This Must Be the Place: Reterritorialising Living and Working in Central Java

This Must Be the Place

SANDRO ARMANDA

This Must Be the Place Reterritorialising Living and Working in Central Java

A project by Sandro Armanda Promotor Martino Tattara

Studio Back to the Street Faculty of Architecture Campus Sint-Lucas Brussels KU Leuven 2020-2021

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Contents Introduction PART 1

PART 2

Tracing the Long Road

Restructuring the Land

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I. The Fields and the Factories The Industrial Zone Tensions The Possibility of Coexistence

The Great Post Road Before the Road The Connection of Old Cities The Emergence of New Towns The Three Territories

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II. Coastal Anyer The Touristification of the Coast Road Typology Building Typology

A New Mode of Production Reorganising the Means of Production The Domestic Industry Rumah Betang

III. Instruments The Longhouse The New Factory The Market and the Cultural Hub The School The Greenhouse

III. Rural Between Kudus and Pati The Industrialisation of the Land Road Typology Building Typology

IV. Reterritorialisation Reterritorialised Phases

IV. Urban Bandung The Disappearance of Power Road Typology Building Typology

V. This Must Be the Place Roads, Places, Territories

V. Deterritorialisation Deterritorialised

References List of Drawings and Images

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Introduction This project is divided into two parts. The first part is an examination on the Great Post Road in Java Island, a territorial infrastructure project that was built during the Dutch occupation in the 19th century and that arguably started the modernisation of the island. This examination unfolds into some interesting observations which became the starting point of a design proposal in the second part.

The proposal, while offering a way of seeing the whole process from a different point of view, it advances a different future of the territory.

The first part of the project will be referred as Part 1, while the second part of the project will be referred as Part 2.

Part 1 is a territorial reading by means of tracing the long road along Java Island, across its four provinces. It will not only introduce the different territories and the way in which the road came about, but also how it impacted the territory creating massive disruptions to the existing landscape, economy and society at large.

Part 2 is an intervention that tries to counter, just over two hundred years after the road was built, the processes put in place by the construction of the national road. This part will look closer into a specific territory and tries to understand how the construction of the road had started a process of deterritorialisation which is today confirmed by the government’s top-down approach to local economic development and industrial policies.

Part 2 will not only be a reaction to the conditions of the territory, but also a way of reacting to the current dominant top-down approach.

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Part 1

Tracing the Long Road Once there was a very ambitious idea to connect both ends of Java Island, from Anyer in the west, to Panarukan in the east. The idea was purely utilitarian and driven by military and logistics purposes. However, despite the financial difficulties of that period, the project was eventually executed by H. W. Daendels, who was the new Dutch East Indies governor-general of the time, under the name De Grote Postweg/La Grande Route/The Great Post Road/Jalan Raya Pos. By order of Louis Bonaparte who then ruled the Kingdom of Holland, Daendels started the project at the beginning of the 19th century and finished it within only a year. Albeit it was impressive even by today’s standard, it wasn’t achieved without a huge sacrifice. Tens of thousands of forced and unpaid indigenous labourers died during the construction of the Great Post Road, something that Pramoedya Ananta Toer1 would later call as ‘the longest graveyard.’2

I would refer as ‘checkpoints’ would later grew into large cities, such as the case with the city of Bandung, Others would become shadows of their own past, such as the case of the town of Panarukan. In other cases, it changed the spatial configuration and orientation of the existing city, as in the case of Semarang, the new road changed the spatial structure of the urban settlements. Originally determined by Semarang River, their geographical condition was heavily affected by the Great Post Road.3 This territorial infrastructure project changed also the transportation pattern of the island from north-south to east-west. In conclusion, it changed the whole island’s spatial configuration.

This master’s dissertation project examines these urban and territorial transformations caused by the construction of the Great Post Road starting from the 19th century until today. It also looks closer into how the road itself, despite its tragic past, has become an important part in people’s daily lives as portrayed in Bernie IJdis’ powerful documentary, Jalan Raya Pos (De Groote Postweg) of 1996 where a multiplicity of activities take place, namely military drills, fancy leisures, religious rites, marriage processions, funerals, and the quotidian hardship of the commons.

This territorial infrastructure project, not only successfully connected some already existing cities in Java, but also facilitated the emergence of new towns, new trading places, and new settlements along the road. It’s interesting to point out that the distance between two larger neighbouring towns in Java is usually around thirty kilometres, with smaller towns in between. The reason for this was because at that time, people travelling by horse needed places to change their horses every thirty kilometres. Some of these changing areas, which

The understanding of the impact of the road is developed through the close observation of three different territories: 1) the coastal; 2) the rural; and 3) the urban. Each of these territories exemplifies one larger transformation

1 Indonesian author, ex-political prisoner 2 In Bernie IJdis’ documentary, Jalan Raya Pos (De Groote Postweg) (1996)

3 Peter J. M. Nas and Pratiwo, Java and De Groote Postweg, La Grande Route, the Great Mail Road, Jalan Raya Post (2002)

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PART 1

caused by the road.

themes therefore is the demand and supply relationship. Something that I presume has not changed much from the early years of the Great Post Road until today.

The ‘coastal’ and ‘rural’ ones are characterised by ribbon growth development that was triggered by the construction of the Great Post Road and that stretches almost non-stop from one end of the island to the other. The fundamental difference between these two cases is the fact that the first is about the road’s external stretch toward the coastal areas where old cities and old trading ports are located, while the latter is about the road’s internal stretch towards the interior of the island, in-between the mountains. The case of the ‘urban’ territory does not only tackle the formal impact of the road on the urban fabric, but also how urban geography of power and production reorganised by the presence of the road. Even though the road can be seen as one entity, in each of these three different territories it is characterised by different architectural features, such as different building types emerging along it in each of these parts. This represents the different relationships between the road and its different local surroundings.

The city is where the political and economic power is concentrated and where the demand of goods is higher. Differently, the coastal and the rural territories are stimulated by, presumably, the demand of production of goods, by cultivation and commercialisation of lands and as a consequence, the transformation of the territorial landscape. Therefore, these areas answer these demands from the city, but here the institutions of power are physically absent. The link between all these three cases/

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I The Great Post Road

Before the Road To understand the magnitude of the impact of the construction of the Great Post Road to the territory of Java, it is useful to look at what was there before the construction of the Great Post Road itself.

Fig. 1.

The Watering Place at Anjer Point in the Island of Java Wiliam Daniell, 1794

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I. The Great Post Road

Fig. 2. Java Island

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Before the colonisation started at the beginning of the 17th century, two main factors determined the location of cities and towns in precolonial Java: the mountains and the rivers.

Most of the interior of the island is covered by mountains, and this condition pushed the early settlements mainly to reside along the coast.

Fig. 3. Mount Bromo

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I. The Great Post Road

Fig. 4. Mountains

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Before the construction of the Great Post Road, rivers played a very important role for mobility. They were the most efficient routes for people to move around from the coast to the interior of the island and vice versa. For that reason, settlements were almost always built alongside them.

Fig. 5. Brantas River, 2014

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I. The Great Post Road

Fig. 6. Main rivers

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A map made by Henri Chatelain in 1718 is considered to be the first complete map of Java. The map reveals that several cities were already there before the Great Post Road existed. Almost all of them are port cities, except Mataram, one of the last old kingdoms that still played a big role in the political and economy of the island at that time. There are also smaller trading towns on the coastline that for some reason Henri Chatelain didn’t consider big enough to be categorised as cities.

