. Increasingly, the burdens ofeconomic leadership are being abandoned or rejected as too costly. Concessions on trade or monetary issues are now less freely offered, and foreign discriminatory practices less readily tolerated. Demands and threats are both more numerous and more frequently escalated and tend to be increasingly assertive, even aggressive, in tone.

Washington now looks to other industrial nations to shoulder more of the costs ofeconomic stewardship. The United States has urged Japan, for example, to provide the bulk ofthe funds needed to underwrite the Brady Plan for Third World debt that was first announced in March 1989. Later

from

American business and labor. Americans criti-

sacrifices when necessary to resolve conflict and promote the

for

the

tiles, finished steel and machine tools. More recently, however, the ma-

jor focus has been to promote increased American marke( penetration in Japan. In effect. Washing-

U.S.

ton has cast itself in the r

AIM CHART

ole of d e ma nd e u r, rcpeat-

edly assaulting the Japanese

over allegedly unfair

both the Japanese and the Europeans to

trade practices and, in the name of recip-

make major trade concessions in an unsuc-

rocity, pressuring Tokyo for a variety of unilateral policy concessions. One com-

cessful attempt to ensure a satisfactory conclusion to the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiations. In effect, the United States has grown weary of being the main bulwark against free riding by others, becoming increasingly intemperate in its own pursuit of economic self-interest. This com-

pounds the already heightened risk of amplified tensions and friction in economic relations resulting from the ending of the Cold War. The key question for the industrial nations today is whether the liberal postwar order can still be preserved in the

face of these critical challenges to mutu-

ally cooperative behavior.

The message of cooperation and conclear in the pattern of relations between the United States and each of its major economic allies. The threat of amplified tensions and friction among the industrial nations in coming years is obviously very real. So too, however, is the promise of forceful resistance to disintegration or breakdown of the close economic ties that have been carefully cultivated since the end of World War II.

flict is

By the end of the 1980s the atmosphere

AlM, AugusUSeptember 1991

mentator has labelled this America's "blame-thy-neighbor policy." The objective, ostensibly, is to ensure equal opportu-

nity for U.S. firms and products in the market-the proverbial "level playing field."

Japanese

The Japanese strike back Japanese reaction to all these pressures,

not surprisingly, has tended to become increasingly testy over time. Gradually abandoning their customary diplomatic deference, Japanese officials andbusinessmen have begun to lash back, citing their own grievances against the United States, such as discriminatory government procurement programs, restrictions on the sale of Alaskan oil, and arbitrary interpretations of existing anti-dumping and counter-

vailing duty regulations. America, they correctly point out, employs a wide array of tariffs and nontariff barriers of its own to tilt the playing field in its favor. Many Japanese feel that their country is as much sinned against as sinner and, as an emerging economic superpower, should stand up more firmly to Washington's peristent 47

demands.

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A resurgent Europe In the 1990s the U.S.-Europe relationship is likely to be dominated by three key interrelated developments: the reunification of Germany, the revived pace of integration in the E.C., and the reform and reconstruction of Eastem Europe. All three developments entail dramatic changes in the ordering of commercial and financial relations on the European continent. The risk inherent in each of them is that they could tend to turn Europe inward, tempting its govemments to promote their own regional interests at the expense of outsiders

HealthCookiqs

like the United States.

Germany's reunification certainly alters the balance of economic power among the industrial nations. Germany's netcreditor position in the world economy is exceeded only by Japan's, and the Deutsche mark is more widely used intemationally

2r3.931.8167

than any money other than the U.S. dollar.

Even before political reunification was formally complete, the Germans were already beginning to assert themselves more force-

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fully in various intemational economic forums. As the new era advances, there seems little reason to suppose that the Germans might shrink from further exploitation of their new-found commercial and financial leverage.

Moreover, the Germans are not alone.

They are also part of the broader European

prospective costs of their reconstruction, their reform efforts will surely add to the flux of intra-European relations in the 1990s, particularly ifover the course ofthe decade they arejoined even by parts ofthe Soviet Union itself. Given such profound changes, there is a risk that the Europeans

will

attach a higher priority to their own

agenda of regional problems than to issues of concern elsewhere. Furthermore, there could be a temptation to ease the transition

or resolve local conflicts of interest by deliberately discriminating against outside commercial and financial rivals.

ilaintaining the balance Despite increasing possibilities for con-

flict among the advanced industrial nations, it hardly follows that in the 1990s govemments will necessarily choose the

power. The launching of the E.C.'s"1992" program triggered ambitious initiatives at the start of the 1990s for monetary unification and perhaps even some form of political union. The deeper the process goes, the

path of overt enmity or trade warfare. One must not forget that there are also many countervailing forces working in the opposite direction to limit acrimony and keep

ultimately will be the E.C.'s impact on commercial and financial affairs. One observer has likened the single-market project to "an economic earthquake in the

making."

If a reunified

Germany alone for the world econa reinvigorated and truly

poses new challenges

omy, what of integrated Community? Together, the Twelve have a population of some 325 million and can boast of levels of production and trade that are already larger even than America's. Increasingly, Europe will become essential to foreign business as a market for goods or capital and as a magnet

for investment; its influence in intema-

Wilson Ave., Suite 202

by reuniting with West Gerrnany). None of the Eastern European states has a particularly large economy: taken together, their output amounts to less than one-tenth that of the E.C. But given their needs and the

Community, whose remarkable revival since the mid-1980s has served to further accelerate the redistribution of economic

greater

1(800) 23s - 8384 (818) 244 - 99s5

insular "Fortress Europe" in the making.

Then there are the former Communist nations of Eastem Europe, also in effect new actors on the world economic stage.

Following the momentous events of 1989, all of the SovietUnion's erstwhile Warsaw Pact allies, as well as Yugoslavia, have embarked on programs of extensive liberalization and regeneration of their economies. All have declared their intention to rejoin Europe by moving as close as possible to the European Community (East Germany, of course, being a special case

tional economic negotiations and organizations is bound to rise as it continues to centralize major elements of policymaking in Community institutions. Outsiders are already treating the E.C. less like a disparate collection of separate states and more like a coherent entity that is a force in itself.

Conversely, almost from the moment the single-market project was launched, fears were expressed about the possibility of an

AlM, AugusVSeptember 1 991

interdependent relationships intact. All sides are tied together by an extensive network of overlapping bilateral and multilateral regime structures as well as a broad heritage of shared values. At the market level, these economies have become highly dependent on their mutual prosperity, and

powerful business constituencies have emerged with a vested interest in promoting and preserving even closer economic ties. All have long become accustomed to the occasional storms in their not-alwayssunny relationships that somehow manage to pass without lasting damage. For all these reasons, it appears more probable that these countries will simply end up continuing down the familiar path already

traveled for more than four decades-a passage marked by intermittent tensions and conflict, sometimes quite serious, but with few irreversible detours or dead-ends.

BenJamin J. Cohen is Louis G. Lancaster Professor of lnternational Political Economy at the Unlverslty of California, Santa

Barbara

ures to guarantee centralized control for key industries underamixedmarketeconomy. Gorbachev seemed to advocate a third, yet unclear plan, in which the republics could voice their concerns over a mixed market----elements of both Yavlinsky's and Pavlov's plan would be incorporated. This confusion blocked any effort by the U.S.S.R. to reform its economy and clearly had a negative impact on the G-7.

At the end of the summit, Gorbachev failed to receive the type of aid he desperately needed. The G-7 pledged: l) to

The G-7 and Gorbachev

Free Advice

the United States hedged on delivering

By THEODORE KARASIK

Special to AIM

n July 17, the G-7 countries-

Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United States----endorsed an unprecedented plan to assist the Soviet economy. Not since the end of World War II had such an idea been seriously considered.

But was this aid really "new"? Did this plan really help the Soviet economy or was it a

westem attempt to motivate Soviet PresiMikhail Gorbachev's stalledeconomic reform efforts?

In the past year, Moscow has received about $41 billion in credit loans and grants, despite the lack of a unified Westem aid dent

plan. Donors included Germany ($24.5 billion),Italy ($5.3 billion), the United States ($2.8 billion), Spain ($1.5 billion), and

Kuwait ($1.3 billion, a devastating war notwithstanding).

Despite this massive help, a dramatic economic decline led Gorbachev to appeal

for even more assistance. Basically,

the

Soviets were in a panic. In a recent TASS report, chairman of the State Committee for Statistics, Vadim Kirichenko, revealed the Soviet economy's dismal performance for the past six months. All indices reported a decline: Gross National

Product-

l0 percent; industrial output-6.2 percent; labor productivity-l I percent; and oil

output-l0

percent. Wholesale prices were up a whopping I 20 percent and retail prices

up 90 percent on a year ago. The Soviet economy was in a desperate situation.

When rumors spread in May that Gorbachev wanted to attend the conference, G-7 members split on whether a reformed communist should be allowed to participate in a capitalist organization's highest deliberations.

Germany, France, Italy, and Canada indicated approval, while Japan, Britain and

a

final answer. Bonn, Paris and Rome strongly supported Gorbachev's attendance as well as giving westem financial and technical aid to Moscow. Publicly, they viewed investments as a way to tap into the country's vast resources. Privately, these countries feared that a total collapse of the Soviet economy could lead to violent upheavals that could spill over into Westem Europe as refugees fled the carnage. In addition, it was possible that France, Germany and Italy felt they had already donated about $30 billion in financial aid andthatotherG-7 participants should do their share. Tokyo did not want the Soviet leaderto attendbecause of the U.S.S.R.'s reluctance to retum the embattled Kurile Islands to Japan, while Britain and the United States felt that Soviet reforms failed to achieve true democracy, and consequently, did not deserve any financial assistance. By June 14, differences were cleared up and Gorbachev received his official invitation.

Apparently, keeping the Soviet leader away was deemed more detrimental to long-term westem interests than inviting him.

Prior to the G-7 meeting, Soviet and westem economists attempted to put together an economic assistance plan of about $15 billion to $30 billion a year, for the next five to six yeils, to support an orderly transfer to a market economy. Known as "The Grand Bargain," the effort was led by Grigory Yavlinsky (a former economic advisor' to Boris Yeltsin who had defected to assist Kazakh hesident Nursultan Nazarbayev) and Graham Allison from the Kennedy School at Harvard University. They proposed that western assistance be used to finance the privatization of state-owned enterprises and to make the ruble convertible into westem currencies.

It was unclear to the West which Soviet plan would be presented at the G-7 summit.

One was the Yavlinsky plan; the other was Prime Minister Pavlov's "Anti-Crisis Program," which called for authoritarian meas-

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

991

bring the Soviet Union into associatemember status at the Intemational Monetary Fund and the World Bank in order to tap into their expertise-but not receive money; 2) to urge all intemational organizations to extend advice; 3) to offer technical assistance to convert defense industries to civilian use, improve food distribution, increase safety in the nuclear industry, and with transportation; 4) to help

the Soviet Union expand trade with its former clients in Eastern Europe; 5) to keep close tabs on Gorbachev's efforts to

reform the Soviet economy; and 6) to send finance ministers and small business

officials to the Soviet Union to offer advice on specific issues.

Moscow expressed its displeasure because of a strongly held view that lack of significant aid could well doom Gorbachev. Soviet Foreign Ministry spokesman Vitalii Churkin stated candidly that "more could have been accomplished."

Even Gorbachev quipped that "the ice has started moving."

The republics might benefit from the G-7 plan over time. A "Joint Action Program" signed between nine republics and Moscow (it excluded the Baltics, Moldova, Georgia and Armenia) went into effect on July I and gave the republics the right to negotiate for foreign credits independently. Republican enterprises could manage their own import/export businesses and freely trade in valuable raw materials, including gold, oil, coal and gas. Significantly, and as proposed by the G-7, the republics will be able to trade directly with Eastern Europe.

Overall, westem economic and technological advice to thb Soviet Union was an appropriate response. The U.S.S.R. has failed to implement its own economic reform plans and the West recognized this fact. Yet, westem states also realized that they could not ignore a collapse ofthe Soviet economy. Only after the Soviets implement afull marketeconomy should the United States consider financial aid. Until then, Washington can help itself by keeping its options open and waiting for concrete evidence ofmeaningful Soviet eco-

nomicreforms.

