Arctic Yearbook 2023 - Arctic Indigenous Peoples: Climate, Science, Knowledge and Governance

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Arctic Yearbook 2023 Heininen, L., J. Barnes & H. Exner-Pirot, (eds.). (2023). Arctic Yearbook 2023: Arctic Indigenous Peoples: Climate, Science, Knowledge and Governance. Akureyri, Iceland: Arctic Portal. Available from https://arcticyearbook.com ISSN 2298–2418 This is an open access volume distributed in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial (CC BY NC-4.0) license, which permits others to distribute, remix, adapt, build upon this work non-commercially, and license their derivative works on different terms, provided the original work is properly cited and the use is non-commercial. Cover Image Credit Henrik Saxgren Qumangaapik, 16 years. Ikerraaq, Northwest Greenland 2015 Editor Lassi Heininen| lassi.heininen@ulapland.fi Managing Editor Justin Barnes | jbarnes@balsillieschool.ca Managing Editor Heather Exner-Pirot | exnerpirot@gmail.com Communications Manager Tiia Manninen Editorial Board Dr. Daria Burnasheva (Senior Lecturer at Arctic State Institute of Culture and Arts, Sakha Republic) Dr. Miya Christensen (Professor at University of Stockholm, Sweden) Halldór Johannsson (Executive Director, Arctic Portal, Iceland) Dr. Kirsi Latola (Research Coordinator, UArctic Vice-President Networks, Finland) Dr. Alexander Pelyasov (Russian Academy of Sciences; Director of the Center of Northern and Arctic Economics, Russia) Dr. Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson (Former President of the Republic of Iceland, Chair of the Arctic Circle Assembly) James Ross, (Gwich’in leader, Northwest Territories, Canada)


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About Arctic Yearbook

The Arctic Yearbook is the outcome of the Northern Research Forum (NRF) and UArctic joint Thematic Network (TN) on Geopolitics and Security. The TN also organizes the annual Calotte Academy. The Arctic Yearbook seeks to be the preeminent repository of critical analysis on the Arctic region, with a mandate to inform observers about the state of Arctic politics, governance and security. It is an international and interdisciplinary peer-reviewed publication, published online at [https://arcticyearbook.com] to ensure wide distribution and accessibility to a variety of stakeholders and observers. Arctic Yearbook material is obtained through a combination of invited contributions and an open call for papers. For more information on contributing to the Arctic Yearbook, or participating in the TN on Geopolitics and Security, contact the Editor, Lassi Heininen.

Acknowledgments The Arctic Yearbook would like to acknowledge the Arctic Portal [https://arcticportal.org] for their generous technical and design support, especially Ævar Karl Karlsson; Sara Olsvig for her guidance and collaboration on this volume; and our colleagues who provided peer review for the scholarly articles in this volume.


Table of Contents – Arctic Yearbook 2023 Introduction Arctic Indigenous peoples: Climate, science, knowledge and governance.............................................1 Lassi Heininen, Sara Olsvig, Justin Barnes & Heather Exner-Pirot

Section I: Climate change and the green transition Arctic infrastructure: Considerations in the green transition.................................................................17 Lill Rastad Bjørst, Sigríður Kristjánsdóttir, Christopher Clarke-McQueen, Jaime DeSimone, Andrea Kraj & Anna Krook-Riekkola No land, no health: Exploration of the impact of historical environment on Inuit qanuinngitsiarutiksait in the context of climate change..........................................................................41 Jeevan Toor, Tagaaq Evaluardjuk-Palmer, & Josée Lavoie Just Like Alta? A Comparative Study of the Alta and Fosen Cases as Critical Junctures for Sámi Rights in Norway.........................................................................................................................................63 Luke Laframboise Existence and Survival: A Dimension of Indigenous Self-Determination in the Context of Climate Change Impacts...........................................................................................................................................79 Dave-Inder Comar Rethinking the relationship between humans and nature in law: An Indigenous Peoples’ perspective....................................................................................................................................................98 Marlene A. Payva Almonte Briefing Notes & Commentaries The role of China within Arctic climate governance.............................................................................111 Chuan Chen The Arctic Academy for Sustainability...................................................................................................113 Giuseppe Amatulli & Jamie Jenkins

Section II: Food, health and labour Occupational Safety and Health in Greenland – a chapter to be written?..........................................126 Anne Lise Kappel, Peter Hasle, Søren Voxted & Katharina Jeschke Conditions for positive contact and a positive organization: A case study of Chinese workers in Maniitsoq fish factory...............................................................................................................................144 Fang Fang


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The Food (In)Security Issue Across Indigenous Communities in the Russian Arctic: Economic, Social, and Environmental Aspects.........................................................................................................161 Gao Tianming & Vasilii Erokhin Briefing Notes & Commentaries The Ainu language and Indigenous psychological well-being in Hokkaido, northern Japan..........194 Seira Duncan

Section III: Governance and economy Inuit Myth and the Remaking of Greenland's Postcolonial Governance...........................................199 Rikke Østergaard & Javier L. Arnaut Embracing Indigenous Knowledge in Arctic Economic Development: A Pathway towards ESG and Indigenous Sustainable Finance Integration...................................................................................216 Alexandra Middleton Satellite dependency in Nunavut: a barrier to the territory’s political realization..............................236 Célestine Rabouam Working with and for Arctic communities on resilience enhancement..............................................251 Anna Karlsdóttir, Jean-Michel Huctin, Jeanne-Marie Gherardi, Tanguy Sandré & Jean-Paul Vanderlinden Community-based co-creation for sustainability as an academic fourth mission: An exploration of Sustainability Practices of the Smallest Institutions of Higher Learning in the Arctic......................270 Martin Mohr Olsen Briefing Notes & Commentaries How Expert Communities Contribute to the Arctic Governance Systems as and beyond Knowledge Holders..................................................................................................................................282 Yang Jian

Section IV: Knowledge and science Cooperation by Design: Exploring the Dynamic of Trust in an Arctic Collaborative Project........295 Caoimhe Isha Beaulé & Pierre De Coninck The Contribution of Interdisciplinary Research to Sound Environmental Decision-Shaping in Arctic Matters.............................................................................................................................................318 Michaela Louise Coote Art and co-research with Sámi reindeer herders - in the spirit of decolonisation unfolding cultural knowledge...................................................................................................................................................333 Korinna Korsström-Magga

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Briefing Notes & Commentaries The social lives of Arctic expertise, or how to do transnational networks.........................................349 Merje Kuus Building pioneering models for an open discussion and northern knowledge-building – The case studies of Calotte Academy and Northern Research Forum...............................................................361 Lassi Heininen Arctic Expert-to-Expert Initiative for Continuous Scientific and Indigenous Knowledge Exchange in the Arctic................................................................................................................................................378 Alexandra Middleton, Andrey Mineev, Paul Arthur Berkman, Anton Vasiliev, Halldór Jóhannsson, Ekaterina Uryupova & Lassi Heininen 32nd Year of the Calotte Academy............................................................................................................381 Zhanna Anshukova & Tom Gabriel Royer

Section V: Cooperation and conflict What makes the Arctic exceptional? Stories of geopolitics, environments and homelands............387 Jennifer Spence, Edward Alexander, Rolf Rødven & Sara Harriger Indigenous peoples of Russia during the war time................................................................................404 Ekaterina Zmyvalova High seas triggering Arctic security? An analysis of Chinese domestic discourse on the Central Arctic Ocean...............................................................................................................................................424 Marco Volpe Briefing Notes & Commentaries Diplomatic deadlock in the Arctic: Science as an entry point to renewed dialogue.......................452 Paul Dziatkowiec North Pacific Arctic Community Meeting (NPARC): A platform to develop Asian perspectives of the Arctic by a variety of experts in China, Japan and Korea...............................................................457 Natsuhiko Otsuka, Yuji Kodama, Minsu Kim & Yang Jian Discussing Arctic Geopolitics in Bosphorus.........................................................................................463 Eda Ayaydin The China-Nordic Arctic Research Center: One decade in................................................................466 Egill Nilsson

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Introduction

Arctic Yearbook 2023 Arctic Indigenous Peoples: Climate, Science, Knowledge and Governance

Lassi Heininen, Sara Olsvig, Justin Barnes, & Heather Exner-Pirot

As an interdisciplinary journal focused on issues of Arctic governance, economics, environment and society, the Arctic Yearbook has always sought and included contributions by Indigenous Peoples experts and on topics relevant to Indigenous communities. Since our first issue in 2012, we have never dedicated a volume to it; rather Indigenous perspectives, topics and authors were intrinsic to our work. This year's theme on "Arctic Indigenous Peoples: Climate, Science, Knowledge and Governance", however, centers Indigenous Peoples and issues. Rather than occasionally addressing issues of politics, economic and society that relate to Indigenous Peoples, this volume starts with an Indigenous focus and assesses Indigenous experiences, challenges and perspectives through the lens of climate, science, knowledge and governance. Arctic Indigenous Peoples The Arctic is currently home to over 4 million people, many of whom are Indigenous and have lived in the region since time immemorial. Building on inherent Indigenous Knowledge systems, Indigenous Peoples of the Arctic contribute throughout science and diplomacy in responding to various challenges and crises. As many northerners and Indigenous leaders from across the Circumpolar Arctic have articulated, Arctic residents and Indigenous Peoples are at the front lines of the climate crisis, of a changing geopolitical environment, and of shifts in international natural resource interests towards the Arctic region. At the same time, Arctic Indigenous Peoples continue to respond to a wide variety of important challenges related to colonial legacies, environmental degradation, and other interrelated socioeconomic challenges in the Arctic, while calling for inclusive and integrated knowledge systems to inform solutions and decision-making. Lassi Heininen, Justin Barnes, & Heather Exner-Pirot are the editors of the Arctic Yearbook Sara Olsvig is the International Chair of the Inuit Circumpolar Council


