Master Thesis: Urban Design | Arina Kapitanova

TECHNISCHE UNIVERSITÄT BERLIN INSTITUT FÜR ARCHITEKTUR / URBAN DESIGN BERLIN 2021

STRANDBAD TEGELER SEE Segregation and Inclusion in Berlin’s recreational landscape

MASTER THESIS BY : ARINA KAPITANOVA SUPERVISORS: PROF. PHILIPP MISSELWITZ DR. AYHAM DALAL

TECHNISCHE UNIVERSITÄT BERLIN INSTITUT FÜR ARCHITEKTUR / URBAN DESIGN BERLIN 2021

STRANDBAD TEGELER SEE Segregation and Inclusion in Berlin’s recreational landscape

MASTER THESIS BY : ARINA KAPITANOVA SUPERVISORS: PROF. PHILIPP MISSELWITZ DR. AYHAM DALAL

CONTENTS

1

INTRODUCTION & RESEARCH DESIGN 7 1.1 INTRODUCTION 8 1.2 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

2

10

TEGEL: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 15 2.1 HISTORY OF SEGREGATION IN THE RECREATIONAL SPACES OF TEGEL IN BERLIN SOCIO-SPATIAL PERSPECTIVE 17 2.2 TIMELINE 18 2.3 TEGEL IN THE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES (1861–1933) 20 2.4 TEGEL DURING NATIONAL SOCIALISM AND WWII (1933–1945) 26 2.5 TEGEL POST-WAR (1945–1989) 34 2.6 TEGEL AFTER GERMAN REUNIFICATION (1989–2015) 36 2.7 CONTEMPORARY TEGEL (2015–NOW) 37

3

CONTEMPORARY DYNAMICS OF SEGREGATION & RECREATION 41 3.1 INCREASING GLOBAL MOBILITY MIGRATION TREND 43 3.2 MIGRATION IN GERMANY AND BERLIN

44

3.3 INTEGRATION & URBAN DESIGN RIGHT TO THE CITY: NEW CITY DWELLERS AND PUBLIC SPACES

47

3.4 PROBLEMS AND CHALLENGES OF DESIGNING FOR SOCIAL INTEGRATION AND RECREATIONAL SPACES

48

3.5 ANALYSIS OF RECREATIONAL SPACES IN BERLIN SOCIO-SPACIAL PERSPECTIVE 51 3.6 SOCIO-ECONOMIC ANALYSIS 52 3.7 RECREATIONAL SPACES IN BERLIN AND TEGEL

54

4

NGO AS URBAN MEDIATOR 59 4.1 HISTORY OF THE INITIATIVE & DEVELOPMENT OF STRANDBAD 60

5

4.2 POLITICAL CONTEXT AND ACTORS INVOLVED

64

4.3 NGO AS AN ACTOR IN URBAN ENVIRONMENT

66

STRANDBAD: DESIGN STRATEGIES 69 5.1 ANALYSIS OF THE SITE CURRENT STATE 71 5.2 LAND USE AND LEGAL LIMITATIONS

74

5.3 CURRENT VIEW OF THE SITE 76 5.4 CHALLENGES AND ADVANTAGES OF THE TERRITORY

78

5.5 DESIGN DESIGN APPROACH AND PRINCIPLES 81 5.6 IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGY 82 5.7 FUNCTIONAL ZONING & SOCIAL PROGRAMMING

84

5.8 PHYSICAL INTERVENTIONS (TOOLKIT) 88 5.9 SPECULATIVE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY FOR THE AREA ACTIVATION ON AN URBAN SCALE 100

6

CONCLUSION 105 6.1 CRITICAL THINKING WHAT’S NEXT? 106

7

APPENDIX 109 BIBLIOGRAPHY 110

1

INTRODUCTION & RESEARCH DESIGN

1.1 INTRODUCTION

Segregation, xenophobia, and discrim-

leave the house further than by 100 me-

ination are inescapable parts of the city

ters. Or France, where French Interior

as we know it now, even if in the Global

Minister Christophe Castaner announced

North world it’s taken more covert

on 26 March 2020 that after the impo-

forms. Looking into the current state

sition of restrictive measures in Paris,

of things in Berlin, one of the islands

police intervention in family conflicts

of freedom, acceptance, and tolerance,

increased by 36% (Kottasová, 2020).

as the city poses itself (The New York

Germany saw a 4.4% increase in known

Times, 2006), is exposing, regardless

cases of actual or attempted violence

of the self-proclaimed image, existing

against domestic partners last year, as

patterns that lead to further separation

the Independent has reported. However,

of the society. How spatial structure of

the figures didn’t offer a clear picture of

the city, in recreational places specifi-

the impact of lockdowns prompted by

cally, can further exacerbate, or on the

the coronavirus pandemic.

contrary, mediate the widening rim?

This is only one of the other probable In the last two years with the start of

consequences of access to open spaces.

the COVID 19 pandemic the role and

The dynamic of inclusion and exclusion

usage patterns of the recreational places

in recreational areas can have a signif-

turned from occasional visiting and

icant impact on society at the aspects

spending free time to supporting our

of violence, content, tolerance, and the

sense of being free at all. When our

level of life satisfaction.

houses became not only bedrooms, kitchens, living rooms, but also our

Providing access to recreational facilities

places of work, the outside became

is only part of the process of shaping

something exclusive and unobtainable.

these urban areas. According to Ganji & Rishbeth (2020), proper maintenance

Considering the housing crisis in Berlin

and management are one of the key

which has been intensifying for years,

areas that ensure the successful func-

with an estimated lack of up to 200,000

tioning of the territory in terms of in-

flats for the existing population (Guth-

tercultural communication, safety, and

mann Estate, 2021), the opportunity left

tolerance.

by the authorities for walks and solo sports in the fresh air has become an

This thesis tries to explore the following

outlet for many to cope with everyday

questions in the broader context of the

life. But not everywhere these activities

Tegel district:

were allowed. In Russia, where inde-

1.

What is the history of segregation

pendent researchers report at least a

in recreational spaces in the Tegel

25% increase in domestic violence (The

neighborhood in Berlin?

Moscow Times, 2021), during the lock-

2. What contemporary processes shape

down in Moscow it was prohibited to

8

Introduction & Research design

segregation and inclusion in public

recreational spaces (and how NGOs

change of usage approaches of recre-

are involved)?

ational spaces of the area from a social

3. What is the potential of the NGO

perspective of segregation.

involvement in recreational areas management, facilitation, and in-

From a segregation point of view,

clusion of new city inhabitants?

historic periods of the area start with

4. What design approaches and inter-

inclusion initiatives directed towards the

ventions could be done to facilitate

working class and urban poor, moving

the process of social integration?

towards segregation by race.

Addressing the issues of inclusivity,

Evolution of segregation features by

equity, and diversity by looking into the

itself: from poor-rich to race.

history of spatial segregation in Tegel, identifying the user groups, their

The Strandbad, a beach area surrounded

activities and spatial use patterns of a

by dense Tegel forest, was set up during

recreational area of Strandbad Tegelsee

the national socialism period in the

help to deeper understand the spatial

1930th, and thus its history is densely

aspect of intercultural communication

intertwined and completely drained in

dynamic, and in turn contributes to im-

the racial ideology of the period.

proving the quality of recreational areas, answering to the challenge of increasing

The third chapter provides a broader

international and internal migration

overview of the contemporary dynamics

levels. The relationship between the

of segregation and access to recreational

urban fabric and new city dwellers may

spaces (bringing in spatial ways to un-

shape the city’s future.

derstand the problem of access to recre-

Thus, the issues raised in this paper are

ational infrastructure), statistical data,

relevant for the current and future state

surveys, etc to analyze the access to

of the city because of:

recreational structures in various parts

1.

of the city for different demographics.

Relationships between the urban fabric and new city inhabitants

2. Berlin becoming increasingly multinational 3. Migration and urbanization trend in the world

In the fourth chapter, the Neue Nachbarnschaft Moabit initiative is introduced. The chapter explores this particular NGO community and its role to mediate migrant access to recreational

The second chapter gives an introduc-

spaces and their spatial integration.

tion to a case study, Tegel neighborhood and a beach area by the Tegelsee

The design strategy, introduced in the

- Strandbad, from a historical perspec-

fifth chapter of the thesis, is based upon

tive of segregation. A series of maps

a series of principles, derived from the

show the spatial development of Tegel

previous analysis of social, historic, and

throughout various periods and the

spatial aspects of the territory.

9

1.2 RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

Strandbad Tegelsee was chosen as a case

main advantages and disadvantages of

study for a deeper understanding of cur-

the territory, as well as the points of

rent dynamics of segregation and exclu-

proposed interventions. The integration

sion if there were any, that had been yet

of these methods allowed to focus on

to be determined by further research,

intersecting identities and social values

and social interactions in the area. The

of everyday communication in recre-

territory was newly given under man-

ational public open spaces.

agement to a non-profit self-organized initiative Neue Nachbarschaft Moabit,

The analysis of the contemporary dy-

and they were and are determining the

namics of segregation and recreation

identity of the place anew, despite the

offers a nuanced examination of current

certain expectations and predetermined

global migration trends, including a

image of a Strandbad in the minds of

speculative proposal of future migra-

the inhabitants of Tegel neighborhood.

tion flows, and socio-spatial aspects of

It was a unique opportunity to observe

urban structure in terms of distribution

from the beginning the process of spa-

of ethnic communities, political land-

tial development and management con-

scape, and economic well-being of the

ducted by a volunteer-based non-profit

population.

organization, including internal communication processes and allowing to

Studying the history of the Tegel district

create a base for a design proposal.

in the context of the broader history of the city, with a focus on recreation

Through conducting systematic on-site

areas, allowed us to analyze their or-

observations, including being a volun-

ganization, historical development, and

teer in the organization, it was possible

the impact they had as a spatial urban

to determine and document the main

typology on the development of the

user-activity patterns, as well as to

district and society. Through archival

examine and analyze the processes of

research and interviews with historians

developing the area and implementing a

and local residents, the evolution of not

new vision for it. On-site conversations

only the space and physical representa-

with the visitors of different back-

tion of segregation but also the typology

grounds, ethnicities, and gender, local

of exclusion and discrimination itself

and otherwise, allowed determining the

was identified and structured.

10

Introduction & Research design

Graphical representation of the

adapted not only economically but

data, such as mapping and oth-

also to different land-use require-

er visual means, was an integral

ments.

part of spatial and social analysis, as well as the development of a

The thesis is a contribution to a

design concept and strategy. The

special issue on how recreational

framework of the design strategy

areas shape intercultural experi-

was creating flexible spatial and

ences, perceptions and values, what

functional guidelines and proposing

impact this has on the dynamics of

possible physical interventions for

social segregation and, in the field

programmed activities.

of urban design, what information is needed and what interventions

The choice of the toolkit as the

can be made to mitigate these

main focus and proposed urban de-

problems.

sign instrument was made because this set of elements, designed ac-

This issue focuses on social inclu-

cording to the unified development

sion, and within this broad field

principles and strategy, provides

uses the theoretical lens of Lefe-

more flexibility for the future de-

bvre’s Right to the City concept to

velopment of the area.

focus on the commonalities and belonging and the largely unex-

This approach meets the needs and

plored ways in which recreational

opportunities of the non-profit

environments shape how people

organizations and the grassroots

meet, interact and respond to each

initiative. It allows for an iterative

other in a diverse urban environ-

design approach. Moreover, with

ment.

the overall different economic possibilities of non-profit initiatives, the toolkit allows the selection of elements affordable to the organization. Elements can also be built in different ways and with different materials, allowing them to be

11

RESEARCH DESIGN DIAGRAM

STAGE 1

STAGE 2

STAGE 3

Collecting data and identifying limitations

Social analysis

Spatial and historical ana

Determining the identity of the city and how the migration phenomenon is integrated in it

Assessing the intensity of use and usage patterns of visitors, local and otherwise

Evaluating the area by sp building density, potentia trian accessibility, typolog

Assessing the territory in the urban context: what is located around, which actors are involved

Detecting current groups of users and gathering their perception of the territory by conducting interviews and walkalongs

Collecting spatial, social, and statistical data on the area

Analyzing the history of t spatial development of re practices and evolution of exclusion and discriminat

Identifying groups of potential users and relevant urban characteristics

Identifying problems, limitations and opportunities of the territory

Determining main goals and principles for the development strategy and design proposal

Stage 1: Tools and Methods: • • •

12

Transportation and mobility map Diagram of policies and actors involved Mapping demographic and communities of the city

Introduction & Research design

Stage 2: Tools and Methods: • • •

Personal participation as a volunteer Walkalongs and on-site interviews with current and potential users Documentation of usage patterns

Stage 3: Tools and Metho • •

Land use map with ty fabric Recommendations for port and mobility sch

alysis

patial characteristics: al transport, and pedesgy of landuse

the area, focusing on ecreation spaces and f racial segregation, tion

STAGE 4

STAGE 5

Preparing design proposal

Workshop & DIscussions

Designing proposals for Strandband Tegeler See: spatial organiяation of functional programming, preparation of architectural tools and recommendations for their application

Gathering feedback through a discussion and various graphical representation means

Establishing speculative development assumptions and considering the possibility and reasons for failure

Proposals on an urban scale: transportation and mobility, safety

ods:

Stage 4: Tools and Methods:

ypologies of the urban

•

r optimizing the transheme

•

Toolbox with urban design and architectural solutions for this type of space Proposals for social programming of the territory

13

2

TEGEL: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Frohnau

Hermsdorf Heiligensee

Lübras

Waidmannslust

Markisches Viertel

Wittenau Borsigwalde

Konradshöhe Tegel

Reinickendorf

0

16

Tegel: Historical perspective

1

3

5 km

2.1 HISTORY OF SEGREGATION IN THE RECREATIONAL SPACES OF TEGEL IN BERLIN SOCIO-SPATIAL PERSPECTIVE

Berlin is a city with a long history of

in the Reinickendorf district are Turkish,

migration, including early twenti-

Polish, and Bulgarian, 3,33%, 1,89%,

eth-century post-revolution Russians

and 1,24% respectively of the Reinick-

and, in the 1960s and 1970s, sustained

endorf population (Guthmann Estate,

migration primarily from Turkey re-

2021).

cruited to meet labor shortages. More recent migration trends have been from

The Turkish community with 176,730

central and eastern Europe, South Asian,

inhabitants is the unchallenged leader in

and Middle Eastern countries who have

the list of large communities in Berlin.

migrated to Berlin as international stu-

Whereas most of the inhabitants with

dents, economic migrants, refugees, and

a Turkish migrant background live in

asylum seekers. It is currently the most

Wedding (36 340), Neukoelln (36 292),

ethnically diverse city in Germany with

and Kreuzberg, Reinickendorf is the

19,6% of the population holding foreign

third popular destination of housing

citizenship in 2020 (Koptyug, 2021).

modern Turkish newcomers, topped only by Friedenau and Lichtenberg

Tegel is a post-industrial district in the

(Guthmann Estate, 2021).