Fig. 7.

Carte de l’île de Java Henri Chatelain, 1718

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I. The Great Post Road

Fig. 8. Old cities

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There are some towns that were not recorded in Chatelain’s map despite their historical importance and existence far before the map was drawn. This is later made clear by a much more updated map from around a hundred years later drawn under the order of Johannes van den Bosch (at that time was still the adjutant of the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies), where these missing cities that existed before the construction of the Great Post Road were finally recorded. Those towns are Anyer, Gresik, Surabaya, and Panarukan.

These towns would later play important roles during the construction the Great Post Road.

Fig. 9.

Kaart van het eiland Java Johannes van den Bosch, 1789-1856

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I. The Great Post Road

Fig. 10. Smaller old towns/trading ports

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The Connection of Old Cities The construction of the Great Post Road took place between 1808 and 1809 under the order of Herman William Daendels who was just made the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies in 1807 by Louis Bonaparte. There were two main tasks assigned to him. First, to protect the island from the British Army, and second, to fix the administration system of the government in Java Island.1 These tasks inspired him to construct the 1000-km road from Anyer to Panarukan. The road was initially meant to make the mobility of his army within the island more efficient, and to shorten the delivery time of important letters and documents. Hence the road’s name. Other source2 also mentioned that the purpose of the road was to stimulate trade and other activities in the region as a basis for increased prosperity. However, as previously mentioned, despite its original necessity, the construction of this road created a huge disruption to the existing territorial fabric that is evident until today.

1 Indrawan, A. Napak Tilas Jalan Daendels. Jakarta: Buku Republika, 2017.

2 Nas and Pratiwo, 2002.

Fig. 11.

Bandoeng, De Groote Postweg ca 1925

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I. The Great Post Road

Fig. 12. The Great Post Road

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The Emergence of New Towns Not only the road connected existing cities and restructured them, it also enabled a lot of new cities and towns to emerge.

It’s interesting to point out that the distance between two larger neighbouring towns in Java is usually around thirty kilometres (other source stated nine kilometres instead1), with smaller towns in between. The reason for this was because at that time, people travelling by horse needed places to change their horses every thirty kilometres.2 Some of these points would grow rapidly into towns and cities. Others would grow at a slower pace.

1 Wim Ravesteijn and Marie-Louise ten Horn-van Nispen.

ENGINEERING AN EMPIRE: The Creation of Infrastructural Systems in the Netherlands East Indies 1800–1950, Indonesia and the Malay World, 35:103, 273-292 (2007) 2 Nas and Pratiwo, 2002.

Fig. 13.

Java J.B. Wolters, 1880

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I. The Great Post Road

Fig. 14. New towns

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The Three Territories For the purpose of this research, the examination on the road will be organised in three parts: 1) the coastal territory; 2) the rural territory; and 3) the urban territory. Each of these territories exemplifies the transformation that happened within their own contexts in relation to the construction of the road.

The ‘coastal’ and ‘rural’ ones are characterised by ribbon growth development that was triggered by the construction of the Great Post Road and that stretches almost non-stop from one end of the island to the other.

The fundamental difference between these two cases is the fact that the first is about the road’s external stretch toward the coastal areas where old cities and old trading ports are located, while the latter is about the road’s internal stretch toward the interior of the island, in-between the mountains. The case of the ‘urban’ territory does not only tackle the formal impact of the road on the urban fabric, but also how urban geography of power and production has been affected and reorganised by the presence of the road. Even though the road can be seen as one entity, each of these three different territories is characterised by different architectural features, such as different building types emerging along it in each of these parts. This represents the different relationships between the road its different local surroundings.

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I. The Great Post Road

Fig. 15. Drawing of the Great Post Road near Gaclok, at the foot of the Puncak from Pierre Heijboer’s Klamboes, klewangs, klapperbomen (1977).

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II Coastal

Anyer Anyer is a coastal town in Banten province. It is the town where H. W. Daendels, the initiator of the Great Post Road project, landed in the Dutch East Indies in 1807.

The town is also the starting point of the construction of the Great Post Road. The general consensus is that the starting point of the road project is marked by the lighthouse. Although the current lighthouse is not the original one due to the Krakatoa eruption in 1883 which wiped out almost the whole settlements in this port area, the original lighthouse was located just less than 100 m from the new lighthouse.1 The ruin of the old lighthouse is now reconstructed as the 0-km monument of the Great Post Road.

Prior to the construction of the road however, the town had already played an important role in the trading between Europe and the Asian archipelago. Even before the arrival of Europeans, some archaeological findings show that Anyer was occupied by a highly civilised society.2 The town is only two-hour drive away from the capital, Jakarta, and thus makes it a popular destination for weekends and public holidays, especially for local tourists.

Fig. 16.

Anyer

1 Indrawan, A. 2017.

2 Saptono, N. The Strategic Value of Anyer in XIX-XX Century. Purbawidya Vol. 2\No.1\June 2013 p. 83-94

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II. Coastal

Fig. 17. Anyer lighthouse, 1933

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Fig. 18. Anyer, 1894

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II. Coastal

Fig. 19. GPR, settlements, and rivers, 1894

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Fig. 20. Anyer, 2020

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II. Coastal

Fig. 21. GPR, settlements, and rivers, 2020

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The Touristification of the Coast It is yet still unclear when exactly the tourism industry started in Anyer. However, some resources hinted that the tourism gradually started after the Krakatoa eruption in 1883.

The eruption wiped out the existing old fabric and gave an opportunity to rebuild the town from scratch again, from what was once a trading port into something anew.

The first luxury hotel, Marbella Hotel, Convention & Spa, was built in 1994 which marked a huge step in the tourism industry development in Anyer. The construction of this hotel triggered new luxury hotels to be built in the years after. However, this part still needs to be further investigated.

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II. Coastal

Fig. 22. Anyer Beach during Lebaran holidays in 2019

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Fig. 23. View of the tourist facilities from the road

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II. Coastal

Fig. 24. Tourist facilities

1. Hotel and convention centre 2. Wisma (guest house) 3. Wisma (guest house) 4. Seafood restaurant 5. Seafood restaurant 6. Seafood restaurant 7. Padang restaurant 8. Hotel and resort 9. Villas 10. Wisma (guest house) 11. Villas and resort

12. Seafood restaurant 13. Souvenir centre 14. N/A 15. Lodge 16. Hotel and resort 17. Seafood restaurant 18. Lodge 19. Seafood restaurant 20. Seafood restaurant 21. Hotel and resort 22. Padang restaurant

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23. Seafood restaurant 24. Hotel and karaoke 25. Villas 26. Villas 27. Resort 28. Resort 29. Hotel 30. Villas

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Fig. 26. (Left page) Coastal road sequence Fig. 27. (Right page) Coastal road sections

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Building Typology In the coastal area, the buildings, particularly the tourist facilities are distanced and somewhat hidden from the road, as these mostly hotels and villas are not always are always located closer to the beach. The only way to tell that there are buildings behind the curtains of greeneries is from the gate and the signage next to the road.

While the restaurants are usually small, but they have big parking spaces, and they usually put their menus next to the road in the form of signages to attract car and motorbike drivers.

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II. Coastal

to the beach 1 to 2-storey villas pool

distanced from the street

fenced gated

Fig. 28. Coastal typology

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III Rural

Between Kudus and Pati The area between the cities of Kudus and Pati in Central Java is dominated by a vast agricultural landscape.