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At the 2020s, Arctic research and academia are at a turning point. More important, in the long run, than temporary pause in scientific cooperation, debates on decolonization are pushing and reforming our collective views on the role of academia and research in a region where Indigenous Peoples have lived for millennia, and where only a few hundred years’ interference have changed the landscape of knowledge immensely. Looking back at the role of science and research in colonization, there is no doubt that an unequal relationship between the colonizer and the colonized has existed, and continues to exist, and that knowledge as a means for gaining power has been a tool predominantly used by southern settler and colonizer powers. While questions remain about the future of international Arctic science cooperation and the entire pan-Arctic cooperation, particularly at the Arctic Council, the evolving processes that have been increasing the involvement of Indigenous Peoples in Arctic governance at the national and international level, since the 1970s, have had important influences on regional and international politics. Bolstered more recently by increasing international recognition of Indigenous human rights frameworks, including the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2007, and of the many challenges Indigenous Peoples are managing, there is a need to better understand and articulate the central role of Indigenous Peoples in Arctic governance frameworks, policies, knowledge production and programs. Today, Indigenous Peoples demand equal recognition of Indigenous Knowledge, of worldviews and ways of life to be respected, and for science and research to be done by and with them, not only about them. This sparks epistemological debates on how to know and how to approach science, and changes are emerging. Therefore, an Arctic Yearbook edition specifically shedding light on epistemological discussions on ways of knowing, and on the recognition of Indigenous Knowledge as equal to all other knowledge systems, is timely and needed. While the Arctic Yearbook has generally focused on timely issues and events, an Indigenousfocused volume must be thoughtful with regards to process. The traditional approach to academic writing – the peer review process, a reliance on the established literature, its particular writing style – can be alienating to some Indigenous authors. It may also be a poor fit for describing and sharing Indigenous worldviews and experiences, while ways of ethically and equitably including Indigenous Knowledge, with correct citation and permissions from the knowledge holders, continue to be a challenge to many non-Indigenous scholars. To be conducted in good faith, such an undertaking demands a bridging of conventional scholarly processes and Indigenous ways of knowing. Our Special Issue on Arctic Pandemics, released in July this year, was a successful test of these principles. A special editorial board was set up for that volume, including a number of Indigenous members, and peer review was determined to not necessarily require a PhD review depending on the subject. The Arctic Yearbook has always encouraged non-peer reviewed contributions from decision makers and practitioners in the form of commentaries and briefing notes, and this proved a good option for some Indigenous authors as well. Following from that, we have been pleased and encouraged to approach this year’s volume with the guidance of Sara Olsvig, current International Chair of the Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC). Region-building with states as the major actors within the current Westphalian unified state system, and circumpolar inter-regional cooperation with Indigenous Peoples as transnational actors, were the major trends in early post-Cold War Arctic International Relations and geopolitics (Heininen, 2004). Although state sovereignty is still firm, the global Arctic is a new trend whereby pan-Arctic

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cooperation, including knowledge-building with Indigenous Peoples, together with an epistemic community made up of a variety of other non-state actors, is becoming more important due to a political and practical need to assist decision-making processes. The turbulence of world politics today, with constant great power rivalry, enemy pictures and warfare influencing ongoing discursive battles about the Arctic, requires a balance with the other influential realities that have shaped – and continue to shape – the Arctic. The idea behind selecting such a multi-dimensional and multi-layered theme - “Arctic Indigenous Peoples: Climate, Science, Knowledge, and Governance” – for this year’s Arctic Yearbook was both to have a holistic approach and emphasize the rich variety of dynamics related to Arctic governance, and to acknowledge the important experiences, knowledge, and roles of Arctic Indigenous Peoples, as well as to provide an opportunity to discuss and analyze their future role in Northern knowledge- and expertise-building. This is particularly important when building on inherent Indigenous Knowledge systems, and when calling for inclusive expertise and integrated knowledge systems in order to find solutions for the climate crisis and other wicked problems. Governance The Arctic region, a former geopolitical margin of the northernmost geographical periphery, seems to be in a state of constant transformation, as we discussed at the 2017 Arctic Yearbook. Yet the traditions, practices and knowledge of Arctic peoples have carried on for centuries. Among recent significant changes to the region are, on the one hand, increased globalization due to the impacts of climate change, global economics, and increasing scientific interests worldwide; and on the other, the pause of multilateral (pan-Arctic) cooperation at the Arctic Council due to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, although, despite policy-makers and mainstream scholars often argue about it, there have been no armed conflicts in the Arctic between states since the Cod Wars in the 1970s. Nevertheless, two other recent transformations are important to consider: Firstly, the increasing self-determination of Arctic Indigenous Peoples in North America and the European Arctic based on devolution, Indigenous Knowledge and circumpolar cooperation by Indigenous Peoples. In particular, the introduction of self-determination arrangements such as the 2009 Act on SelfGovernment in Greenland marked a turning point in Arctic governance. Secondly, a global ‘environmental awakening’ about the importance of the Arctic’s climate and environment and increased international followed the decades of advocacy by Indigenous Peoples, engaging civil societies and NGOs. Governance mechanisms in the Arctic have been a unique space for Indigenous Peoples and Indigenous Knowledge to influence programs and policies, particularly in regards to sustainable development and building resilience at the local, regional, and global levels. Through domestic and international reforms, including the devolution of governance processes in the Arctic with selfdetermination and self-government as key themes, Arctic peoples have become more connected to the political processes responsible for environmental and economic decision-making. Concerns about environmental degradation, and its potential to create conflicts, requires Arctic stakeholders – including state and regional governments, and Indigenous Peoples– to determine how the Arctic’s land and waters should be used or preserved as well as for what and by whom, and in this, recognize that Indigenous Peoples are rights holders. Although these types of international and regional debates have historically been dominated by states and their various agencies, Arctic Indigenous Peoples have been breaking through colonial barriers and have become crucial players in environmental Arctic Indigenous Peoples: Climate, Science, Knowledge and Governance


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politics and economic debates at national and international levels regarding the Arctic since the 1970's (Kleivan, 1992; English, 2013). Here, Arctic Indigenous Peoples, together with environmental NGOs and members of the scientific community, have shown their willingness and ability to push the Arctic states’ governments to cooperate on environmental protection (Heininen, 2013). A growing environmental awareness about the impacts of long-range pollution from lower latitudes of Europe, North America and Asia, particularly Persistent Organic Pollutants (POPs), heavy metals, and radioactivity, on the Arctic’s ecosystems and the human health of the people, as well as their interrelationship with climate change (AMAP, 2002). This increased understanding about the susceptibility of the Arctic environment and its global interconnections also raised concerns about how human inhabitants of the Arctic, and their food security and food sovereignty, were particularly vulnerable to global pollutants (Canadian Institute of International Affairs, 1988; Paci et al., 2004). It was becoming clearer that once these pollutants enter the food cycle, dangerous concentrations can accumulate in the human body, having harmful consequences for northern populations who rely on country foods gathered through hunting and fishing (Huebert, 1997). These important issues, as well as strong international advocacy by Arctic Indigenous Peoples, helped push the eight Arctic states to develop and sign the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy (AEPS) (Rovaniemi Declaration, 1991), the beginning of circumpolar cooperation and the foundation for the Arctic Council's establishment in 1996. While the eight Arctic states are often referred to as the founding members of the Arctic Council, it was International Indigenous Peoples organizations from the Arctic that played a crucial role in kickstarting circumpolar cooperation among the Arctic states and other Arctic stakeholders (see Dean & Lackenbauer, 2021). The work of the ICC, for example, brought significant attention to the issues facing Indigenous Peoples in the region, positioning their interests as a primary feature of the Arctic agenda (English, 2013). With national offices located in Anchorage, Ottawa, and Nuuk (with continues push to include Soviet Inuit in conferences), the ICC was active in establishing guiding principles for activity in the Arctic in a variety of fields that included research and resource development (Canadian Institute of International Affairs, 1988). While the first Arctic Peoples’ Conference was held in Copenhagen in November 1973 had not been attended by Russian and Alaskan Indigenous leaders (Kleivan, 1992), the June 1991“First Arctic Indigenous Leaders' Summit” included Indigenous leaders representing the ICC, Nordic Saami Council, and the USSR Association of Northern Small Peoples, as they gathered in Denmark again to discuss shared priorities, and concluded with the signing of a declaration focused on environmental protection and sustainable development in the Arctic (Rothwell, 1996). The ICC, with the greatest capacity to operate internationally at the time, would first play an important role in advocating for Indigenous participation in the AEPS and its work before becoming one of the primary organizational forces of the Arctic Council (English, 2013; Dean & Lackenbauer, 2021). In addition to the ICC, the Nordic Saami Council and the Association of Aboriginal Peoples of Northern Russia acted as the main representatives of Indigenous peoples during AEPS negotiations and discussions (Mullen, 1994). This early Indigenous activism helped to establish the structure, norms, and practices of state and non-state relations in the Arctic – a legacy evident in the current structure of the Arctic Council and the influential role the Permanent Participants have in Arctic governance more broadly today. Heininen, Olsvig, Barnes, & Exner-Pirot


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The founding of the AEPS and Arctic Council launched a new era of science diplomacy focused on circumpolar issues and formalized Indigenous Peoples' central role in Arctic governance processes. Arctic Indigenous Peoples co-founded the Arctic Council and from the outset pushed for their equal participation, resulting in the unique structure of the Arctic Council as a governance body inclusive of Indigenous Peoples. Here, Indigenous peoples responded, and continue to respond, to a wide variety of challenges related to colonial legacies, environmental degradation, and other interrelated socioeconomic challenges in the Arctic, and have been included in, and influenced, the decision-making of the Arctic states. All in all, Indigenous peoples have always been living in the Arctic region, and thus they, more than anyone else, are rights holders. As representatives of five Arctic Indigenous Peoples’ Organizations stated in the Statement of the 2023 Arctic Peoples’ Conference, which was a commemorative conference celebrating fifty years of Arctic cooperation, Arctic Indigenous Peoples have “survived, and thrived, through hundreds of years of colonization, and emphasize that many challenges and colonial systems remain to be dismantled”. The conference participants furthermore emphasized “the rights of Arctic Indigenous Peoples, [their] unique relationship to the Arctic, and [their] commitments to cross-border and people-topeople cooperation in the region” (ICC, 2023). Climate changes and Actors As the Arctic Council, the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), and other international bodies have acknowledged, climate change has become a key issue at every level of politics both within and outside the Arctic. According to the IPCC Sixth Assessment Report and other renowned climate reports the Arctic is warming 3-4 times faster than the rest of the globe (Constable et al., 2022; Rantanen, 2022). The high speed at which the climate is warming in the Arctic is a major cause of concern for both local communities and global planetary processes. The cliché that “what happens in the Arctic does not stay there” is true when considering the severe impacts and consequences of thawing sea ice, glaciers and permafrost on the global climate. Small island states of the Indian and Pacific Oceans face dramatic, and in some cases existential, ramifications due to climate change and the possibility that they might totally lose their land, and therefore their legitimacy as a sovereign state, due to rising sea levels. In the Arctic, rising sea levels are causing coastlines and communities in the region to erode away from increasingly extreme weather events. The melting of sea ice, permafrost and ice capes is literally changing the cultural landscape of Indigenous Peoples. The more obviously the world faces the global climate crisis and the ecological catastrophe, the clearer it is that states lack the ability to manage efficiently global environmental problems on their own, and this has placed more responsibilities on non-state actors (here is a problem in terminology, when being dependent on the term of a ‘state’). This raises questions, such as: Who are legitimized and have the power, but are hesitating to make the hard decisions? Who are legitimized and reasonable actors, and willing to find ways to ‘save the planet’, but do not have the power? And, who are knowledgeable and reasonable actors, and willing to act? In general, what are the factors and drivers of a change, and who are the actors behind a change, and what are their premises? According to classical geopolitics, as well as political realism, the list of (relevant) factors and actors in international affairs are short: meaningful factors are physical space (including resources) and power based on force, with states as the main actors interacting in a world of international anarchy. Arctic Indigenous Peoples: Climate, Science, Knowledge and Governance