North-West of Berlin. It’s a part of the

The Polish community is located most-

twelfth administrative district (die Ver-

ly in the eastern part of the district,

waltungsbezirk) of Berlin – Reinicken-

concentrated in the Teichstraße area.

dorf district. Tegel is the second largest

Agglomerations of the Bulgarian com-

district of Berlin in terms of area after

munity can be found in the Reinicken-

Köpenick, but in terms of population

dorf districts of Letteplatz and Hausot-

density it’s far from the top with only

terplatz. Other communities living in

1 103 inhabitants/km2 (2019) compared

the area are Syrian, Italian, and Russian

to, for example, Gesundbrunnen with its

(Guthmann Estate, 2021).

15 581/km2 population density in 2019 (“The registered population of all bor-

The nature of segregation was not static

oughs and quarters of the City of Berlin”

throughout the years. It was changing

2019).

from economical segregation with poor workers coming to the lake when the

However, 15% of the population of the

streetcar line to Tegel was converted to

district consists of people who are for-

electric operation to racial segregation

eigners, not counting German nationals

with the rise of social-nationalism in

with migrant backgrounds.

the 1930th following the so-called ‘mi-

The top 3 foreign communities residing

gration crisis’ in 2015.

FIGURE 1 Overview plan of Reinickendorf administrative district (Source: by author with QGis)

17

2.2 TIMELINE

FREIE SCHOLLE HOUSING COOPERATIVE FOUNDATION

THE BORSIG FACTORY

September 1895-now The aim of the cooperative was to ensure housing for the workers. The most prominent founding father was the social reformer Gustav Lilienthal, brother of the aviation pioneer Otto Lilienthal. Currently the cooperative maintains cooperations on Workers' Welfare (AWO) with a daycare center for the elderly and a daycare center, the Paul-LöbeOberschule (internship places, garage door art) and the Nature Conservation Association Germany (NABU).

July 1898-July 2002 After the construction of the plants in Tegel, the old factory in Moabit was closed. The main focus of the manufacturing were locomotives and steam engines. During World War II the factory was producing weapons and ammunition, while employing countless forced laborers. The factory changed multiple owners until the parent company Babcock Borsig AG, the owner of the factory at the time, went bankrupt in Oberhausen.

LAUNCHING OF PUBLIC SWIMMING FACILITY STRANDBAD TEGELSEE 1932-2016

CITY’S OCCUPATION BY WESTERN ALLIES (WEST SECTORS) June 1945-May 1949

GERMAN EMPIRE

NATIONAL SOCIALIST REGIME

CITY’S OCCUPATION BY THE SOVIET UNION (EAST SECTOR)

January 1871-November 1918

January 1933-May 1945

June 1945-October 1949

WORLD WAR I

WORLD WAR II

FRG FOUNDATION

June 1914-November 1918

September 1939-May 1945

May 1949-now

1910

1920

WEIMAR REPUBLIC

GDR FOUNDATION

November 1918-January 1933

October 1949-October 1990

1930

Berlin history

18

Tegel: Historical perspective

1940

Tegel district history

1950

1960

TEGEL CORRECTIONAL FACILITY

IBA BERLIN IN TEGEL

July 1896-July 2018 (demolition) After 1933, a large number of members of the KPD and SPD were admitted. During the Nazi period, the Wehrmacht investigation prison was located in Tegel. After the 20th July 1944, numerous members of the resistance were imprisoned in Tegel.

1984-87 The International Building Exhibition focuses on the motto, "city center as living place."

It deals with the historical urban fabric, the traditional building types and the local housing forms. On a laboratory area of about 7 km at the port of Tegel, and starting in 1978-79, it acts on the heavily damaged urban fabric with new building and cautious urban renewal, also serving as the theoretical model for the following plan of uses.

352 modern apartments created with individual trains extend around a water basin with an artificial island in two to seven-store residential buildings, which were built as a project of the exhibition "Living, Leisure, Culture at the Port of Tegel".

The Humboldt Library, the central library of the Reinickendorf district, was also built during the exhibition as the only building of a planned "Cultural Center Tegeler Hafen" according to the designs of the famous American architect Charles Moore.

BERLIN WALL CONSTRUCTION

GERMAN REUNIFICATION

The worsening of the relations between the two blocs and to stop the rapid emigration of East Germans to the West lead to the building of the Wall in 1961.

After multiple protests and demonstrations and the collapse of the USSR, the GDR and the FRG are re-joining as one state. Berlin becomes the capital of the FRG in 1990.

“OSTPOLITIK” Period of normalisation of FRG-GDR relations. Berlin is shared between the war winning countries. FRG renounces the prospect of a national reunification on a democratic basis; GDR can formally declare East Berlin as the capital of the republic but must give up the idea of a national reunification under the banner of socialism.

1970

1980

1990

THE SOCIAL CITY PROGRAMME (SOCIAL COHESION SINCE 2020): BERLIN QUARTER MANAGEMENT (QM) The programme aims to stabilize the inner city neighbourhoods and suburban neighbourhoods with special social integration tasks, promoting social cohesion through involving residents in decision-making processes that affect their local neighbourhood.

2000

2010

2020

(Source: created by author using Schröder, 2015; Schröder, Meinhard, interview by author, Berlin, August 14, 2021; Kasper et al. 1987; Leitzbach, 2014)

19

2.3 TEGEL IN THE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES (1861–1933)

In 1861 in Tegel, Hauptstrasse 21, which

many city dwellers in Europe of that

is Alt-Tegel 45 today, the “Schwart-

time did, suffered from tuberculosis.

kopffsche Villa” was built on a large

When it was discovered that open water

piece of land. As early as May 1872 it

and clean air facilitated the course of the

could be rented for the summer of that

disease and helped to improve the con-

year (Völzmann, 2021). The “at the

dition, more and more people went to

lake” estate was bought by the entre-

spend time in nature. According to Tegel

preneur Friedrich Hanncke at the end

historian, Meinhard Schröder (Schröder,

of the 1880s. Before he moved from

Meinhard, interview by author, Berlin,

Wedding and the drive belt factory to

August 14, 2021), during this period,

Tegel in December 1892, he was also of-

sailing was coming into fashion among

fering a summer villa for rent. Relevant

the wealthy. The poorer city dwellers,

newspaper advertisements described “a

such as workers, preferred going to

bathhouse in front of the door” (May

Schönholzer Heide park in the North or

1889) and “a bathhouse for men and

to Stralau in the Eastern part of Ber-

women in front of the door” (April

lin. However, with the development of

1890) (Völzmann, 2021). This means

public transport, the recreation scenery

that there has been a bathing facility

of Berlin started to change.

on Lake Tegel since at least 1889. The bathhouse (Badeanstalt, i.e. open swim-

Another prominent bathing establish-

ming pool) for women and men with

ment belonged to Carl Pieper, who came

changing rooms, two bathing pools, and

to Tegel in 1895 as a master dredger in

boat rental presumably belonged to the

the service of the Borsig company to

Siebert family from the start. W. Siebert

build its deposit and harbor (Völzmann,

lived nearby from 1875 to 1879 as the

2021).

leaseholder of an inn on the Ziekowschen property at the entrance to Lake

The Borsig factory, which mainly pro-

Tegel. The popular ‘Seepavillon’ soon

duced steam locomotives and was the

opened here. The Siebert bathing es-

largest locomotive supplier in Europe

tablishment probably existed until 1920

during the era of steam locomotives,

(Schröder, 2015).

inaugurated a plant in Tegel in 1898 (Leitzbach, 2014). At the same time, the

Due to very poor living conditions many

Borsigwalde housing estate was created

poor and wealthy Berliners alike, as

for more than 5000 employees, creating

FIGURE 2 Overview plan of Tegel, 1922 (Source: Wietholz, 1922; edited by author)

20

Tegel: Historical perspective

21

(Source Figs. 3-8: Wietholz, 1922; edited by author)

FIGURE 3 Tegel panorama, 1922 (Source Figs. 3-9: Wietholz, 1922; edited by author)

FIGURE 4 Old beach promenade

a cluster of worker dwellers in the area.

pools for men and women were only separated by a beam, not by the usual

The bathing business of Carl Pieper was

board wall.

put into operation in the summer of 1895. The bathhouse developed rapidly

Pieper’s bathing and rest situation

with the visitors from Tegel. But “good,

changed drastically when the tram line

decent” visitors also came from Berlin.

to Tegel was switched to electrical op-

The baths were frequented by artists

eration and Berlin newspapers reported

from the Wintergarden, stage celebri-

on the “Seebad Ostende”, as Pieper now

ties of the time. Supposedly, the famous

called his facility. As early as July 1900,

operetta singer Fritzi Massari was a

when the trams started being operat-

frequent visitor (Völzmann, 2021).

ed with electricity, large crowds were flowing from the Veitstraße tram stop to

It’s worth noticing that it was a small

the Pieperschen Badeanstalt on Sundays.

sensation in Pieper’s baths that the

The image of the bath had changed.

22

Tegel: Historical perspective

FIGURE 5

FIGURE 6

Group of children in front of a house in Schubartstrasse, 1924

Soccer team of the workers’ sports club ‘Minerva 1910’

FIGURE 7

FIGURE 8

Boathouse of the rowing club Germania (Strandpromenade)

Steamer landing stage with a view of the lake

So-called ‘tattooed boys’, who had a

otherwise did dredging work on Tege-

dark reputation with habitual guests,

ler Strand, equipped them with rubber

became regular visitors at the bath-

batons, and thus created their own

house. About eight mobilized police

“bathing police”. A week later “decent

officers could not do anything regarding

people” could swim again in Lake Tegel.

the complaints because it was deemed

Tegel was gaining popularity as a health

unsafe to go bare-handed and rub-

resort. A single-seat beach chair cost 10

ber batons were not a part of standard

Pfennige hourly, 30 Pfennige daily, or 2

police equipment at the time. It went so

Marks weekly in 1913 (Völzmann, 2021).

far that “a decent person could no lon-

In the same year, the supposed average

ger go to the baths” as some contempo-

monthly wage was 90 Marks. The bath-

raries put it.

house was demolished in the spring of 1926 because of the dam construction at

Pieper decided to hire 12 boatmen from

this site by the Borsig company.

Friedrichsthal near Oranienburg, who

23

At the same time, an informal rec-

charge on weekdays from 1 to 4.30 PM

reational area was established on the

(Völzmann, 2021). The baths were open

Baumwerder island, where poorer city

to the public.

dwellers founded a small summer tent village to have an opportunity to spend

During this period segregation was

time in nature. In 1914 they found-

economical in its character, following

ed an association (Verein), but in 1938

the dynamic of the interaction of rich

they had to move to Reiswereder due to

and poor social classes. It has especially

the preservation of drinking water on

intensified after the electrification of

Baumwerder (Schröder, interview). The

the tram line leading to Tegel, which

association still exists there under the

became one of the favorite areas for the

name Verein der Naturfreunde Baum-

working class to spend their time. Be-

werder Reiswerder e. V. 1914 (VNBR).

sides the workers from the nearby Borsig factory and others, another group of

The Tegel municipal bathing facility

frequent visitors were women who were

started accepting its first visitors on

employed as domestic workers in the

June 15, 1926. The leaseholder of the

neighboring households (Schröder, in-

establishment was Carl Pieper. Regard-

terview). Many of them came from the

less of admission fees, the unemployed

periphery of the country, for example,

could visit the baths in the Flußbadean-

from Silesia and Pomerania.

stalt Tegel, as it was also called, free of

Greenw (Sourc

Verein der Naturfre Baumwerder-Reiswerd Baumwerder island

24

Tegel: Historical perspective

Seepavillion Tegeler Hafenbrücke (Sechserbrücke)

Greenwich promenade Villa Borsig

Schwartkopffsche Villa Siebert’s bathing house Pieper’s bathing house

Borsigturm

wichpromenade landing stage on Lake Tegel, 1900 ce: imago, Frank Lehmann, BM; edited by author)

eunde von der e.V. 1914

Tegeler Hafenbrücke, 1914 (Source: https://pastvu. com/p/885388; edited by author)

Borsigwerf in Tegel, 1914 (Source: Wietholz, 1922; edited by author)

2.4 TEGEL DURING NATIONAL SOCIALISM AND WWII (1933–1945)

In 1933 Rheinmetall bought up the

front, many of them had already died. In

locomotive manufacturer Borsig, which

their place, women and forced labor-

was on the verge of bankruptcy, and the

ers did their work in arms production.

merger three years later brought the

5 600 foreign forced laborers worked

renaming into Rheinmetall-Borsig AG.

there in arms production. At the head-

With the war-preparatory commissions

quarters near Düsseldorf, 5 000 Eastern

of the Reich Ministry of War, weapons

European forced laborers were liberated

and ammunition production picked up

after the end of the war (Kasper et al.,

speed again and paved the way for Rhe-

1987).

inmetall’s rise as an important defense company at the expense of numerous

The “historical place Krumpuhler Weg”

lives in World War II (Andres, 2018).

in the district Tegel-Süd is a rather modest memorial with originally pre-

GERMANS AND FOREIGNERS IN ARMS PRODUCTION AT RHEINMETALL-BORSIG 1943–1945

served barracks and other buildings of a

During World War II, employees of

report that between 1942 and 1945 up to

Rheinmetall-Borsig AG had gone to the

1 500 people were housed here (“Krum-

former forced labor camp. Inscriptions on memorial stones and other panels

FIGURE 9 Photos of Strandbad Tegelsee during 1930-40s (Source: personal archives of Tegel district residents)

26

Tegel: Historical perspective

FIGURE 10 Opening of the home exhibition of the Reinickendorf district, May 1934 (Source: Pauls et al., 1937; edited by author)

FIGURE 11 Site plan of the community camp, 1944 (Source: Reinickendorf museum; edited by author)

27

puhler Weg,” accessed November 12,

ing in agriculture were foreign workers

2021) who were deported to the German

or prisoners of war (Kasper et al., 1987).