It is evident in the first map (Figure 31-32) how the original settlements were dispersed and they occupied areas along the rivers and surrounded by a vast agricultural landscape. This condition changed completely since the Great Post Road came into existence.

In the latest map (Figure 33-34), the old settlements and the agricultural landscape are still visible, but new buildings have already occupied areas along the road. Most of these new buildings are factories.

Fig. 29.

Between Kudus and Pati

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III. Rural

Fig. 30. Factory workers at work in one of the cigarette factories in Kudus, 2014.

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Fig. 31. Kudus-Pati, 1909-1911

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III. Rural

Fig. 32. GPR, settlements, and rivers, 1909-1911

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Fig. 33. Kudus-Pati, 2020

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III. Rural

Fig. 34. GPR, settlements, and rivers, 2020

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The Industrialisation of the Land Industrialisation in Indonesia, particularly in Java, began in 1870 with the implementation of the Agrarian Law (Agrarische Wet) as a response to the serious economic hardship in the Netherlands caused by the Java War, the Napoleonic War, and the Belgium revolution.

The impact of the Agrarian Law caused a rapid change to the local economy and a sudden shift from the production of hand-made goods to machine-made goods produced in factories.1

contributed to the industrialisation of the Netherlands, simultaneously laid down the foundation for the industrialisation of what later would become Indonesia. For similar reason, another big wave of industrialisation started in 1984, when the Pelita V policy was released to encourage industrialisation as a means of stimulating the national rate of economic growth, providing employment opportunities, and raising the standard of living of the poor.4

Even though the plantation sector was the main focus of the Agrarian Law, other industries, ranging from trade sectors to food industries gradually emerged simultaneously.

This triggered a big wave of industrial development across cities and towns, especially those which were connected by the Great Post Road, and thus changed the road’s function from mainly military and administrative to a road that is also useful for transporting goods. It is important to point out that before 1857 the road was designated for military and administrative purposes only.2

To execute this policy, each municipal government is encouraged to build industrial zones to attract and facilitate foreign and domestic investors. This agricultural area between Kudus and Pati is one of them. An offset of 500 m on both sides of the road is then allocated for the industrial development and to attract investors, pushing the existing agricultural landscape away from the road. This explains why the productions of these new factories are unrelated to the agricultural surroundings since the agricultural production in this area has been strictly regulated only for wet landfarming (e.g. rice).5

In the late 19th century, the Dutch East Indies became the largest supplier of sugar in Europe. Around 200 companies in the Dutch East Indies were actively exporting sugar and tea to Europe.3 The colonial exploitation of the natural resources in the Dutch East Indies, while 1 Lukman, A., Johan, I. M. The Beginnings of Industrialisation in Indonesia. 2017.

2 Ravesteijn and Van Nispen, 2008.

3 Lukman and Johan, 2017.

4 Hadi, S. P. The Enviromental and Social Impacts of Industrialisation: Lesson from Central Java. 1997.

5 Pemerintah Kabupaten Kudus. Rencana Pembangunan Wilayah Kabupaten Kudus. 2011.

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III. Rural

Fig. 35. De suikerfabriek ‘Kemanglen’ bij Tegal (of Tagal) op Java by Abraham Salm,1870-1875

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Fig. 36. View of the factories from the road

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III. Rural

Fig. 37. Factories

1. Cigarettes and tobacco 2. N/A 3. Paper (money, passport, etc.)

4. Cigarettes and tobacco 5. Cigarettes and tobacco 6. Metal furniture 7. Paper (tissue, toilet paper, etc.)

8. Home appliances 9. Paper (liner, wrapping, etc.)

10. Calcium carbonate (for paper) 11. Plastic recycling

12. Poultry farm 13. Bottled green tea 14. Cigarettes and tobacco 15. Paper 16. N/A 17. Cigarettes and tobacco 18. Plastic fabrication 19. Cigarettes and tobacco 20. Plastic and paper packaging 21. Fertiliser

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22. Processed food 23. Clothing (garments) 24. Food storage (rice, etc.)

25. Peanut snacks 26. Cigarettes and tobacco 27. Food storage 28-29. Big-scale printing 30. Cement 31. Fertiliser 32. Concrete 33. Paper

Fig. 38.

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Fig. 39. (Left page) Rural road sequence Fig. 40. (Right page) Rural road sections

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Building Typology In rural area, the Great Post Road becomes wider than the other two territories as most of the vehicles going through are trucks and buses.

The factories are completely physically and visually disconnected from the road by highwalls and gates.

Across the factories on small leftover areas between the road and the fields, some warungs1, run by the local inhabitants as a sort of response to the emergence of factories along the main road, can be found not only as popular places among to buy meals and have coffee breaks factory and field workers, truck drivers can often be found stopping by as well.

1 Warung is a small, family-owned, oftentimes semi-permanent shed, smaller than an average restaurant. Usually sells food and beverages.

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III. Rural

fully enclosed factory buildings

big parking space

high walls

big gate

Fig. 41. Factory building typology

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IV Urban

Bandung Bandung is the capital of West Java province.

It is one of Indonesia’s most populous cities with over 11 million inhabitants, and the second largest metropolitan after the country’s capital, Jakarta, which is located only 151 km away in north-west direction.

However, despite its population and size, the city is among one of the youngest cities in Java. It was in fact founded just after the construction of the Great Post Road.

The Great Post Road is the raison d’être of the city of Bandung. It was this particular road that brought the city into existence in 1810.

The city started from a linear composition of variety of functions along the road which later expanded to the northern and the southern sides of it towards the mountains, making the gap less and less between the urban life and the highlands.

Figure 42 and 43 show how the early settlements at the beginning of the 20th century were concentrated along the road. Especially power institutions can be found along the section of the Great Post Road in town. However, in the latest city development shown in Figure 44, this configuration has become almost unreadable.

Fig. 42.

Bandung

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IV. Urban

Fig. 43. Sociëteit Concordia building seen on the Great Post Road section in Bandung, 1935.

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Fig. 44. Bandung, 1905

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IV. Urban

Fig. 45. GPR, settlements, and rivers, 1905

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Fig. 46. Bandung, 2020

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IV. Urban

(settlements exceed drawing boundaries)

Fig. 47. GPR, settlements, and rivers, 2020

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The Disappearance of Power As already mentioned earlier, in the beginning, a section of the Great Post Road was the most important street in this city where all of the city activities are concentrated. However, this is no longer the case.

But as the city gradually developed and restructured and particularly in the 1980s, the centre of governance was moved to a new area, and so did the socio-economic activities, the street become more and more obsolete. This change can be seen in Figure 48.

In Figure 48, the markets are included as well for their important roles as kind of institutions that allow economic exchange to happen on a more social level both in the past and present times.

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IV. Urban

Fig. 48. Festivities in Bandung around the corner of Alun-alun West and the Great Post Road on the occasion of Queen Wilhelmina’s 25th anniversary of rule in 1923.

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Fig. 49. View of the power institutions from the road

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IV. Urban

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Fig. 50. Power institutions

1a. Old market 2a. New market 3a. Post and telegraph office 4a. Regent house 5a. Jail 6a. Elite club 7a. Inspector’s house 8a. Telephone office 9a. Land council office 10a. Resident’s house

1b. New market 2b. Governor’s house 3b. Tax office 4b. Military office 5b. Military complex 6b. House of representatives 7b. Governor’s office 8b. Telecommunication office 9-10b. Ministry of geology, energy, and minerals 11b. Treasury office

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12b. Department of crops and holticulture 13b. National radio 14b. Military office

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Fig. 52. (Left page) Urban road sequence Fig. 53. (Right page) Urban road sections

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Building Typology Figure 50 and 51 show a completely different density level that surrounds the road compared to the previous cases. Evidently, the part of the road in urban context seems to have a more complex relationship between its surroundings as manifested by the use signages and billboards.