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Critical geopolitics, which includes constructivism, acknowledges several other important factors and actors: these factors include identity and identities, knowledge and the power of ideas, the environment, political norms, and the politicization of physical space. In terms of actors, critical geopolitics includes people and civil society, and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and Transnational Corporations (TNCs) alongside states. Acknowledging and taking into consideration the longer list of factors and actors there are other important contexts to consider, such as environmental or human security, human rights, and more pressure for a paradigm shift to address a broader set of threats and challenges. This was the key issue in the Alta Dam conflict in the 1980s between the Sami and the state of Norway, with parallels taking place in the Fosen case today concerning Sami rights (see Laframboise as well as Payva in this volume). These types of debates in International Relations show that a discursive battle on perceptions and interpretations continues. A fascinating part of this is to analyze how premises - of geopolitics, security or governance - have been changed, and if there has been a paradigm shift (e.g. Heininen and ExnerPirot 2020; Olsvig, 2022). States used to change their premises via economic and/or political integration or devolution, as well as by increasing their tolerance of self-determination and self-governing. The devolution of power by the Nordic countries has led to a noticeable change in premises and become a new Arctic governance model. The ‘environmental awakening’ changed the Arctic states’ premises dramatically, after environmental protection cooperation became a trigger for them to reconstruct their geopolitical reality, and by combining western science and Indigenous Knowledge – all this is been materialized by shared interests between the Arctic states, and between them and Arctic Indigenous Peoples (Heininen, 2013). This has not, however, yet meant a paradigm shift, though it has been important to maintain the mutually beneficial high stability in the Arctic, in particular in turbulent times of great power rivalries, regional wars, constant warfare, and arms races. Here again Indigenous Peoples have played an important role. This kind of more tolerant model of governance which leans on a variety of factors and actors is most probably the best, if not the only, way to tackle the multiple issues related to the climate crisis and ecological destruction globally and particularly for the Arctic. As the climate crisis is global with several local impacts and ramifications, it requires a motivation and firm legitimacy, as well as a holistic approach and capability to be solved. Who are more motivated and legitimized than Indigenous Peoples and civil societies, particularly if they are being acknowledged as equal actors in decision-making and in action? This is also a part of a long-range global tendency of the breaking of the unified state system, with states as the major, even only, actors in world politics. This is much indicated by the abovementioned finding that states seem to be unable to efficiently manage global environmental problems, and if so, we have to lean on people(s) and civil societies to take the lead. Nevertheless, what was done nationally in Modernism, is done internationally, even globally, in the Age of Globalism. Here, Arctic Indigenous Peoples, having increasing recognition of Indigenous and human rights frameworks, such as UNDRIP, are playing an important role. Transdisciplinarity is discussed and applied more often, and Western science leans on Indigenous knowledge. The role might become bigger and the application of transdisciplinarity may be accelerated, especially if the Arctic states and governments are neither capable nor willing to differentiate their policy on sanctions against the Russian Federation by allowing joint pan-Arctic scientific projects, including

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Russians, to be continued or restarted. Alternative ways and procedures based on individuals, which is already happening (see, Arctic Yearbook 2022), would include Indigenous Knowledge and its methods. Indigenous Knowledge and Western Science Science, together with technology, has been seen as the most efficient means for development and progress – the combination has been the motor behind “western” modernization. Before "western" science, which, excluding Philosophy as a rather young phenomenon, there was traditional and Indigenous Knowledge by, and for, Indigenous Peoples. It has, since time immemorial, been mutually beneficial, and often the way to survive and thrive for peoples and societies. In the same way, science is a part of the common heritage of humankind, and at the same time it is about people: for those who do research, and for those whom research is done for, western science has had a social relevance as well. Equally important is the freedom of (western) science and the independence of the scientific community whereby policy-makers do not have repressive control over science or the scientific community. It is important to encourage new innovations, or solutions for the problems that society faces today (see the Knowledge and Science section in this volume). Under the pressure of ecological catastrophe, Indigenous Knowledge is becoming increasingly recognized for its ability to help tackle climate change and biodiversity loss. Western science is often handicapped due to gaps in knowledge and data on climate and other ecosystems. Indigenous Knowledge, however, can lean on traditions, practices, spirituality and human memories, as well as narratives and stories held and shared by elders. As a concrete example, the Calotte Academy organized a town hall meeting, “Understanding the impacts of global changes in the Barents region”, in June 1998 in Inari. Saami fishermen, hunters and reindeer herders were invited to share their experiences and knowledge on environmental changes in the region within the last 50 years or so. The meeting brought new data and information for scientists of an international research project on global changes, who were running out of proper data, though scientists did not have patience enough to listen carefully to all the experiences. Indigenous Knowledge and methodologies have been shifting the goals and priorities of Arctic related research, as well as how research is initiated, and this is bringing diverse worldviews together to help solve issues that have both local and global consequences. Bridging western and Indigenous knowledge has the ability to generate various decolonial-colonial tensions that are important to work through (Kovach, 2009), and centering Indigenous knowledges, experiences, and perspectives is critical for 'flipping the script' on framings of Arctic peoples as victims, or as peripheral factors for consideration in Arctic-related research. Over the twenty-seven years of its existence, there have been many debates and decisions on the full inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge in the work of the Arctic Council. Since its establishment by the Ottawa Declaration (1996), the Council recognized Indigenous Peoples traditional knowledge, later refined to be called Indigenous Knowledge, and of “its importance and that of Arctic science and research to the collective understanding of the circumpolar Arctic”. The Arctic Council further committed itself to this through in 2015 with its adoption of the Sustainable Development Working Group’s “Recommendations for the Integration of Traditional and Local Knowledge into the Work of the Arctic Council”. The Arctic Council’s Permanent Participant

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organizations also jointly created the “Ottawa Traditional Knowledge Principles” which provides guidance for the use of Indigenous Peoples’ Knowledge. In 2022, the ICC addressed the inequity in Arctic knowledge production when publishing the Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement. The protocols call for scientists and academia to ensure engagement with Indigenous Peoples, to recognize Indigenous Knowledge in its own right, to practice good governance and comply with i.a., the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, principles that are founded in internationally recognized principles built through negotiations with and by Indigenous Peoples. The protocols call for communicating with intent and exercising accountability, including in the use and sharing of data, addressing ownership and permissions in relations to knowledge production and re-production. Finally, the protocols offer a definition of Indigenous Knowledge, closely based on the definition accepted by the Arctic Council: “Indigenous Knowledge is a systematic way of thinking applied to phenomena across biological, physical, cultural, and spiritual systems. It includes insights based on evidence and acquired through direct and long- term experiences and extensive and multigenerational observation, lessons, and skills. It has developed over millennia and is still developing in a living process, including knowledge acquired today and in the future, and it is passed on from generation to generation.” Development like this forges new thinking in Arctic academia, among members of the scientific community and other professionals worldwide, as well as Indigenous researchers and experts. It also requires deliberateness from research institutions and publicists to create and support Indigenous Knowledge holders and researchers to be fully and equally represented in academia and publications. By applying transdisciplinarity and recognizing Indigenous Knowledge equally to western science and defining the Arctic as a global environmental linchpin and workshop for climate and environmental sciences, as well as building bridges that connect Indigenous Knowledge, local knowledge and interdisciplinarity (of science), a new role of Arctic knowledge has been emerging in policy-shaping and -making. All in all, there is much at stake in the Arctic, and much to lose if we cannot continue pan-Arctic cooperation, in particular on environmental protection and climate change mitigation. Specifically, this is true in relation to scientific research needed to study, monitor and assess a state of Arctic ecosystems, that of well-being of Northern inhabitants, and resilience of their cultures and societies, as well as a changing state of governance, geopolitics and security. Finally, and even more importantly, we should continue knowledge-building, though transdisciplinarity by Indigenous Knowledge and western science, in the circumpolar North and deepen our understanding of needed local, regional and global governance mechanisms, procedures and methods.

Arctic Yearbook 2023 The 2023 edition of the Arctic Yearbook consists of 19 peer-reviewed articles and 12 commentaries and briefing notes across five thematic sections: (1) Climate change and the green transition; (2) Food, health, and labour; (3) Governance and economy; (4) Knowledge and science; and (5) Cooperation and conflict.

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Section I: Climate change and the green transition Lill Rastad Bjørst, Sigríður Kristjánsdóttir, Christopher Clarke-McQueen, Jaime DeSimone, Andrea Kraj & Anna Krook-Riekkola highlight key tensions between climate change, the need for a green transition to renewable energy technologies, and the extraction of resources needed to develop these emerging technologies. They point out that many of these resources may be found in the Arctic, and this could have a deep influence on Arctic communities. The authors argue that the voices of Arctic Indigenous Peoples and others living in the North need to be prioritized, and provide five key findings of their research related to this. Jeevan Toor and Tagaaq Evaluardjuk-Palmer discuss the impacts that colonialism has had on Inuit social and cultural fabric within the context of climate change. Toor and Evaluardjuk-Palmer approach this issue through lenses of anthropology, geography and Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit (Inuit knowledge), and argue a holistic approach to health in the Arctic is required. The authors explore the Canadian government’s approach, and argue that future research related to climate change and health needs to be located in qanuinngitsiarutiksait, Inuit knowledge, Inuit methodologies and be Inuit-led. Luke Laframboise engages with the events that led to protests in Oslo over Norway’s Supreme Court rulings regarding the Fosen wind farm project. Lafromboise compares this case to the Alta conflict in the 1970’s and early 1980’s – a period of significance in recent Sámi-state relations in Norway – and argues that while the material conditions are different between the Fosen and Alta cases, both are potentially important pivot points in Norway’s political and legal history. According to Laframboise, the ongoing Fosen case highlights the growing conflict between a well-established Indigenous rights regime and green energy policies in Norway. In relation to climate change and the threats it poses to the existence and survival of Arctic Indigenous Peoples, Dave-Inder Comar makes the argument for an “existence and survival” dimension of the self-determination of Indigenous Peoples in international law. Comar argues that this dimension is supported by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, as well as international and regional human rights law. Through an analysis on the selfdetermination of Indigenous Peoples under international law, Comar underlines the obligations Arctic and non-Arctic states have to address the causes of climate change and its impacts on Indigenous Peoples. Marlene Payva Almonte argues that in the context of global climate change, it is crucial that we consider our most basic notions of nature and the relationship humanity has with the natural world, particularly in terms of how they are represented in Western law. Payva Almonte discusses the tensions between Western legal systems and the responses needed to address our current climate and ecological crises, and argues that the colonial legacies of Western legal systems do not provide the ontological framework for dealing with these challenges. Payva Almonte makes this argument through a case study of the legal dispute regarding the Fosen windfarm in Norway and the conflicting perspectives of Sámi Indigenous Peoples, state authorities and companies regarding the use of lands related to the case. The section is concluded by a commentary by Chuan Chen focused on the role of China within Arctic climate governance and a briefing note by Giuseppe Amatulli and Jamie Jenkins that provides highlights of the 2022 and 2023 editions of the Arctic Academy for Sustainability.