Reich from several countries for forced labor. The warehouse in a rural-looking

During that time Tegel neighbor-

residential area was one of the largest

hood was “very brown”, pro-nazist

in Berlin. The prisoners had to toil for

(Schröder, interview) with a lot of mid-

the armaments company Altmärkische

dle-class workers who supported the

Kettenwerke (Alkett), a subsidiary of

National-Socialist party. However, the

Rheinmetall-Borsig. According to the

Mannhart Resistance group conducted

site plan from 1944 (Fig. 11), there

underground work aimed to sabotage

were 38 buildings on the site, including

production at Rheinmetall-Borsig. Pro-

wooden barracks for staff and supply

paganda leaflets were distributed among

as well as massive stone barracks and

the common population prohibiting

workshops. What has been preserved

communication or any contact with for-

is a one-man bunker in which a guard

eign workers (Fig. 13). The lake beach-

was staying during air raids, who had to

es were still very popular despite the

report bomb hits and fire. A stumbling

proximity to the concentration camps

block on Krumpuhler Weg / Billerbeck-

(Fig. 14) or people trying to save their

er Weg 123 A reminds of a mentally ill

lives, like a small group of German Jews

Eastern worker who was murdered in

who lived on a Reiswerder island on

the Meseritz-Obrawalde sanatorium in

the Tegel lake for 18 months during the

1944 (Caspar, 2016).

Second World War until they were discovered by the Gestapo in August 1944

According to statistics shown at the

and deported to various concentration

exhibition in the Local History Museum

camps. Two of them were later mur-

(Heimatmuseum) Reinickendorf, which

dered there (Crossland, 2020; Schröder,

was opened in 1934 (Fig. 10), in Sep-

interview).

tember 1944 36% of all forced laborers in the German Reich came from the

Thus, from predominantly economical

Soviet Union, 19% from Poland and 11%

segregation at the end of the 19th – be-

from France. In 1944, 43% of all for-

ginning of the 20th century, during the

eign workers were employed in indus-

National-Socialist period race became

try, 36% in agriculture, 12% in service

one of the main determining factors in

sectors, 6% in construction, and 3% in

the segregation dynamic in the area,

mining. At the end of September 1944,

propagating fear and hate towards ‘the

almost 50% of all Eastern workers (1,1

others’. It was a threshold when segre-

million) were women (Fig. 15). In 1943

gation began not only by financial class

and 1944 almost half of all people work-

but by race.

FIGURE 12 Workers at the Borsig factory (Source: Kasper et al., 1987; edited by author)

28

Tegel: Historical perspective

29

FIGURE 13 Propaganda leaflet against Polish workers (Source: Kasper et al., 1987; edited by author)

30

Tegel: Historical perspective

FIGURE 14 Camp for Russians and Poles at the S-Bahn station Tegel (additional barbed wire) (Source: Kasper et al., 1987; edited by author)

FIGURE 15 Propaganda photos with the title: “Free time in the camp”. Russian women who had to work at Rheinmetall-Borsig (Source: Kasper et al., 1987; edited by author)

FIGURE 16

FIGURE 17

Regatta on the Tegelsee (Source: Pauls et al., 1937; edited by author)

Event in a camp where the Dutch and French were housed (Source: Kasper et al., 1987; edited by author)

31

Strandbad Tegeler See, 1940 (Völzmann, 2021; edited by author)

Strandbad Tegeler See Strandbad Tegeler See in the 1930s (Völzmann, 2021; edited by author)

Gaststätte Birkengarten (civil forced labor)

Gaststätte Schwan (civil forced labor) Restaurant Seegarten (civil forced labor)

Restaurant Leuchtturm (civil forced labor)

Reiswerder islan

Luftfahrtgerätewerk GmbH (Siemens) (civil forced labor) Dyckerhoff & Widmann AG (civil forced labor)

32

Tegel: Historical perspective

Restaurant Blumeshof (Kabelwerk IV) (civil forced labor) Restaurant Saatwinkel / Knoblauch (Kabelwerk V) (civil forced labor)

Restaurant Seeblick (civil forced labor)

Museum Reinickendorf

Castle restaurant (civil forced labor)

Forced labor camp at the Mühle 5–9 (Victoria-Mühlen-Werke GmbH)

Forced labor camp at the port (Rheinmetall-Borsig)

Hall of honor in the Museum Reinickendorf (Source: Pauls and Tessendorff, 1937; edited by author)

Tegel subcamp of Sachsenhausen concentration camp (Borsig-Werk Tegel)

Wohnheim West (Kasper, 1987; edited by author)

West dormitory (Wohnheim West; Gasag-Gelände) (civil forced labor)

The “Krumpuhler Weg” community camp

GBI camp No. 68; Camp Waldidyll (civil forced labor)

Tegel correctional facility

nd

33

2.5 TEGEL POST-WAR (1945–1989)

After the end of the war, as a result of

Between 1945 and 1956, there was a

the occupation of the city by the Allies

striking change in attitude in the field of

and the division of the city between

arms production in West Germany. On

1949 and 1989, Berlin continued the

the 16th of December, 1949, the parlia-

unique path that the city followed at the

ment had unanimously voted against

beginning of the 20th century (1918–23),

any defense contribution by the country.

the Great Depression (1929–32), the

However, during the Cold War, which

Nazi era and destruction in war. As a

also marked the beginning of the Korean

result, since 1945, the western part of

War, the same parliament voted to con-

the city was cut off from the interior re-

tribute to defense.

gions, and the entire metropolitan area suffered from population stagnation and

There were three good reasons for this

a decline in industrial production. This

ambivalent behavior: on the one hand,

situation, among other consequences,

Rheinmetall was jointly owned by the

resulted in an almost unique way of ur-

German state. In addition, Finance

ban development with little or no sub-

Minister Fritz Schaeffer made it clear

urbanization in the global north during

that the then federal capital Bonn was

the boom from the 1950s to the 1970s.

not ready to invest in weapons production and would buy weapons abroad to

The deep crisis and the special posi-

arm its forces. On the other hand, the

tion of the city and especially its west-

government has negotiated with several

ern part affected the decrease in urban

interested parties for the sale of Rhe-

mobility and public transport (Schröder,

inmetall-Borsig AG, and these nego-

interview).

tiations should not be interrupted by discussions on the production of weap-

In contrast to the desperate social and

ons. Third, Rheinmetall-Borsig still had

political realities of the severely devas-

a plant in Berlin Tegel (Leitzbach, 2014).

tated city, Berlin’s official urban plan-

Any statement suggesting that weapons

ning has, for nearly 15 years, pursued

production might have taken place in

the goal of rapid reconstruction and

Berlin (which is strictly forbidden by the

economic revitalization in a politically

Allies) would be an ideal food for the

unified metropolitan area. This vision

GDR media.

was only abandoned in official planning documents after the construction

Since the summer of 1945 and even

of the Berlin Wall in 1961. The utopian

before the city was officially divided

spirit of urban planning continued old

among the Allies and the Soviet Union

traditions, culminating in the Greater

withdrew to eastern Berlin, several still

Berlin planning competition in 1910 and

functioning buildings and machines of

in a completely different way in Albert

the Rheinmetall-Borsig plant in Te-

Speer’s planning (Bernhardt, 2020).

gel have become a bone of contention between the Soviet military adminis-

34

Tegel: Historical perspective

tration, the interim leadership of

engineering company Schwartz-

Rheinmetall-Borsig in the eastern

kopff, which was doing renovations

part of the city, the French mil-

for the city magistrate. Everything

itary government and the Tegel

concluded with the Petersberger

city hall, the Berlin magistrate and

Agreement on November 22, 1949:

the trustees of the western assets

the dismantling was stopped, and

of Rheinmetall-Borsig – and this

the Tegel plant received permis-

battle took place in the context of a

sion to operate. Thanks to their

completely destroyed city.

traditional mechanical engineering products, which, along with loco-

In retrospect, it is difficult to

motive production, were the pride

understand the chaos surrounding

of the former Borsig company,

the Tegel plant. Essentially, the

Tegel workers were finally able to

allies wanted all remaining assets

contribute to the reconstruction of

to belong to them. First, the Tegel

Berlin.

City Hall and, after its creation, the Berlin Magistrate, attempted

Meinhard Schröder (Schröder,

to requisition the Tegel plant as a

interview), who fled as a refugee

municipal repair shop (for example,

from Eastern Berlin to West Berlin

to repair the transport network).

in 1960 and settled in the Reinickendorf area, remembers that at that

This was opposed by claims for

time for recreation, he preferred

compensation from the Soviets, and

going to Spandau forest because

after the 30th of June 1945, also

there weren’t almost any people at

from France. Initially, the French

all, unlike the Tegel lake. During

agreed to use the Tegel plant as

that time, Tegel lake, as well as

a maintenance location in Berlin.

Wannsee lake, was one of the few

However, when it became clear that

opportunities for West Berliners to

most of the orders came from the

spend in nature and enjoy recre-

Soviet sector, they withdrew their

ational space without having to

consent. In 1947, the plant was oc-

undergo various transit procedures

cupied by the military, as before, by

to cross the city’s border.

the Soviet Army - dismantling was started, but not carried out.

The French wanted to use the know-how of Tegel’s skilled workers and tried unsuccessfully to persuade them to move to France (Leitzbach, 2014). In the end, the French left the facility to the Berlin

35

2.6 TEGEL AFTER GERMAN REUNIFICATION (1989–2015)

The decade that began in Berlin with

as many previous owners did, which

the fall of the Berlin Wall had a lasting

resulted in the poor state of the compa-

impact on the city. The district gov-

ny in the first place (Lessen, 2002). In

ernment recognized the trend towards

2015, the demolition of a tall, massive

de-industrialization at an early stage

production building began.

and set services as a new focus for Tegel. From 1979 to 1993, an entire com-

At the same time, the socio-political

plex of fourteen office buildings under

framework also changed. In the district

the Top Tegel brand was erected be-

elections in 1981, the CDU in Reinick-

tween Berliner Strasse and Wittestrasse.

endorf won the majority of votes for the first time since the war. The tre-

In the early 1990s, metal processing

mendous rethinking behind this process

in Tegel was discontinued. The former

only becomes clear when compared

Borsig site was a big problem when in

with the votes of March 12, 1933 (dis-

the 1990s the remaining companies

trict council elections). At that time, the

moved into the neighborhood because of

two workers’ parties SPD and KPD won

low rents and wages and the ambitious

more votes than the NSDAP despite state

plans failed after the fall of the Berlin

terror in Reinickendorf. From 1990 to

Wall. Herlitz Falkenhöh AG (1990-99),

1995 the SPD reappointed Detlef Dzem-

one of the few successful companies in

britzki as mayor - this remained just an

West Berlin, developed a large part of

episode, Reinickendorf was now one of

the Borsig area after an elaborate plan-

the black quarters with the majority of

ning process focusing on a mixed-use

CDU supporters, after 2000 Spandau and

approach, housing variety of functions:

Zehlendorf - the black suburbs of old

a shopping center, apartments, indus-

Berlin-West. In 2011 the SPD in Rein-

trial companies, a business park, a tech-

ickendorf only achieved 28,1% (Amt für

nology center, a hotel, offices, a medical

Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2021).

center, a multiplex cinema (Richter, 2017). The preservationists were satis-

According to the 2013 Social Atlas, Rein-

fied with the integration of the historical

ickendorf is one of the three districts

building fabric.

with the most pensioners in Berlin and one of the districts with the lowest

However, in 2002 the company filed for

influx of young people.

bankruptcy and was sold to Pelikan in 2009 after several restructuring attempts (Leitzbach, 2014). The company’s headquarters left Tegel in 2013. The new owner since 2006, the Malaysian KNM Group Berhad, seemed seriously interested in developing the company and not just exploiting the property,

36

Tegel: Historical perspective

2.7 CONTEMPORARY TEGEL (2015–NOW)

Association Pro Tegel, founded by

tasks for the further development of

former FDP member Marcel Luthe. V.

the facility. In a multi-stage discourse

set himself the goal of retaining Tegel

seminar, six international teams of

Airport as a commercial airport and

architects, urban and landscape plan-

holding a referendum, which was later

ners, with the participation of the Berlin

joined by the FDP from Berlin, making

public, concretized the corresponding

Tegel the main campaign topic in the

concept of use.

2016 general election. The main argument for this initiative was that BER

On April 30, 2013, the TXL master plan

already had too little capacity when it

was officially approved by the Berlin

opened. On the other hand, BER airport

Senate. The development plan for Berlin

manager Carsten Mühlenfeld considered

has been adjusted accordingly and de-

BER to have sufficient capacity when it

velopment plans for the refurbishment

opened with 35 million passengers (in-

are in progress. Following the closure

cluding Schönefeld Airport).

of Berlin Tegel Airport, a site called Berlin TXL - The Urban Tech Republic

Federal Election Day in September 2017

will create an industrial and research

was selected as the date for the referen-

park focused on urban technologies,

dum on the continuation of Berlin Tegel

which will create a network of startups,

Airport. However, the question of the

universities, research institutes, and

legal requirements under which Tegel

industrial companies.

can continue to operate remained controversial. In the decision to approve the

The 495-hectare transformation con-

planning for the new BER airport, the

sists of four major projects: Urban Tech

closure of two airports in the city center

Republic as a research and innovation

was called a condition. According to

facility, the Schumacher Quartier as a

legal experts, the continued operation of

pilot area for ecological and low-car life

Tegel could also jeopardize the legal ba-

(Baldwin, 2020), and the Tegel land-

sis of the BER airport. In June 2018, the

scape area including the Tegel-Nord

Berlin House of Representatives ruled

protected reserve area, which is cur-

that the referendum decision “Berlin

rently still partially used by the military.

needs Tegel” could not be implemented

It can’t be surely predicted what effect

by the Senate.

the new development will have upon the Tegel district. Whether it’ll contrib-

Berlin Brandenburg Airport opened on

ute to the diversity of the area or surge

31 October 2020. This is related to the

a wave of gentrification, changing the

closure of Tegel Airport on November 8,

economic landscape and eliminating one

2020.

of few remaining districts in Berlin with relatively low renting prices, which is

In September 2011, Tegel Projekt GmbH

making Tegel attractive for the new-

was assigned the following management

comers today.

37

Spandauer forest

According to the State Office for Refugee

Tracing the history of Tegel district al-

Affairs (2021) there’re 4 refugee accom-

lows tracing the evolution of the typol-

modation facilities in Reinickendorf,

ogy of segregation in the area through-

one of the least amounts out of all other

out the years, from economic (rich/

Berlin’s districts whereas Tegel has

poor) and gendered to racial (‘othering’

the second largest area of the districts

of differing ethnicities). The latter

of Berlin. In 2016 a lot of controversy

has also changed in scope over time,

was sparked after artist Borondo cre-

from perceiving as a threatening force

ated a 42-meter-high mural showing

neighboring ethnic groups, such as the

a refugee girl drenched in blood. This

Jews and numerous Eastern Europeans

resulted in protests and anger of the

during National Socialism, to seeing as

residents (Kuhn, 2016). However, in the

such the entire parts of the world, like

same year, the first modular building

the contraposition of the Global North

for refugees was built in Tegel (Bachner

and the Global South, thus increasing

and Ringelstein, accessed December 25,

polarization. The practices of segrega-

2021).

tion and exclusion will not wane, it will most likely only intensify if the modern

Today Tegel is a pretty homogeneous

tendency is followed through with-

area compared to other districts of Ber-

out changes. If we fail to find a way to

lin with 15% of foreign citizens living in

integrate and build social connections

the area. According to the results of the

in increasingly intercultural commu-

2021 German federal election, current

nities around the world, new types and

political preferences of the residents lie

dimensions of xenophobia will emerge.

with CDU with 27,2% (Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2021).