Early findings show that there are two building typologies along this road, the old one and the new one. The old buildings usually have no setbacks from the street and the pedestrian way, and thus the relationship with the street is more direct. The old buildings are usually not more than 2 storeys. While the new ones usually have setbacks from the street and the pedestrian ways. This is mainly to provide parking spaces for cars and motorbikes. The new buildings are more distanced from the street but are usually higher as well and also have kind of generic glazed facade. Some old buildings (although some newer buildings too) have changed functions and therefore they rely on the use of symbolism as a means to indicate what’s happening inside them. This at least reminds us of the ‘decorated shed’ in Venturi et al’s Learning from Las Vegas.1

1 Venturi, Robert, Scott Brown, Denise, and Izenour, Steven.

Learning from Las Vegas. Facsimile ed. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2017.

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mostly 2-storey

street furnitures

direct contact b/w building and street Fig. 54. Old urban typology

big signages

more than 2 storeys

parking space

glazed facade

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Fig. 55. New urban typology

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V Deterritorialisation

Deterritorialised The findings from this examination of the Great Post Road in Part 1 evidently show that different road and building typologies are unique in each territory, which also represent the different relationships between the road and its local context.

The construction of the road had triggered a continuous process of deterritorialisation where ensembles of existing relationships within certain territories lost their predominant organisations and contexts, i.e. in the form of disruptions, displacements, and replacements.

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V. Deterritorialisation

Fig. 56. The Great Post Road section in Anyer, 2017

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Part 2

Restructuring the Land Among the three different territories analysed in Part I, I was particularly interested on the rural one, where massive industrialisation is taking place thanks also to the recent policies of the central government. This phenomenon, which I think is most peculiar, represents the starting point of my project. In fact the emergence of factories and industries in the countryside since the 19th century seems, simply put, out of place.

Figure 57 shows the map of the project site.

It is located between two towns, Kudus and Pati. The choice of the site itself is not something arbitrary, it is in fact decided in reference to the government’s master plan of an industrial zone in an area between Kudus and Pati which happens to be occupying ±10 km section of the Great Post Road.

This master plan has not only enhanced the deterritorialisation process of the territory that was started by the Dutch colonisers, but also enhanced this process in a much bigger scale.

On the social and economic level, this has created tensions between the existing agricultural population and the industrial labour.

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PART 2

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I The Fields and the Factories

The Industrial Zone As already explained in Part 1, industrialisation of the rural area itself is not something new in Java.

The first wave of industrialisation began in 1870 with the implementation of the Agrarian Law during the colonial era. The second wave of industrialisation happened almost a hundred years later, resulting in new industrial zones in rural areas in Java. This explains why the productions of these contemporary factories are often unrelated to their agricultural surroundings.

The impact of this new industrial zone is more likely to be on the local inhabitants. As factory work offers more stable income than farming, many inhabitants choose to abandon their old agrarian lifestyle.

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I. The Fields and the Factories

Pati

Project site

Kudus

Fig. 57. (Top) Satellite image of an area around Kudus and Pati Fig. 58. (Bottom) Project site

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Fig. 59. (Top left) Kudus regency’s master plan 2011-2028 Fig. 60. (Top right) Pati regency’s master plan 2011-2030 Fig. 61. (Bottom) The newly designated industrial zone between both towns combined, 500 m offset on both sides of the GPR.

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I. The Fields and the Factories

Fields

Factories

cultivation (raw produce)

1st handling (semi-finished) 2nd handling (finished)

Fig. 62. Parallel productions between fields and factories.

They are often not linked.

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Tensions Figure 61 shows the map of the government’s newly designated industrial zone. Their master plan designates an area of 500 meters offset on both sides of the road to be used for big industries.

tural University reveal some interesting facts on this particular territory around Kudus and Pati, some of them are: (1) the education level of the population is still very low; (2) one third of the productive population is absorbed into to the industry sector, while on the other side, the amount of productive population in agriculture is far below that; (3) the manufacturing industry contributes over 60% to the local income even though over half of the land is used for agriculture. This report also reveals the effects of the labour deficit problem particularly for the agriculture sector: the reduction of crop diversification for not having enough people to cultivate the land, and how this in turn is affecting local subsistence.1

From this map, it is clear that the government uses the road as a tool to slice open the territory and give a clean slate for the big industry to occupy.

I previously mentioned how this model of industrialisation of the rural area is not something new in Java. However, there is a similarity between today’s government’s industrialisation plan and the colonial one in the 19th century. And that is how their topdown approach disregards the local culture and alienates the road from its surrounding.

Although we could also argue that the one of today’s government is somewhat more violent in terms of scale. Starting from that argument, my project is an attempt to create a counter proposal to that.

The government’s masterplan, by means of the industrial zone, creates two almost parallel and unrelated production systems, meaning that the production of the fields is often not linked to the production of the factories.

This creates tensions between the two, particularly and most importantly on the absorption of labour power and the pauperisation of the countryside.

Some statistics reported by Bogor Agricul-

1 See Gambaran Umum Kabupaten Kudus by Bogor Agricultural University (2017)

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I. The Fields and the Factories

Fields

Labour power

cultivation (raw produce)

Factories

1st handling (semi-finished) 2nd handling (finished)

Fig. 63. Unproportional labour power absorption by factories.

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Nursing Soil work Planting Maintaining Harvesting

Fig. 64. The average amount of labour power needed in one planting cycle per 1-ha of land.

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I. The Fields and the Factories

100 m

100 m

Fig. 65. 1-ha of the land of the existing settlement on average contains ± 38 houses. Assuming that one house contains one nuclear family with two able-bodied workers, therefore 1-ha of the settlement could provide around 76-80 workers or in other words, could only cultivate around 4-ha of land.

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The Possibility of Coexistence The dichotomy between industry and agriculture was carefully examined by Pyotr Kropotkin in his book Fields, Factories, and Workshops at the end of the 19th century where he explores the idea of the coexistence of industry with agriculture.

5) Workers should remain in possession of their soil and continue to cultivate it. This also means that factory workers can help with manuring, soil digging, and soil preparing during planting season (since these works can be done by amateurs). This will give them better welfare and liberate them from monotonous works. This will also benefit the whole society as well.

His analysis focuses mostly on the tension between the manufacturing industry and he agriculture in England during the period of his exile. His analysis be condensed into seven main points:

6) Integral and better education should be provided for children in terms of theoretical and practical aspects of both agriculture and industry as a means of reproduction of labour power.

1) Factories need to be small and dispersed instead of concentrated. Each factory shouldn’t have more than 30 workers. In this way we can have airy, hygienic, economical, and humane factories.

7) One should produce even more than he does with less labour and should enjoy all the joys of human life. Work at factory, the mine, the office, or studying activities at school shouldn’t last more than 5 hours a day. After this limited time, extra hours can be devoted to work in the open air for food producing, not as an isolated individual effort, but as a group/ community effort.

2) Small workshops should surround and complement these factories each with 3-10 workers paid in wages. The products of these workshops can be sold directly to bigger merchants. The workshops should also be a place to nurture and educate the community.