I

BGGI=

Muslim Bankers and the West

By JOSEPH A. KECHICHIAI{ hy nothing happened when British officials seized the Bank

of Credit and Com-

merce Intemational (BCCI) on July 5 is revealing.

To be sure, there was a small ruckus on London's Fleet Street, and prime minister John Major's government may yet

pay the ultimate

price.

Thousands of British investors, many originally from the Indian subcontinent, have lost their life savings. On July 30, the U.S, Federal Reserve slapped a $200 million fine on BCCI, and indicted several of its officers for orchestrating "The largest bank fraud in world financial history." The suspension cost small depositors in 73 countries an estimated $5 billion. Still, despite all of this activity, there was no panic on the

payment's wire outside of the UK. (Technically, of course, BCCI did not "fail," since there was no run on the bank but a seizure of its estimated $21 billion in assets for outright fraud and illegal activities.) Why not?

At least two distinct answers emerge.

Each illuminates how banks have been operating in our increasingly interdependent world.

The first answer is rather simple, because BCCI, known within the banking community as the "Bank of Criminals and Crooks," was a known quantity. Hardly

any major institution would deal with BCCI, given its well-known involvements in covert operations, money-laundering activities for drug cartels, and for "toler-

ating" terrorist and spy accounts. As Steven Mufson of The Washington Post

noted: "The web of interlocking deposits and transactions that ties big banks together did not include BCCI." This was not a financial crisis per se but a scandal involving high-ranking western officials lending their names and influence to a company doing indiscriminate business

with shady

characters.

The second answer is the more interesting because, if the bankers had BCCI pretty well pegged, why not politicians in Britain, the United States, Peru, Argen-

tina, Saudi Arabia, The United Arab Emirates and so many other countries?

Why did these govemments allow BCCI to continue operating freely?

Perhaps the most crucial reason was 50

Mr. Agha Hassan Abedi's access. Abedi, a Pakistani who founded BCCI on a shoestring, was describedby The Finanlegen-

cial Times as having "an almost

dary ability to attract influential figures."

Throughout the 1970s, Abedi cultivated his associations in Saudi Arabia, by hiring Kamal Adham, then head of Intelli-

gence,

him

to

Warsh summed it up best when he said: "BCCI operated along a global fault line between Islam and the West." There is indeed a parallel between what happened to the Shah of Iran and what is happening

to Agha Hasan Abedi. Both failures highlight how grandiose ambitions replace sound practices. BCCI, a symbol of the

help

AP photo

manage BCCI. From the

very beginning, Abedi envisaged BCCI as a bank

able to mediate

between rich and poor coun-

tries.

BCCI's

vision (some say

generosity) in-

cluded support

of The Third tion, which awarded a World Founda$100,000 annual

prize to a lead-

ing figure from

the

developing world.

Another pil-

lar of

Abedi's

vision was his interest

in

the

financial affairs of Muslim

Sheikh Zayed Ben Sultan Al-Nahyan owned 70 percent ol BCCI

states. BCCI skillfully exploited antiMuslim sentiments in the West by supporting Muslim causes whenever opportunities arose. Muslim customers from Asia flocked to BCCI because they could get loans denied to them by more stringent bankers. Finally, Abedi was exceptionally good at cultivating his ties with influential statesmen. In the 1970s, for example, he recruited I.P.H. Cargill (later Sir Peter) from the World Bank. He also hired former U.S. Secretary of Defense Clark M. Clifford to head Washington's

First American Bank, and purchased

a

bank in Georgia from Burt Lance, President Jimmy Carter's first Office of Management and Budget director. In fact, Abedi was co-chairman of Carter's Global

2000 project aimed at fostering ties between U.S. businesses and Third World farmers. Dozens of ongoing investigations will surely reveal that other prominent figures dealt with BCCI as well.

The Boston Globe columnist David AlM, AugusUSeptember 1 991

Muslim world's modest aspirations to global prominence, was reduced in size, and Abedi denied a role in articulating those financial interests. Many prominent Middle Eastern leaders, including United Arab Emirates President Sheikh Zayed Berr Sultan Al-Nahyan, who owns 70 percent of BCCI's shares, saw their assets confiscated because of Abedi's murky involvements. Whether accusations that BCCI maintained links with terrorist groups and spy agencies are true

may never be known. What is certain, however, is that Abedi, like the Shah, wanted to achieve more than he could chew. Nevertheless, a preliminary conclusion may be drawn from the BCCI scandal, irrespective of on-going revela-

tions. World banking remains

highly

integrated and rogue operations cannot be kept secret over the long run. But what

is equally revealing is that the Muslim world's financial might is welcomed in the West even if its politics are not. !

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Dress Codes The Threads of Armenia's History are Weaved into the Patterns of her Costumes

By KATHERINE CI{ILJAN and SEDA ilELKOlllAl{ oucine Samuelian

is a

costume-

maker not by trade but by purpose.

What started as a love of Armenian costumes and a dream of one day bringing them back to life became a cultural mission with political underpinnings when she saw Armenian costumery being shown on Syr-

ian television as Turkish costumes.

"I wanted to let the world know that these are ours, not those

of

the

Turks," said the soft-spoken Samuelian. Seeing that

Armenian cultural heritage was being usurped by Turkey to wipe out all evidence that Armenians had

lived on their

ancestral land, she took on thejob of recreating the costumes

worn by

Armenians throughout the centuries.

It

took two painstak-

ing years for Samuelian and

l0 other women from the Marash Ladies Auxiliary

of the KermanigVaspouragan Cultural Society in Aleppo, Syria, to complete the reproduction of a series of authentic Armenian costumes. Thedesigns were derived from costume books by Arakel Badrig and Hair Vartan Hatsouni.

The representative collection was first shown in Aleppo in 1986, and later in Armenia, garnering rave reviews. Since then, Samuelian has taken the costumes on exhibition tours throughout Syria and on to Jordan, Cyprus, Egypt and Greece, with plans for the United States and Canada. Young men and women model the costumes and dance to Armenian music,while Samuelian explains the significance of each design.

"The show is not like a European fashion show," she explains. "They parade the costumes, dancing to the music of the city that the costume represents."

There are 32 costumes representing l6 cities, including Zeitoun, Van, Vasbouragan, Sassoon, Marash, Van, Tabriz, Artsakh, Tiflis, Shadakh and Agen. "Each costume has a story behind it-why a particu-

lar color is used or the purpose for adopting a certain design," says Samuelian. Most villages were famous for a certain color derived from flowers and herbs common to the area, such as Aintab yellow and Ararat red. To complete her repertoire, she recreated costumes wom by Armenian royalty

and in church ceremonials, copying them from old paintings.

At the crossroads of east and west, Armenia has been the meeting place of oppos-

ing cultural influences. Despite cultural clashes with Greeks and Romans in the west, and Persians and Arabs in the east, Armenian costumery has survived from generation to generation over the centuries.

Anthropologists believe that Armenian costumes formed the basis for costumes of other ethnic groups. Being a sedentary agricultural people, Armenians understood the essentials of clothing production, such as

AlM, AugusVSeptemberl 991

weaving, sewing, preparing dyes from plants, and developing creative designs.

The nomadic peoples from central Asia had less of a chance to develop a cultural tradi-

tion in the craft.

Materials were made from silk, cotton and wool, depending on the climate. Armenian merchants traveled as far as China and India, trading in silk and spices. Generally,

the nearer a town or province was to the main trade routes, the greater the variety of materials and cuts used in the costumes.

Muslim rulers baned Christians from wearing green, the sacred color of Islam.

The component parts of the Armenian national costume consisted of a white undervest of either silk or cotton called theyeleg, and an overcoat or short coat called zbun.For men, the loose shalvar, or baggy trousers, was generally made of chough or cotton, with embroidery on both sides. The

.,,

t',i,=

AlM, August /September 1991

Dr.

Jim Bagian lloats in zero-gravity aboard the Space Shuttle Golumbia, hlgh above Earth

Out of This World Armenian Scientists in NASA's Space Program

By TONY HALPIN

r I I I

foranswers to fundamenAre we alone m tne univLrse'l Are we ready to explore the heavens? Can we survive ouiside Earth?

The search pushes at the boundaries of t is a search

tal

ouestrons.

human knowledge and endurance with each step into the vast unknown of space. The answers almost certainly will change every notion we have about our lives and the meaning of existence.

Dr. James Bagian, the only Armenian

astronaut, and Dr. Arnauld Nicogossian are among those seeking clues to these mysteries. The Columbia Space Shuttle Mission in June brought them together in the hunt.

Dr. Bagian's second space flight began like the frst-with a rush. Lifroff aboard the shuttle goes from a dead stop to five miles a second in justeight-and-a-half minutes. The spacecraft accelerates to 17,500 miles an hour to reach an orbit 160 miles above Earth, subjecting the crew to such

force that they become three times their normal body weight during the ascent.

"It's a very firm shove in the back, a smooth push that stays there," he said. "It's

a pretty tame ride; there are amusement park rides that can produce a similar effect.

The real concern is not the physical standpoint but whether you are going to make it into orbit or not."

The Challenger disaster in 1986 makes such concems very real in the minds of all astronauts. But once in space, the sensation is literally out of this world.

Photos Courtesy ol NASA

"It's like floating in a pool that is body temperafure and you are not aware of the water. The main thing about being there is the vista; seeing the Earth is what's impressive," said Dr. Bagian.

He almost got a closer view when the possibility arose thathe may have hadto do a spacewalk to repair the shuttle's cargo bay doors. "The chance to do that would have been quite a coup and something we would want to do. For the program it was obviously good that it didn't happen, but personally it would have been great."

Dr. Bagian, 39, joined the National Aeronautics and Space Administration in 1980 and first flew in space on the Discovery orbiter in 1989. He waited more than seven years forhis nine-day mission aboard Columbia, as one of four medical specialists carrying out experiments to test the body's reaction to weightlessness.

A second-generation Armenian-American, he was born in Philadelphia and is now based in Texas. He helped to plan emergency medical and rescue support for the first six shuttle flights and developed the pressure suit and other survival equipment now used by shuttle crews. In his spare time, he flies jet aircraft, helicopters and gliders.

He is married with three children, the eldest just six. "A lot of our friends are astronauts and your kids think, 'doesn't everybody's dad do it,' which is good in a way. It is a job like anybody else's."

A third Armenian had an interest in this

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particular shuttle. Joan Yazejian-Bogosian,

a senior systems engineer at Northrop in Los Angeles, Califomia, hadatest on board

to try to create perfectly spherical ball bearings. Unfortunately for Joan and her three colleagues, a thermostat shut down the apparatus prematurely, wrecking the experiment.

Columbia's mission was the first dedicated life sciences flight by a shuttle, designed to help discover ifhumans can survive long periods without gravity. Muscles in the body which keep humans upright in Earth's atmosphere begin to waste away in space, where there is no up or down. Bones become brimle as they lose calcium, and the number of disease-fighting red and white blood cells drops.

Lile in Space Finding out how the body adapts and whether it recovers once an astronaut returns to Earth will be crucial to the success of missions to Mars and beyond.bnter Dr. Nicogossian, who, as director of the Life Sciences Division at NASA headquarters in Washington, D.C., must come up with solutions to such problems.

His role is two-fold: to ensure the health and safety ofastronauts, and to gain fuqdamental scientific knowledge of space. "We look at the role ofgravity in the life process,

the regulation of life from conception to development to everything else," he said.

"We want to find out how the body assimilates it and what its responses are to gravity in general."

Such knowledge also goes to the heart

of the Big Question-is there life

elsewhere in the universe? The science ofexobiology looks at the origins, evolution and distribution of potential life beyond Earth, trying to understand how the physical and chemical environment of space could translate into

scanning the heavens for radio signals that could indicate intelligence. Similar signals generated by television and radio here are constantly traveling through space--rven now some alien civilization light years away may be trying to make sense of 40year-old episodes of I Love Lucy.

"We know there are building blocks in the universe which are very abundant and can contribute to the generation of life in other solar systems," he said. "It is exciting, because people always ask the question 'are we alone here'."

biological systems.

"Do we need to

His work also focuses on the preparation needed

have

life on planets or can it be in other media? What are the role of planets in producing life?" asked Dr. Ni-

for the ultimate mission, when the human race is ready to explore the cos-

cogossian, who became

mos perrnanently.