Tegel in the 19th and early 20th centuries (1861–1933) Tegel during National Socialism and WWII (1933–1945) Tegel Post-war (1945–1989) Tegel after German reunification (1989–2015) Contemporary Tegel (2015–now)

38

Tegel: Historical perspective

Greenwichpromenade, 1958 (Source: Ullstein Bild, Frank Lehmann, BM; edited by author)

Gonzalo Borondo mural in Tegel (Source: https://gonzaloborondo. com/willkommen/, 2016; edited by author)

Hallen am Borsigturm, 2017 (picture-alliance / ZB (Zentralbild); edited by author)

Modular building for refugees (Source: Gewobag, 2020; edited by author)

Berlin-Tegel Airport

39

3

CONTEMPORARY DYNAMICS OF SEGREGATION & RECREATION

0% Germany 77,45% 20%

40%

60%

80%

100% No data

FIGURE 18 Share of people living in urban areas (Source: UN World Urbanization Prospects, 2018; edited by author)

0,77% Germany 18,8%

2,2%

4%

9,3%

16%

34% No data

FIGURE 19 Share of international migrants within each country (Source: International Organization for Migration, 2020; edited by author)

42

Contemporary dynamics of segregation & recreation

3.1 INCREASING GLOBAL MOBILITY MIGRATION TREND

As of 2021, the approximate number of

gration processes that usually proceed

international migrants has increased

without serious problems with the mi-

over the past five decades (International

grants or the countries of arrival. On the

Organization for Migration, 2020). An

contrary, other people flee their home

estimated 281 million people, or 3.6% of

and country for a variety of compelling

the world population, living in a country

and sometimes tragic reasons, such as

other than their country of birth were

conflict, persecution and disaster. Given

128 million more in 2020 than in 1990

the worsening effects of climate change,

and more than three times the estimat-

143 million people could be forced to

ed figure in 1970. This equates to every

migrate within their own country by

30th person being a migrant, which may

2050 (Rigaud et al., 2018).

not seem very impressive if you don’t

Although displaced persons such as

take into account that most of them are

refugees and internally displaced per-

moving to densely populated urban ar-

sons (IDPs) make up a relatively small

eas. Areas with a high degree of urban-

proportion of all migrants, they are

ization are almost identical to areas with

often most in need of help and support

a high proportion of foreigners living in

(International Organization for Migra-

urban areas worldwide, except for North

tion, 2020).

Africa and Brazil (Figures 18, 19).

At the end of 2018, there were a total of According to the World Migration

25.9 million refugees worldwide, 20.4

Report 2020 (IOM, 2020), the majori-

million of whom were under UNHCR

ty of international migrants (74%) are

mandate and 5.5 million were registered

of working age (20–64 years), 52% of

with the United Nations Relief Society

international migrants are men, 48%

for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA) in the

are women. While discussions about

Middle East. Global data also shows that

migration tend to be accompanied by a

displacement from conflict, violence in

large number of statistics, these figures

general, and other factors remain at an

should be treated with caution as it is

all-time high. In addition to the current

extremely difficult to collect data on

reasons for displacement, various ana-

migration flows. For example, countries

lysts have tried to calculate future flows

have different immigration policies and

of climate migrants, with the most

different methods of collecting data on

frequently repeated forecast being 200

migrants, making it difficult to devel-

million by 2050 (IOM, 2020).

op a coherent approach to the global registration of international migrants

Given the current pace of global urban-

(Rigaud et al., 2018).

ization and the increase in international migrants, it can therefore be assumed

The vast majority of people emigrate

that cities will become increasingly

abroad for professional, family, and

heterogeneous, exacerbating already ex-

study-related reasons, including mi-

isting challenges and creating new ones.

43

3.2 MIGRATION IN GERMANY AND BERLIN

The persistence of migrants in cities,

ny is not a country of immigration. The

both during and after admission, man-

Independent Commission on Immigra-

ifests itself in forms and locations that

tion, founded in 2000 by the then SPD

have promoted their marginalization

Interior Minister Otto Schili and chaired

and segregation rather than their inte-

by CDU politician and former Bunde-

gration (Monno & Serreli, 2020).

stag President Rita Süssmuth, presented a report in the following year titled

The “being migrant” position is of

“Shaping Immigration - Promoting

course extremely difficult and is expe-

Integration ”. Their foreword contained

rienced differently depending on the

a clear refutation of the prevailing posi-

individual situation. And now there are

tion with the statement: “Germany is de

many different migration models. It

facto a country of immigration”.

no longer necessarily has to be moved once and for all, it can be a repetitive

However, the total number of migrants

practice, a “sequential migration” from

of all categories who entered Germa-

one place to another and then back

ny in 2014 was second only to the USA,

to another, or it can be some form of

and around a fifth of the total popu-

movement between a family home and

lation has a “migration background”

remote workplace, often across nation-

(Stevenson, 2018). This leads to further

al borders. Aside from perhaps a small

conceptual complexity in understanding

subset of elite migrants - wealthy busi-

the current migration configuration of

ness owners or multinational CEOs, for

Germany and its capital.

example - anyone who shifts the center

It is difficult to define what the “exis-

of their existence is likely to experience

tence of a migrant background” means,

a sense of alienation and alienation that

as the different methods and categories

throws away their previous experiences

make it difficult to find reliable demo-

of life in dramatic relief.

graphic data in this regard.

In a city like Berlin with inhabitants

Of the approx. 80,5 million inhabitants,

from all over the world and in which

approx. 64 million (approx. 80%) have

every conceivable form of human mo-

no migration background. Of those with

bility is available - work, study, refuge,

a migration background, around 10,5

tourism, etc. - a comprehensive survey

million have their own migration expe-

of something as incomprehensible and

rience (i.e. first-generation migrants,

innumerable as these questions imply is

roughly the same number of foreigners

impossible (Stevenson, 2018).

and naturalized German citizens) and around 5.4 million have no migration

Despite the established presence of

experience of their own. (i.e. the second,

millions of people with family back-

third, or fourth generation in a ratio of

grounds in other countries, successive

around four: a naturalized German to a

governments have insisted that Germa-

foreigner).

44

Contemporary dynamics of segregation & recreation

There are clear differences in the age

constellations (a third of the inhabi-

structure of the population with and

tants of Helle Mitte, a district in Mar-

without a migration background: The

zahn-Hellersdorf in the east of the city,

former are overrepresented in young-

comes from the former Soviet Union).

er age groups (their average age is 35 years compared to 46 years for people

All of this is new, however, only in the

without a migration background, i.e.

“intensity of the differences”, since

Germans without a migration back-

Berlin has always attracted visitors

ground). Migration background). the

from all sides and with the most varied

migration history of the next of kin).

of motifs, circumstances, and “arriv-

And third, although people with a family

al scenarios”. The “new migrations”

background from Turkey, Poland, and

of the last 25 years after the fall of the

Russia still make up the largest propor-

Berlin Wall were preceded by many

tion of the population with a migration

other migrations: by southern Euro-

background, 43% of this category comes

pean “guest workers” in West Berlin

from 180 other countries.

and “contract workers” from socialist countries in East Berlin in the years that

This large, synchronous diversity of or-

followed. World War II with Russians

igins and mobility creates a new level of

after the 1917 Revolution, Jews and Poles

diversity that superimposes the existing

during the industrial expansion of the

- and in some cases very long-standing

19th century, Huguenots and Bohemian

- social stratification, a process that has

Protestant refugees in the 17th and 18th

produced complexly structured “glo-

centuries. All of these and many other

balized neighborhoods” (almost half of

human movements have shaped Ber-

the population of the district Mitte, has

lin both physically and culturally and

a migration background) and new local

shaped the cityscape.

Turkey 2,998 m

Other countries of origin/unspecified 7,036 m

Poland 1,543 m Russian Federation 1,213 m Kazakhstan 0,919 m Italy 0,759 m Romania 0,537 m Greece 0,400 m Croatia 0,368 m Serbia 0,301 m Ukraine 0,269 m

FIGURE 20 Population of Germany with a migration background in 2012 (Source: Statistisches Bundesamt, Mikrozensus 2012; Stevenson, 2018; edited by author)

45

Flooded areas (with 80,32 m rise and all ice caps melted) Habitable dry land Hotspots Projected migration routes

FIGURE 21 Projected migration routes by 2100 (created by author using data from following sources: map created by Weller et al., 2013; NASA Socioeconomic Data and Applications Center (SEDAC) of the Center for International Earth Science Information (CIESIN), 2013)

46

Contemporary dynamics of segregation & recreation

3.3 INTEGRATION & URBAN DESIGN RIGHT TO THE CITY: NEW CITY DWELLERS AND PUBLIC SPACES

Cities have developed into innovative

“any person living within the city terri-

playgrounds for political solutions.

tory” which relates to Lefebvre’s defini-

Due to the population and investment

tion but hardly implemented in practice.

concentration, cities are at the center

Lefebvre’s Right to the city is not a

of sustainability issues. Cities are ideal

reform proposal and does not imply any

platforms for developing resilience

isolated resistance. Instead, his message

strategies and practices compared to

is a call for a radical reorganization of

global and national ones. At the same

social, political, and economic relation-

time, they’re small enough to interact

ships in the city and beyond. The right

with citizens and formulate specific

to a city suggests changes of the deci-

policies, and they’re big enough to make

sion-making arena in cities (Purcell,

a significant difference.

2002). The customary granting of voting rights gives citizens some leverage over

Differences that result in segregation

the decisions of capital, but this control

of various groups, are not biologically

is dispersed and partial as the state can

predisposed nor are they fixed. As Short

only influence the context in which the

(2021) argues, that these differentia-

capital is invested. In many cases the

tions are a social construct. There are

declared right to adequate urban space

many overlapping issues involved in the

is not formally recognized - rather,

creation of a sustainable inclusive urban

permission must be obtained from the

environment such as but not limited

owner and/or the supervisory authority

to gender inequality, ethnicity issues,

for legal use (Ivenson, 2013).

poverty, accessibility depending on age and level of mobility of people, etc. One

The central idea is that the right to the

of the more radical concepts of social

city includes the ability to transform

inclusion relates to the idea of ​​the right

oneself by transforming cities (Harvey,

to the city (Short, 2021).

2003; Lefebvre, 1996). In Western Europe, the concept was mobilized in the

Today, in almost every city in the world,

struggle for housing and urban space.

the property rights of the owners out-

Uitermark (2012) argues that it often

weigh the rights of use of the residents,

serves as a discursive tool to revive

and the exchange value of real estate

squatter movements that seek to broad-

determines its use far more than its use

en their agenda and engage with groups

value (Purcell, 2014). The Right to the

such as immigrants, artists, and envi-

city often is understood as a struggle

ronmentalists. This is exactly how Pur-

for the empowerment of city dwellers

cell (2014) articulates the Right to the

against the property rights of the own-

city: the goal of articulating new rights

ers. However, adding citizenship to the

is precisely to initiate this struggle and

issue makes it even more complicated.

thus, applying democratic deliberation

Montreal Charter of Rights and Respon-

to all decisions that contribute to the

sibilities (2006) defines “citizens” as

production of urban space.

47

3.4 PROBLEMS AND CHALLENGES OF DESIGNING FOR SOCIAL INTEGRATION AND RECREATIONAL SPACES

In recent decades, public spaces have

Data on migration flows in Europe show

increasingly come into focus as part

an impressive increase in the number

of the development of integrative and

of migrant arrivals (especially between

sustainable districts and cities. In this

2014 and 2016), which rose from around

sense, an inclusive public space enables

22,200 in 2013 to 186,600 in 2017.

different parts or groups of society to be located in public space or, in other

Karina Landman (2020) identifies gen-

words, social and physical integration

eral threats to the creation of intercul-

(Landman, 2020).

tural spaces in her essay on inclusive public spaces. The first relates to the

Failures in the integration process and,

clear relationship that needs to be es-

as a result, the lack of or partial inclu-

tablished between the designed space

sion of migrants in urban life are often

and the life experiences of those who

explained by the gap between theory

use it. Second, the value of mixed prac-

and practice that arises from inadequate

tice spaces needs to be clearly articulat-

implementation. In particular, the par-

ed. Third, ethnic and gender dissociation

ticipation, integration, and coexistence

hinders the creation of inclusive public

of culturally and/or ethnically diverse

spaces. Building inclusion is challenging

individuals and groups are seen today

in a context with multicultural groups

as an integral part of the integration of

that are often socially disagreed. Finally,

migrants into the host societies, which

inclusive space is threatened by uneven

is intended to complement their so-

distribution or a limited number of pub-

cio-economic integration.

lic spaces, which is often exacerbated by the privatization of public spaces, the

This expanded integration structure

issue that the Right to the city concept

appears to be one of the many strands of

addresses, as was mentioned earlier.

rhetoric that unites and controls migrants rather than creating coexistence

As a public space, recreational spac-

(Monno & Serreli, 2020).

es can be an open, neutral area that represents a key quality of public space

The experience of public space remains

(Tiesdell & Oc, 1998): these areas can

important for creating inclusive rela-

serve as places for discussion and

tionships between the local population

demonstration; places for expressing

and migrants in everyday life. In such

individual and group identity; and as

individualized and fragmented urban

a place for conflict and negotiation. In

landscapes, migrants will perceive the

this context, areas of recreation play an

urban space as an obstacle to integra-

important role in providing support for

tion, as an arena in which they have to

urban life to meet the diverse needs and

use special “tactics” (de Certeau, 2009),

rights of different population groups.

for example, move with caution and

Access to and use of the recreational

hide their fear.

spaces becomes a visible parameter to

48

Contemporary dynamics of segregation & recreation

measure certain dimensions of equality

spaces in inner-city and suburban areas

between individuals and different social

in Bradford, UK, that negative expe-

groups in the city. Access to public space

riences with intercultural encounters

and the inclusion of groups with differ-

were described differently by different

ent perspectives, races, and cultures is a

respondents. Gender aspects were cited

growing concern of modern societies.

more frequently by female participants, while experiences that were linked to

The demand for a wide variety of urban

racial and ethnic differences were cited

services, including urban public spaces,

more frequently by male participants.

is growing. This has been and continues to be felt throughout the COVID-19

Tensions around the use of the park

pandemic. As a result, public spaces

are usually created by demographics of

such as city parks are also under pres-

the local population. For most wom-

sure to meet the diversity of user groups

en, a positive sense of personal safety

not only in terms of numbers but also

is essential to spending time in parks.

concerning the different needs and pref-

The combination of male dominance

erences of users.

in public spaces and poor service levels means that they participate much

Under the category of urban park falls a

less frequently. Even overflowing bins

variety of spaces which provide similar

and garbage in the recreational area, as

services and opportunities: access to

Ganji & Rishbeth (2020) point out, can

the nature in the city, places for active

be perceived as unsafe by women.

and passive leisure and play, opportunities for various social interactions, thus

While density and proximity can of-

fulfilling needs of a diverse population

ten be positive (e.g. in markets), larger

(Mehta & Mahato, 2020).

urban green spaces can also offer an undemanding “intercultural communi-

The encounter experiences are not

ty” that is supposed to maintain a sense

always favorable, and the dynamics of

of local belonging (Rishbeth & Powell,

discomfort, alienation, and tension also

2013).

have socio-spatial qualities. In conjunction with an understanding of inter-

The importance of studying intercultural

cultural identity, they can negatively

contacts partly reflects the premise that

affect the bond and belonging between

contacts between people of different

people and places. By asking directly

ethno-cultural origins can promote tol-

about participants’ problematic experi-

erance, integration and conflict reduc-

ences, we found a variety of ways how

tion, (Ganji & Rishbeth, 2020; Hewstone

the behavior of others in public places

et al., 2007) but at the same time, it is

affects a person’s feeling of exclusion

necessary to be aware of the limitations

or insecurity. Ganji & Rishbeth (2020)

of public spaces as places that create the

found in their study on public open

possibility of intercultural interaction.