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Section II: Food, Health and Labour Anne Lise Kappel, Peter Hasle, Søren Voxted, and Katharina Jeschke discuss the various changes Greenland’s labour market has experienced and current legislation related to occupational safety and health. The authors presents the findings of a cross-sectoral survey of private Greenlandic companies and highlight the difficult challenges Greenlandic companies have in meeting the basic requirements related to work environment legislation. Fang Fang provides a different perspective on the labour environment in Greenland through their case study of the experiences of Chinese workers in the Maniitsoq fish factory. Labour shortages in Greenland has led to an increase in foreign immigration in recent years, and this article provides the perspectives of Chinese workers in relation to “positive organization factors”, and highlight the positive factors as well as the challenges related to multicultural interactions in these labour spaces. Gao Tianming and Vasilii Erokhin provide an in-depth overview regarding the food security of Indigenous communities in the Russian Arctic and the policy environment influencing it. Tianming and Erokhin discuss the context of nine territories in the Russian Arctic and conceptualize an approach to assessing the level of food and nutritional security by considering the different environmental, economic, and social factors that affect Indigenous communities in the region. They conclude by providing a series of recommendations, including how to mitigate adverse effects of food insecurity on public health, boost self-sufficiency in food, and promote the use of traditional foods and related products in diets. In their commentary on the Ainu language and Indigenous psychological well-being in Hokkaido in northern Japan, Seira Duncan provides an interesting case regarding the importance of supporting, maintaining, and practicing Indigenous languages for, and by, Indigenous communities.

Section III: Governance and economy Rikke Østergaard and Javier L. Arnaut argue through a decoloniality perspective that the Inuit myth and its related alternative view of sovereignty has had important implications on the nation-building process in Greenland due to its departure from Western notions of state formation. Østergaard and Arnaut analyze the legacy of colonialism in Greenland and the role of the Inuit Circumpolar Council in promoting an alternative model of political legitimacy against the conventional approach of nation-building, and argue that state formation must be revised to incorporate the historical experiences and knowledge of Indigenous Peoples. Alexandra Middleton discusses the potential for integrating Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) principles with Indigenous Sustainable Finance principles to shape Arctic economic development. Middleton argues that a paradigm shift is needed that provides space for the collaboration of diverse perspectives for sustainable solutions, and where Arctic Indigenous Peoples’ Knowledges are a core element of economic development. Célestine Rabouam discusses the challenges that Nunvaut, Canada’s largest and northernmost territory, has faced in developing its telecommunications infrastructure and the implications of this for the territory’s 25 communities. Rabouam examines previous and current approaches to connecting these communities, and presents new policy complications related to emerging options such as Starlink’s low earth orbit satellite constellations. Heininen, Olsvig, Barnes, & Exner-Pirot


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Anna Karlsdóttir, Jean-Michel Huctin, Jeanne Gherardi & Tanguy Sandré share experiences from the Belmont Arctic II program’s project “Sense Making, Place attachment, and Extended networks, as sources of Resilience in the Arctic” (SeMPER-Arctic, 2019-2023), and share the development of a narrative-centred, locally rooted, and place-based understanding of resilience. The authors consider the impacts of their research, the importance of reflexivity and relationship building, important ethical considerations, and their reflections on decolonizing research in the Arctic. Martin Mohr Olsen shares the findings of their research investigating how smaller Arctic institutions of higher learning employ sustainability in their operations. The article pursues the question how smaller higher education institutions in the Arctic implement sustainability, and discusses the complexity of the concept of sustainability in this context. In their briefing note that concludes the section, Yang Jian discusses their perspective on the role that expert communities play in Arctic governance, and highlights how different types of expertise can influence different phases of Arctic Governance.

Section IV: Knowledge and science Caoimhe Isha Beaulé and Pierre De Coninck consider the successful elements that emerge in research projects when Indigenous and non-Indigenous Peoples come together to address issues related to Arctic communities. Beaulé and Coninck argue that trust is a crucial part of any collaborative project, and present their findings related the two-year Dialogues and Encounters in the Arctic (DEA) project that took place in an Indigenous Sámi context. The authors share what influenced the trust dynamic in the context of their research, and how this weaved itself into the fabric of the project. Michaela Louise Coote provides a historical and conceptual analysis of interdisciplinary environmental decision-shaping research in the Arctic context. Coote argues that while interdisciplinary research has had a variety of important influences in the Arctic, its use is impacted by geopolitical factors, past and present practices, and epistemologies and ontologies including power hierarchies and colonialism. Korinna Korsström-Magga highlights their approach to a research project that is using an art-based action research strategy. Korsström-Magga describes how their research is implementing a Photovoice-method as a means to collect data and bring forward the daily life of Five Sámi reindeer herder families from the region around Lake Inari in northern Finland. The author argues that artbased actions can emphasize the decolonial potency of participative action research and coresearch, and shares their unique experience as an art-educator-researcher that is also directly involved in reindeer herding herself. Section four concludes with four briefing notes and commentaries that discuss the networks and events that have contributed to Arctic knowledge and science production in recent years, and includes a special section of “Knowledge for governance and diplomacy: Expertise & Dialogue” based on presentations at Arctic Circle Japan Forum on March 4-6, 2023, in Tokyo, co-organized by the Thematic Network on Geopolitics and Security, and the Arctic Yearbook. Merje Kuus provides a two-pronged argument about Arctic networks and their participants: that these networks benefit from in-person interaction and that these networks bridge scientific, diplomatic, business, and civil society realms, and are the medium of Arctic expertise. Lassi Heininen provides their reflections on the development of the Calotte Academy and the Northern Research Forum, Arctic Indigenous Peoples: Climate, Science, Knowledge and Governance


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and the important influences they have had on Arctic researchers and Arctic dialogues. Alexandra Middleton, Andrey Mineev, Paul Arthur Berkman, Anton Vasiliev, Halldór Jóhannsson, Ekaterina Uryupova and Lassi Heininen discuss the recently launched “Arctic Expert-to-Expert” initiative, and the challenges it seeks to address in terms of scientific and Indigenous Knowledge exchange in the current Arctic political context. Zhanna Anshukova and Tom Gabriel Royer conclude the section by providing a report on Calotte Academy 2023, which convened 30 travelling participants and local guest lecturers at each location, and share the key themes discussed in the Academy’s 32nd year.

Section V: Cooperation and conflict Jennifer Spence, Edward Alexander, Rolf Rødven and Sara Harriger challenge the conventional narrative of Arctic Exceptionalism by ultimately going beyond it. The authors consider a broader range of characteristics and features that make the Arctic unique, and consider how this expanded view alters perceptions of the region’s governance. The authors share three stories of the Arctic as defined through geopolitics, environment, and Gwitch’in homelands, and highlight the key insights these perspectives provide about the past, present and future of the Arctic and Arctic governance. Ekaterina Zmyvalova considers the experiences of Indigenous Peoples in Russia in the current context of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Zmyvalova explores the legal changes which have been taking place in Russia since the start of the full-scale war in Ukraine in February 2022, and discusses the impact of these changes on the human rights of Indigenous Peoples in Russia. Marco Volpe explores the evolution of domestic debate in China regarding its role in the Arctic, and the influence of this debate on domestic-decision making. Volpe sheds light on how the Chinese domestic academic debate between 2014-2021 addressed the Central Arctic Ocean, and offers a reflection on future actions that Chinese leadership might consider. This section is concluded by four briefing notes and commentaries. Paul Dziatkowiec discusses in their commentary the implications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on Arctic science and the purpose of the Switzerland-based Geneva Centre for Security Policy’s launch of a discreet dialogue process (the ‘High North Talks’) to address some of the gaps that have emerged. Natsuhiko Otsuka, Yuji Kodama, Minsu Kim and Yang Jian’s commentary presents a concise history of the North Pacific Arctic Community (NPARC), an initiative born out of the growing interest in Arctic affairs among non-Arctic nations, particularly those from Asian three countries namely, China, Japan, and Korea. Egill Thor Nielsson provides an overview of the China-Nordic Arctic Research Center and an update on its work after a decade of operation. Finally, Eda Ayaydin provides a report on the launch of their book Uluslararası İlişkilerde Arktik (The Arctic in International Relations), and discusses key perspectives of Turkish academic discourse about the Arctic.

References AMAP (2002). Arctic Pollution 2002. Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme: Oslo. Arctic Peoples’ Conference Statement (2023). Accessible from: Ahttps://www.inuitcircumpolar.com/news/statement-of-the-arctic-peoples-conference2023-inuiaat-issittormiut-ataatsimeersuarnerat-2023/