3) Home should be a place of production, This manifesto, albeit cannot be translated litmeaning that certain factory works could be erally into today’s context, arguably still offers done from home and the necessary tools some important insights. should be provided, e.g. small machineries.

Houses should also implement market-gardening system: a small but intensely cultivated field for each household.

4) Greenhouses should be built for season-proof cultivations and for crop variations.

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Fig. 66. Fields, Factories, and Workshops by Pyotr Kropotkin originally published in 1899.

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II A New Mode of Production

Reorganising the Means of Production Despite written over a century ago, Kropotkin’s Fields, Factories, and Workshops is still somewhat relevant in today’s context, particularly in Central Java where the tension between manufacturing industry and agriculture is still pretty much evident.

fy and redefine the roles of existing production places within the territory. The reorganised structure of the new mode of production can be seen in Figure 69.

Unlike one of his contemporaries, Karl Marx who, in his critique on the capitalist mode of production in Capital, focused mostly on the motion of values and class struggle, in Fields, Factories, and Workshops, Kropotkin focused on the spatial aspects of production, in the sense that his way of seeing the capitalist mode of production is reduced into a set of relationships of production places, hence his strong emphasis on fields, factories, workshops, houses, schools, and greenhouses as key instruments of productions, on which he later used to base his argument in favour of his alternative mode of production.

The house as a living space will also function as a working space, or as both the space for reproduction and production. The house and the workshop constitute both sides of the same coin. In relation to the flow of production, the house is where the first stage of production takes place. Agriculture, horticulture, and dairy produce get collected and sorted here.

The House/the Workshop

This way of seeing social production systems as a set of relationships of places enable us to quantify the flow of commodities in a more tangible way and subsequently more approachable by both architecture and urbanism. Thus, his reflections become foundational to this project, especially on the notion of reorganising production places as a means to restructure the social production system.

That said, in order to create an alternative scenario of a reformed model of rural habitation and production where agriculture and industry can coexist and complement each other, perhaps the first logical step is to identi-

The house is also a place where the labour that normally is done at factories could take place. The existing cigarette and tobacco industry is a good example of this. The cigarette-rolling work is usually done with the use of a small and simple machinery. This form of work can be done from home with the small machinery provided by the employers. This way, workers can still produce at home with better welfare while still being able to cultivate their soil.

The house as the main instrument for domestic industry, as the name suggests, should be run by the family as the owners and/or cultivator of the land.

The house also operates to organise the field, since planting, maintaining, harvesting, and milling are always a community effort.

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II. A New Mode of Production

Fields

Domestic industries

Factories

cultivation (raw produce)

1st handling (semi-finished)

2nd handling (finished)

Fig. 67. Domestic industries link fields and factories directly.

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The house is the embodiment of the community, therefore it should be run by local communities. In agriculture, the existing rice mills are a good example in terms of scale and their community-based operation.

advanced tools, certain skills are required.

Hence the limited number of labourers/operators for efficiency.

The factory produces ready-made products for local and wider consumptions. Thus not The house gathers domestic produce, process only does it fulfils local subsistence needs, it to a certain stage, and later sell/supply it to surplus in volume will allow to reach wider the factory. This allows the domestic labourmarkets and creates values in money form. ers have full control of their working hours in relation to how much they earn.

The agricultural produce will be the primary production of the territory, but manufactured The house is a place to nurture, providing products such as some that are already exthe community at large the necessary pracisting, e.g. paper (especially for the cigarette tical skills and knowledge to function within industry), textile, garments, construction maboth agriculture and industry sectors. E.g. by terials are also a possibility. means of vocational trainings.

The factory produces demands for smaller The house is a place for technical services. businesses, i.e. the domestic industry, to fulfil For instance, if some machinery at the factoon regular basis. ry doesn’t function well, the workshop is the place to go to consult/fix it, same goes for During planting season where more workers tools and machineries for the field. are required on the field, factory workers can also lend a hand to liberate themselves from On its educational side, the house works in the year-long monotonous labour, but also for close contact with the school to nurture the the benefit of the society. community from the early age.

These new factories will be designed only to The Factory house machineries and storages; therefore, they occupy less space. The designated area The factory is where the last stage of profor the factory is along the primary road (The duction takes place, where big machineries Great Post Road). and advanced tools are required. This stage of production involves final quality checking, The Field packaging, storing, distributing, et cetera.

The field is the backbone of the territory as it Since the factory uses big machineries and occupies over 70% of the land.

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II. A New Mode of Production

The existing land produce can be divided into The greenhouses will be installed like plug-ins three types: wet-land produce, dry-land prointo the existing settlements. duce, and livestock produce, all of which can still be maintained in the new mode of produc- The School tion.

The school is the place to nurture children in The wet-land field produces rice. The dry-land terms of theoretical and practical aspects of field produces upland rice, corn, cassava, manufacture and agriculture. peanut, soybean, mung bean, sweet potato, coffee, sugarcane, coconut, cocoa, and kaThe school is important in the context of this pok. The livestock produces eggs, poultry, mode of production as a means to reproduce milk, meat, and manure (for fertiliser). the labour power, because labour power itself is a commodity necessary for production.

The Greenhouse The school aims to erase the distinction beThe greenhouse produces horticulture goods, tween brain work and manual work. i.e. fruits, vegetables, that will be a huge benefit in diversifying the crops.

To do so, the school will always be in close collaboration with the workshop.

The greenhouse is also a means increase both harvest volume and value.

The Market Depending on particular needs, the greenhouse can be utilised as a plant nursery, which will subsequently support the field.

Value of this production cannot be created unless there are social relations in play by means of exchange,1 which is why market is an important instrument that can also be merged with cultural functions.

The greenhouse can function like a workshop as well, as a place to educate the community at large.

The greenhouse can either be built collectively by providing a designated zone built and run by the community, or it can be owned individually in each family’s land parcel wherever possible. Thus, every family can both provide for themselves and sell their extra domestic produce to the workshop.

1 See Capital by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (1867) and David Harvey’s Capital Volume I lecture series at The People’s Forum in New York City (2019)

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The Domestic Industry In Figure 69, we can now see how this new mode of production revolves around the domestic industries that also illustrates the flow of the commodities in the new mode of production.

By default, there are two stages of handlings of goods as illustrated in Figure 62. First is where the raw goods from the fields are converted into semi-finished goods, for example, collecting, cutting, drying, et cetera.

power peaks during the harvest season, when around 20 people are needed per one hectare. From that table we can be conclude that for one hectare of land minimum 20 people are needed. It’s important to note that within the frame of the project site alone we have at least 5040 hectares of land, with about 425 hectares of settlement areas and 4615 hectares of productive land.

One hectare of land of the existing settlements contains on average 38 houses. Thus, Most of these activities can be done from if one assumes one house contains one family home where communal efforts are usually that could provide 2 able-bodied workers, required, such as small-scale milling for exam- it means that one hectare of the settlement ple. (Figure 71) could cultivate 4 hectares of land. This is a problem, because if we multiply the number, And the next stage will be the second hanthe existing settlements can only cover 1700 dling, where the semi-finished goods will hectares of land. Thus, albeit this is just a then be converted into ready-made products. rough calculation, it confirms the labour deficit These activities take place at factories where problem that has been the underlying problem the use of big machineries is often required. of this particular territory.