49

TEGEL Nationality: • German – 85,3%; • Foreign – 14,7%.

Age Groups: • 0-17 years – 13,8% • 18-64 years – 60% • 65+ years – 26,2%

0,8% 3% 7,8% 13% 17% 22% 28% 31% 39%

FIGURE 22 Percent of foreign citizenship in Berlin (Source: Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2019; edited by author)

50

Contemporary dynamics of segregation & recreation

3.5 ANALYSIS OF RECREATIONAL SPACES IN BERLIN SOCIO-SPATIAL PERSPECTIVE

One of the main spatial characteristics

where, according to the Research insti-

of Berlin is the absence of a typical city

tute of the Federal Employment Agen-

center due to the city’s unique histo-

cy (2009), low wage earners in Berlin

ry of being physically divided in twain.

reside (Fig. 25).

However, the most densely populated districts such as Kreuzberg and Pren-

Also, it should be considered that the

zlauer Berg, estimated population

ethnocultural origin does matter. For

154,351 and 165,003 respectively (Amt

example, different vocabulary is used to

für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2019)

describe people, who moved from West-

are located inside the Ringbahn, one of

ern countries such as England or the

the main public transportation arteries

US, and people whose origin is Eastern

(Fig. 23). It also marks the areas where

Europe, Middle East or Southeast Asia.

the majority of the population with an

Whereas the first are often referred to as

immigrant background lives (Figs. 22,

‘expats’, the latter are labeled as ‘mi-

24). Notably, the areas with immigrant

grants’, bringing all the connotations

population are also the same areas

that come with the term.

FIGURE 23 (RIGHT)

15 581

Population density in Berlin, the number of people per km2 (Source: Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2019; edited by author)

9 249 4 749 1 138

FIGURE 24 (DOWN)

155,6

Population with an immigrant background by district (Source: Amt für Statistik Berlin-Brandenburg, 2020; edited by author)

>50% 40-50%

Reinickendorf

Spandau

Pankow

Lichtenberg Mitte

FriedrichshainKreuzberg CharlottenburgWilmersdorf Reinickendorf Pankow TempelhofSchöneberg

30-40% 20-30%

MarzahnHellersdorf

Treptow-Köpenick Lichtenberg MarzahnSpandau Mitte Hellersdorf FriedrichshainKreuzberg CharlottenburgWilmersdorf TempelhofSchöneberg Treptow-Köpenick Neukölln Steglitz-Zehlendorf

Steglitz-Zehlendorf

Neukölln

>50% <20% 40-50% 30-40% 20-30% <20%

51

3.6 SOCIO-ECONOMIC ANALYSIS

TEGEL Population: 36,986 Population Density: 1 103/km2 Area: 33,53 km2

Share of all employees subject to social security contributions in percent: 20-24% 25-34% 35-74%

FIGURE 25 Places of residence of low wage earners in Berlin (Source: For­schungs­in­sti­tuts der Bun­des­agen­tur für Ar­beit, 2009; edited by author)

52

Contemporary dynamics of segregation & recreation

German nationals 0

Turkish nationals

6 000

12 000

17 100

Polish nationals 0

125

0

200

400

600

780

400

510

Bulgarian nationals 250

375

470

0

200

FIGURE 26 Population by nationality in Reinickendorf district (Source: Real Estate Market Report Berlin, 2021; edited by author)

53

3.7 RECREATIONAL SPACES IN BERLIN AND TEGEL

In Berlin, where the atmosphere of ur-

to move freely outside of the city, they

ban austerity prevails, green spaces play

stayed true to their favorite green areas

a significant role. Between green spaces

in the city.

and water, almost half of the capital belongs to natural areas. It is constantly

Berlin’s abundance of public spaces

recognized as one of the greenest cities

originally emerged from poverty and

in the world. However, it remains to

social decline, the catastrophes that

be seen what role current development

accompanied the rapid industrialization

projects will play in the city’s status as a

of the city. Unlike Rome or Paris, the

green oasis.

relatively young metropolis of Berlin

Despite its many shades of gray, Ber-

was able to solve this problem with

lin still has an unprecedented quantity

progressive urban planning by creating

of open spaces, from the huge public

huge “people’s parks” as a panacea for

gardens (Volksgärten) or public parks

poor health and sanitary facilities in

to urban forests like Grunewald and

overcrowded work areas (Braun, 2011).

Tiergarten.

Space has also been created for urban Then there is the ubiquitous wasteland

allotment gardens (Kleingärten), which

of the Wall and Death Strip, which was

allowed landless workers since the 19th

converted to yet another green space,

century to grow vegetables in the city

and recently a huge decommissioned

center. These gardens also kept much of

Tempelhof airport. These open spaces

the city alive when there was a famine

are an essential part of Berlin’s iden-

in Berlin during the war. Today more

tity and underline the city’s open and

than 75 000 of these allotment gardens

relaxed image. These areas are beloved

are an integral part of the city’s green

by the city residents who use them very

infrastructure and culture. Tegel his-

intensively. As Beate Profé, head of the

torian (Schröder, Meinhard, interview

Berlin Senate’s Open Space Planning

by author, Berlin, August 14, 2021), is

unit and significantly involved in the

a member of one of many allotment

city’s urban development herself, ex-

garden associations (Kleingartenverein)

plains, Berlin is a very green city in the

and rents one of the gardens in Tegel.

European context with 46% of the entire

He noticed that the first foreign fami-

area is covered with greenery or water.

ly, a Turkish one, became a member of his association only 5 years ago, which

It is a proud tradition that arose in part

is representative of these associations

during the construction of the Wall,

being partly gated communities consid-

when the residents of West Berlin, who

ering that vast Turkish community has

were de facto trapped on a fortified

been a part of the city since the 1970s.

island, were forced to use the inner-city

But at the same time, he sees a tendency

green spaces for recreation. But even

for a change: as of August, 2021 there

after 1989, when Berliners were able

were already two foreign families addi-

54

Contemporary dynamics of segregation & recreation

tionally to a Turkish one: Russian and

identity though preserving the ambition

Syrian. Such districts as Tegel, Herms-

for grandeur.

dorf and Frohnau, he claims, tend to see themselves as non-problematic because

After the closure of Tegel Airport, the

of not being multicultural in contrast to

city is preparing for the start of its

Kreuzberg, Mitte and Neukölln.

largest urban development project since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The

Then there are the forests, especially

implementation of this multifunctional

in the west and southwest of the city,

large-scale project will take 20 to 30

which were preserved thanks to the

years of work and will provide car-free

pioneering work of some turn-of-the-

zones, apartments for more than 10 000

century environmentalists. Again, social

residents, offices for 20 000 employees.

and health concerns in Europe’s fast-

It’s also planned to host an industri-

est-growing city led to a major public

al park Urban Tech Republic, which,

campaign to save Grunewald and other

according to the scientific think tank

forests around Berlin, as Jeffrey K. Wil-

commissioned by the government for

son (2016) wrote.

the project, will be focused on finding new solutions for mobility, energy, and

Dreams of population growth and

resources as well as intelligent systems

grandiose urban renewal after the Wall

to enable these solutions on a global

were only partially realized in the long

scale to be a foundation for the growing

bankrupt city, and the temporary use

cities of the 21st century.

of empty urban spaces has been part of Berlin’s urban identity since the war.

However, considering the latest largescale government-lead project, the

An outdated, militarized no-man’s

Berlin Brandenburg Airport which took

land that ran along the wall was mostly

15 years to design, 14 years to build and

settled by the residents, who now enjoy

was launched only in 2020 with multi-

the transformed spaces, which changed

ple delays, it’s fair to assume that the

their function from restrictive to invit-

renovation of the Tegel airport may face

ing. But the future of these abandoned

some alterations along the way. Yet, it

spaces remains uncertain as artists and

is unclear how exactly Tegel will change

real estate investors see the develop-

and what effects the new development

ment paths for these spaces in a drasti-

will have on the area. Whether it will

cally different way.

contribute to the diversity of the district or trigger a wave of gentrification,

While the Berlin Senate once supported

reshape the economic landscape, hence

large-scale urban development policies,

destroying one of the few remaining

especially the much-ridiculed Media

Berlin districts with relatively low rents

Spree, it has recently appreciated a more

that make Tegel attractive to newcomers

creative approach to Berlin’s unique city

today, remains to be seen. Currently,

55

NATURAL RECREATION SPACES AND CITY STRUCTURE

the majority of points of access to the natural water, e.g. beaches, are located in more homogeneous districts and far from the areas where migrant communities settle. Large water bodies being located in the city periphery is a natural feature of the city topography, but lack of access in terms of mobility, long commuting time and socio-cultural context exacerbates an uneven distribution of recreational spaces, which leads in its turn to a further deepening socio-economic segregation.

FIGURE 27 Overview plan of Berlin’s recreational areas and natural beaches (Source: by author with QGis)

56

Contemporary dynamics of segregation & recreation

Administrative boundary of Berlin Natural beaches Boundary of Tegel Leisure parks Forests Natural water bodies Waterways

0

1

3

5 km

57

4

NGO AS AN URBAN MEDIATOR

4.1 HISTORY OF THE INITIATIVE & DEVELOPMENT OF STRANDBAD

On June 24, 1920, the newspaper report-

house was open from 6 AM until dark.

ed from a meeting of representatives

Admission for adults - 15 Pfennigs, for

of the municipality of Tegel: Funding

children - 5 Pfennigs.

had been approved for the construction of an open-air swimming pool on Lake

Willner was probably a beach tenant un-

Tegel. In July 1920 there was already

til 1939. When, among other things, on

an outdoor swimming pool at the place

March 10, 1940, the Reinickendorf Dis-

where, as will be said later, the Strand-

trict Office auctioned a summer bathing

see Tegelsee was built.

establishment with an inn, the bid went to the hotel owner Richard Sprung.

In 1922 the outdoor pool was opened on May 25th. Due to inflation, ticket prices

The Tegelsee lido used to be operated by

have risen to 1 Mark for adults and 50

the Berlin baths (Berliner Bädern betrie-

Pfennigs for children. For school classes,

ben, BBB). However, they have ceased

it stayed at 10 Pfennigs per child. The

operations for cost reasons. The closure

bath can be reached by tram (line 25:

of the beach sparked a storm of protest,

Charlottenstraße - Tegelort, the Habicht

so the city council decided to look for

stop) and a 10-minute walk “on a beau-

a new tenant and put the lease-up at

tiful forest path” (Völzmann, 2021).

auction, in which Neue Nachbarnschaft Moabit decided to participate.

On Friday afternoon (probably Friday, August 5, 1932) the Tegelsee beach

The Neue Nachbarnschaft Moabit initia-

building was inspected by the Reinick-

tive got started in 2013 (Fig. 29) to cre-

endorf District Office. This event be-

ate a place for old and new neighbors,

came the official opening of the beach,

where social contacts arise when an

although August 5th, 1932 was the last

emergency shelter for refugees opened

day of vacation in Berlin.

in the Moabit district. The main principle was ‘not for refugees, but with ref-

Immediately behind the castle restau-

ugees’, to engage them. The user groups

rant (Restaurant Alter Fritz) there was a

they were focusing on, were women,

sign: “Zum Strandbad Tegelsee”. At the

children, neighbors, migrants, refugees,

Habicht stop, the tram to Tegelort was

and artists. Today solely the neighbor-

given the additional name “Strandbad

hood part of the initiative consists of

Tegelsee stop”.

400 active members and supporters. As one of the founders, Belarusian art-

The first tenant of the Strandbad Te-

ist Marina Naprushkina (Naprushkina,

gelsee beach with 36 000 m2 of land

Marina, interview by author, Berlin, July

was Paul Willner. He knew the area well

03, 2021), explains, almost no funds

because he had previously worked as a

were required to create the association

forester in the nearby forester’s house at

due to the type of legal entity used, a

Tegelsee since 1920. In 1936 the bath-

non-profit voluntary association (ge-

60

NGO as an Urban mediator

FIGURE 29 Timeline of Neue Nachbarschaft Moabit and Strandbad Tegelsee (Source: by author based on the interviews with NNM members)

Strandbad is lying idle

p in

u i ng ett s s asse r Mi NN sselst Beu

2016 Honorar

y award for the NNM

2017

2015

2018

2014

First te nder

cti n ele Berli

ons

(AHB

NNM is founded

2013 V) + BV

2021

ase ning t cre e l no wil nt in reop l act es re r a i t ng ic on tim f c ni f e O pe to 4 ass eo on str due r i l t e d ss ed ba ed sta Beu enew nn nd nfe r ei Pla Stra be lga f a o en gre eBlu

NNM wins the competiotio n

First CO VID lock down

Se co

of

BVV

on

AHB

si

nd CO VI D Do lo o ck pe rs O rfo do rm pen wn an Da ce ys by , Sig Sa sh Str ning aW an alt db the le ad z for ase f 40 or yea rs

2020

is

BIM

2019

bm su n, ry io ju tit ts, pe n m me Co cu do

NNM BBB

by BIM / BBB

Neue Nachbarschaft Moabit Berliner Bäder Betriebe (Berlin baths companies) Berlin Immobilien Management (Berlin Real Estate Management) Abgeordnetenhaus von Berlin (House of Representatives of Berlin) Beziksverordnetenversammlung (District council assembly) Neue Nachbarschaft Moabit Strandbad Tegelsee External events

61

meinnützige Verein) from 2013 to 2015.