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Canadian Institute of International Affairs (1988). The Arctic environment and Canada's international relations: the report of a working group of the National Capital Branch of the Canadian Institute of International Affairs. Ottawa: Canadian Institute of International Affairs. National Capital Branch. Constable, A.J., S. Harper, J. Dawson, K. Holsman, T. Mustonen, D. Piepenburg, and B. Rost, 2022: Cross-Chapter Paper 6: Polar Regions. In: Climate Change 2022: Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability. Contribution of Working Group II to the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change [H.-O. Pörtner, D.C. Roberts, M. Tignor, E.S. Poloczanska, K. Mintenbeck, A. Alegría, M. Craig, S. Langsdorf, S. Löschke, V. Möller, A. Okem, B. Rama (eds.)]. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK and New York, NY, USA, pp. 2319–2368, doi:10.1017/9781009325844.023. English, J. (2013). Ice and Water: Politics, Peoples, and the Arctic Council. Toronto: Penguin Canada Books Inc. Heininen, Lassi (2013). “’Politicization’ of the Environment: Environmental Politics and Security in the Circumpolar North.” The Fast-Changing Arctic: Rethinking Arctic Security for a warmer World. Edited by Barry Scott Zellen. University of Calgary Press: Calgary 2013, pp. 35-55. Heininen, Lassi (2004). Circumpolar International Relations and Geopolitics. AHDR (Arctic Human Development Report) 2004. Stefansson Arctic Institute: Akureyri, Iceland, pp. 207-225. Heininen, Lassi & Exner-Pirot, Heather, eds. (2020). Climate Change and Arctic Security. Searching for a Paradigm Shift. Palgrave Macmillan, Palgrave Pivot: Cham, Switzerland. Huebert, R. (1997). The Canadian Arctic and the International Environmental Regime. In J. Oakes and R. Riewe (Eds.). Issues in the North, volume 2. Edmonton: Canadian Circumpolar Institute. ICC (2022). The Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement. ICC (2023). Statement of the Arctic Peoples’ Conference 2023 Kleivan, I. (1992). The Arctic Peoples' Conference in Copenhagen, November 22-25, 1973. Études/Inuit/Studies, 16(1/2), 227-236. Lackenbauer, P . W. & Dean, R. (2021). Canada and the Origins of the Arctic Council: Key Documents, 1988-1998. Centre for Military, Security and Strategic Studies, University of Calgary Mullen, P. (1994). State Interests and the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy (Master’s thesis, Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University, Ottawa). Olsvig, S. (2022): Greenland’s ambiguous action space: testing internal and external limitations between US and Danish Arctic interests, The Polar Journal, DOI: 10.1080/2154896X.2022.2137085 Ottawa Declaration (1996). Declaration on the Establishment of the Arctic Council. At the Ministerial meeting of the Arctic Council, Ottawa, Canada, 19th day of September 1996. Paci, James, C. Dickson, S. Nikels, L. Chan, and C. Furgal (2004). Food Security of Northern Indigenous Peoples in a Time of Uncertainty. Position Paper for the 3rd NRF Open Meeting. Yellowknife, NWT, Canada.

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Rothwell, D. R. (1996). The Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy and International Environmental Cooperation in the Far North, Yearbook of International Environmental Law, 6(1), 65-105 Rantanen, M., Karpechko, A.Y., Lipponen, A. et al. The Arctic has warmed nearly four times faster than the globe since 1979. Commun Earth Environ 3, 168 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1038/s43247-022-00498-3 Rovaniemi Declaration (1991). The Rovaniemi Declaration, signed by the Eight Arctic Nations, June 4, 1991 in Rovaniemi, Finland.

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Section I: Climate change and the green transition


Arctic Infrastructure: Considerations in the Green Transition Position paper written by scholars from Fulbright Arctic Initiative III

Lill Rastad Bjørst, Sigríður Kristjánsdóttir, Christopher Clarke-McQueen, Jaime DeSimone, Andrea Kraj & Anna Krook-Riekkola

The global green transition has put a new focus on the Arctic region and its resources (eg.energy, minerals, and access to land) at the same time as Arctic communities are looking for development, self-determination, and growth. Arctic infrastructural “fingerprints” will exemplify key considerations within the green transition in a changing arctic climate, with competing visions and framings of what the green transition is about, and the rationale for its need. Global green transition involves resources that may be found in the Arctic. The argument of this paper is built around the position that it is of particular importance to hear, value, integrate, and prioritizes the voices of Arctic Indigenous Peoples and others living in the North. Findings from fieldwork and observations conclude that: 1. The Arctic has a new strategic role because of the green transition, 2. Arctic communities lack physical as well as policy infrastructure for a successful transition, 3. Green transition is not “a one size fits all” in the Arctic. Different communities have different opportunities as well as requirements when it comes to green transition, 4. There is a knowledge gap both in terms of what arctic communities need from a transition and how these needs best could be met, and 5. Green transition can become an important driver of change in the Arctic.

Lill Rastad Bjørst, PhD and Associate Professor, Dept. of Culture & Learning, Aalborg University (Denmark) Sigríður Kristjánsdóttir, Ph.D in Environmental Sciences (Iceland) Christopher Clarke-McQueen, Architect and PhD fellow at McGill University (Canada) Jaime DeSimone, Curator of Contemporary Art (USA) Anna Krook-Riekkola, Associate Professor, Energy Engineering, Luleå University of Technology (Sweden) Andrea Kraj, PhD and Microgrid & Energy Transition Advisor (Canada)


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Figure. 1. Nuuk, Greenland. Photograph by Lill Rastad Bjørst, Greenland August 2022

Background Climate change impact is a living global reality. Over the last 49 years, the Arctic has warmed three times faster than the world as a whole (AMAP, 2021: 4). The thawing permafrost, wildfires, extreme and rising temperatures, and sea-level rise are changing the landscape and living reality for the people of this ecologically vulnerable region. To reduce the climate impact, a green transition agenda is pushed forward by heads of states and industry. An agenda which has been even more accelerated with world events such as the war in the Ukraine, global economic recession, and extreme climatic events. This position paper demonstrates that the green transition presented in international politics, and how it plays out locally in the Arctic, differ. At the same time, there are Bjørst, Kristjánsdóttir, Clarke-McQueen, DeSimone, Kraj & Krook-Riekkola


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goal conflicts between international and national decisions. The ramifications and when it is to be implemented in a regional and local context can be illustrated by the discussion at the Conference of the Parties of the UNFCCC (COP-meetings) and the implementation of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (Degai & Petrov, 2021). The Arctic has a new strategic role because of the green transition The green transition agenda is at the center of attention for governments, organizations, businesses, and academia (Stokes, 2022). The goal with the European Green Deal is, for instance, to reach climate neutrality by 2050, and to support the transformation of the EU into a fair and prosperous society with a modern and competitive economy (European Council, 2023). Currently, the environment, security, and economy go hand-in-hand for many countries. The war in Ukraine and dependencies on Russian gas have made the European countries speed up the transition to renewables. In “The EU in the Arctic” policy paper from 2021, the overall focus is on “a stronger EU engagement for a peaceful, sustainable, and prosperous Arctic.” In the text it is specified that “The EU’s full engagement in Arctic matters is a geopolitical necessity” (EU, 2021: 2). In the same vein, the US National Strategy for the Arctic Region (2022) (launched after the war in Ukraine) has “Security” as its first pillar and “environment” (Climate Change and Environmental Protection) as its second, with pillar three being “Sustainable Economic Development,” and pillar four as, “International Cooperation and Governance”. Recently, the relationship between environment, security, and economy has been translated into green transition, such as in the US Inflation Reduction Act (2023). In our Fulbright Arctic Initiative (FAI) III endeavor, we have observed that the Arctic policies currently being formulated have begun to echo these green transition agendas (from Europe and the US) as well, which are closely connected to local dilemmas. In discussing Arctic infrastructure in our FAI III cohort, we became attentive to the new infrastructure facilitated by the global green transition. A large expansion of wind power, PV, batteries, and electric vehicles are seen by the International Energy Agency (IEA, 2021) as being critical to reach climate neutrality, while still meeting the future needs for the benefits that energy services provide. If greenhouse gases are not reduced fast enough, there will be a need for carbon offsetting, including carbon storage (IPCC SP1.5, 2018). The Arctic could be an important provider of both material and energy resources, as well as the carbon storage needed for the global transition, thus taking up a new strategic role due to the green transition. Our focus is on Arctic communities, while being attentive to these communities’ (and countries’) relationship to the rest of the world. Without seeking to theorize too much as an interdisciplinary group of scholars, we have a dynamic approach to studying infrastructures that goes beyond the built environment (Larkin, 2013). This paper is based on many field trips to various Arctic locations that the authors took alone or together during the FAI III where we consulted with professionals and locals. As of today, the Arctic lacks physical as well as institutional policy infrastructure (Bennett & Bouffard, 2022) for a successful engagement in the green transition. Melting permafrost, extreme weather events, and lack of connectivity in many of the Arctic regions makes it expensive and challenging to build physical infrastructure such as roads, power lines, wind power plants, and airstrips. In parallel, the lack of inclusive processes, knowledge and resources supporting, and speaking to local needs slows down the green transition locally (see Fulbright Arctic Initiative III Policy Brief 2023 in DeSimone et al, 2023). A small disclaimer for not overestimating comparisons within the Arctic is that remote and rural characteristics, and seasonal and year round access are highly impactful on the ease and cost

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of building infrastructure in the Arctic. The argument of this paper is built around the position that it is of particular importance to hear, value, integrate, and prioritize the voices of Arctic Indigenous peoples and others living in the North. This paper addresses the research question: What are the key considerations and significant fingerprints of Arctic infrastructure in the green transition? Many Arctic regions have a delicate history of land grabbing, land claims, nation building, and selfdetermination. Several Arctic nations have unresolved land and resource issues with Indigenous peoples. These issues become prevalent in green transition projects as well. For example, the Southern Sámi living within Norwegian borders experience what they call “Green colonialism” because of the wind energy development in their region (Normann, 2021). The examples from NWT illustrate how new Arctic infrastructure and green transition is also about understanding the needs of Indigenous peoples in regard to the Arctic and to create the right relationships, as in any decolonising project. The example from Greenland highlights how the Government of Greenland has the right to land and resources, and looks for ways to become an exporter of energy and minerals so as to “live up to the name, Greenland”'. Meanwhile, policy infrastructure and commitments are lacking (i.e. a national climate strategy and Nationally Determined Contributions speaking to the goals of the Paris Agreement) and the dilemmas about local impact and benefits from the development are still unresolved. Many Arctic nations search for ways to be more selfsustaining when it comes to resources, minerals, and energy; a process where Iceland comes out as a forerunner. With the global resource pressure from Russia tailored to oil and natural gas exports, enhanced with the war in Ukraine, a tendency to resource nationalism has reappeared in international politics where governments position themselves around their access to potential resource wealth, according to the U.S. Agency for International Development (2021: 5-6). The US Inflation Reduction Act (2022) intends to support a green transition but could also cause friction between the EU and the US. It should not be underestimated that some areas of the Arctic are dependent on the use of fossil fuels and have national interest in local security of the supply for development not to be remotely controlled by others.

Relevance: Arctic fingerprints in green transition In political debates, “green transition” is often mentioned as self-evident, but without pointing toward any specific object. This makes the concept politically powerful. Being so unclearly defined enables green transition to appear in surprising sectors and contexts (Bjørst, 2022; Karlsson & Hovelsrud, 2021). The ambiguity of ‘greening’ is not a new tendency in environmental discourses. This form of “green speak” is closely connected to globalization, speaking to the idea of a “global green consciousness” (Harré et al., 1999). An idea that was articulated in the work of the Brundtland Commission (Brundtland 1987), which promised a “common future” that at the time gave some comfort to its belief in the possibility of “Managing the Commons” (ibid, 1987: 261). Recently the philosopher, Bruno Latour, evaluated this idea. He concluded that: “The absence of a common world we can share is driving us crazy” (2018: 2). The relationship between global problems and local affairs are altered with the green transition, whereas Arctic resources and energy production are increasingly developed to accommodate globalization. Scholars like McCauley & Heffron (2018) have advocated for more fairness and equity as part of the transition away from fossil fuels – with a green transition in the Arctic it could be difficult to live up to those ideals.