If this some far-off version of Star Trek, think

Life Sciences Director in

sounds

1983. "Earth and Mars in the first couple of billion

like

again. NASA is working

years had very similar histories, yet Earth developed life and Mars did not. Was Dr. Arnauld Nicogossian life evolved on Mars and then stopped or were there different condiand that was

tions?"

Part of Dr. Nicogossian's mission involves the search for extra-terrestrial life,

towards

a

time when future

Pilgrims may leave Earth for a new world.

"We went to the moon exciting, but what we are

doing now is systematically approaching the 2lst Century with new capabilities which will allow us to make thatpermanent

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move beyond the biosphere which is the Earth," said Dr. Nicogossian. "When we are

no prospect of a spaceshot to Mars within his career

lifetime.

"It is a lot of money to go to Mars. I don't see it

going we are going to stay, not

come back. We might come back for a visit but we would

happening very soon without really capturing the imagination of the public as to why we need to do that. It is going to be tough to fol-

make a home there.

"These may not be practical issues today but maybe in the 2lst Century. They are of tremendous importance to the development of civilization.

"It is beyond the philosophical issue of 'are we alone or

low the moon [anding]," he noted.

"We had the competi-

tion with the Soviets before nor, or ,can we rive trrere and we don't have that now. f,",3H,lif,.Bl?#r"ir,:i,"#H:xst$I:l.Jti,illff,:B1t;i,l,il;;: not'. It is more an issue That's the thing that really ;il';iii';6il;i'Eeiiii'iriiilJr?ii'ni"d,i';ot. whetherourcivilizationisready makes it difficult for us. If and at a level of technology where we can He is enthusiastic about the growing there was a threat and competition, people really start to explore that last frontier." level of cooperation between the U.S. and would rise to that.

Dr. Nicogossian has beencrossing fronSoviet space teams, particularly in the last "There are certainly many things left to tiers for much of his life. Bom in the five years. "We are working on the same do; it is a matter of making an appropriate Ukraine in 1936, he completed pre-medithings. By the time we have the space argument with the Congress and the public cal training in Tehran when his parents station the two programs will be very comfor support. Ultimately, it is the public parable," he said. moved to Iran, then came to the United wish that we do what we do, and if they States at age 20. don't wish us to do it then we won't."

After gaining a master's degree in aeroNo Race, No toney Just such a debate is currently raging space medicine, he joined NASA in 1972 The decline of competition with the over funding for the future U.S. space staand was the flight surgeon for the flrstjoint Soviet Union is one factor seen by Dr. tion, Freedom. The final frontier or the Apollo-Soyuz mission with the Soviet Bagian behind the difficulties NASA curbottom line? Whichever argument wins Union. He admits that, if offered the chance rently faces in securing public support for will ultimately determine humanity's place to go into space himself, "I would of course expensive space projects. He is confident in the heavens. say yes." of being on more shuttle missions but sees

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Gulture Clubs

Student Societies P romote Armenian Heritage through Activism and Fun

To those goals, Tanya Dalian, presi-

By At{N UAUBER Speclallo AIM

all beckons, and for eager freshmen and women, university life is just weeks away. In a sea of 20,000 students, it is easy to blend into the background, to forget where

you come from and concentrate only on where you are going. This is especially true for Armenian students. In major

dent of the Armenian Student Association at the University of Califomia at Berkeley, added "making our members more aware of what it is to be an Armenian."

The main underlying functions of the association, according to the leaders, is to be a social body which brings Armenian students together. In an effort to attract new students and keep the interest of veteran members, the ASAs host a vari-

art. It also held an Armenian Awareness Week in April featuring letter-writing to the media, lectures, films and a youth fo-

rum.

Other events held by the ASA focused

on sharing experiences of academic life between members, with an emphasis on Armenian youth. Two students who worked in Armenia last summer with the Land & Culture organization described their stay with a slide presentation.

Although ASAs sponsor various cultural and political events, in order to attract students they must make prospective members feel relaxed and comfortable. Social events offer an ideal setting in which to introduce Armenians to such organizations.

"It is more important to get students together," said University of Michigan Armenian Students Cultural Association (ASCA) graduate student Armen Ash-

universities across North America, Arme-

nian students are studying, learning, broadening their horizons; and with the

of Armenian student associations they are discovering that it is possible to maintain their ethnic identity in what can sometimes be an overwhelmingly vast melting pot.

Self-goveming and motivated by no reward other than the desire to maintain

help

and enhance their heritage, majoring

students

in a variety of fields-from

Armenian history to art and medicineare devoting their time and energy to ensuring there is an Armenian voice, however soft, on their college campuses.

There are more than 55 Armenian Students Associations (ASA) across the United States and Canada, some more active than others. Nine were researched for this article in the 1990-91 academic year-four from California, three from the East Coast, one from the Midwest, and one from Canada.

Since 1981, through the Federation of Armenian Student Clubs of America

(FASCA), the Armenian Assembly has offered a wide range of services to the

clubs-financial and technical aid, library development, a newsletter and a toll-free hotline. However, due to lack of funds,

FASCA was officially disbanded.

The members of each club are

as

diverse as the universities they attend, but they have shared purposes, and consequently are plagued by similar hindrances

and inspired by similar causes.

With only slight variations in

each

group, the Armenian students associations from East to West shared similar goals: to create a forum for the presentation and exploration of Armenian culture, to give

Armenian students a place to meet each other, and to facilitate communication

between Armenians and other student groups within the university.

Students at the Berkeley ASA's annual fall picnic. "With this social event we try to make new members leel welcome," says president Tanya Dalian (inset) ety of light-hearted events.

Founded in 1971, the ASA in Canada brings together more than 250 students of Armenian descent in universities and colleges across Ontario. Central to its mission is the fostering of Armenian awareness in a cultural, historical and social context within the campus community.

The introduction of Armenian culture and history to the academic community is particularly important for the association, according to executive officers Ani Armenian and Evelyne Gharibian. Their association sponsored an exhibit at the University of Toronto last September en-

titled, "Armenia: Cradle of Civilization," which described Armenian history, architecture, religion, literature, costumes and AlM, AugusUSeptember 1991

erian. "Many students are becoming involved in an Armenian club for the first time. We don't want it to be their last."

In the Midwest, the University of

Michigan ASCA visits museums, attends concerts and lectures, holds potluck dinners and picnics, and sponsors the Hye Hop-an annual dance which attracts a wide variety of Armenians.

On the West Coast, the Inter-Collegiate Council, chaired by Annet Arakelian, helps coordinate activities for l0 Southern Califomian ASAs, including the University of California at Los Angeles and the University of Southern Califor-

nia. Through the council, the

schools

sponsor parties, sports events and fundraising drives. In Norttrern Califomia, with

funds from the student union. The other clubs

the help of the Armenian

Youth

Federation, schools such as UC Berkeley and Stanford University organize parties and dances.

concurred: ASAs are not

politically affiliated.

The clubs do, however, undertake political activity on certain occasions, such as the com-

On the East Coast, Armenian students at Boston, Tufts and Columbia Universities are actively involved in social events which allow

memoration

the sunounding clubs to interact and keep in touch with one another.

In

addition, ASAs

Some take

pro-

Armenian origin. Al-

torical one, but they all

though most universities offer general orientations

incoming

a political

approach, others a his-

grams to new students of

to

the

tims of the Genocide.

such as that at UC Davis,

offer orientation

of

Armenian Genocide on Aprll 24, but their actions do not reflect any outside influence. The Armenian student associations pay tribute in a variety of ways to vic-

maintain the same goals-to educate the

Armenian student associations from Stanford, Berkeley, Fresno State and USC, as well as recent alumni were present at the 1990 ASA retreat hosted by csUF

students,

ASA programs provide a

more personalized approach and introduce new students to fellow Armenians on the campus.

Politics: a tightrope Whether in the form of a lecture,

a

symposium or a flyer posted throughout campus, the students constantly accentu-

ate their history'and culture. Although

members may have ties to different Armenian political parties, on campus they mostly remain neutral.

"Having a political affiliation would digress from our purpose," said Lousine Varpetian, ASA president at USC. "We want everyone to feel welcome." In addition, Berkeley's Tanya Dalian added, a political action would result in a loss of

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Those at the University of Michigan take a political approach to their campaign. Last year, ASCA members covered the Ann Arbor campus with flyers stating, "Turkey Must Recognize the Genocide," and displayed posters of Turkish atrocities in a highly visible university display case. According to Armen Asherian, Turkish students on

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campus responded with editorials in the school paper.

The ASA at California State University, Fresno also takes a somewhat political angle, according to president Janice Caprelian. In March 1990, a group of ASA members participated in a march on Washington D.C. to urge passage of the Genocide Resolution which was being debated in Congress. Back on their own turf, they succeeded in having their university declare April 24 a day of remem-

involved in an Armenian Students Association, leaving 750 Armenian students either unaware of or indifferent to these organizations. It is a main goal of the ASAs to reach at least some of those students and make them a part of the

devoted students in each school who are involved in the perpetuation of their heritage. But this scenario rings true for those remaining 750 students. So the devoted core of veterans persevere and make sacrifices, while understanding the diffi-

group. This, say the club presidents, is a difficult task, made even tougher by the environment in which they have to work.

culty in attracting new members.

Sarkis Jebedjian cited competition

Along with the good reputation of these schools come requirements, de-

from other groups as a major problem in recruiting new members. "There are 45 student groups in the same building with

brance. The University of Michigan also achieved this milestone.

The ASA at Columbia University,

under the leadership of Sarkis Jebedjian, takes a more laid-back approach to presenting the Genocide. Last year the students offered a program about Armenian culture, and this year they held a memorial service for the martyrs.

"We feel this approach is more effective," said Jebedjian. "So many groups are trying to plead their causes. If we do that, only Armenians are going to care. A cultural event, on the other hand, gets our

point across to many more people."

The only "political action" Columbia's ASA takes for April 24 is the placing of a full-page, graphically explicit advertise-

in the school paper. Unlike the reaction at the University of Michigan, ment

Jebedjian says Turkish students have not openly retaliated, though he added: "It's no coincidence that the day the ad appears, all of the extra papers disappear.

They're conscious, but they're just not organized."

The absent majority According to the latest statistics, there are approximately 1,200 Armenian students in the schools identified in this article. Of that total, only 450 are actively

(Above) Berkeley ASA commemorates Aprll 24 with a display booth in the central plaza ol the UCB campus. (above

right) Columbia

University ASA members dance a traditional sfioorch-bahr at their annual potluck dinner. (right)

Armenian students playing volleyball at Stanford's "Fun in the Sun" event.

mands, pressures, sleep deprivation, activities, organizations, parties, friends, and last, and usually least for many students, social, cultural and political involvement with an Armenian students association.

Obviously, this is not the case with everyone, as there are a small number of

Ulhot

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the ASA, and at least another 45 scattered throughout the campus," he noted.

Roland Telfeyan of the ASCA at the University of Michigan reinforced the common frustration of maintaining an active membership. "Organizationally, our greatest problem in trying to bring

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Lousine Varpetian, )o ASA president at USC, . has experienced greater suc' cess with membership but

still feels the club could be bigger. The USC club's mem-

91. Their biggest problem, she said, was time commitment.

"ASA is a job demanding constant attention. Since we are all full-time students, our time is limited," she lamented.

in search of explanations other than a lack of time for the low interest among Armenian students, in an effort to break down the barriers keeping them away. MemStanford ASA went

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become more active and, consequently, more aware of "where they came from."

Whether with five members or 50, the Armenian Students Associations make achievements and create an Armenian awareness which often overshadows their frustrations. They are leaving a permanent mark on a campus that might otherwise have no trace of Armenian life.

"Our biggest accomplishment," said

American University of Armenia

High Hopes for Higher Education

By VIKEN BERBERIAN

Jebedjian, "is that we have been a source

of information for people at our university who would not otherwise know or care about Armenians."

"We catch students who otherwise would have no exposure to Armenian cul-

ture," agreed Telfeyan.

Benefiting community at large Armenian Student Associations beneArmenian students but also

fit not only

s officials in Moscow wrestle stock up barren shelves,

to

westem scholars are offering the Soviet Union's ailing economy some food for thought. Their recipe includes opening an American university in Yerevan to quench the growing Soviet appetite for microeconomics, marketing and industrial engineering.