Strandbad are two different structures.

Only from 2015, when they had to rent

The new lido tenants were trying to

the space, the structure became for-

reopen the pool as soon as possible, but

malized to sign a contract, and then the

after years of neglect, there is an urgent

money had to be sought for the rent.

need for modernization. The opening was scheduled in May, but due to the

To operate Strandbad Tegelsee the ini-

delay caused by the preparation of the

tiative participated in two competitions

area, it officially happened on the 3rd of

held by the BBB, in 2019 and in October

June, 2021.

2020. The tender ended up collecting ideas and developing a concept for the

The modernization is proving to be

territory, but no operator for the lido

problematic. The beach is located in the

was decided upon. The next tender, held

water and landscape protection zones

in a year and a half, was won by the

and, due to strict requirements, many

initiative, but they were informed about

structural measures cannot be imple-

the decision on March 20, 2021, leav-

mented or can only be implemented

ing a drastically small time window to

under difficult conditions. Renewing a

prepare the lido. The lease contract was

sewer pipe which, though being an in-

signed in the summer of the same year.

tegral part for the full-fledged operation of the territory, is still quite an issue for

The lease contract was signed for 40

the initiative.

years, which is outstanding, considering that the usual period for the contract is

As mentioned above, Neue Nachbar-

5 years. That was possible because that

schaft Moabit was founded on a com-

part of Tegel has been slowly economi-

pletely voluntary basis, meaning that

cally decaying with restaurants, guest-

the majority of the participants are

houses, and small businesses closing

employed or otherwise occupied. Marina

due to being unprofitable, and finding a

Naprushkina and Udo Bockemühl, one of

new solely profit-oriented commercial

the founders, both in parallel have jobs

tenant proved to be problematic.

and families, and thus limited resources to dedicate to the Strandbad operation.

The NNM initiative had to establish another legal entity because the initiative makes a profit there as well as hiring people, like for example a lifeguard, on a regular basis. Strandbad Tegelsee is a completely different structure, a company with limited liability, whose income is used for charitable purposes (gemeinnützige GmbH). Thus, from a legal point of view, Neue Nachbarschaft Moabit and

62

NGO as an Urban mediator

Neue Nachbarschaft Moabit e. V.

Strandbad Tegelsee earning income, establishing working places -> separate legal structure

Der gemeinnützige Verein a registered non-profit voluntary association

• • •

no income -> sponsorships no special recognition procedure for non-profit status the tax office decides in the normal assessment procedure whether an association is non-profit.

§§ 51 – 68 der Abgabenordnung (AO) (the tax code)

Die gemeinnützige GmbH (The non-profit GmbH (gGmbH)) a company with limited liability, whose income is used for charitable purposes.

• •

the articles of incorporation need to establish a beneficiary (Begünstigter) the beneficiary must also be recognised as a non-profit

§ 52/53/55 Abs. 1 Nr. 1 Satz 2 der Abgabenordnung (AO) (the tax code) § 5 Abs. 1 Nr. 9 der Körperschaftsteuer (KStG) (the corporation tax) § 3 Nr. 6 der Gewerbesteuer (GewStG) (the trade tax)

Legal entity Discription and framework Laws applied

FIGURE 28 Legal framework of Neue Nachbarschaft Moabit and Strandbad Tegelsee (Source: by author based on the interviews with NNM members)

63

4.2 POLITICAL CONTEXT AND ACTORS INVOLVED

The NNM initiative is a strong actor,

geneous and conservative with 26,2%

who has the ambition to direct their

of the population being older than 65,

work towards using leisure and culture

the latter is very mixed, with differ-

as integration tools. However, such an

ent age groups, though predominantly

important project for the community

youth and middle-aged people, multiple

is not receiving any support from the

nationalities and backgrounds. For ex-

government, as Marina Naprushkina

ample, there was certain social tension

explains. One of few sources of support

between visitors of the Arbeiterstrand,

is a patron of sorts, a private family,

located right next to the Strandbad.

who is investing in the renovation work.

The initiative could file for additional

However, participants of the initia-

governmental support as well, however,

tive try to communicate and collabo-

it requires a substantial bureaucratic

rate with everyone who is interested,

effort.

in part because having as many allies and recognizability as possible makes

Despite an exceptionally long rental

organizational issues easier and attracts

period, no one knew how much exactly

new visitors. For example, various rep-

needed to be invested in the area, pro-

resentatives of multiple political parties

spective tenants had to win the tender

have visited the area, especially during

and rent the lido first. That’s why no

the 2021 German federal election. But,

commercial company was interested,

naturally, taking up a political position

there’s still no understanding when the

of integration, multiculturalism and

beach will become profitable or even if

multi-nationality, the initiative and

he’ll be at all. Also, for the BBB it was

their activities attract right-wing polit-

unusual that the association focused on

ical communities such as AfD and their

culture and art is interested in the lido.

supporters, although the NNM, as mentioned above, is trying to find common

Another challenge concerns the differ-

ground with people and organizations

ences between the demographics of the

holding different positions and views

Tegel neighborhood and the NNM com-

while adhering to their own.

munity. While the first is rather homo-

FIGURE 30 Actors involved into Strandbad Tegelsee facilitation and management (created by author, based on the conducted interviews and open sources)

64

NGO as an Urban mediator

Alternative for Germany party (Alternative für Deutschland)

Centrist and left-wing political parties

Right-wing supporters

University of Kassel

Technische Universität Berlin

Tegel neighbourhood Academia and education institutions

)

Scharfenberg Island Gymnasium

Arbeiterstrand

)

Volunteer community ) )

)

Scharfenberg island

)

)

) )

)

Berlin Real Estate Management (Berlin Immobilien Management)

)

Strandbad Tegeler See

Verein Neue Nachbarschaft Moabit

District Office Reinickendorf (Bezirksamt Reinickendorf) gGmbH Strandbad Tegelsee Artists

Berlin baths companies (Berliner Bäder Betriebe)

Migrants

Refugees

District council assembly (Beziksverordnetenversammlung)

Bürgeramt Tegel

NGO

Allies

Spaces

Collaboration

Social actors

Exchange

Governmental actors

Operation

Institutional actors

Institutionalized connection

Political actors

Opposition

65

4.3 NGO AS AN ACTOR IN URBAN ENVIRONMENT

THE IMPACT OF SOCIAL ORGANIZATION ON THE SPATIAL DEVELOPMENT

NGO AS A MEDIATOR FOR URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Metropolitan regions and the larger ter-

Knowledge management enables non-

ritorial economies on which they depend

profits to better serve their mission and

appear to be ill-equipped, both opera-

engage with stakeholders, making them

tionally and politically, to cope with the

more effective and meaningful (De Vas-

governance problems and social con-

concelos et al., 2006).

flicts they face (Brenner, 2020).

The effectiveness and impact of NGOs These challenges create serious contro-

depend on the type of relationship they

versy about the state of the city today

have with other political, economical

and the ability of architects, urban

and social actors that are involved in

designers, and planners to progressively

the city development. In the context of

and productively influence urban envi-

city planning, the connection with local

ronments.

government, other government agencies and local public bodies is most rele-

Non-profit organizations are dynamic

vant. Another aspect of the mediation of

actors in modern society who contrib-

urban processes is acknowledging that

ute to community development and

in order to make the city development

general well-being. They are primarily

sustainable in various dimensions, the

credited with being responsive to social

system might become increasingly more

needs, but they can also contribute to

complex than it is now.

economic, cultural, or behavioral change by working with government agencies

Urban quality of life and urban dyna-

and other individuals and organizations

mism are other aspects to which NGOs

(Zbuchea & Romanelli, 2018).

can make a significant contribution.

For example, NGOs help provide social

Clarifying the relationship between

services, such as food, housing, etc.,

NGOs and government agencies, as well

where state or local government can-

as the role of NGOs in urban develop-

not (Henderson, 2002). Although NGOs

ment, can contribute to determining

are becoming increasingly important

available resources and critical points

to governments, their impact and the

that require attention.

way they work are limited (Zbuchea & Romanelli, 2018).

The non-profit sector is able to mobilize voluntary efforts and develop

The influence of NGOs on urban devel-

value-based activities with community

opment is visible throughout the pro-

participation, while proliferating and

cess: consultation with stakeholders and

mediating political change and democ-

the community, design of the planning

ratization.

process, and implementation. In all cases, NGOs rely on openness and the

66

NGO as an Urban mediator

way the government works (Zbuchea &

The need for structural change has been

Romanelli, 2018).

debated for decades. A more recent interpretation of Lefebvre’s concept of a

Demand for strategic urban changes and

global urban revolution has been reap-

mediation is mobilized on a local level

propriated by critical urbanization the-

through organizationally, culturally and

orists interested in deciphering some of

ideologically diverse interventions to

the emerging patterns and pathways of

confront emergent urban issues.

uneven spatial development associated with urbanization processes in the early

Professional designers as well as gov-

21st century (Brenner, 2017). By oppos-

ernment officials, developers, and

ing decision-making processes that do

business people can participate and ac-

not involve people who are actually part

tively promote tactical and acupunctural

of the city and currently allowed advi-

urbanism. But initial generative sources

sory positions at best, modern grass-

are not under the control of a group of

roots initiatives can offer an alternative

experts or a specific institution, social

and be the missing link between citi-

class or political coalition, but in the

zens, currently disenfranchised in what

community (Brenner, 2020). Their time

concerns urban development, political

horizon is therefore relatively short,

actors and real estate agencies.

sometimes even reactive and spontaneous, but they can nevertheless have a lasting local impact.

By considering design not just as a “decorative tool” or as a set formal techniques of the ruling classes, but as a basis for asking critical questions about contemporary urbanism and as collectively shared creative skills, it can be re-purposed for co-producing the city and new models of coexistence, as well as advancing the framework of social and economic inclusion (Gadanho, 2014), driving urban development towards more equitable approach. In other words, the pursuit of an alternative urbanism requires not only the creation of new urban spaces, but also new state spaces and thus new normative frameworks and tools (Brenner, 2020).

67

5

STRANDBAD: DESIGN STRATEGIES

50

40

50 50 Ground elevation lines

30

Border of the Strandbad

50

30

40

FIGURE 31 Topographic map of the site (Source: https://en-gb.topographic-map.com/ maps/lp3u/Berlin/; https://www.opentopomap. org/; edited by author)

70

Strandbad: Design strategies

30

0

100

200

300 m

5.1 ANALYSIS OF THE SITE CURRENT STATE

Uniqueness of the Strandbad area is

the amount of unpaid care work men

in combination of multiple features of

do (Perez, 2021; Human Development

different recreational and educational

Report, 2016), women are dispropor-

public spaces. This makes the territory

tionately affected by the public transport

adaptable to demands of various demo-

issues.

graphics. For example, it could be treated as an urban park because it provides

Previously, there was a bus stop right

the services that urban parks do: access

by the beach (Fig. 32), but it was closed

to the nature in the city as well as a

and NNM was struggling to restore it

component of ecological health of the

since they became lido tenants. The

city (Mehta & Mahato, 2020), thus being

responsibility for such a long deci-

a point of attraction for the users who

sion-making process lies, in their opin-

aren’t interested in swimming activities.

ion, with the bureaucracy and they hope that when no one has any objection to

However, accessibility of the area proves

the return of the bus route, the pro-

to be somewhat problematic. In order

cess of obtaining permits and necessary

to reach the lido it’s required not only

changes to the road will proceed without

to undertake multiple means of trans-

further delay.

portation but moreover the nearest bus stop is located in 1,4 km, which is about

Focusing on the typology of recreational

16 min walk for a completely healthy

spaces, the areas of access to natural

grown-up person. Public transport

water bodies can be distinguished as a

accessibility is especially important for

separate one. Considering the COVID

female visitors because as one of the

pandemic lasting from 2020, followed

employees of a refugee shelter in Berlin

by the closing of the indoor bathing

shared (interview with a refugee shelter

facilities, such as swimming pools, sau-

worker, Berlin, August 15, 2021), where-

nas, etc., people didn’t have access to

as male refugees travel more around the

them at all or a very limited one. Hence,

city, taking longer routes by distance

beaches and natural access points to

and time, the travel patterns of women

water have been facing an increased

are often limited to the area close by

demand ever since. Of course, based on

the shelter. Moreover, as Perez (2021)

Berlin’s landscape, the largest water

explains, in general, women tend not

bodies are located on the periphery of

only to use public transport more often

the city and some of them, like Strand-

than men, but even when a household

bad Tegelsee, have a very low level of

owns a car, male members of the family

accessibility by public transport. How-

most likely will be driving it. Adding to

ever, the main challenge is that these

this high probability that female users

large lakes, such as Wannsee or Tegel-

will be accompanied by children and/

see, are located in areas with a very low

or disabled relatives, due to the fact

percent of foreign residents, and thus

that globally women do three times

this creates tension between people who

71

THE SITE: CURRENT STATE

Baumberge

come from densely populated diverse

it’s important from the point of urban

districts of the city, for example, Neu-

design not only to ensure accessibility

kölln or Kreuzberg, to the areas with

for foreign residents but also consider

mostly German population. This is an

while designing for these recreational

important aspect because these areas

areas, how they can work as a media-

are also characterized by a large share

tor and a place of connection of these

of the older population. For example,

different groups of people who are not

in Tegel district, almost 26,2% of the

used to having everyday encounters

population is 65+ years old. This is why

with each other.

Tegel forest (southern part)

Konradshöhe Havel 16 min

Strandbad Tegelsee Beach Ferry

U

U-Bahn Station

S

S-Bahn Station

Arbeiterstrand

Bus stop Closed bus stop near Strandbad Route to Strandbad Tegelsee by public transport from U-Bahn Station Alt-Tegel (U6):

72 by bus (25 min)

by foot (16 min; 1,4 km)

Tegelort

Scharfenberg

Humboldt cemetery Schloßpark Tegel Schloß Tegel

Humboldt-Gymnasium

Humboldt library

U

U S

Greenwich Promenade

U

Tegeler See

FIGURE 32 Overview plan of Tegel (Source: by author with QGis)

Reiswerder

Jungfernheide Forest

0

250

500

1000 m

5.2 LAND USE AND LEGAL LIMITATIONS

The territory of the Strandbad is a

nor roads may be built. In Zone III, no

subject of several protection zones,

wastewater is allowed to end up under-

such as landscape and water protection

ground.

areas (Fig. 33), which in this case also include drinking water protection area.