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Today, branding your country as “green” or as part of a “green transition” can be a powerful new way of presenting a country as modern and progressive (i.e. at UN COP meetings, or in the European Parliament). Bjørst (2022) writes about the differences between sustainability and the green transition, presented as part of a political discourse: “Whereas ‘sustainability’ is about sustaining something (i.e. environment, Indigenous communities, the economy) - green transition is about transforming something and not having the ambition to sustain (not to change) to the same extent. In other words, green transition can be rather transformational for Arctic communities in the years to come. Something must go as part of this transformation (e.g., oil, gas, imported food)” (Bjørst, 2022: 4). The community will be expected to change and build new infrastructure and energy systems as part of this process. As part of the FAI III (2021-2023), we have been discussing green transition processes with a focus on Arctic infrastructure. Utilizing our regional expert knowledge from Iceland, the Canadian Northwest Territories (NWT), Greenland, Norway, Sweden, and the US. Arctic infrastructural “fingerprints” will exemplify key considerations within the green transition in a changing arctic climate, with competing visions and framings of what the green transition is about, and the rationale for its need in an era where many Arctic communities are looking for development, selfdetermination, and growth. This is a multidisciplinary position paper dealing with a pressing matter of concern. With the help of the FAI III, we were inspired to use a collaborative, multidisciplinary approach to enquire about the green transition in the Arctic. To work across academic disciplines (Architecture, Energy Engineering, Planning and Design, Computational Engineering, Art, Anthropology, and Arctic Studies) takes dedication and time as “science cannot race ahead in isolation but must learn instead to slow down” (Stengers, 2018). This position paper and a policy brief as presented at the Wilson Center in Washington DC in April 2023 (DeSimone et al, 2023) is the fruit of our endeavors. In this paper, light will be shed on the different status in the Arctic by highlighting fingerprints from various places (Iceland, Greenland, NWT and Norway). Certainly, the diversity of the region that is considered the Arctic is great. Therefore, it can be difficult to compare different regions, but nevertheless, they can learn from each other. The four cases are selected based on both relevance for a discussion about green transition, and where we as a group had expertise. Unfortunately, the authors did not have the time nor funding to visit all the Arctic countries however these fingerprints show the variety of statuses across the Arctic. The fingerprint (regional examples) from Iceland proves that large-scale transformation can occur within countries in a short period of time based on cooperation. Greenland’s fingerprint illustrates a recent political paradigm shift towards a green transition agenda with the ambition to utilize its hydropower potential, in addition to extracting mineral resources relevant for green technologies. The fingerprint from Indigenous communities in the Northwest Territories (NWT) illustrates how some communities are attempting to break free of their petrol dependency, planning alternative local renewable energy solutions, and the way this relates to the need for decolonization. Finally, the fingerprint from Norway reminds us about how green transition can be governed - but also how it can be experienced as harmful to specific Indigenous groups’ livelihoods. Fingerprint: Iceland Iceland lies over a volcanic hotspot on the Mid-Atlantic Ridge. Ever since the Viking Age, Icelanders have used natural hot springs for washing and bathing. Uniquely, the island also Arctic Infrastructure: Considerations in the Green Transition


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possesses underground water reservoirs continually replenished by rain (Mims, 2022). Magma underneath the island heats these reservoirs to hundreds of degrees, making natural conditions in Iceland favorable for geothermal power production. Almost all heating and electricity generation is provided for by renewables – both hydro and geothermal energy.

Figure 2. The Carbfix provides a natural and permanent storage solution by turning CO2 into stone underground in less than two years. Iceland proves that big transformation can happen within countries in a short period of time based on cooperation. That is a lesson that can be useful to everyone to fight the climate crises today. Photograph Lill Rastad Bjørst, Hellisheiðarvirkjun, Iceland June 2022

Icelanders have gone through an energy transition twice The first was when they started to produce electricity with hydropower and the second when oil was replaced by geothermal heat to heat houses. It is estimated that in Iceland, the first electric light bulb was switched on in 1899, and in 1904, electricity production began in Hafnarfjörður. When the oil crisis struck in the early 1970s, the world market price for crude oil rose by 70%. At the same time, heat from oil served over 50% of the population in Iceland. The oil crises caused Iceland to change its energy policy, reducing oil use and increasing domestic energy resources, such as hydropower and geothermal. This policy meant exploring new geothermal resources and building new heating utilities across the country. Due to the urgency and constructive cooperation, it took only 12 years to decrease oil for heating from 50% 1973, to 5% 1985. This involved converting household heating systems from oil to geothermal heat, based on constructive cooperation between the state, cities, municipalities, and private citizens. Now more than 90% of houses in Iceland are heated by a system based on the direct use of geothermal heat. There are also

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several gas-fired heating plants in operation, where electricity is most often used as a source of energy. As such, almost all domestic heating in Iceland is based on renewable energy sources, primarily geothermal energy. In the following years, each municipality established an electricity utility, and the electricity was either produced with oil or hydropower. After the Second World War, the use of electricity became common in the country’s urban areas. Electricity was then used to power various machines in industry and business. After the 1960’s, larger hydropower plants were built throughout the country. The development had been quite fast and now the electricity production in the country is one of the most environmentally friendly in the world. The initiative for electrification came from enterprising individuals, then moved mostly to the municipalities, and finally to the state level. Iceland faces a green transition in the form of a third energy exchange: replacing fossil fuels in transport with green, domestic energy sources. According to a study by UI and UR for Samorka (Government of Iceland, 2023a), energy exchange in transport is economically viable and a great benefit for the environment. Energy transition in transport is one of the biggest opportunities for the Government of Iceland to meet international climate agreements. The Government of Iceland aims to achieve carbon neutrality before 2040 and to cut greenhouse gas emissions by 40% by 2030 under the Paris Agreement (2015) (Government of Iceland, 2023b). Iceland has great potential for carbon uptake from the atmosphere by afforestation, revegetation, and to curb emissions from soils by reclaiming drained wetlands. The biggest sources of emissions (outside land use) are industrial processes, road transport, agriculture, fisheries, and waste management.

More wind energy in Iceland can be the way forward With the implementation of the EU framework, the energy landscape has changed rapidly. The clearest manifestation is the 34 wind energy projects that have been put on the table of the fourth phase of the framework plan. There is a serious lack of framework for this issue, but a bill is expected soon. Wind quality is high in Iceland, and wind energy can, in many ways, fit well with the country’s energy system. The wind blows, for example, more in the winter when there is less water in the reservoirs, but slows down in the summer when the reservoir situation improves. Iceland has a wide range of renewable energy resources and therefore has greater utilization potential compared with most other countries. At the same time, it faces a greater challenge regarding the management of unique natural qualities. The value of nature grows in times of climate change and the effect of utilizing geothermal, hydropower, and wind is different when looking at the structure of structures as well as the different nature of the resources as energy sources (Logadóttir 2002a). The National Energy Authorities, Orkustofnun, confirmed that a lot of lessons can be learned from building wind power in steps and that it is necessary to look at wind power at sea, as well as on land, when choosing locations for the future (Logadóttir, 2022b). It is also necessary to work out how dividends from energy sources are returned to the nation and local communities, since most energy projects are now carried out by private actors and not by state owned companies like in the past. Furthermore, there has never been so much fermentation in the field of energy and climate issues. One of the biggest achievements of the year 2021 was probably the milestone of scientists in the United States in the field of nuclear fusion, a technology that could transform energy issues in the coming decades. In Iceland, many climate-related companies have developed These include Alor (which works on a new type of battery), Carbfix (which has technology to turn CO2 into stone Arctic Infrastructure: Considerations in the Green Transition


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(figure 2)) (Kristjánsdóttir & Kristjánsdóttir 2021), Laka (which works to improve the safety of systems), Sidewind (which uses wind energy on cargo ships and Transition Labs, which has invested in the growth of green solutions.) Innovation and technological development could work for Iceland when it comes to creating the greatest benefit in all utilization for society, so progress is closely monitored.

Summary - fingerprint from Iceland Today, the entire transportation system in Iceland depends on the nations that produce oil. By replacing oil with domestically produced green energy, society can become self-sufficient in the energy it needs. Icelandic society will not be affected by external factors that may affect the supply or price of oil, for example, due to war. Iceland could become the first Arctic country to use only green, renewable energy. The Icelandic population uses about a million tons of oil a year and pays 100 billion ISK for it. If Iceland manages to stop this, the benefit could be cleaner air and a sustainable standard of living in Iceland along the way. Fingerprint: Greenland

Figure 3. Kangia, Ilulissat Icefjord. Photograph by Lill Rastad Bjørst. Greenland August 2021.

Kalaallit Nunaat (Greenland), is self-governing sub-national territory within the Kingdom of Denmark (Ackrén & Jakobsen 2015) and the world’s biggest island. A unique feature of Greenland is that 81% of the land is covered by ice and the total population is just about 57,000 (Statistics Greenland 2022). The Self-government Act of 2009 gives, among other things, Greenland full Bjørst, Kristjánsdóttir, Clarke-McQueen, DeSimone, Kraj & Krook-Riekkola


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responsibility regarding its own natural resources. The citizens of Greenland share common property rights. In 2021, the Government of Greenland changed the political discourse from being focusing on the extractive future of Greenland with no commitment to global binding climate deals - to focus and plan for a “green transition,” become an exporter of renewable energy, and potentially ratifying the Paris Agreement (Bjørst 2022). Therefore, the new focus for the Government of Greenland is on developing more hydropower, establishing PtX installations, and planning extraction of minerals which would be important for new green technology. Despite this new ambition, Greenland lacks physical as well as policy infrastructure. Physical infrastructure, meaning a lack of roads between towns, international airports, along with runways1 long enough for bigger cargo, modern seaports, connectivity and high-speed internet (Abildgaard et al., 2022; Sejersen, 2015), and a larger STEM educated workforce is just some of it. The lack of policy infrastructure speaks to the fact that Greenland, has for a decade, not been part of international climate agreements such as Copenhagen Accord (2009), the Rio Convention, (2012) or the Paris Agreement (2015). At the time of writing, the Government of Greenland just signed the Paris Agreement by the UNFCCC. This signifies a turning point for the climate action and Greenland’s commitment to bring down greenhouse gas emissions. “We join in acknowledgment that we are an Indigenous people with the right to self-determination. We are responsible for our climate policy, and we join the Paris Agreement on these terms,” Greenlandic Minister, Kalistat Lund, stated in a press release (UN, 2023). Now follows the work, with a formal climate strategy for the country, setting the nationally determined contributions (NDC) for Greenland, and explaining the potential implications and possibilities to civil society (Berthelsen, 2023). Despite being mentioned often in the climate change debate, the discussions about climate politics in Greenland is a relatively new thing (Bjørst, 2019). Nevertheless, Greenland has a unique potential in green transition if managed accordingly, the authors would argue. It is the Greenlanders who have the right to the subsurface, resources, and the hydropower installation that are managed by the Government of Greenland. In other words, when it comes to mining rights and title to land, ownership to the land cannot be obtained in Greenland. However, local people, institutions, or companies may apply to obtain a right to use a piece of land for a defined purpose. In effect, Greenland has no major unresolved problems with land rights - but lately controversies about landuse and extractive projects have appeared and a civil society resistance has evolved, especially around the mining of Greenland’s uranium (Bjørst, Sejersen & Thisted, 2023; Hansen & Johnstone 2019). So far, development of hydropower plants has not sparked the same resistance in the public. The same goes for wind and solar energy.