The American University of Armenia

the entire Armenian community. By draw-

will be the first permanent outpost of

ing students together, bonds are formed

in a stormy land that is weathering a painful political overhaul.

To help in that transition, the founders of AUA expect to see its graduates reshape the social and economic fabric of Arme-

which are not easily broken, bonds which keep the students in constant contact with their heritage and culture.

"The active members are like a fam-

western thought

nia.

Under the academic guidance of the University of Califomia, which will provide technical assistance and training of faculty members, graduate students enrolled in the school can eiun master's degrees

in business administration and en-

gineering. Four English professors are scheduled to arrive in Yerevan in September to prepare students for their academic coursework. Classes at the university will be taught in English.

The project received the full blessing of Armenia's government, which has al-

located a 375-acre site in Abovian, 15 kilometers outside Yerevan, for a future campus, In the meantime, a six-story building in Yerevan----once the principal headquarters for indoctrinating young communists-has been tumed over to the university for temporary use.

"I've heard from many officials and educators in Armenia that this university means to them as much, or even more, than the humanitarian aid they received from nations following the earthquake," said Dr. Mihran Agbabian, AUA's first president. "Armenia has turned away from

the Communist way of life, and an American educational institution at this critical time will give them the constructive alternative they've been waiting for in the last 70 years."

Plans to open AUA were unveiled in July at a University of California Regents meeting in San Francisco where officials gave unqualified support to the joint undertaking. But when the U.S. delegation of professors met with Armenian leaders nearly a year ago, the fledgling republic stood at an uncertain crossroads. With national elections looming, it was unclear whether the democratic coalition would make substantial inroads into parliament. ln the event, it had major success, with many of its leaders coming from the State University of Yerevan and other institutes.

ASA representatives recruiting new members on the UCLA campus at the start ol the new academic year

said UC Berkeley's Dalian. "I know have made friends that I'll keep long after graduation," Jebedjian thought the benefit of ASAs was knowing that once a week Armenians could see fellow Armenians. "With all the different things happening in college, the Armenian Student Associations are a source of stability."

Cheryl Balian, a graduating four-year

ily,"

I

member

of

Boston University's ASA,

attributes her awareness of other Armenian groups to the club. "The ASA created unity," she said. "It brought together groups which never would have met." I

Tte American University ol Armenia's interim campus on Marshall Baghramian Blvd. in Yerevan. The Armenian government handed the bqilding, previously fsed by the Communist Party as a "Hou5e ol Political Education," overld AUA for tempordry use.

AlM, August /September 1991

65

Said Agbabian: "The prime minister is a physicist. The president is a philosopher, and the minister of foreign relations is a mathematician. There are no lawyers in the new govemment."

With an array of academics in power, negotiations to open the university took on new urgency, and within a year AUA's support staff in Yerevan was in full swing.

Nearly l0O gmduate students are expected to enroll this fall, according to Agbabian, who chairs the University of Southem Califomia's Department of Civil Engi-

neering. Most of them will receive fellowships and partial scholarships to defray the cost of tuition, set at 12,000 rubles per academic year.

Students are admitted to the universify based on their undergraduate academic

record and results from an English language test administered in Yerevan or abroad. Final admission into the degree

progams is contingent on passing a more specialized test in the student's field of shrdy at the end of the first term.

Almost all of the applications received so far have been from Armenian nationals, although AUA and UC officials hope

to see substantial enrollment from other regions of the world.

"The university's govemance model as well as its regional focus will provide unique opportunities for UC students and faculty to study, teach and research," said UC Vice President William Frazer. "After the university gets under way, we're considering the feasibility of establishing an Education Abroad center there."

While Soviet authorities were notified of the project all along, they never took

part

in

discussions between Armenian

government officials and members of the

delegation. "Our feeling is that they'll

welcome this opportunity, because AUA will be open to students from other republics as well," Agbabian said.

The principal movers behind the plan

were Agbabian and Armen Der Kiu-

reghian, professor of civil engineering at UC Berkeley. They flew to Armenia as part of an earthquake reconnaissance team in December 1988. During a trip to the industrial city of Leninakan, they witnessed a completely ravaged technical school where more than 4(X) professors, staff and students were killed. Having lived through the pain and urgency of the post-earthquake chaos, Agbabian and Der Kiureghian vowed to resurrect a new polytechnic institute in Leninakan with American features.

Upon their return to Califomia, they wrote letters to govemment officials and educators to enlist their support. When Stephen Karamardian, former dean of UC Riverside's School of Management, came on board, the original mission of rebuilding a technical school in Leninakan, now Kumairy, expanded into the AUA. "I was already thinking of starting a business school in Yerevan," Karamar-

dian said. "When they approached me with their idea, we joined the two concepts into one."

Endorsed by AGBU By mid-summer 1989, Agbabian and

Der Kiureghian had approached the Armenian General Benevolent Union in search of financial support. AGBU has made a two-year $1.7 million commit-

ment to the university, said Louise

officials said that the universify's board of directors, with members appointed from

participating groups, will secure funds from a wide range of sources, including American foundations and semi-governmental agencies.

Initially, the university

in

will

offer

engineering and business management, with a college of

graduate degrees

arts and sciences scheduled

to open

dur-

ing the next academic year. Programs in agricultural sciences and medicine will follow once AUA moves to its permanent campus, where officials estimate a student population of 5,000.

"With the new technology that's com-

ing in, and the private enterprise system taking hold, opportunities are opening up

in

Armenia," Agbabian said. "These graduates are going to occupy those leadership roles."

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The financial onus to sustain university operations falls mainly on the AGBU and the government of Armenia. But AUA

3Ml

From My Bookshelf An Essenfiol Reoding List of Books on Things Armenion Dr. FRED ASSADOURIAN he selection of a limited but comprehensive reading list of books on Armenians/Armenia for readers at various levels of familiarity and interest in the subject poses a formidable challenge. Conceivable topics include Armenian traits, culture, his-

masterpieces in recent translations or based upon them. Translations of jewels drawn from the rich storehouse of Armenian literature are becoming increasingly available in recent times; five favorites of

cant contribution in its own right. Without disregarding earlier classics, the pres-

ent list tends to be dominated by more recent books for several reasons: they usu-

ally try to take advantage of the classics with enrichments from further research, and the writer tends to have a better memory of their import. The present selections, which are my favorites, unavoidably omits many fine preferences of oth-

ers. Saroyan's works are not included here.

For convenient arrangement, selections are separated into four groups. The first group is based on the following criteria:

suitability for readers of limited prior exposure to the Armenian story, highlighting as many of its crucial aspects as possible, and avoiding a heavy tutorial tone. Here the reader of whatever prior knowledge about Armenians can be stimulated by Armenian or non-Armenian authors who have been enthralled by the Armenian story.

The second group lists choices which are still very readable but offer more detailed treatments of particular aspects.

A third group comprises

selections

from a vast array of detailed surveys of Armenian massacres and Genocide from 1894 to 1923. Recent years have witnessed an outpouring of literature by both Armenians and non-Armenians on the tragic events, traumatic sufferings, and honible deaths associated with the 18941923 Armenian Genocide at Ottoman hands; only a handful of the many worthwhile books are listed below.

A final group presents outstanding examples of chiefly l9th and 20th Century

Armenia, Yol.l8/93-3/94 and Vol.2 H F. B. Lynch: a wonderful

5198-919E,

K. Sanjian, 1974: a very enlightening and exhaustive study with many aspects not

Passage to Ararat, Michael J. Arlen, 975: eye-opening comprehensive discoveries by the well-known son of a famous

a signifi-

ent times.

very readable and enjoyable introduction, brief but with considerable depth.

The Armenians, Sirarpie der Nerses-

frequent unavoidable overlap

because each selection makes

Armenia: Cradle of Civilization, David M. Lang, 1970 and 1978: full of quickly grasped information up to pres-

The Armenians: Their History and Culture, Ara Baliozian, (1980 edition): a

In most cases the listed books are available from one of the sources listed at the end of this article.

at minimal overlap and alternate viewings of common topics. No attempt is made to give an order of importance,

1982): considerable introductory information, whetting the appetite for the full development in the latter two books.

A History of Armenia, Vahan M. Kurkjian, 1958: well-rounded, easily followed, and comprehensive development.

and extensive rendition based on personal sojoums in Armenia.

The Armenian Revolutionary Movement, Louise Nalbandian, 1963: a deservedly and highly commended portrayal of the background of this important activity through the 19th Century.

Armenia and the Near East, Dr. Fridtjof Nansen, 1928: a significant and influential documentation for the League of Nations on the possibilities of settling Armenian refugees in Armenia, rich in local background and history.

Armenian Communities in Syria un-

this writer are listed with regret for the omission of other attractive specimens.

tory, diasporas, massacre/Genocide occurrences and outcomes, religion, and unity problems. The selection process is hindered by the collective coverage of several topics in many excellent books, with among them. Our seleclions are hopefully aimed

(followed by two volumes of The Republic of Armenia 1919-1920, l97l and

First Group I

Armenian writer from England.

sian, 1970: a condensed review by the renowned Dumbarton Oaks scholar.

der Ottoman Domain, Avedis

readily available or duplicated elsewhere.

Torn between Two Lands, Robert Mirak, 1983: a thorough investigation of two worlds by an American-bom Armenian with an insatiable curiosity about antecedents and the forward thrusts of their culture.

Armenia, Survival of a Nation, Christopher Walker, 1980: a probing study by a Briton deeply affected by the Armenian story.

The Forty Days of Musa Dagh, Franz Werfel, 1934: a now-classic depiction of Armenian fortitude in the mountains during World War I by a non-Armenian in a revealing portrayal having great impact on people of many nations.

Anthology of Armenian Poetry, Diana Der Hovanessian and Marzbed Margossian, 1978:- a wealth of translations of memorable poems spanning more than 20 centuries.

Lamentations of Narek, Mischa Kudian, 1977: translations of inspiring and touching prayerful implorings of a timehonored l0th-Century saint as a remark-

able demonstration of the exalted character of the early Armenian church.

Second Group Protestant Diplomacy and the Near East, Joseph L. Grabill, l97l: full of data and interesting viewpoints not found readily elsewhere.

Armenia on the Road to Independence 1918, Richard G. Hovannisian, 1967 AlM, August /September 1991

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Kevork B. Bardakjian, 1985: a researched verification of Hitler's statement that, just like the Armenian Genocide, the Jewish Holocaust would eventually be forgotten.

Turkey and the Armenian Atrocities, E. M. Bliss, 1895: an old-time vigorous account

of honendous

events.

Armenia, the Case for a Forgotten Genocide, Dickran H. Boyajian, 1972: another fact-filled and penetrating analysis by a lawyer.

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its unforgettably detailed revelation of the fates of Armenians in 1915-1916, based

on facts collected by the subsequently famous historian Amold Toynbee.

Toward the Understanding and Prevention of Genocide, Israel W. Charny, 1984: proceedings of the International Conference on the Holocaust and Genocide in Israel, which included Armenian participants and which was held despite village where $hq,f$hily ascape4 fr*rr, the sumnner heak is.,.i$ct*ded'as itr'wa!, in Altounyaul g 0qfl{q4:{oq&,igf'lg.hildhood meniories,;. fu dli?p#tii$nre' (Joha r

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Murray, 1969).

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POLICE OFFICER RECRUIT Serve and protect in a community with a large Armenian population.

the Ottoman Empire, Viscount Bryce, 1916: in a sense, the primary classic with

By Dr. SUSAII PATTIE arbara Harriet Taqui Altounyan Stephens, writer, mother of four, one-quarter Armenian, was bom in London in

The contra$t' ,,,betr.yss.n .:hot, , dry Aleppo and'green,'ivet Lanehead was but one of the..oppo*lrions enveloped, by the family's life. Each characteris. ti; had its iounterpoirrt. Well-known artists and literary figures were part of the rambling household in Lanehead, while the

1e17, "lookins very CHIMES FROM A angry about something." rhough this WOODEN BELL

highly practical medical

world in Aleppo included contact with

pashas,

it

govemment officials and a variety of patients. The children's

own

holiday adventures in

course, revealed in the

the Lake District inspired their "adopted"

book began its own life as a history of her Ar-

menian grandfather,

soon took subtitle

"A

its

Hundred

uncle, Arthur Ransome,

Years in the Life of A Euro-Armenian Family." Altounyan fits together &e pieces ofher

to write the still highly popular Swqllows and Arnazons. But in Aleppo Altounyan met surviyor* of the Arrne-

geographic*lly and socially diverse backnian massacrss who ground, beginning with gmc her,hints of yetanthe unusual marriage TAQUI ALTOUNYAN otlrer wodd, one which and partnership of her continues to .haunt her.