Strandbad Tegelsee belongs to Water

Unlike other cities, which usually get

protection Zone II (“Wasserschutzgebi-

their drinking water from the surround-

ete: Karten’’ 2021), thus almost com-

ing area, Berlin supplies itself from the

pletely prohibiting any type of physical

groundwater resources in its own urban

interventions in the area. The regu-

area. Due to the large number of wa-

lations ban building any permanent

terworks in the city and the surround-

structures and even for the temporal

ing area, the proportion of inner-city

ones, the tenant has to acquire multiple

areas under protection is considerable.

permissions. For example, because of

With a total area of Berlin of 89 167

that, the former sewage pipeline had to

ha, the proportion of water protection

be demolished because it was no longer

areas is 23,6% or 21 043 km2 (“Wasser-

meeting the standards and construc-

schutzgebiete” 2021).

tion of a new one is still on the stage of acquiring permissions.

The plants pump groundwater via wells directly into its treatment facilities.

Regarding land use, Strandbad is lo-

They are therefore found in the vicinity

cated in the area belonging to a forest

of large water sources, Tegel included

area (Fig. 34). Also, because of that,

with a production well located on the

as Marina Naprishkina (Naprushkina,

Scharfenberg island (“Wasserschutzge-

interview), one of the founders of NNM

biete: Karten” 2021). To protect the

initiative explained, the installation of

groundwater from contamination, the

a new pipeline is taking the majority of

production wells are surrounded by

the organization’s budget and it’s taking

water protection areas. These in turn are

months just to acquire permission for

divided into different protection zones.

construction. Thus, current conditions

Protection zone I is defined as the area

allowed only the installation of porta-

in the immediate vicinity. There, only

ble toilets, and in the bathing season of

what has to do with the water supply

2021 no showers were available for the

is allowed. In Zone II, neither houses

visitors.

FIGURE 33 Protection zones around Stradbad Tegelsee (Source: by author with QGis)

FIGURE 34 Land use around the Stradbad Tegelsee area (Source: by author with QGis)

74

Strandbad: Design strategies

Landscape protection area Natural landmark Nature reserve Water protection area Other

allotments basin cemetery commercial construction farmland forest garages grass industrial meadow plant_nursery railway recreation_ground religious residential retail village_green

75

5.3 CURRENT VIEW OF THE SITE

ENTRANCE AREA

DINING/EVENT AREAS

Source: taken by author

76

Strandbad: Design strategies

SPORT & CHILDREN’S AREAS

BEACH AREA

77

5.4 CHALLENGES AND ADVANTAGES OF THE TERRITORY

LOW PUBLIC TRANSPORT ACCESSIBILITY DUE TO CLOSED NEARBY BUS STOP

OLD INFRASTRUCTURE AND SMALL BUDGET

LIMITED POSSIBILITY OF ANY URBAN INTERVENTION DUE TO MULTIPLE PROTECTION AREAS

SOCIAL ACCEPTANCE OF REDEFINED SPACE VS TRADITIONAL STRANDBAD EXPECTATIONS

FIGURE 35 Challenges of the area (Source: by author; Instagram of @strandbadtegelseeee)

78

Strandbad: Design strategies

BATHING AREA WITH 40 YEARS HISTORY

EXISTING COHESIVE AND STRONG COMMUNITY AROUND NNM

EXISTING CONCEPT FOR THE AREA

NATURAL LANDSCAPE & BIODIVERSITY

FIGURE 36 Advantages of the area (Source: by author; Instagram of @strandbadtegelseeee)

79

FIGURE 37 Main principles of the design approach (Source: by author)

CONSIDERATE APPROACH TO ECOLOGY

INCLUSIVE SPATIAL LANGUAGE

?

EFFICIENT USE OF THE TERRITORY

80

Strandbad: Design strategies

COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT AND SAFETY

5.5 DESIGN

DESIGN APPROACH AND PRINCIPLES

In terms of the underlying principles

ation and not as an urban area of social

emerging from the challenges, outtakes

change. Streets and squares are often

from the history of Tegel and trend for

mentioned in academia as places of ur-

increasing level of migration, securi-

ban and civil protests, especially in the

ty and accessibility are the key factors

wake of a surge of civic unrest in 2020,

for the development. It is especially

from drove by racial injustice and sys-

important to make public transporta-

temic discrimination Black Lives Matter

tion available to women, as data clearly

movement in the US to the rapid pro-

shows that women are more likely to

liferation of anti-government protests

walk and use public transportation than

in multiple countries all over the world,

men (Report on Sustainable Mobility,

with approximately one new significant

2017). Since women tend to walk further

anti-government protest emerging ev-

and longer than men, partly because

ery four days in April (Press & Carothers

of their caring responsibilities, partly

2020; Carnegie’s Global Protest Tracker

because women tend to be poorer, the

2021). Nevertheless, public recreation-

issue of low accessibility of non-mo-

al spaces are not perceived as such,

torized travel inevitably affects them

although they provide the context and

more (Perez, 2021). In addition, men are

environment for the interaction of mul-

more likely to travel alone, while wom-

tiple social groups who visit these places

en travel with restrictions - shopping

for rest and relaxation, while uninten-

strollers, children, or elderly relatives

tionally bringing together various social

they look after (Perez, 2021).

groups with whom they may not interact on a daily basis, thus creating the

It is clear from the history of Tegel that

basis for the sense of familiarity.

physical segregation ensures the further exclusion of discriminated groups by

Therefore, it is important to provide as

maintaining stereotypes and prejudices

many spaces as possible to engage and

and by preventing the establishment of

involve diverse city residents, especially

personal connections between people,

those who do not have many opportuni-

such as the prohibition of any contact

ties to interact with demographics other

with the forced polish workers during

than their own on a daily basis. The so-

WWII, which aimed to support racial

cial environment of inclusion and dialog

propaganda of that time.

can and should be translated into urban spaces, including public recreational

By investigating current state-of-the-

areas. The designed toolkit aims to pro-

art literature, it can be concluded that

vide local initiatives with step-by-step

there’s a certain gap in research fo-

strategic guidelines on how to approach

cusing on recreational areas and their

the transformation of local recreational

impact on segregation and inclusion,

areas into more inviting and accepting

especially not the beach areas, which are

and propose possible elements for tacti-

mostly perceived as a place for relax-

cal interventions.

81

5.6 IMPLEMENTATION STRATEGY: MANUAL FOR NGOs

STEP 1 Determine the demographics of current and possible new groups of users

Prospective users • local residents of all age groups • art & culture enthusiasts • newcomers to the city diverse in nationalities, age groups and genders

Existing users • NNM community: members of the initiative, volunteers, people connected to the initiative joined through various acquaintances • people with migrant background • part of local residents

STEP 2 Develop a block-scheme of functional zones, their functional connections, and possible activities planned for the area

Entrance area Bathing and passive recreation area Water-related activities Public service and active recreation area Utility and service area

82

Strandbad: Design strategies

STEP 3 Taking into consideration existing landscape, infrastructure, chosen functions and budget, select first points of intervention and suitable elements from the toolkit

STEP 4 As the territory develops and expands, user patterns and residences’ requests change, add new elements and develop existing ones, spreading them across the whole area, splitting it into a range of spaces of different sizes

83

5.7 FUNCTIONAL ZONING & SOCIAL PROGRAMMING

It is visible from the current zoning map

The typical approach of functional

(Fig. 39) that at least 40-50% of the

planning is not really applicable on the

area is underused whereas some other

territory because the majority of the

parts are on the contrary being overused

planned usage patterns are not phys-

hosting the majority of the conducted

ically bound to any infrastructural or

events.

architectural objects except for restaurant and sanitary areas (i.e. toilets and

There are already a few buildings locat-

showers).

ed on the Strandbad territory, some of them preserved almost from the open-

All other buildings and structures could

ing of the lido. Marina Naprushkina

be re-purposed for various activities.

explains (Naprushkina, interview) that

Thus it was required to create a tool-

they have no intention of intervening

kit at the junction of tactical urbanism,

in the existing landscape because their

master plan concept, and bigger scale

perception and idea of space “is not

urban programming. The way functional

walls, but space”.

areas are distributed should also be culturally and gender-sensitive to meet the

The NNM initiative has already de-

needs of different groups and provide,

veloped a thorough usage concept for

among other things, a sense of safety

the (Fig. 38). It includes three major

while participating in various activities.

groups: culture, recreation, and renting.

The latter became necessary since the

In the mid-1990s, studies by Vienna’s

initiative has to receive a profit to cover

municipal administrations showed that

the rent, investment into the renova-

the presence of girls in parks and public

tion, and payment for their employees,

playgrounds “has decreased significant-

the number of which, they hope, will

ly since the age of ten” (Roberts, 2016).

increase up to 40. This was an import-

City officials decided to investigate what

ant aspect because by creating jobs they

led to these results and asked if there

could provide some refugees with an

was something wrong with the design of

official workplace.

the parks. Thus, they planned some pilot projects and started collecting data.

However, current zoning is not suitable for the whole variety of the activities

What they found was instructive. Single

which are supposed to be taking place

large open spaces turned out to be a

on the territory. For example, the space

problem as they forced girls to compete

in front of the restaurant is occasional-

with boys for space. And the girls didn’t

ly used as a dining area, a theater and

have the confidence to compete with the

dance stage, a lecture and seminar area,

boys so they tended to just let the boys

a rental area for private celebrations,

play without participating themselves.

etc.

But when they divided the parks into smaller sections, the women’s waiv-

84

Strandbad: Design strategies

STRANDBAD TEGELSEE: CENTER FOR CULTURE AND RECREATION

CULTURE

•

• •

partnerships (sasha waltz & guests, Sing-Akademie zu Berlin, Moabit Mountain College, Theater Kartonka) workshops (liquid sound workshop) art (artist-in-residence)

RECREATION

• • • • •

• • • •

swimming sport on the beach water sports beach library + bookstore restaurant seeee (during the day: self-service, inexpensive dishes for children; in the evening: restaurant) snackpoint solar boat eis am seeee sailing (?)

RENTING

• • •

marriage ceremonies company celebrations private celebrations

FIGURE 38 Social activities concept for Strandbad by NNM (Source: interview with Marina Naprushkina, conducted by author)

85

Parking Bicycle parking

eg

Former bus stop

Proposed interventions

hw ar

1

Sc

Actively used area

ze rW

Fence of the Strandbad

Picnic area

3

Entrance area

Open-water swimming pool Restaurant

1

Dining/Event area

with a floating platform Children’s area

Beach area

Kiosk

Sport area (volleyball + table tennis)

Water slide Pier & pavilion Rest island

Sc

hw

ar

ze

rW

eg

2

86 0

Strandbad: Design strategies 50 100 150 m

Changing rooms

er was lifted. Thus, the division of the

For those who are keen on spending

territory into a range of spaces of differ-

their time in the open water swimming,

ent sizes on different levels attracts and

paddle boarding, or enjoying various

suits a wider range of users, ensuring

water games, an open-water swim-

their comfortable access to recreational

ming pool with a floating platform will

facilities and creating a more efficient

become a major attraction point. More-

way of area usage.

over, considering a need for stage space, the floating platform can be used as

Acupunctural interventions, chosen as

such.

critical points, might be different from what a typical Berlin organization would

Also, as mentioned above, since swim-

do because this approach speaks to

ming activities are more widespread in

issues, conflicts, challenges that NNM is

western culture, it’s important to plan

struggling with.

related facilities with certain cultural sensitivity. Providing comfortable

For example, typical activities that

changing rooms might be a valuable

might be observed in open public spaces

place to start.

of Neukölln and Kreuzberg are grilling using mangal, sitting around these

Considering all the strategic aspects, as

cooking areas, often with a large group

well as limited resources, the suggested

of family and friends. Considering

interventions are:

that these are one of the most diverse districts of Berlin, it’s an important

1 Open-water swimming pool with a floating platform

cultural aspect. It is quite different from how typical Germans would have used the park area. While open water is of course a major point of attraction, bathing culture is considered to be more inherent to western culture. Also, some people are just not interested in multiple swimming activities. Therefore, pro-

2

Changing rooms

3

Picnic area

These interventions do not require big investments and follow the iterative approach, slowly transforming the site.

viding an alternative, the place becomes more inviting.

FIGURE 39 Plan of the site and current zoning (Source: by author with QGis)

87

5.8 PHYSICAL INTERVENTIONS (TOOLKIT)

The concept of a new identity of Strand-

cilities are used by many groups but

bad Tegelsee was created through

not simultaneously?

reflections and concrete actions on the topic of multicultural coexistence in

Empowering migrants to make new

urban space, rethinking this area as a

social connections leads to coordinating

place of art, movement, encounters, and

joint actions to meet the need for public

interaction.

spaces for intercultural activities.

Many differentiating factors, including

Due to the various protection zones,

age, level of physical ability, ethnicity,

the area is located within, building

and cultural background, contribute to

activity is either banned or incredibly

the diversity of the Neue Nachbarschaft

complicated. This leaves an option for

Moabit community, and they strive to

semi-permanent and temporary struc-

ensure that people of all ages, statuses,

tures. Also, the temporary character of

and backgrounds could enjoy the beach.

the structures satisfies the requirement of flexibility and adaptability of the

Mehta and Mahato (2020) argue that

space, as well as a considerate approach

in order to gain insight into the future

for the ecology of the surrounding Tegel

design and management of recreational

forest.

space, in their case, parks, it is necessary to first assess the existing situation

One of the architectural areas, where

in terms of inclusiveness, equity, and

temporality is one of the main features,

accommodating diversity.

is emergency architecture. A vast variety of structures of, for example, refugee

To do so, the following information is

housing was developed throughout

required:

the years, many conflicts and natural disasters, where people’s lives depend-

• Based on location and access, who

ed on these structures. Adopting and

are potential user groups compared

reworking already existing technology is

to existing ones?

suitable for the requirements and allows

• Where and what are their actions and spatial usage patterns in parks?

to re-appropriate it by the refugee community.