Greenland ice cap = an energy island? The Greenland ice cap is called the “world’s biggest battery” by the national energy company, Nukissiorfiit (figure 3). The CEO Kasper Mondrup, in an interview with the Danish newspaper, Berlingske, said about the capacity of the meltwater from the Greenland ice cap: “It can produce energy for the next eight hundred years if it continues to melt at the current rate.” He sees a big potential for Greenland as “The world's hydropower potential is about to be fully exploited. Greenland is one of the places in the world where there is a lot of unused hydropower” (Østergaard 2022: 7). The unused energy from Greenland are currently inspiring politicians to think about possibilities for energy exports and use the presumably cheap renewable energy as a pull factor to attract more private business to Greenland from the rest of the world (data centers, PtX converters,

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factories ect.). Today, hydroelectric generators produce far less carbon dioxide than power plants that burn fossil fuels and it is considered an alternative to coal, natural gas, and oil. As good as it sounds, hydroelectric development can also produce a broad range of environmental impacts and changes to the land and biodiversity (Winemiller et al., 2016). To boost the energy production in Greenland and attract new industries, might not in the first instance lead to less emissions of CO2 in total as Greenland (except the fishing industry) does not have bigger industrial complexes at the moment (like aluminum smelters or large-scale extractive industries like mining, oil, and gas extraction). This is also part of the reason why the political party Siumut has been reluctant towards committing to the Paris Agreement (2015). They fear it will impact Greenland’s competitiveness when planning for new industrial development (Larsen & Kristensen, 2023). Future fishing, shipping, aviation, and energy consumption in cities and towns without access to hydropower might be unable to transition fast enough in the years to come. With access to cheap renewable energy, a green industrial revolution might be set in motion. Despite the possibilities for renewable energy in Greenland, diesel will for a long time be part of the energy mix for industries in remote sites in Greenland such as the remote mining activities in northeast Greenland. However, domestic energy use is dominated by renewable energy - especially from hydropower. At a side event at COP26 (01.11.2021), the Greenlandic Prime Minister, Múte B. Egede, described the ambition for a green transition like this: Naalakkersuisut (the Government of Greenland) believes that we who call the Arctic home must do what we can to lead by example by aiming to reduce CO2 emissions and to promote a sustainable, green transition in Greenland and beyond. Sustainable green energy solutions are the future, and we have a lot to gain by this transition. Greenland has an abundance of hydropower resources, which surmounts our domestic energy needs. We are right now in the process of opening up to investors, who can help develop these areas, so that Greenland can fuel cheap and sustainable energy for data centers or as an input into storing of energy in hydrogen via PtX processes for example (Múte B. Egede at COP26 2021, as quoted in Bjørst 2022). At COP26, Greenland was inspired by examples from the energy transition projects in Iceland and Norway and used the politics of comparison to argue for Greenland’s role in the global green transition (Bjørst, 2022). What Greenland’s Prime Minister described was a landscape of intensification (Jones, 2014) to give the green transition momentum (a lot to gain) and placed it within the discourse of national leadership (“lead by example”). Greenland’s minerals were not mentioned by the MPs at COP26, but visiting Greenland’s plans for industrial development reveal that mining is still part of the portfolio. Greenland’s mineral deposits and mineralization profile show great diversity and quantities (GEUS, 2013; Kalvig, 2021). Greenland commands resources that could be important for green technology, which has raised the interest in Greenland from a geopolitical point of view (Rahbek-Clemmensen & Nielsen, 2020). Over the past 10 years, the total consumption of Rare Earth Elements (REE) has grown by about 50% and with the current use of REE for new technologies the world may face a supply challenge by 2030 (Kalvig, 2021:23). REE in the South Greenland (Kuannersuit/ Kvanefjeld and Killavaat Alannguat /Kringlerne) has raised public attention (Bjørst, 2016; Thisted, 2020, Vestergaard, 2015). However, the Kvanefjeld project is quite close (6-8 km) to the local community, sparking concerns

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over health, local environment, and the many long-term impacts (Bjørst, Sejersen & Thisted, 2023; Hansen & Johnstone, 2019; Thisted, 2020). REEs in the Kvanefjeld project also include the mining of uranium and thorium – meaning that waste and tailings can potentially contaminate the local environment. In general, there is a significant climate impact in the production of REE and the recycling rate of REE is very limited (Kalvig, 2021). Still, the mining companies promote themselves as green. In a video produced by Greenland Minerals A/S to inform the public about the Kvanefjeld mining project, they describe how Kvanefjeld would “make the world greener,” (Greenland Minerals A/S, 2021) indirectly imagining the end product of the production and how this would impact “the world”. The mining company TANBREEZ (planning for mining in Killavaat Alannguat /Kringlerne in South Greenland) echo a similar storyline with the slogan “Mining for Green Technologies” (http://tanbreez.com). The Australian company operating in Greenland, formerly known as “Greenland Minerals Ltd,” recently changed their name to “Energy Transition Minerals Ltd'', rebranding themselves from being a mining company now being an energy transition company. Another example is the Hudson Resources, with an open Pit Mine located 80 km SW from Kangerlussuaq known for their mining of Greenland’s anorthosite (calcium feldspar). On their webpage they copy a recent humoristic Carlsberg beer commercial2 and writing “Possibly the Greenest Mine in the World” (https://hudsonresourcesinc.com/), describe how it is “an operating mine producing green product”3. These two cases illustrate the general tendency in mining projects where the “green” is mostly related to the product itself and less to the local impacts or what the locals will get out of this transition.

Will Greenland be more green? In the dominant political discourse in Greenland, a green transition and the future and identity of the nation are linked. As Naaja Nathanielsen, Greenlandic Naalakkersuisoq (Minister) for Housing, Infrastructure, Justice, Minerals, and Gender Equality said in her keynote at the 2021 Arctic Circle Assembly: “We want to be known for our commitment to renewable resources and live up to our name, Greenland.” At the time of writing, Greenland has some way to go in international climate change policy-making (Bjørst, 2018: 22). Thus, the Government of Greenland is still discussing its climate policy and potentially, Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to implement the Paris Agreement (Veirum, 2023). Following the political climate change debate in Greenland the last 20 years underpins a shift in the discourse with the introduction of the concept “green transition” in the conversation about climate change and Greenland’s development (Bjørst, 2022). The concept “green transition” is not fixed and pops up in the conversation. It offers a “promise,” about being green and transformative. One that is not articulated and therefore seldom binding, by offering the mining companies a stage to perform as green if they mine for REE or contribute to the global production of green technology. It is an empty signifier and under constant revision, but at the same time unifying with a lot of political effects (Bjørst, 2022). The versions of the green transition that Greenland is planning for contain the paradox that it comes with a new form of industrialization, which invites industrial projects and businesses to come to Greenland and make use of the abundance of hydropower. An industrialization that may increase the CO2 locally when adding activity, while decreasing the CO2 globally (from products being produced with fossil free electricity). More activity also requires better infrastructure such as harbors, runways, roads, buildings, energy systems, cables, and more. At the same time Greenland could be more dominant as a business partner and as a country offering green solutions.

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Summary - fingerprint from Greenland To return to the key considerations and significant fingerprints of Greenlandic infrastructure in the green transition it is important to remember that the Greenland ice cap might be melting - but Greenland has never been more solid when it comes to governance and right to land and resources (eg. Self-Government Act of 2009). Greenland is a self-declared welfare society (Arnfjord, 2022) like Denmark, which means that green transition in Greenlandic politics is expected to support and sustain the welfare model. However, as this paper shows, the political green transition agenda might call for considerations when it comes to physical, institutional as well as policy infrastructures to support the Greenlandic society. This fingerprint from Greenland mostly focused on the paradigm shift in the political agenda around green transition in Greenland. At the time of writing, these discussions have, so far, not surfaced in civil society discussions. Some of the missing links are: First, what does the local community need from this transition and how can local towns benefit? Second, what will be Greenland’s national climate strategy and NDC to fully commit to the Paris Agreement? Third, the local impact of exploring the hydropower resources to accommodate new industrial complexes and potentially become an energy exporter is not articulated. Fourth, the fact that green transition as a concept is not fixed paves the way for green open claims. One of the effects is that the local dilemmas and social-environmental impacts can be easily overlooked when an initiative speaks to green transition on a global scale. Fingerprint: Northwest Territories (NWT), Canada

Figure 4. Photography by Lill Rastad Bjørst, NWT, close to Yellowknife, September 2022.

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Indigenous peoples, especially in North America, populate a large portion of the Arctic region. Currently in the case of Canada, 170 of 292 remote communities are Indigenous, with the majority relying heavily on a microgrid of energy generation using fossil fuels (Hussein & Musilek, 2021). Due to their inextricable interconnectivity to the land and environment, the green transition is of particular importance to the continuation and proliferation of Indigenous cultures. This is even more true in our rapidly changing environment, in which Arctic temperatures are increasing at a much higher rate than those to the south (Rantanen, Karpechko, Lipponen et al., 2022). With the continuation of temperature increases and climate change, the ability for Indigenous peoples to continue, let alone reclaim, their respective ways of life will become increasingly tenuous. Thus, the need to advance and move beyond the green transition becomes a human rights issue, especially as Indigenous communities attempt to recover from the long lasting as well as devastating effects of colonialism (Cameron, 2015). Nevertheless, Indigenous people have the human right to continue cultural practices, and at the core of those practices is the connection with the environment (Anaya, 2000). As Kraj indicates, “Regeneration of the land is critical to the sustainability of the place. Development that occurs on the given land must not exceed what the land can hold and replenish by itself”, and so the pathway to development must be reciprocal as well as sustainable (Kraj, 2023). Although the ideals of Indigeneity and environmentalism are generally well aligned, so too can they be at odds with one another. Conservation of species, the sustainable use of resources and energy, and the elimination of climate change are issues generally agreed upon. Nevertheless, Indigenous peoples can oppose movements of environmentalists as well, especially when it comes to Indigenous rights to harvest fish and animals for food and fur for clothing (Wenzel, 1991). Despite this, the majority of the threat to both the environment and the continuation of an Indigenous way of life in the Arctic come from the massive amounts of carbon produced in the world south of the region. Regardless of the relatively minute contribution of climate changing actions occurring in Arctic regions, the global consequences of melting glacial and periglacial (permafrost) bodies releasing eons of trapped greenhouse gasses such as methane and carbon dioxide, may prove immense (Ravasio, Riise & Sveen, 2020). Thus, regional influences of pollution require Arctic infrastructure to lead by example and quickly transition to those exemplifying the green transition.