But what is important is, from this diagram we can see how everything starts from the fields, To be able to cover the rest of the land, with therefore the field will determine the amount the existing settlement model, we need and the size of facilities we need for the next around 728 hectares of settlements, that is stages of production. almost twice as big as the size of the existing settlements combined.

Labour Deficit House as a place for living and working Figure 64 is an excerpt from a paper by Endang Sudalmi in 2009,1 which shows the As already explained earlier, Kropotkin’s amount of workers needed to cultivate one Fields, Factories, and Workshops highlights hectare of land in different stages of field the importance of the domestic industry as a production. It reveals how the need for labour means to link the field and the factory. Meaning that the production of the factory could be 1 See Analisis Penggunaan Tenaga Kerja Pertanian Pada Usahatani Padi Sawah (Studi Kasus di Desa Karang Duren) by and should be done from home, which then

Endang Sri Sudalmi (2009).

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II. A New Mode of Production

Domestic industries

New factories

Greenhouse

facilitate the 2nd handling of production of goods

diversify crops

School

Market + cultural

reproduction of labour power

facilitate exchange create values

Fig. 68. The instruments of the new mode of production

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enables people to simultaneously cultivate their land and manage their own production time.

This brings us to the core idea of my counter-proposal, which is to use the domestic industry to bridge industry and agriculture.

By dividing the production stages in three different places that work as a continuous flow, the first handling of the raw produce can be done at home, and the second handling can be done at the factories.

This enables the labour power to position themselves between the two. It also enables them to produce for the factories, but also to cultivate their lands simultaneously.

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II. A New Mode of Production

Markets (local + provincial) Surplus Subsistence

Realisation of value in money form

Local consumption

Factory

Greenhouse

Greenhouse Schools

Reproduction of labour power

Factory

Factory

Domestic industries House

House

House

House

House

House

House

House

Greenhouse

Greenhouse

Greenhouse

Greenhouse

Field

Field

Field

Fig. 69. How the instruments are organised and interlinked in the new mode of production where the domestic industries play a central role.

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Domestic industries

House

House

Living

Living

Working

Working

House

House

Living

Living

Working

Working

Fig. 70. The domestic industries are defined as sets of houses where each house functions as a collective living and working space.

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II. A New Mode of Production

Fields First handling Raw goods -> semi finished goods e.g. collecting, cutting, drying, small-scale milling Takes place at: Houses (domestic industry) and workshops

Second handling Semi-finished goods -> finished goods e.g. final processing, packaging, distributing Takes place at: Factories

Markets

Fig. 71. The stages of production based on the handlings

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Rumah Betang The labour deficit problem explained earlier forces the need to rethink of a new model of living space, because not only that a huge amount of labour power will always be required and cultivated, but also the challenge is to find a new model of housing that could facilitate this new way of habitation and production beyond what is already existing.

Particularly, one that could contain a lot more people but occupy less space.

could contain a lot more people but occupying less land. These principles could therefore be incorporated in the counter proposal.

Figure 72 shows a very interesting example of a housing typology in the neighbouring island of Borneo. It is called rumah betang in Dayak Ngaju language, or simply the longhouse in English. This house could normally stretch to 200 meters and could house almost 100 households.12 What is interesting to this typology is that the longhouse is not part of some sort of village or town, rather the longhouse is the village. To a certain extent, this shows the level of autonomy of each house.

The Dayak longhouse has its own social structure. It is a place of habitation, of production, but also a place for the community. This is clearly in line with the very idea of this project.

The Dayak longhouse inspires the possibility of a living and working model that could be inhabited as a private and collective place at the same time. While in terms of land use it 1 See Dayak Longhouses by Ian Pollock at https://www. threadsoflife.com/kalimantan-2/ 2 See also Rumah Betang Soo Limung Taman Tribe Longhouse West Kalimantan Indonesia Borneo at https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=SStSxO_huKk

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II. A New Mode of Production

Fig. 72. The Dayak longhouse (rumah betang)

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Habitation

Production

Community

Fig. 73. The Bornean longhouse as a place of habitation, of production, and also a place for the community.

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II. A New Mode of Production

kitchen

storage

storage

gallery

room

room

room

room

room

room

room

room

room

room for guests room

room

room

terrace

kitchen gallery room

room

Fig. 74. There are many variations of the Dayak longhouse typology. Some of them have their kitchens and storages (mainly for food) separated from the main building, while some of them have their kitchens and storages incorporated wth the main building. All of them however, share similar characteristics in terms of communality and their capabilty to grow incrementally over time.

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III Instruments

The Longhouse Figure 76 shows my idea of the new housing typology that is inspired by the Dayak longhouse.

Figure 77 shows how the house is functionally articulated. The ground floor will be an open floor mainly used as a working area where small to medium-sized machineries can be placed, and also as storage spaces. The first floor will be the gallery, which can be used both for production and community spaces, on which the apartments are also located. The second floor will be used only for bedrooms.

While the loft can either be used as storage spaces or extra bedrooms.

This structurally modular system enables the house to grow incrementally over time in order to accommodate the demographic variation of the inhabitants. Something that is also adapted from the Bornean longhouse.

Each living unit is designed so that is enough for one nuclear family to inhabit and equal for everyone but at the same time allow spaces for appropriations.

Figures 78-81 offer a closer look of how each floor is utilised. The first floor is where the gallery and the apartments are located. The second floor will be used only for bedrooms.

The longhouses are placed on the edge of the existing fields, following the field patterns and always perpendicular to the secondary roads.

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Fig. 75. The longhouses are placed on the edge of the field and perpendicular to the secondary road.

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+3

lofts

16

apartments +1, +2

gallery

±0

working space

loft apartment gallery

apartment working

Fig. 76. A new housing typology inspired by the Dayak longhouse.

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+3 storage/apartment

+2 apartment +1 gallery (working + gathering), apartment

±0 working area + workshops

Fig. 77. The combinatory logic of the house.

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5m

Fig. 78. Level ± 0

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Fig. 79. Level +1

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5m

Fig. 80. Level +2

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Fig. 81. Level +3

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Fig. 82. One living unit enough for one nuclear family equals one module. This construction system allows the longhouse to grow incrementally over time as the inhabitants grow.

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Fig. 83. Just another day at home.

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The New Factory The new factory is designed using the dimensional standard requirements for rice production. This is because rice production has the most stages of production and the biggest machinery required compared to other crops.

green spaces surrounding them, and to an extent more integrated with the agricultural landscape.

One hectare of field of this territory around Kudus and Pati produces 50-60 quintal of rice.1 A small mill with the size of 72 m2 could handle 2 tonnes of rice/hour or 16 tonnes/day which equals to 8 hectares of fields. And a big mill with the size of 360 m2 could handle 5 tonnes/hour or 40 tonnes/day which equals to 20 hectares of field. Meaning that with 20 big mills or 100 small mills we can handle the whole 4605 hectares of land in less than two weeks.2 The new factories will not be used only for rice production, but this at least gives the approximate size of each function. The aim is to create some kind of generic production spaces that could be appropriated flexibly.

The new factories will be clustered and placed on several concentrated spots along the main road instead of spread like the existing state.

Another main difference between the old and the new factories is how this clustering builds a new relationship between each factory, allowing the factories to become connected working spaces run by the community with 1 According to the yearly report by Statistics Indonesia (BPS). See: https://www.bps.go.id/indicator/53/1498/1/luas-panen-produksi-dan-produktivitas-padi-menurut-provinsi. html 2 According to the Department of Agricultural Engineering of Bogor Agricultural University. See: http://web.ipb.ac.id/~usmanahmad/Penangananpadi.htm

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III. Instruments

Fig. 84. The new factories are located along the main road. They are now clustered and smaller in size as they’re specifically built only for big machineries and storages.