"Blaek Grandpa," bom The author suf,fers in Sivas, and grandfrom an enviable but perplexing probmother, an Irish nurse. She introduces lem-surfeit of materials. It has clearly a large cast of characters with her main been difficult to choose which of thl theme: the accommodation of English/ rnany interesting characters to emphaIrish and Armenian personalities and size and how much primary material lifestyles and the confusion of those, (letters, diaries, poems, even a novel) including herself, caught in between. to use.

Dr. Aram Assadour Altounyan built This is a dense book, full of interand directed an important hospital in esting details of everyday life, though Aleppo, Syria, where his son, the occasionally the reader gets lost among author's father, later joined in the work. them and the array of characters vying Aleppo and Lanehead, in England's for attention. But the story is a fasciLake District, where Altounyan's parnating one, and when Alto'unyan relies ents met and her mother's family lived, on hsr own descriptive and interpre-, are the two geographic poles around tive powers, the nsrrative sparklet and which the story unfolds. I, is as much is tnrely enjoyable reading. about two wellJoved places as it is of

the families *rat inhabited them, and Altounyan.makes both come alive with picturesque descriptions and lively arcsdotes. Souookolook, a mountain AlM, AugusVSeptember

1

991

Dr. Susan Pattte is an anthropologtEt bag€d lfi Landort ,. .

Turkish attempts to have it canceled.

Genocide as a Problem of National

and International Law: The World War I Armenian Case and Its Contem-

porary Legal Ramifications, Vahakn N. Dadrian, Yale Journal of International Law, Vol. 14, No. 2. Summer 1989, pp.

221-331, reprinted with 19 additional pages: a very illuminating and compel-

ling

masterpiece.

Mandate for Armenia, James B. Gidney, 1967 a review of special historical features that are sometimes forgotten.

Smyrna 1922t The Destruction of a City, Marjorie Housepian Dobkin, 1972: an impassioned factual account ofa never-

forgotten fire.

Judgement unto Truth, Ephraim K. Jemazian, translated by Alice Haig, 1990, available from Zoryan Institute: a recently published memorable survey of the rarely described impact of the Genocide on the outlying city of Urfa by a Protestant minister who also was an interpreter for the military and the Turkish Govemment.

The Lions of Marash, Stanley

E. Kerr, 1973: personal experiences with the

American Near East Relief during the turbulent 1919-1922 period ofBritish and French occupations and withdrawals.

The Armenian Genocide (News Accounts from American Press 19151922), Richard Kloian, 1985: very painstakingly collected news reports usually and unforgivably neglected or forgotten today.

Ambassador Morgenthau's Story, Henry Morgenthau, l9l6: another perrnanent classic centered on dealings with Turkish Govemment authorities responsible for the undeniable 1915-1916 Armenian atrocities.

The Armenians: History of a Genocide, Yves Ternon, l98l: findings of an inquisitive Frenchman through personal

research.

Resistance and Revenge, Derogy: originally published

Jacques

in

French under the code name Operation Nemesis" it is a study of the Dashnak Party and the individuals responsible for the execution

of Turkish

leaders.

Fourth Group The Perils of Politeness, Hagop Baronian, translated by Jack Antreassian, 1983: a delightfully humorous centuryold satire on a man clutching desperately

to his health in Constantinople.

The Cross and the Crescent, Lindy V. Avakian, 1989; UCS Press,353l W. Glendale Avenue, Suite 202, Phoenix, AZ 85051: Tehlirian's slaying of Talaat Pasha in Berlin in 1921, and his acquittal in a German court after a dramatic trial in which the German missionary, Dr. Johannes Lepsius, cited the Armenian historical background to explain the killing.

The Traveller and His Road, Gostan Zarian, translated by Ara Baliozian, 1981: described by Ashod Press as "a fascinat-

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Tell Me, Bella, Vahan Totovents,

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Sojourn at Ararat, Gerald Papasian,

,

1987 Publishers Choice, Mars, PA 16046: an appealing set of translations by the author and others of imperishable Ar-

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Dr. Fred Assadourian is chairman of the Aratat literary quarterly editorial board and a trequent contributor to AIM

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really strive for. It's the strongest sort of compliment, because it comes from someone who goes through the same processes or tribulations that you do," said Egoyan.

Atom Egoyan was bom in Cairo, Egypt; at age three his family moved to Victoria in British Columbia, Canada, where he stud-

ied intemational relations and classical guitar at the University of Toronto. He spoke Armenian at home until the age of eight, when his grandmother was put in an old-age home. "After that I refused to speak

I

was so upset that she was taken away," he said. This episode finds its echo in F amily Viewing, whereVan, a half-

Armenian;

Armenian half-WASP teenager, visits his Armenian grandmother in a home until he decides to take her away. She has been put there by Van's father, Stan, a WASP man

representing a logical, cold, patriarchical oppression which is clearly juxtaposed to a

F o r F i lmmake r At om E g oy an, I t' s Ve

By GHRISTOPHER ATAUIAN Special

to

AIM

Vi de

o,

Vi c

i

with a perverse couple with more money and free time than sense, and soon, care-

fully orchestrated lives fall into chaos.

TOBONTO

n a world where film is too often coopted by an all-pervasive commercialism and watered-down artistic standards, Atom Egoyan's work is a bold statement, haunting and beautiful, uncompromising and intellectually fascinating.

Egoyan is perhaps the first filmmaker to bring together with as much force and insight the main issues that face society at

the turn

ni,

of the 2lst Century: the ever-

quickening development of technology, its interaction with daily human life, its affect on sex and sexuality, and ultimately, how it is reshaping our very identities. Egoyan's first feature, Next of Kin (1984), began a cycle of movies on these themes, followed

by Family Viewing (1987), and Speaking Parts (1989\, which won the special Directors Fortnight citation at the Cannes Film Festival in France on its release. Orion Classics is planning to release his latest film,

At

Egoyan is widely considered the most original Canadian director since David Cronenberg, if not the most obsessional.

He was hailed as one of the most interesting 3 1,

warm and loving Armenian matriarchy.

Stan is stiff and unable to give his son advice other than clich6s and inanities.

For Egoyan, Stan is cllrmsy and useless, yet, since he does not understand his son, also helpless to change. Having mar-

ried an Armenian woman, he no doubt realized late in the game just how different they were. "I'm not trying to make any imperialistic statements on English culture or anything," said Egoyan. "The father someone who tries to deny his

than West German auteur Wim Wenders (Paris,Texas). At the 1987 Montreal Film Festival, Wenders publicly turned over his $5,000 award for Wings of Desire to "my young Canadian friend Atom."

Such a gesture to a relative newbom in the film world at the time, continues to be an inspiration. "It was a completely overwhelming moment in my life," he said. "To be a recipient of a gesture like that was really like a dream." Equally eminent director Bemardo Bertolucci recently viewed The Adjuster in Italy. "There was one scene he really liked [where] he felt there was a simplicity, but a trememdous amount of layers and suggestions, and that's what I

to simplify his life to an absurd nature.

When his son comes to him for advice, he tells them absurd things like 'that's part of growing up' which are completely denuded

The Adjuster (1991), in the United States in November,

Stan's wife does not share his taste for sadomasochism and other sexual kinkiness and decides to leave him. Egoyan's point is not that one culture is somehow dominant or degenerate, but that they are on different planes, that they simply do not intersect.

Moreover, he never explicitly states that any of the ethnic references or characters are Armenian. "I never say in any of my movies that a character is Armenian. And

that is very interesting, because for my viewers it is any culture, it is any language or culture; they don't attach to it any specific background or culture."

But that does not mean that the Armenian influences are superfluous in his work. "I do have

film was shown at Cannes in May and at the Moscow Film Festival in July (see sidebar).

70

complexity,

of meaning."

while Alliance Communications will release it in Canada. The

Both written and directed by Egoyan, The Adjuster is about an insurance adjuster who does not so much live his life as manage it. Saviour to people whose homes have been destroyed by fire, phantom to his film censor wife, he stands at the center of a world in control. It soon collides

is

directorial talents in the world by no less

an interest in Armenian

issues and Armenian material. For me,I think there's a lot that can be read

i:nto lThe Adjusterl

for what it

means to be in the Diaspora, the

psychological state that one is put into in the Diaspora."

"I'm interested in how ideas of cultural displacement and disElias Koteas is Noah and Jenniler Dale is Arlanne ln Egoyan's latest fllm, The Adiuster

AlM, AugusVSeptember

1

991

orientation can be explored in a broader sense, as part of humanity, a fabric. So I find that refer-

ences to my own culture are very satisfying, because I am able to use something

that is important to me and bring

it

to

others."

While there is some occasional dialogue in Armenian (in Family Viewing,for example), this is only evident to an Armenian viewer who recognizes the language.

And while wife and leading lady Arsin6e Khanjian may look unmistakably Armenian to some, the public at large does not make such an identification----one it might make were she Hispanic or German. "I use my Armenianism as a metaphor: I was aware that it was something which I had that others didn't," he says.

This is precisely the edge that Egoyan is seeking, for while the use of Armenian lends the characters an unmistakably foreign and "other" quality to his work, it does

so at a universalizing level that a more well-known and recognizable ethnicity might not. "For me, the Armenian is any other ethnicity, it's all ethnicities. It's abstract, not identifiable, and therefore much more powerful." Forthe Armenian viewer, it adds a tryst-like quality to the voyeuristic act of watching cinema, of being in on something that others are not.

Like much artistic creation, Egoyan's cinema begins with a deep sense of loss, and of trying to explain some of this loss

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Similarly, the film puts in question the whole notion of f how we absorb screen images _E of people: who frames them, f who is looking at whom and 3 whv. The title itself alludes to ! ttrii, fra-ingthe inevitable gap i between the actor and the per$ son he plays, between his true i selfand his speech on screen.

The pervasively androgynous

quality of his male leadswhich Egoyan recognizes but

insists

is unintentional-fits

this dichotomy perfectly. The Arsinâ&#x201A;Źe Khanllan as Hera ln

central characteristic ofthe androgyne, as with the ffansvestite, is simulation, whether it is

Tie Adluster

away: mostexplicitly, theloss ofthemother in F amily V iewing, the loss of the brother in Speaking Parts. 'V,lhen asked the eternal

question on making a movie about the Genocide, Egoyan answers tersely: "All my movies are about the Genocide."

His work is also about erasure. ln Family Viewing, Stan's sex sessions with his concubine are recorded not on blank tapes, but over idyllic scenes of his wife and of Van as a child. Speaking Parts, Egoyan's most successful film to date, begins with Clara's visit to a video mausoleum where she sits silently watching a tape of her now departed brother. The brother has long, black hair and moves shyly on screen. As we later learn, he died while giving Clara a lung during a transplant operation. Guiltridden and obviously in love with him, she writes a screenplay about their story. While staying in a hotel where the chamberboys double as prostitutes, she falls in love with Lance, one of the chamberboys and an

simulated masculinity or femininity. In a scene

in

Speaking Parts,Lance awakens

after a night with Clara. We see long hair, a thin, angular face, yet are unsure if it is a man or a woman. The viewer is presented with the decision: illusion or reality?

But Egoyan's work is not simply an obvious statement about technology and the modem world, perhaps best exemplified in Stephen Soderbergh's compelling

the entire screen are zappedSpeaking Parts deals with physical erasure. It is also about the erasure of personality that occurs in the 20th Century, where everything is mediated by video, where the

but rather empfy film Sex, Lies and Videotape. Speaking Parts is also about spiritual erasure, about the emptiness oflance, an actor who lives only as a projection, a fake image of himself in life and on screen, and only through other people. It is about the moral failure of a society where people, especially women, are manipulated (here by patriarchy and rnoney) and helpless to fight back. One moving flashback in Family Viewinghas Van's mother sending him to his father so that he may sing him an English song leamed by heart. It seems that Stan has grown tired of Armenian songs he cannot understand and has pleaded with him, "Can't you sing something in English?" The erasure here is ofculture and inevitable assimilation.