• Which aspects of the design and which facilities do the different

The modularity of the elements al-

groups use?

lows the selection of a necessary set

• What aspects of the design of the

functions and meets the financial ca-

of different groups?

pabilities of the organization. As the

• What park design aspects and facil-

88

of elements that provides the required

park will or will not meet the needs

territory develops, it is possible to add

ities are used by different groups at

new elements to the existing ones, thus

the same time? What areas and fa-

organically developing the infrastructure

Strandbad: Design strategies

FIGURE 40 Documentation of social activities and user patterns at the Strandbad Tegelsee (Source: by author)

following new patterns of use and the

tory, instead of making one big sports

needs of residents, allowing the terri-

area, for example. This way various

tory to develop more naturally and be

different groups will have access with-

adaptable.

out being scared off. Whereas with big open spaces, it’ll likely be occupied pre-

The placement of the elements is also

dominantly by male users, female users

playing a huge role in how intensively

are more likely to engage in activity in

they’re going to be used. It’s recom-

smaller, semi-private spaces (Perez,

mended to scatter small areas of various

2021).

activities throughout the whole terri-

89

FLOATING PLATFORM

ts

m

co

of

el

i

ss

Po

e bl

ti

na

bi

on

en

em

swimming activities passive recreation and sunbathing markets and exhibition sport activities music concerts lectures and workshops theater performances winter swimming

90

Strandbad: Design strategies

Considering a vast variety of per-

visitors, taking into account safety

forming activities, such as theatre

and social distancing requirements

performances, music concerts,

during the ongoing COVID pan-

dance festivals, etc., it is important

demic.

to provide the area structures that are suitable for these activities.

In addition, these elements ex-

Given the natural topography of the

pand the area on the surface of the

site, where the beach resembles an

lake, thereby providing visitors

amphitheater in shape, arranging a

with more recreational opportuni-

temporary floating platform fulfills

ties without disturbing the natural

the demand for stage space, and a

environment.

large beach allows to accommodate

CONFIGURATION OF ELEMENTS

Swimming pool • summer: for children, people with limited mobility • winter: area for winter swimming (requires warm pavilion)

Connecting path elements • connects other elements, works as a backbone of the structure

Flat platform • stage space • suitable for installation of temporary pavilions • exhibition/education space

Sun bathing platform • semi private areas • passive rest • stage space • allows construction of multiple levels

Additional elements*: • Canopy/Pergola/Pavilion

*

See Shelter: Pavilion & Canopy (p. 88) and Seating elements (p. 90)

91

SHELTER: PAVILION & CANOPY

ts

m

e bl

co

ti

na

bi

on

of

en

em

el

library

i

s os

P

passive recreation cinema screenings

passive recreation markets and festivals sport activities music concerts lectures and workshops exhibitions winter warming points

92

Strandbad: Design strategies

To ensure comfortable year-round

All this increases the potential for

use of the area and make it more

observation and creates a positive

comfortable, various types of aw-

atmosphere, which is important for

nings are suitable for this task. In

creating an attractive environment

summer, they provide shade and

for newcomers (Ganji & Rishbeth,

create semi-private areas. In win-

2020). Moreover, it provides a

ter, pavilions can become points of

comfortable microclimate and en-

attraction, where visitors gather to

ables migrants from other climates

get warm and therefore socialize.

to adapt to the European one.

CONFIGURATION OF ELEMENTS SEMI-PERMANENT (STRUCTURE BASED)

TEMPORARY (FABRIC BASED)

Pergola with Slide-on Wire-Hung Canopy • can be part of the wall or freestanding • easy to build • adjustable to the weather conditions • fabric needs to be water and fire-resistant Free-hanging fabric canopy • can be made in various shapes • cheap • easy to install and change the hanging location Pergola with louvers • louvers can be made adjustable • allows installation of various additional elements, like a library unit Tent with aluminum structure • can cover areas up to 200 m2, depending on the type of structure • creates indoor public space Pavilion with sliding doors • can be heated during winter and used as change and can be used as a place for changing clothes and heating for winter swimming

93

SEATING ELEMENTS

ts

m

co

of

el

i

ss

Po

e bl

ti

na

bi

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en

em

observation points passive recreation communication opportunities fitness activities music concerts lectures and workshops art performances

94

Strandbad: Design strategies

A variety of social and sponta-

not just a functional exchange, but

neous activities can be stimulated

a valued place, due in most part

by providing a variety of seating

to the acts of people staying put.

arrangements that are different

Conversations are longer (between

from typical benches, comfortable

those sitting) or fleeting (seated to

for socializing and relaxing, and

passers-by), nods and acknowl-

adaptable to different situations.

edgments not necessarily needing a

Rishbeth and Rogaly (2017), in

common language beyond the abil-

their ethnographic study of London

ity to ‘exchange a few words and

Square, argue that sitting is not

smile’ as one of their interviewees,

just about sitting, but also about

Sarita, explains. These interactions,

watching, questioning, reading,

expected and unexpected, can be

friend-making, parenting. Public

the starting point for the formation

space, in their case the square, is

of new social bonds.

CONFIGURATION OF ELEMENTS

Stepping platforms • create flexible diverse seating types: benches, chaise lounges, angled decks • can be extended to a larger-scale infrastructure that moves out over the water • on a smaller scale work both for individual users and groups of people • suitable for multiple activities like yoga classes or workshops

Sitting platform around trees • can be built in various shapes and sizes according to the area landscape and accommodate already growing trees • various additional elements like potted greenery can be installed into the platform

Modular bench • adjustable for various usage patterns • creates unique and custom image of the area

Already available sitting elements: • can be visually unified if painted in one color

95

SEATING FIRST INTERVENTIONS ELEMENTS

2

CHANGING ROOMS Ensure comfortable and safe bathing for visitors, children and people with different cultural backgrounds whose swimming culture differs from the typical German one.

96

Strandbad: Design strategies

PICNIC AREA Provides an opportunity to spend time and socialize in close proximity to different groups of people, normalizing day-to-day multicultural encounters.

3

1

OPEN-WATER SWIMMING POOL WITH A FLOATING PLATFORM Equips the area with facilities that are suitable not only for various swimming events, but also for diverse events such as theatre performances, music concerts, lectures, etc.

97

1

2

98

Strandbad: Design strategies

3

99

5.9 SPECULATIVE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY FOR THE AREA ACTIVATION ON AN URBAN SCALE

The Neue Nachbarnschaft Moabit initia-

have a car or have physical mobility

tive has the ambition to become a point

limitations, or who do not ride a bicycle,

of attraction on a city scale, expanding

the area’s potential is limited, hindering

and developing beyond the district and

further development.

having an impact on various communities all around the city. In the summer

The lakefront can provide a consistent

of 2021, they established a dense cul-

chain of accessible public spaces with a

tural program, filled with art, litera-

multifunctional purpose. Along with a

ture, and theater events and workshops.

place for recreation and access to nature

Multiple collectives such as Jazzband

in the city, the Strandbad Tegeler See

BREHME’s, Teatrium Automata, Norbert

can be a launching point for the devel-

Pape, and multiple others participated.

opment and regeneration of the area, organizing the social infrastructure

The participants of the initiative be-

and the concept for the development of

lieve that at the recreational areas the

this area as a cultural, educational and

integration and cooperation processes

artistic hub.

are happening more smoothly because people have time, they are relaxed, and

They can provide the unique experi-

can communicate better with each oth-

ence of bringing together people with

er, and can better perceive things, than

very different backgrounds, managing a

in the enclosed spaces, where tension

relatively large organization, network-

arises more often (Naprushkina, inter-

ing with various government and social

view 2021).

actors and developing a detailed concept of usage and activities.

The aim of the development of the Strandbad is to create in the future a

However, it should be taken into ac-

hub for independent curators, innova-

count that it is necessary to involve

tive artists, galleries, creative compa-

professionals in urban design, urban

nies, and cultural organizations. The

sociology, engineers and other experts

library, stages for theatrical and dance

to help create a rational and efficient

performances, and cultural laboratories

concept of land use, which will allow the

offer a wide range of cultural facilities

use of existing resources cost-effective-

and create further opportunities for in-

ly.

stigating conversations and dialogues.

It is also important to consider the Fig. 27 shows that the area already has

possibility of failure. There are various

a chain of recreational spaces scattered

critical points that should be taken into

around the edge of the lake. Because the

account, and most of all how will the

area is not particularly lucrative, and

local community react to the chang-

the lack of public transportation makes

ing landscape of their neighbourhood

it difficult for many people who do not

including a social and ethnical one.

100

Strandbad: Design strategies

Though social diversity proved to be

ways to make them a reality. The lack

beneficial for the whole population, not

of inclusiveness, equity, and diversity in

just the excluded groups (Dixon-Fyle et

the design and management of recre-

al. 2021; Wells et al. 2016; Egerer et al.

ational spaces undermines social justice

2019), it is a complicated task to change

and access to urban facilities, especially

the attitudes and prejudices.

for minorities and the elderly.

In the German federal election of 2021,

Cities are becoming even more diverse

the right-populist party Alternative für

in terms of race, ethnicity, worldview,

Deutschland won 10,3 percent of the

values, income, gender, and age, neces-

second vote, 2,3 percent less than in

sitating public spaces that can accom-

2017 (“Bundestagswahl 2021” 2021).

modate these diverse populations and

Nevertheless, 4 803 902 people cast

contribute to the inclusion process. In

their vote for this party (“Bundestag-

this way, public recreation spaces sup-

swahl 2021” 2021), which is a significant

port the multiple roles of public spaces

figure and means that one in 10 people

and will play an increasingly important

in Germany supports their views.

role in creating sustainable, equitable, and just neighborhoods and cities.

In the Reinickendorf district in particular, which includes the Tegel neighborhood, the AfD was able to gain 9,8% on the second voting, which is 3,4% less than in 2017 (“Bundestagswahl 2021” 2021). This confirms historian and Tegel resident Meinhard Schröder’s claim (Schröder, interview) that the district is slowly changing, but it is important to consider that local resistance and non-acceptance can be very significant, especially since, according to Schröder, the residents of Tegel, Hermsdorf and Fronau tend to view their districts as unproblematic due to a lack of multiculturalism, unlike Kreuzberg, Mitte and Neukölln.

However, possible obstacles do not suggest that projects and initiatives such as the Strandbad Tegeler See should not receive government and social support, on the contrary, it is essential to find

101

DIAGRAM OF THE POSSIBLE SCENARIO OF SOCIO-CULTURAL AND SPACIAL DEVELOPMENT

102

Strandbad: Design strategies

Directions for the possible development Zones with similar socio-cultural landscape Social, cultural and artistic exchange Natural beaches

103

6

CONCLUSION

6.1 CRITICAL THINKING WHAT’S NEXT?

Over the past two years, with the on-

attitude towards a group that makes up

going COVID-19 pandemic, the role of

half of the world’s population. And what

recreational areas has changed – from

about other less numerous discriminat-

casual visits to supporting our sense of

ed groups? We do not know the exact

freedom and normality, access to which

answer to this question in part because

became an exclusive privilege.

this data is simply not being collected and thus, impossible to measure. As

It’s also becoming increasingly obvious

Perez (2021) argues, “the solution to

that recreational urban spaces are not

the sex and gender data gap is clear: we

only places for various leisure activities,

have to close the female representa-

but can have an impact on such aspects

tion gap. When women are involved in

of society as the rate of domestic vio-

decision-making, in research, in knowl-

lence or mental health issues.

edge production, women do not get forgotten.” It’s fair to assume that this

There is a general trend of our every-

approach can work for other excluded

day behavioural patterns changing, and

groups as well, and it’s important to

they will probably continue to change in

keep in mind that diversity benefits not

the new world we live in now, because

just the segregated communities, but

going back to the pre COVID world is

the whole population as many research-

likely to be impossible. The functions of

ers have found out (Dixon-Fyle et al.

spaces are blurring even more: what we

2021; Wells et al. 2016; Egerer et al.

used to perceive solely as casual leisure

2019).

is changing, waving more and more into our lives, while the question of access to

Self-organized initiatives, such as NGOs,

the recreation territory across the city is

can have a prolonged effect on the

becoming more urgent.

formation of public space, however, it is important to consider the limitations

Inclusivity is being pointed out every

of their involvement as well as to what

time the topic of the ideal city is dis-

extent urban design can mediate the

cussed and transforming our cities to-

deep societal issues such as systematic

ward it might be one of the key features

racism, homophobia, sexism and other

for future-proofing urban areas. Making

types of discrimination.

cities a space where different voices are heard and enacted benefits not only op-

The practice of segregation is not going

pressed groups, but all human beings.

anywhere from the urban areas, it is

For example, women’s perspective is

only going to become worse and if we

seen as something niche and out-of-

don’t find a way of integrating and

norm, where norm is usually male by

building social ties in the increasingly

default. Needs of women have been

intercultural communities all over the

neglected and continue to be so in many

world, there’s going to be new types

areas as “just too complicated to mea-

and scales of xenofobia. Tegel’s history

sure” (Perez, 2021). This is a common

shows how the scale of spatial segrega-

106

Conclusion

tion has changed, from economic status

be realistic expectations of urban public

and gender as defining characteristics in

open spaces as places that create possi-

the 19th century to country of origin and

bilities for intercultural learning. With-

ethnicity in the 20th and 21st centuries.

out addressing issues of migration and inclusion on a federal scale and provid-

One of the factors preventing cities from

ing the society with policies followed

becoming places of coexistence is the

with concrete actions, it’s inherently

lack of spatial perspective in the existing

complicated to have an impact on these

framework of migrant integration that

issues beyond a local scale.

inspires urban policies and planning

It would be unrealistic to expect any

practices without the logic of control

single approach to urban intervention to

that pervades migrant reception policies

resolve the “wicked problems” (Bren-

(Monno & Serreli, 2020). It also depends

ner, 2020) that confront contemporary

on the lack of urban policies to address

urbanizing territories.

the complex challenges of mass migration and the inevitable formation of

At the same time, designers should

mixed (Sandercock, 2003), increasingly

think about their responsibility for a

super diverse cities.

democratic redesign of the city. Bren-

Metropolitan areas and the larger terri-

ner (2013) argues that the intervention

torial economies on which they depend

of designers involved in project-related

appear ill-prepared, both operationally

city “opening” initiatives in practice

and politically, to deal with the mon-

often exacerbates the forms of spatial

strous government problems and social

injustice that they try to counter at least

conflicts they face. Considering these

rhetorically. Designing strategies that

factors, David Harvey (2003) concludes:

are sensitive to that can give grassroots

“We are […] in the midst of a huge

initiatives the necessary tools to trans-

crisis – ecological, social, and political

form urban spaces when they have an

– of planetary urbanization without, it

opportunity.

seems, knowing or even marking it.”

With an increasingly diverse society None of the guidelines will be useful

and a changing cultural landscape, the

without a commitment to a long-term

need to relearn how to communicate

vision and strategy. City officials need

and interact with people on a daily

to develop clear long-term plans for

basis through a newly acquired skill of

their communities that are committed

cultural sensitivity can contribute to the

to inclusion and integration. Building

process of inclusion. When applied to

viable cities requires large investments

the urban environment, it suggests the

from both the private and public sectors,

creation of new practices and approach-

which sometimes run counter to short-

es that need to be negotiated, including

term economic goals (Florida & McLean,

in recreational spaces, provide an op-

2017).

portunity to build a more cohesive and

Amin (2002) proposes that there should

equitable society.

107

7

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