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20 m

Fig. 85. The new factories are surrounded with green and open spaces that allow factory workers to intermingle and work as a community. The new factories have better connection with both the main road and the landscape.

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Fig. 86. The new factories are built to be as open as possible for the public.

This is expressed by the ways in which they are designed, and by having no opaque boundaries with their surroundings as the old factories are.

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The Market and the Cultural Hub A central market will be an important addition for the territory, both in terms of economy and social relationships.

The dimensions of the market refers to the standard size as defined by the Ministry of Trade. A type A market (which is the largest among other types) should have at least 3000 m2 of space.1 Here the market is placed on a plot of around a 1-ha.

The market and the cultural hub are designed as one place that facilitates economic, social, and cultural exchanges/activities.

Architecturally, the market will be constituted of a slab, columns, and a roof. It will be a single-story structure on which the stalls can be flexibly organised. At the centre there will be an open amphitheater where social and cultural activities can take place.

1 See Laporan Akhir Analisis Arah Pengembangan Pasar Rakyat by the Ministry of Trade, 2015.

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III. Instruments

Fig. 87. The market and the cultural hub are designed as one place that facilitates economic, social, and cultural exchanges/activities. It is located on the main road.

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20 m

Fig. 88. The new market is built with an open plan allowing seamless connection between the inside and outside. An open platform is located in the centre of its inner courtyard.

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Fig. 89. The new market plays an important role in facilitating social, cultural, and economic exchanges.

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The School Given the foreseen demographic increase, more education facilities will be needed.

The government’s master plan doesn’t mention education in the current development plan. On the other side, the average education level of the population who inhabit this territory is still low. Over half of the productive population has only an education level which is no higher than middle school level.1 Referring to the national standard, the rule of thumb is that a school with a minimum of six groups of students should be sufficient for an area with a population of 2000 people.2 The maximum number of groups in one school is 24, meaning that if each school can be optimised up to its maximum capacity, it would be sufficient for a population of 8000 people. This formula is divided by two for higher educational levels. (i.e. 12 study groups for middle and high schools per 8000 people).3 The new schools are placed in close proximity to the existing settlements along the secondary roads. They are equipped with workshops and greenhouses to educate pupils from an early age to local production techniques.

1 See Gambaran Umum Kabupaten Kudus by Bogor Agricultural University (2017) 2 See Peraturan Menteri Pendidikan Nasional Republik Indonesia Nomor 24 Tahun 2007 3 Ibid

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Fig. 90. The new schools are placed in close proximity with the existing settlements on the secondary road.

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20 m

Fig. 91. Each school will be equipped with a greenhouse and a workshop.

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Fig. 92. View of the inner courtyard of the new school from the entrance where the workshop and the greenhouse are visible at the back.

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The Greenhouse Greenhouses are built within the existing settlements like plug-ins. They can be built wherever the land is available and taken care of together by the local community.

The greenhouse is also important as a means to diversify the crops and enable people to produce horticulture goods from home.

In terms of construction method, greenhouses in subtropical and tropical areas are built differently from the western world, but with the same aim, that is for horticulture and to increase the harvest volume and quality. In the tropics, greenhouses are built with the use of wooden/bamboo structure, covered by plastic films and mesh. This is to protect crops from the rain, insects, wind, and the high sun radiation.1 The idea is to install the greenhouses like plug-ins into the existing settlements.

1 See Teknologi Rumah Tanaman untuk Iklim Tropika Basah: Permodelan dan Pengendalian Lingkungan by Herry Suhardiyanto, 2019.

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Fig. 93. Greenhouses are built within the existing settlements like plug-ins.

They can be built wherever the land is available and taken care together by the community.

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20 m

Fig. 94. Greenhouses are built flexibly to fit wherever possible.

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Fig. 95. A greenhouse seen in the midst of the existing settlement.

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IV Reterritorialisation

Reterritorialised To understand the notions of ‘deterritorialisation’ and ‘reterritorialisation,’ it is important to trace back where these concepts have originated. In their collective book, Anti-Oedipus, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari famously coined the term ‘deterritorialisation’ as ‘the process by which an ensemble of relationships, called a territory, loses its current organisation and context.’1

be executed.

A ‘territory’ is a set of relationships or an organised system in a certain context. Therefore, in the context of the larger theme of this project, deterritorialisation is a process of mutation of social, economic, and political practices of a certain place. Anthropologists use the term ‘deterritorialised’ to refer to a weakening of ties between culture and place, and thus this process always has something to do with collective identity. Therefore, ‘reterritorialisation’ is a process of restructuring a place or a territory that has experienced deterritorialisation. This emergence of the factories following the government’s top-down industrial zone along the Great Post Road in this territory had caused exactly that: deterritorialisation that subsequently created alienations in the spatial, social, and economic contexts.

Figure 96 shows the existing state of the territory where the factories are spread along the main road. The spatial alienation that was previously mentioned is now more evident from the combination of their massive scale and their orientation towards the main road only, ignoring both the fields and the existing settlements.

Figure 97-99 show how the future of the territory is imagined and how it is gradually transformed. At the end of the phase, one can see the stark difference between the two systems.

The production spaces are now dispersed into the landscape and the old settlements. This at same time liberates a lot of spaces along the main road that can be use for agriculture and green spaces.

The two rectangles numbered one and two are two focus areas for the proposal (Figures 100-107).

Therefore, the use of the term ‘territory’ here refers to both Deleuze and Guattari’s definition as a set of relationships in a certain place In this chapter, it will later be revealed how the counter-proposal of reterritorialising this territory works in totality, and how it can gradually 1 See Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari (1977)

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IV. Reterritorialisation

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1 km

Phase 1

1

2

Fig. 96. Phase 1: existing

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1 km

Phase 2

1

2

Fig. 97. Phase 2: shrinking

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1 km

Phase 3

1

2

Fig. 98. Phase 3: vanishing

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1 km

Phase 4

1

2

Fig. 99. Phase 4: complete take-over

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Phase 1

Existing settlements Fields Factories

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Fig. 100. Area 1

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Fig. 101. Area 2

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Phase 2

Existing settlements Fields Factories

Fig. 102. Area 1

New settlements Market + cultural School

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200 m

Fig. 103. Area 2

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Phase 3

Existing settlements Fields Factories

Fig. 104. Area 1

New settlements Market + cultural School

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Fig. 105. Area 2

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Phase 4

Existing settlements Fields Factories

Fig. 106. Area 1

New settlements Market + cultural School

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Fig. 107. Area 2

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Phases also in their final forms.1

Phase 1: existing Phase 1 is the existing condition. Area 1 shows an area along the main road, while Area 2 shows an area around the fields and the settlements, a bit far from the road.

Phase 2: shrinking In phase 2, factory workers are already working from home, and the existing factories are cut down into half of their original size only to keep machineries and storages, but still keeping their old productions. At the distance, longhouses begin to occupy the landscape little by little. New schools can also be found near some of the existing settlements, while new factories and the market begin to grow gradually along the main road, occupying empty parcels between the old factories and the existing settlements.

Phase 3: vanishing In phase 3 the old factories have gone completely as the longhouses begin to grow even more. The land that was used to be occupied by the old factories is now used for agriculture and green spaces.