Both Speaking Parts and Family Viewizg confront us with the issue of what our identity really is. The family in the latter film lives almost exclusively through video, down to the sex sessions which the father has neatly stored on videotapes; in the former, the actor and the writer actually communicate on bought video time. The only tangible memory which Clara has of her brother is in a videotape mausoleum where she plays back scenes she herself has shot. This filtering of human life through

tension between our real selves (how we present ourselves) and our simulated selves (how we representourselves) has grown so great: "One (representation) is a question of simulation. That dilemma is central to the entire media explosion," said Egoyan.

technology is brought to actual climax when Clara and Larrce each masturbate long-distance on a two-way communicative video screen. Egoyan asks: what is happening to sex in our society? What has happened to human communication and

Christopher Atamian is a New Yo*based lilm scholar currently working on a tilm in Parls. Statf member Kathertne Chiljan contrlbuled from Los Angeles

what it means tocommunicate? Whatdoes it mean when we can find avideo substitute for live sex, the most private human act?

Again Egoyan denies explicit intent in

aspiring actor with an uncanny resemblance to her brother. Lance is also mesmerizingly androgynous. Although he is shallow and

infatuated with the image he produces on others, Clara gets Lance apart in hermovie.

As rehearsals begin, it becomes clear that the director has changed the script, effectively cutting Clara's entire story out and presenting the movie in the form of a game show. The film ends with a visually jarring scene

in which

members

of the

are zapped by video remotes,

audience

until they and

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

991

his work. He says he sets out to portray certain characters and situations, but without interpreting the results. "My favorite parts of [The Adjuster] are those that defy rationalization and yet have a very sffong

emotional effect." The filmmaker's work is to present his ideas, to say "here you go, this is what I see and think; yor make whatever you want out of it." lnterpretation is left to the viewer and to the critic.

"I really feel that the critic's job is to illuminate the work, to bring it all together," *If I did that as well, explained Egoyan. what would be the point of having anyone appraising that work? Really, it would make critic's work redundant if I were able to be completely articulate about the themes and their implications." His films are successful pregisely because they are a complete artistic experience: his narrative, his play with camera angles, his obsession with technology, families and human loss, fuse together in a rare partnership. In fact, the artistry with which he achieves this is so convincing that it is hard to believe he did the

not have an interpretative framework in mind when making them. This begs the question of whether or not to believe Egoyan.

Perhaps the best thing to do is rent his

movies and decide for yourself. Maybe even videotape yourself watching

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A Man of His Words Ben Bagdikian's Jousts with the Power of

of Genocide survivors who, for all his principled stands on so many things, has never written about his a mystery, the son

By ESTHER SCHBADER Speclel to Alil

here

is not much in

Print

Ben

Bagdikian's hillside Berkeley house that sets it off as the home

of a revolutionary. It is a modest household, covered with flowering vines and the paraphernalia of American success-good family cars in the driveway, cluttered shelves of books in every room and grand-

people or himself.

The story of Ben Bagdikian, however, is not one of dismissing his history or his people. He says his rise in mainstream joumalism to vaunted positions of assistant managing editor, and later ombudsman, of The Washington Post, and to holder of several celebrated awards has not made him forget who he is. Now 71

an Armenian to come into the world.

When he was only two months old, the family fled the country among more than 5,000 Armenians who followed the retreating French anny over freezing mountains.

Thousands died along the arduous route, and little Ben was almost abandoned at one point when the family thought he had frozen to death. Miraculously, Bagdikian's

parents, he and his four sisters-all younger than l3-made it out of the country. His father promised that if the family survived he would become a preacher. When the Bagdikians arrived in the United States, he kept his pledge.

The family did not escape the joumey

without tragedy, however. Weakened by starvation and by the difficult trek through

cold climes, Bagdikian's mother contracted tuberculosis soon after her arrival in ihe United States; she later died when Ben was three. With

children crawling on carpets.

)

!

But as a taboobreaking journalist who pioneered investigative report-

an ill mother and a father struggling to

in a new country with make his way

e five young children, f, Bagdikian was

'

ing before the term came into vogue, a

farmed out in his in-

fancy

to

various

of

towering dean of

members

Berkeley's prestigious Graduate School of Journal-

father's congregation-non-Armeni-

ism, and

who had no way of exposing Bagdikian

ans for the most part

perhaps

the most powerful media critic of our day, Bagdikian is

to his native

indeed something

traditions.

grew

In the Armenian community,

ment by his refusal to get involved in Armenian politics in the United States.

A Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and author

of several groundbreaking books,

Bagdikian is widely known around the country-but not as an Armenian patriot.

His work has covered the conditions in-

side American prisons, the poor in

America and the influence of a few small

corporations over American media. To Armenians, however, Bagdikian remains Esther Schrader is a staff wrlter for the San

Jose Mercury News and a lrequent contrlbutorto 74

Alil

As

he

older, Bagdikian says he didn't want to learn Armenian. His fam-

by love and by trade who has

Bagdikian has aroused the same kind of confusion and anger, occasionally infuriating the Armenian-American establish-

lan-

guage and cultural

of a revolutionary.

He is a joumalist

spent much of his life uncovering the hypocrisies of his own profession, much to the confusion and occasional fury of his peers.

his

ily had settled in

a

very reserved, very Republican town outside of Boston, and as a teenager he

and recently retired from his position at Berkeley, Bagdikian says he is exploring

his heritage, at work on a book partly autobiographical and partly observations

on American joumalism. Among the many traits Bagdikian retains as an Armenian is one he says spurred him to become a reporter-the sense of being an immigrant and, therefore, an outsider.

"As an immigrant you develop a sort

was influenced by the desire to be as American as possible.

To this day, Bagdikian doesn't speak more

than a few words of Armenian-a

defi

ciency he says embarrasses him but

which he has never had time to do much about.

His career began in 1951 as a reporter

for the Morning Union in Springfield,

Massachusetts. He rose high enough in the ranks of mainstream journalism to be-

ofdouble vision," Bagdikian says. "Your eye is on the larger society around you but you're a bit of an outsider, you're not totally in the society of which you ile a part. I have a feeling that may have led to

come ombudsman of The Washington Posr, but, unlike many news executives, never forgot his reporting instincts. He angered the joumalism establishment by

my fascination with journalism, because journalists have that double vision."

Ben Bagdikian was bom in 1920 in

agement.

Marash,

Turkey-not a good time

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

or place 991

tuming his critical eye on newspaper man-

"I've been the skunk at the garden party in this business for a long time," Bagdikian said with a smile. "I began as

a very young man to get the strong feeling that this great institution of the American media, which was always described in heroic terms. had its flaws. I haven't been able to let go of that idea since."

Bagdikian's eagemess to challenge the American newspaper establishment was

not echoed in a desire to get involved in Armenian-American political life. That is partly, Bagdikian says, because as a nonArmenian speaker brought up largely with American traditions, he never felt as well versed in the issues of his people as he was in the issues of his profession.

Combined with that was the journalist's instinct not to get in the middle of inter-

r i/

t'l've been the skunk at the garden party in this husiness for a long

time."

necine politics; he remembered the caution from his father that Armenian

politics could be dangerous, pointless and divisive.

Bagdikian has not avoided Armenian affairs altogether. He is a member of the Armenian General Benevolent Union, and the National Association for Armenian Studics and Research. He says he occa-

sionally attends Armenian church ices. But

in

serv-

contrast to his fiery media

politics. Bagdikian's Armenian commitment is reserved and low key.

"What I consider the second tragedy of the Armenian community is the divisiveness over revolutionary politics that exists to this day," Bagdikian said. "The

first tragedy was the Genocide and the second was

this-it

is a terribly destruc-

tive force."

But ask Bagdikian about injustices in American journalism and without much prodding he will start talking about Armenia and Armenians.

In

1959, when he

did a study of ethnic prejudices in

news

magazines, Bagdikian wrote that Trrte magazine for years never referred to an Armenian without adding the word "wily" next to it. And the one time Bagdikian was moved to write a letter to the editor was when the Sat'ramenro Bee ret-erred in

an article to the "alleged" Armenian

Genocide.

"l think these distortions pop up again and again, both because of ignorance and because of the tendency of media to give greater weight to an official, any official, than to a regular person," Bagdikian says.

"It's also an enorrnous disadvantage to Armenians that the United States Government implicitly backs Turkish claims because they're a military ally."

These days Bagdikian says he may have more time to devote to the Armenian community. But clon't believe it. His study is lined floor-to-ceiling with books and papers and computcr paraphernalia.

As lor the book he is working on, Bagdikian says, "l'm in the tunnel and I I don't see the end yet."

ilEAA

HONOPOLY, Thitd Edition, 19(N: giants have become so powerfut that government no:longer has the will to restrain them.,Corporate news media and business-oriented governments llave rnade common cause.

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Gulture Steward My Meeting with Henilk lgitian

By NEERY MELKONIAN t was on a

rainy April day in New York

that I first met Henrik Igitian, his wife Armenouhi and their daughter Jeanna, aged I I . Together with four young artists-teachers, Igitian had come to New York to take part in a symposium on children's art organized by the Armenian General Be-

nevolent Union and the Children's Museum of Manhattan. He had brought art works done by the children of Armenia to be exhibited at the museum, which was unexpectedly shut down following a fire.

I had heard much about the zeal, sincerity and wholeheartedness with which Igitian had carved a niche for modern art in Armenia during the last two decades. Recognized as one of the leading art critics of his generation, Igitian is also considered the founder and director of two museums in Armenia: The Children's Art Gallery in 1970 and the Modern Art Museum in 1972.

He has helped to establish numerous aesthetic education centers throughout the country where adults and children attend art workshops after work or school hours.

Igitian has spent most of the past two years in Moscow as an elected deputy of the U.S.S.R. Supreme Soviet-a position that has undoubtedly eamed him enemies on several fronts, and a responsibility he now prefers not to have, so that he can return home to write a book on 20th Century Armenian art.

Igitian's passion for art is as strong as his political views. He made the latter clear

in an interview reprinted in Atant Garde, where he criticized President Gorbachev 's mishandling of

crisis in Armenia: "Just as an impotent man makes his woman unhappy, an impotent leader leaves his people un- c o happy." the recent

Since social and historical

:

o

accounts on modem Armenian o o art are not available, I had a whole =d set of questions to ask him. I was anxious to leam how a country that has experienced one form of repression after another has sustained an artistic profile, even if the identities within it appear to

Henrik lgitian: "People lorget that the real weight in

art is not in its ability to shock but in the values and quality it embraces."

be primarily redundant or derivative of Westem vocabularies. The issue becomes especially relevant in comparison to the reality in the Diaspora, which is yet to represent a substantial voice within the institutional processes where culture is legitimized.

Igitian was upset and frustrated when he arrived late to the luncheon that day. The last several days had been hectic fbr him, fighting bureaucracy and frantically searching for another exhibition space. Through his aged, tired and frail features one could sense the responsibility he felt towards the children of Armenia who had trusted him with the task of communicating their art to the outside world.

During the next couple of days, while

Seeing the World through Children's Eyes

helping him install the children's temporary exhibit at the AGBU center, I came to lurther grasp his devotion to children's art.

His commitment was not simply because children were the hope of a better future culture and, therehrre, their aesthetic sensibilities had to be nurtured; rather, it was due to the truthfulness and flights olimagination expressed in their uninhibited works.

This offered a refieshing balance to the adult world-view in which Igitian was also

immersed, and where such gestures are often suppressed or concealed.

We spent that afternoon visiting various galleries, artists' studios and publishing houses in downtown Manhattan. As we breezed through SoHo's maze, we talked about the current art scene in dmg1i62-

Henrik Igitian.

He belame a mentor for a whole generation of young artists.

The Children's Art Gallery now occupies a whole district in the heart of Yerevan, including the children's theater and philharmoAtM photo nia, with the children's orchestra and cho-

7 !

here is a good old tradition in Yerevan in which on warm spring evenings hundreds of children come to the wide square near the Opera House and draw something with their multi-colored chalks on the asphalt. Jeanna Ahamirian wanted to preserve these treasures from the rain and dirt, so she suggested that children's paintings be sent directly to her home. The results came in like a wa-

rus.

What have Armenian children drawn during the last 20 years? The same things

as children in other countries-kings, flowers, churches, animals, the alphabet, themselves.

Alas, in the last two years they have grown up 20 centuries, and war, the earthquake, blood and tears got into their eyes and art. They have painted in black the White City of Spitak. They painted the pain. Only recently have they come to use other colors again, especially red, blue,

terfall.

Officials agreed to provide a cellar, initially set aside for a pub, for her gal- Yerevan children viewing the works of their peers and orange. lery. That was the beginning of the in the Children's Gallery For the first time in the last two yea-rs, Children's Art Gallery of Armenia, founded by Jeanna on March 13, 1970- the first gallery of its kind the Opera Square is free of meetings and rallies. It remains the square of freedom and, no doubt, on a warm spring day children will in the world. But four years later she was killed with her son and daughter in an air crash. Her distraught husband took up her interrupted work to help him overcome his terrible grief, His name was 76

gather here again with their coloring chalks.

AlM, AugusVseptember 1 991

Xmalian -Tigran AIM Yerevan Burâ&#x201A;Źau

l )

spiritually bankrupt and aesthetically troubled. He remarked on how fashionable and commercialized American art has become.

I pointed out that the prevailing decline in aesthetic qualily and the overall cultural conservatism is largely a result of Reaganomics, meaning that the unprecedented

high prices of art works----controlled by auction houses-and the standards set to please corporate funding gave rise to junk art just as to junk bonds, to which many artists ofthe 1980s sunendered.

Igitian was concemed about this predicament, especially knowing that most artists in the Soviet Union, including those

in Moscow and Yerevan, were eager to imitate the art produced in SoHo. "I'm tired of this contemporary art scene," he said. "It seems to me that it has exhausted itself, because everyone involved desires to outdo the other by surprising us. People forget that the real weight in art is not in its ability to shock but in the values and qual-

ity it embraces."

Even in discussing specifics, one might find his views on contemporary art at times formalist and exclusionary. Igitian's impressions of diasporan culture were sharp.

"Take Los Angeles: it is the largest community outside Armenia, yet it doesn't have a unique identity." He did not attribute this absence solely to being in exile but to not having a goal. "Snobism has taken over our contemporary culture," he elaborated. "This is an armor that doesn't allow one to penetrate deep into the experience of art. It is like going to the opera not because one appreciates it but to show off."

Indeed, largely a product of preservation ideologies, cultural ambivalence prevails in diasporan realrty. For some time now, community life has compromised, sedated, even victimized creative growth, perpetuating mediocrity or a feeling of

helplessness, malaise

or

indifference

amongstthe concerned few, who, fortrying to infioduce

change,haveeitherbeenforced

out and are seeking inspiration and appre-

ciation elsewhere, or have dropped out completely. This has left

a

critical void that

needs to be addressed.

At the end, I didn't get to ask my original questions. Somehow the urgent topics of the moment took over our discussions.

We parted, knowing that much is neededto

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be done to re-identify contemporary Armenian culture, that the glory of a past is not sufficient for a presently living culture,

it has been for other small struggling nations, can be an effective alternative means to survival, provided there is an awareness of its importance and a commitment to action.

"At this juncture in history, Armenian art demands a position," I remember him saying at one point. What that position is, who defines it and where ithappens remain tobe seen. that art, as

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Nature's Ghild Composer Alan Hovhaness Comes down fro* the Mountain to Celebrate his 80th Birthday By lRlS PAPAZIAN Speclal lo AIM

lan Hovhaness wrote his first composition at the age of seven.

Since then he has written more than 400 musical works, but this,

his 80th year, is bringing him more attention than at any other time in his life. The American media and music establishments have been paying homage to the prolific composer, who tumed 80 on March 8 and is now acknowledged by many critics to be one of the leading composers of the 20th Century.

Yet he has never been one to seek the limelight. "I just want to compose and the inspiration seems to keep on coming," says Hovhaness, whose greatest inspirations have always come from nature-birds, mountains, whales, even the cry of ajackal.

"There's no doubt about it-with the passing of Virgil Thomson and Aaron Copeland, Alan is now the dean of American composers," notes Lawrence Sobol, artistic director of a special concert that will bring to a rousing climax Hovhaness' 80th anniversary celebrations that began in March in Washington, Califomia and New

York.

The Camegie Hall concert and birthday gala celebration on October 6 will also see

the world premiere of Hovhaness' 65th

symphony, Artsakh. It was commissioned by the Prelacy of the Armenian Apostolic Church of America in New York, which also is sponsoring the concert.

Armenia's turbulent three years-the massive earthquake, the Azerbaijani pogroms, the conflict over the Armenian enclave of Karabagh (Artsakh), and the struggle for democracy and independence-form the inspirational elements for

Hovhaness' latest work, which he will conduct himself. Richie Havens, the worldrenowned folk singer, will make a special musical presentation at the gala, during which the composer will also be honored by the Composers Foundation for his lifetime achievement.

"It's more than a concert, more than a birthday-it is an event," says Sobol, who has had a long association with Hovhaness and has recorded and supervised the recording of a major body of his music. A similar celebration will take place in Yerevan later in the month, and the Armenian govemment has invited the composer to attend.

Interestingly, Hovhaness is currently enjoying a renaissance of interest in his music by many people outside of the classical music establishment. The recording of his Lousadzakpiano concerto by Keith Jarrett has soared to Billboard's best-selling charts. Hearts of Space Records re-

ith

piano virtuoso Sahan Arzruni, to rave reviews.

I first saw Hovhaness in the mid-1950s at a concert in Philadelphia. A teenager at the time, this was my frst exposure to his music and I was mesmerized. When he started to play on the piano, his strong hands with their long firm fingers became the focal point. The largely Armenian audience was polite but not overly enthusiastic.

A group of students from the nearby Curtis

Institute of Music, however, was captivated by this new sound and reacted with tremendous approval and interest.

Indeed, each generation seems to discover Alan all over again, perhaps due to

his own affinity to young musicians. "I often write for young people," he says. "St. Vartan Symphony, for instance, was written for a small high school orchestra where I was teaching, and the next year it was performed by members of the New York

Philharmonic."

Michelle Ekizian, a young composer in New York, remembers: "When I was in my student days, one of the best pieces of advice came from Alan Hovhaness. 'Don't

follow your own voice,' he said. In a time when musical trends come and go so quickly, Hovhaness'voice remains unique and fresh," In 1989, as one of the organizers of a series of events in New York celebrating the Millennium of the Cathedral of Ani, I went to the airport to greet Alan and his wife Hinako Fujihara. He came to conduct ever be afraid to

his Azi Symphony at the Mehopolitan

Museum of Art as part of the celebration.

Tall and lean, he no longer had the emaciated look of his earlier years. "Hinako takes very good care of me," he told me.

Amrenian.Scottieh roots Alan Vaness Chakmakjian was born in Somerville, Massachusetts. His father, a professor of chemistry at Tufts Medical School, had emigrated from Adana in Westem Armenia; his mother is of Scottish ancestry.

"My mother's family was here during

the American Revolutionary times. My grandfather had a farm in New Hampshire.

He was theMinisterRev. WalterScott, and one of my uncles on my mother's side had a farm next to his. And that was very beautiful for me, because we were allowed to

have a month's vacation in his house. I used to climb mountains whenever I got a chance...."

The composer's love of mountains has remained constant in both his life and his

music. After many years

of

travel,

Hovhaness settled in Seattle, Washington, where he and Hinako live-largely because of the Cascades and Olympic

moun-

tains. "I love mountains. They're symbolic of the meeting of earth and heaven, man

AlM, AugusUSeptember

1

991

79

,

his own heritage of Armenian music into

and God. They're also symbolic of the mountains you seek within yourself." It is not surprising that Hovhaness' second symphony was called Mysterious Mountainiitreceived its first performance under the baton of Leopold Stokowski for the opening show of "Omnibus" on CBS. Hovhaness began composing as early as age seven but was discouraged by his parents. "I always heard music in my head," he recalls. "I thought everyone did. I didn't take music seriously; I though I'd be an astronomer. And then one day I heard my

first good piece of music-a song of Schubert's-while I was going to school in Arlington. I suddenly realized that the music I had been hearing in my head should be written down. I would write at night so my parents would not know, and then hide my scores."

During the 1940s he became the organist at St. James Armenian Church in Watertown, Massachusetts, where he had the opportunity to study ancient Armonian church music. Hebecame involvedin intense study of the music of Komitas Vartabed, whom he considers to be "one of the greatest composers in the world" and his piano music, "magnificent." It was during this period that he met Boston painter Hyman Bloom, who not only influenced his grow-

Hovhaness wlth his wlfe and manager Hlnako Fujihara, a concert singer whom he met in Seattle in 1974 ing interest in ethnic motifs but also introduced him to folk singer Yenovk Der Hagopian. "He sang all the Sayat Nova songs, and we put out a record of his singing. It was the best I ever heard because he sang in real folk tradition."

Hovhaness was surprised by the reaction of the Armenian community to the recording. "Armenians were ashamed of this music because it was entirely unlike European music."

In the '50s and '60s, through Fulbright

Grants and Rockefeller Scholarships, Hovhaness traveled extensively through India, Japan (where he was referred to as the "wandering Armenian") and South Korea. He was surprised to find that his music was better known in Japan than in the United States. Today he is acknowledged as one of the pioneers of fusing the music from China, Japan, Korea, lndia and

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AlM, AugusUSeptember 1991

Westem forms.

"Many people in the music world are now saying that Alan Hovhaness is the father of the minimalist movement," notes Larry Sobol. With more than 400 symphonies, chamber works and piano pieces to his credit, Hovhaness continues to produce music with ease. His abilityto do so brought him many commissions for films, especially television.

Film score eontroversy

One commission was for CBS for a

series of films, one of which tumed out to

be on Turkey. Most Armenians did not grasp the delightful poetic irony of an Armenian producing the music for a film on Turkey; instead, the composer was condemned.

"I was commissioned by CBS to do the

score for a series

of films, five or

six,

perhaps more," he recalls. "I never even knew what the films were, nor did I care to know. Frankly, I did film scores because I neededthemoney to survive. I don'tcare to

write for movies. I want to write symphonies, which is what I do now primarily."

Hovhaness says he feels "almost exclusively Armenian," when asked about his roots. "It was a strong influence and, as it

I had a greater affinity in that direction. I found a greater identity with my own emotions in the Armenian culture as I grew older.

happened,

"The Turkish atrocities against

the

Armenians were a disgrace; my own fam-

ily

was affected by it. But there are so many disgraces in the world. Humankind seems to be fundamentally bad and it seems to be a hopeless task to change this. Komitas Vartabed was one of the first to be arrested and subsequently went insane because of the experience. He was a great composer. I admire him very much and he had a great influence on me."

His greatest regret is his own destruction ofhundreds, perhaps as many as 1,000 pieces, of his early works. This came about after he was severely criticized by Aaron Copeland and Leonard Bemstein in 1942.

Since that experience, he has been a vocal critic againstl'musical snodbishness."

"My purpose is to create music, not for

"The high quality of this music, the purity

erre Rampal, Benita Valente, Eric Hawkens

of its inspiration, is evidenced by the ex-

and Yehudi Menuhin.

Hovhaness' concern for the environment, long before the recent interest, is reflected in his music with compositions lt*:e And God C reated GreatW hale s; M ountains and Riyers Without End;The Mt. St. Helens Symphony.

The soft-spoken composer views the current attention being given to him with his usual low-profile attitude. His beloved mountains continue to inspire him. "Mountains symbolize eternity," he notes gently.

Perhaps Hovhaness' music was best summed up by Oliver Daniels inThe Saturday Review33 years ago: "Itis not so much religious as holy; it generates moments of tranquility in a chaotic world."

I

treme beauty of its melodic material (which is original material, not collected folklore) and in the perfect sweetness of taste that it leaves in the mouth... It is utterly simple in feelings, pure in spirit and high-minded."