Phase 4: complete take-over Finally in phase 4, the longhouses have grown enough in quantity and length to house the necessary labour power to cultivate the whole territory. The market and the new factories are

1 Time variable between phases = t

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IV. Reterritorialisation

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V This Must Be the Place

Roads, Places, Territories ‘Home is where I want to be,’ cries David Byrne at the opening of one of Talking Heads’ songs, This Must Be the Place.1 For some people, the song clearly expresses one’s longing for home. Home, said the singer, is the only place that offers both liberty and contentment, although in the context of the song this comes from the presence of a lover. This however, doesn’t necessarily dismiss the universal values of home as a place where one’s liberty and contentment reside, in whatever ways those values translate to every individual. It is a place, where one finally has full control of oneself and things around them. These values of freedom and welfare are fundamental bases throughout the development of this project that focuses on individual and collective well-beings, be it in living and working, and to liberate them from the alienation of the capitalist mode of production and gives liberty back to them, however naïve one might think that sounds. Something that Byrne himself also admitted about the theme of the song.

For Javanese people, home has also a cosmological layer added to it. In their traditional belief, the house is where Dewi Sri, the goddess of rice and fertility resides. This belief is manifested in their traditional housing typology, that is by having an empty room inside the house that is designated specifically for her, where rice seeds are usually stored.2 This belief not only does symbolise a spiritual relationship between Javanese people and agriculture but also reveals how domestic space 1 See Speaking in Tongues album by Talking Heads (1983) 2 See Widayat’s Krobongan Ruang Sakral Rumah Tradisi Jawa (2004)

is also sacred.

The impact of the construction of the Great Post Road that had triggered a chain process of deterritorialisation in the later decades is something that cannot be undone. For the agrarian population in Java, the government’s top-down approach to local economic development by means of industrialisation has evidently worsened their living conditions instead of being a remedy. That said, it is becoming important to rethink alternative ways of living and working that could reconnect these lost relations between social, cultural, and economic practices with the place.

This reterritorialisation project not only does redefine the relationship between agriculture and industry, it also puts the welfare of the people on the focus. Furthermore, from an urban planning perspective, the most important aspects of this project are: firstly, to show how the project transforms the relationship between industry and agriculture and links them together. Secondly, how the project uses the road as a tool to reform territorial planning.

One of the examples is how the link between the main road and the secondary road is now more defined and structured, which in a way makes the landscape part of the dynamics. And finally, how the project explores the potentials of domestic space as a place for collective habitation and production and how when it’s done systematically it can transform the whole relations between roads, architecture, and territories.

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Fig. 108. The longhouses seen from the main road.

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Fig. 109. One of the secondary roads north of the main road.

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Fig. 110. One of the secondary roads south of the main road.

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Fig. 111. Workers should remain in possession of their soil and continue to cultivate it.

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V. This Must Be the Place

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List of Drawings and Images Fig 1. The Watering Place at Anjer Point in the Island of Java by William Daniell, 1794. Taken from: https://collections.rmg.co.uk/collections/objects/13321.html

Fig 14. Drawn by author Fig 15. Drawing of the Great Post Road near Gaclok, at the foot of the Puncak from Pierre Heijboer’s Klamboes, klewans, klapperbomen (1977) Taken from Nas and Pratiwo’s (2002)

Fig 2. Drawn by author Fig 3. Mount Bromo by Sara Marlowe. Taken from: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bb/Mount_Bromo%2C_Java%2C_Indonesia.jpg

Fig 16. Drawn by author

Fig 4. Drawn by author

Fig 18. Anyer, 1894. KITLV Archive.

Fig 5. Brantas River by Wibowo Djatmiko, 2014. Taken from: https://www.wikiwand.com/ en/Brantas_River

Fig 19. Drawn by author

Fig 6. Drawn by author

Fig 21. Drawn by author

Fig 7. Carte de l’île de Java by Henri Chatelain, 1718.

Fig 22. Anyer Beach during Lebaran holidays in 2019. Photo by Iyus Lesmana, 2019.

Fig 8. Drawn by author

Fig 23. Taken from Google Earth

Fig 9. Kaart van het eiland Java by Johannes van den Bosch, 1789-1856. KITLV Archive.

Fig 24. Drawn by author

Fig 10. Drawn by author Fig 11. Bandoeng, De Groote Postweg, ca 1925. KITLV Archive.

Fig 17. Anyer lighthouse, 1933. Collection of Tropenmuseum, Amsterdam.

Fig 20. Anyer, 2020. Google Earth.

Fig 25. Drawn by author Fig 26. Taken from Google Earth Fig 27. Drawn by author

Fig 12. Drawn by author

Fig 28. Drawn by author

Fig 13. Java by J.B. Wolters, 1880. KITLV Archive.

Fig 29. Drawn by author

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Fig 30. Photo by Andreas Fitri Atmoko, 2014.

Fig 47. Drawn by author

Fig 31. Kudus-Pati, 1909-1911. KITLV Archive.

Fig 33. Kudus-Pati, 2020. Apple Maps.

Fig 48. Festivities in Bandung around the corner of Alun-alun West and the Great Post Road on the occasion of Queen Wilhelmina’s 25th anniversary of rule in 1923. KITLV Archive.

Fig 34. Drawn by author

Fig 49. Taken from Google Earth

Fig 35. De suikerfabriek ‘Kemanglen’ bij Tegal (of Tagal) op Java by Abraham Salm,18701875. Collection of Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.

Fig 50. Drawn by author

Fig 36. Taken from Google Earth

Fig 52. Taken from Google Earth

Fig 37. Drawn by author

Fig 53. Drawn by author

Fig 38. Drawn by author

Fig 54-55. Drawn by author

Fig 39. Taken from Google Earth Fig 40. Drawn by author

Fig 56. The Great Post Road section in Anyer Photo taken from A. Indrawan’s Napak Tilas Jalan Daendels (2017)

Fig 41. Drawn by author

Fig 57. Google Earth

Fig 42. Drawn by author

Fig 58. Drawn by author

Fig 43. Sociëteit Concordia building seen on the Great Post Road section in Bandung, 1935. KITLV Archive.

Fig 59. Taken from RTRW Kabupaten Pati 2011-2030 by Pemerintah Kabupaten Pati, 2019.

Fig 44. Bandung, 1905. KITLV Archive.

Fig 45. Drawn by author

Fig 60. Taken from RTRW Kabupaten Kudus 2011-2028 by Pemerintah Kabupaten Kudus, 2011.

Fig 46. Bandung, 2020. Google Earth.

Fig 61. Drawn by author

Fig 32. Drawn by author

Fig 51. Drawn by author

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Fig 62-63. Drawn by author Fig 64. Taken from Sudalmi, 2009 (See References) Fig 65. Google Earth Fig 66. Taken from Amazon. See: https://www. amazon.com/Fields-Factories-Workshops-Industry-Agriculture/dp/1614275939 Fig 67-71. Drawn by author Fig 72. Taken from http://thespicerouteend. com/dayak-longhouse-kapuas-putussibau-kalimantan/ Fig 73. Taken from http://thespicerouteend. com/dayak-longhouse-kapuas-putussibau-kalimantan/ and https://www.threadsoflife.com/ kalimantan-2/ Fig 74. Drawn by author. Adapted from Susanto et al’s ‘Rumah Betang’ (2017) Fig 75-111. Drawn/made by author

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