Composers John Cage and Lou Harrison also heaped praise on Hovhaness following that first Camegie concert. The three composers still remain in touch.

Leading conductors such as Fritz Reiner, Leopold Stokowski, Andre Kostelanentz, Robert Shaw and Leslie Howard have championed his music. It has been part of the repertoire of many of the finest performers of the second half of this century, including Martha Graham, Jean-Pi-

snobs but for all people-music which is beautiful and healing, to attempt what old Chinese painters called spirit resonance in melody and sound."

He subsequently went on to a very successful Carnegie Hall concert in 1947, his first in the great hall. Wrote Virgil Thomson, the legendary critic and composer:

AlM, AugusVSeptember

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8l

takenhold.

During the fateful 1974-75

season,

Ararat's coach, Nikita Simonian, quit and was replaced by Victor Maslov, who eventually either sacked or drove out many of the team's best players, including the legendary Arkadi Antreasyan, Levon Ishtoyan, Hovhannes Zanazanian, Edward Marcarov and Nicolai Ghazarian. Maslov went on to recruit comparatively inexperienced and younger players, in effect crippling the team andushering in along period ofoblivion.

Maslov subsequently withdrew and was succeeded by a string of former Ararat player-tumed-coaches, but throughout the

consistently embarrassing seasons after 1975, none proved able to catapult the team to even a semblance of its past glory.

Ararat's elusive renaissance had to wait until last year, when Armen Sarkissian, also

a former team member from the pre-1975 glory days, came to the helm. A soccerplayer of intemational stature, and a stalwart, much respected figure among sports circles in Armenia, Sarkissian has infused Ararat with a vision of professionalism and esprit de corps that have eamed the team renewed credibility and esteem in a remarkably short span.

Ararat became afull-fledged sports club in 1990 and was granted unprecedented privileges by the Armenian govemment. It now has its own ground, the magnificent

Hrazdan stadium just outside the capital,

After I 5

Ye

and operates

ar s Of H umdrum F are, Arme nia' s Ararat

Soccer Team Regains Some of lts Former Splendor

r

housands of miles away, their fans would persist until the wee hours, ears glued to short-wave radios,

Two years later, though Ararat won the Soviet Cup for a second time, a barely imperceptible process of decline had already

clatter of a live soccer match broadcast. A victorious score would trigger drinking bouts, front-page editorials waxing poetic, bumper-sticker and T-shirt manias, and all

manner of gung-ho philosophical discussion in youth clubs and caf6s; a losing match, conversely, would strike a very bad chord indeed---+urious expressions of doom, often in silence, would grandly discolor the

mood of aficionado brotherhoods everywhere.

In its heyday, Ararat, the national soccer team of Armenia, became something of a

phenomenon. From relative obscurity, it suddenly rose to stardom in the early 1970s, bringing to the game a new standard of strategic mastery and

82

Players of Armenia's Ararat soccer team

AlM, AugusUSeptember

private restaurant in

polished newsletter. Furthermore, Ararat

desperatelytryingtodecipherthe

a signature grace that have since been emulated by many of the best teams in the world. At its peak, in 1973, Ararat had worked itselfup to an astounding pitch, winning both the National Championship and the highly coveted Cup games of the Soviet Union. In addition, some of the team's top players had achieved individual records powerful enough to admit them into the Soviet Union's Olympic and even more prestigious National Collectives .

a

Yerevan's Youth Palace; it also publishes a

1

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players are presently entitled to take leaves of absence and play with Soviet or foreign teams. Ashot Khachatrian has signed a contract with the French-Armenian Soccer

players are presently entitled to take leaves of absence and play with Soviet or foreign teams. Ashot Khachatrianhas signedacontract with the French-Armenian Soccer

Club; and recently, Iran's Arm6nia Club

tions, and ordered his players to an early

regimen of soccer practice, giving them a Spartan two-hour lunch and rest break before action. Once on the practice field,

only

match against the Mexican national team.

On the rather overpowering July 14 appearance, the Ararat players, goaded by a largely Armenian throng, seemed to rede-

Armenian national team for recruits.

Ararat has played 17 Soviet matches this year and eamed an equal number of winning points, substantiating its goal of reaching fifth rank by the close of the Soviet Championship Games. Concunently, the team has at last produced in Abraham Harutiunian a new candidate for membership in the Soviet Olympic Collective. has approached the

Victory in LosAngeles But perhaps ; Ararat's comeback was most evident during its

groundbreaking

July 14

match

against the na-

tional team of El Salvador, at the

Pasadena Rose Bowl in Califor-

nia.Afterlldays

of

bureaucratic

tangles and de-

lays, Ararat finally reached Los

rs compete for the ball against opponenls from the Armenian team's 3-l-victory--

Angeles, chiefly through the ef-

forts

of

veteran

however, the ex-

intemational soccer referee Toros Parse-ghian, who

hausted players magically metamorphosed into their old exuber-

since l974hasor-

ganized four different international matches for Ararat. On the very day of arrival, coach Sarkissian ignored the effects ofjetlag and amyriad ofotherfrustra-

WESTERN DRT'GS,

GIINDAII

433 West Colorodo Boulorord (Between Ca*rol ond Pocific) 81 8-24td4l 5 81 8-24t {889 Monday to Fridoy 9arn - 8pm, Sanrday l0am-6pm

ant selves.

Five

days

later, Ararat gave one of its most memorable performances yet, easily making up for the brutish fiasco that taned its 1989

WESTERN DRUGs,

GIINDAII

--Aqorted by Annais Ghailbian, a sports comnlrlntatu and longtime Aruat tollower

DRUG' N. HOIINA/@D I I 009 Burbonk Boulevord, Unit I 08

WESIERN

501 Westem Avenue

(At Loke Street) 8t 8-U2- 5887 8t 8-A7

fine the bravura, subtle interplay and sheer elegance that made the original Ararat the envy of some of the best soccer organizations in the world. As the match drew to an end, one had the peculiar impression that Ararat's 3-1 victory over the El Salvadoran team was perhaps a rather insignificant postscript. The play, after all, was the thing.

(AtVnelond)

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AlM, August /September 1991

A Stat Shines again in the Gosmos rr he most successful Armenian footI bdl"r revived memories of his

18 players selected after the World Cup for a World All-Stars team to play the Cosmos. Ten days later he joined

glittering career when the New York Cosmos reformed for a special exhibition match against a Brazilian all-star

the American club, winning five consecutive North American championship medals and three soccer bowl tro-

team.

phies during his seven-year career. The team included stars such as Pele, Franz Beckenbauer, Carlos Alberto, and Johan Neeskins at that time.

Eskenderian had cause to celebrate another match on the day of the reun-

Defender Antranik Eskenderian helped the Cosmos to ahard-fought0-0 draw against the Brazilian masters before nearly 32,000 fans at Giants Stadium inNew Jersey on July 21, the frst match played by the Cosmos since the team folded in 1985.

AIM pholoYHarry Koundakjian

"It

was fun to play and to see old friends again; it brought back memories," said Eskenderian, 39, who now nrns a sports goods business in New

and in the winning team at the 1974 Asian Games. Eskenderian was one of

the 14th anniversary of his marriage to Anna. The

couple

Jersey.

The kanian-born player's careertook him to 75 countries. He played with the Tehran Ararat team forfive seasons before signing at age 22 for Iran's elite Royal Crown club. He also made 35 intemational appearances for kan, playing in the 1978 World Cup finals in Argentina, the 1976 Montreal Olympics,

ron game-

have

twosons,aged nine and 12.

"You

are

going to hear

very from

Eskenderlan beats the Brazllian Relnaldo to the ball

durlno the qame whlle the scoreboard marks hls weddlng anilversary (inset)

soon

them, they are coming up very well," laughed Antranik proudly. "My little one is a left-winger

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Armenian-American Species Reconsidered

By ARPI SARAFIAN iven the importance of the issue of the survival of the "Armenian-American" addressed in the June l99l editorial of Armenian Intemational Magazine, I should like to further underscore the necessity of preserving this "endangered species." While making a very important statement about the necessity of educating ourselves both in the mainstream American culture and our own Armenian heritage, Vartan Oskanian's editorial comes dangerously close to seeming to endorse George Will's assertion that bilingualism "imprisons immigrants in their origins and encourages cultural solipsism." I would like to argue that communication in a familiar language (Armenian) and the preservation of native cultural patterns need not impede our acquisition of a common language (English) and participation in common institutions. In fact, an awareness of the dual cultures could be the key to our survival-if at all possible-in the present historical context.

To oppose "ethnicity" to the "welldefined socio-cultural system in which ethnic groups enjoy more or less mar-

stream, we could contribute to the creation of a more generous and less rigidly-defined system, one that allows and encourages each ethnic group to emphasize its particular cultural heritage.

Cognizance of the forces that shape our daily lives is not a dismissal of our Armenian identity, which is something we carry with us by virtue of our birth as Armenians. Dismissing this

"private" part would be tantamount to destroying the very foundation upon which to construct ourselves as individuals.

Knowing where we come from and who we are gives us a sense of where we stand in this increasingly impersonal world. Selfknowledge gives us strength-both psychological and political pride in and satisfaction with oneself is very enabling.

-since We simply cannot afford to hate ourselves if we want to ensure a future as Armenians. Richard Rodriguez, the son of Mexican immigrants quoted in the editorial, advocates giving up the "private individuality" in order to build a successful "public individuality." It is highly significant, however, that this "public gain" is paid for with "sadness," "silence" and "pain," the inevitable price one pays for uprooting oneself from one's past

ginal status" is to create a dichotomy which can only hamper our survival process because

it

and identity. I see Rodriguez's Hunger Of Memory more as a lament on what has been lost than a celebration of what has been gained. Despite a

leaves us outside

the social reality in which we exist.

Rather than diametrically opposed

entities, the two poles-"ethnicity" and "the system"-should be seen as constituting each other in a new conception of the social reality. To insist on a stable Armenian identity is to deny the crucial role played by economic, educational, political and institutional forces that come together and interact to construct us as human subjects. As these forces are constantly changing, it is practically impossible to come up with a fixed definition of "Armenianism." At least. with active participation in the culture that we are bom into, we keep alive the possibility of acquir-

perfectly integrated and successful public life, Rodriguez yearns for the memory of his past. No "public gain" gives him the joy and the confidence he derives from the knowledge that he "gestured and laughed just like

(his) mother," and that his "father's eyes were very much like (his) own."

There is no need to dwell with the lamentation. We must focus on changing the mourning into rejoicing.

"Private" and "public" need not

necessary power-political, economic, intellectual-to act on our destiny.

Self-sufficiency and a stubbom clinging to the old ways at the exclusion of the new could lead to ghettoizatioz and would reinforce our marginality in an environment basically hostile to differences. It is therefore not out of a sense of gratitude-as is often argued-to a country that has permitted us to make use of its countless opportunities, nor is it because of some inherent superiority in the "dominant" culture, that I argue for the necessity of incorporating the mainstream into our lives. Closing ourselves to the "system" is a choice we simply do not have.

For one thing, the overwhelming majority of our children go to local schools and colleges and are de facto in the system.

Therefore, if we want to improve our chances of survival, we need to redefine our Armenianism by removing it from opposition (to the system), thereby giving ourselves a chance to makb a mark and assert ourselves as Armenians in the larger context of our reality. Also, by extending ourselves into the main-

ing the

86

be

mutually exclusive and contradictory terms. An either/or philosophy alienates because it automatically leads to hierarchizing and to the rejection of the other. Deconstructing the private/public, (ethnic/mainstream, old/new) polarity, on the other hand, contributes to erasing the margins and, rather than creating a patchwork of ethnicities, helps interrupt the dominant culture by

AIM lllustration by Sarkis Postajian

bringing ethnicities together in a new definition of a reality which includes rather than excludes differences.

Exchange between our private world as Armenians and the public world of the dominant Anglo culture is essential for our

growth. Dialogue is healthy because it allows us to preserve our identity, which in tum helps us to overcome the pressures of conformity and absorption.

The future may be far from certain. The desire to survive may even be impossible, but the struggle must go on.

Arpi Sarafian, a lecturer at CalStat*LA, has just completed her Ph.D. dissertation on Virginia Woolf at the University of Southern California

AlM, AugusUSeptember

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