To break free of petroleum dependency Of those 292 remote Canadian communities, 257 rely on individual, independent, and highly carbon producing diesel energy generation microgrids (Hussein & Musilek, 2021). Energy production, too, may be even more essential in Arctic regions due to the need for heating in the severe cold and for light in long dark winters. Some communities do not have sunlight at all for weeks or months on end. Nevertheless, many communities are trying to break free of this petroleum dependency, and to a larger extent colonialism through the installation of alternative energy solutions, such as photovoltaics (PV). Although this source is essential to a microgrid of sustainable energy generation, other sources must also be included since solar is most abundant during long and bright Arctic summers, but lowest in the cold dark winters when it is most needed. Ground sink heat sources would also be a very complicated or impossible option, especially in permafrost rich areas, which would cause a thaw and create other ecological devastations. In Inuvik, a community in Canada’s Northwest Territories near the coast of the Arctic Ocean, the

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Gwich’in Tribal Council is currently constructing a windmill to further reduce their reliance on diesel. The latter of which is extremely costly due to the shipping of the fuel and energy production monopolies. If effective, this will demonstrate the potential of wind energy for that region, as well as in frigid temperatures throughout the circumpolar North. This energy transition is essential in remote Indigenous communities, but must be done with the engagement and incorporation of Indigenous peoples’ participation (Hussein & Musilek, 2021). Furthermore, although there has been a long history of exclusion of Indigenous peoples from participating in the determination of infrastructure affecting them, many are reclaiming the right for self-determination, and pushing forward the agenda of the green transition. One such Arctic Indigenous community is the Łutsel K’e Dene First Nation4, whose members initiated, planned, and implemented a National Park upon their ancestral lands; the Thaidene Nene National Park Reserve. For decades, their traditional homeland, the Akaitcho Territory, has been the location of various diamond mines and other developments (figure 4). Additionally, this community has experienced a devastating loss in historic numbers of caribou; a herd of animals they have been following, living with, and depended upon for thousands of years until present. After years of negotiation with federal and territorial governments, for the survival of the land, animals, and culture of these people, the First Nation created the wildlife reserve in 2019. On the East Arm of the Great Slave Lake in the Northwest Territories (NWT), the massive refuge consisting of 26,376 km2 (6.5 million acres) of land and protects the sensitive ecological zone transitioning from the boreal forest to the Arctic tundra (Thaidene Nene: Land of the Ancestors Website 2023). Without the determined efforts of this First Nation, a people still intimately connected with their land, this Arctic Canadian National Park Reserve would not exist, nor have moved the green transition agenda forward.

Summary: fingerprint from NWT Canada does not have a cohesive Arctic infrastructure strategy or accompanying road map (Chiang, 2023). In a recent report from Arctic360, Canada’s premier Arctic think tank, it is stated that “Canada’s strategy up to now for the North is engaging in spontaneous reactions, as it moves from one crisis to the next” (Shadian, 2022: 5). Currently, these requests are challenged with competing in the political negotiations with Canadians who are struggling with high prices, money to advance Canada’s green energy transition, and keep the country competitive (Taylor, 2023). In summary, the northern infrastructure gap and participation in the green transition needs to be addressed, and creating the right relationships with Indigenous nations is of utmost importance. Understanding the needs of Indigenous peoples, in regard to Arctic infrastructure, comes through a process of the creation of right relationships, as it is in any decolonising project (Howell et al., 2016). Thus, determining the infrastructural requirements in the region requires the consultation of the Indigenous communities that the infrastructure project is meant to serve. Additionally, it is critical to form meaningful relationships with Indigenous peoples, not only because it is right, but also for the advancement of reconciliation and Indigenous self-determination (Howell et al., 2016). Meaningful community engagement with Indigenous Nations affected by any infrastructure project through proper protocols and with the appropriate facilitator is a part of the decolonisation objective (ibid).

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Fingerprint: Norway

Figure 5. Wind power outside Narvik, Norway. Photography by Anna Krook-Riekkola. Norway represents an interesting paradox regarding the green transition. On the one hand, Norway is a world leader in renewable energy. With 61% of the total final energy consumption in the year 2020 (IEA 2022), 99% of the electricity generation in 2022 (Our World in Data, 2023) come from renewable energy sources. Electricity generation has historically been generated from almost 100% hydro power (normal year generating 137 TWh), while wind power has increased rapidly from 2 TWh in 2016 to 16 TWh in 2022 (Our World in Data, 2023). Nearly 80% of all new vehicle sales are electric-only vehicles, a rate which continues to grow (Statista, 2023). On the other hand, Norway remains an important global producer of oil and gas, with the European Union and the United Kingdom being its most important markets as well as Norway being an important provider of oil and gas to these countries (Lewis, 2021; Lundberg, 2021). In 2021, the export of these commodities accounted for almost 50% of Norway’s total export revenues (IEA, 2022). A large amount of these revenues are invested in the Government Pension Fund Global that was established when Norway discovered oil in the North Sea. This to make sure “that both current and future generations of Norway get to benefit from our oil wealth” (Norges Bank Investment Management, 2023). Given the war in Ukraine and the necessity for Europe to secure oil and gas from non-Russian sources, Norway’s oil and gas industry is likely to remain important for years to come. The Government Pension Fund Global is not a unique case. Norway has “a long history of schemes that provide society with a share of the revenues from industries that earn very well, thanks to access to Norwegian natural resources. This has meant that revenues from hydropower, oil and gas have benefited us all. The proposals announced by the Government are based on foundations that we already have in our tax system” (Government of Norway, 2022, as stated in a press release from the Ministry of Finance in Norway).

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Some other important dimensions to understanding Norway’s transition include: a carbon pricing system that has been in place since 1991 and part of EU emission trading scheme, a joint Norwegian-Swedish electricity certificate market aiming to increase electricity generated from renewables since 2012 (currently being phased out), policies to increase electric vehicles and ships, and efforts to decarbonize the petroleum industry through electrification of production, carbon capture, and sequestration. In June 2021, the Government of Norway released the White Paper “Putting Green Energy to Work” that outlined four long-term goals for how to create values from Norwegian energy resources: 1) more jobs in Norway, 2) further electrification to make Norway greener and better, 3) establishment of new, profitable industries/technologies, and 4) refine the oil and gas sector within the framework of the climate change goals. The White Paper was published together with a proposal for the further development of offshore wind in Norway and a road map for hydrogen (White paper Meld. St. 36 (2020–2021)). In May 2021, the International Energy Agency (IEA) released the Net Zero by 2050 Report, the “world’s first comprehensive study of how to transition to a net zero energy system by 2050 while ensuring stable and affordable energy supplies, providing universal energy access, and enabling robust economic growth,” as was stated in the Press release (IEA, 18 May 2021). The special report was designed to inform the high-level negotiations that took place at the twenty sixth Conference of the Parties (COP26) of the United Nations Climate Change Framework Convention in Glasgow in November 2021. One of the messages in the report was that no new gas or oil field should be permitted if the world should net zero by 2050. In September 2021, there was a general election in Norway, offering a potential shift of the governing bodies and political agendas related to climate, fossil fuels, and the country’s interests moving forward. Norway’s Green Party, for example, wanted this general election to shut down the country’s multi-billion dollar oil industry (Adomaitis, 2021).5

Norway’s late venture into wind power Norway started the deployment of wind power later than many other European countries. In 2016, when Norway generated 1 TWh, Denmark (a much smaller country in size) generated 13 TWh (Our World in Data, 2023). One explanation is that Norway already had fossil free electricity production, while Denmark was phasing out its coal. The resistance against wind power has been strong in Norway. Vasstrøm and Lysgård (2021) put forward an explanation to be “the Norwegian national identity embedded in Norwegian cultural citizenship” that includes “the perception of individual rights and imagined landscape values”. Another explanation could be that – unlike with the case of revenues from hydropower, oil and gas giving back to the society – the local communities have not received any revenues even though their visible landscape has been changed. Another conflict is the one between wind power plants and reindeer herding, the very debated wind power project on Fosen that was built between 2016 and 2022. In 2018, the Saami Council first began advocating for land rights by submitting a request to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) to suspend the construction of the power plants within the traditional territory of the Fovsen Njaarke reindeer herding communities. The UN Committee ignored this request. A year later in 2019, the power plants were completed. According to President of the Saami Council, Christina Henriksen, “irreparable damage was done to the historical winter pastures of the Sámi community and its members’ possibility to continuously pursue its ancient livelihood, traditional Sámi reindeer herding, the backbone of their cultural

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identity'” (Hætta, 2021). This case has created debate in national and international forum. After ongoing persistence by the Saami Council and people, the Government of Norway ruled in favor of Sámi rights, though it remains unclear how this will be imposed on the green energy transition of the country (Henley, 2021). Norway’s Supreme Court ruled, according to Article 27 of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights (1949), that two wind farms in western Norway are harming reindeer herders from the Sámi people by encroaching on their pastures. Article 27 states that minority ethnic people “shall not be denied the right in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practice their own religion, or to use their own language” (UN 1949: 6). Thus, traditional Sámi reindeer herding is a form of protected cultural practice. More than 150 turbines may be torn down after licenses to operate and build them are declared null and void. As of 27 February 2023, Sámi youth activists have been occupying the Norwegian Ministry’s Energy Office to protest illegal wind farms, also known as the Fosen Vind Project (Ahtone, 2023). With respect to the complexities of this case, the authors have not unfolded this case further. We just would like to mention that in April 2022, the Norwegian government announced it would resume licenses for new wind farm applications in municipalities as long as specific measures were implemented such as including the involvement of Sámi interests in all stages of the process (IEA, 2022: 77). Vasstrøm and Lysgård (2021) has concluded that, “Norwegian wind power is at a crossroad. Arguments on energy security, climate mitigation, market conditions and efficiency are challenged by broad public contestations concerning environmental and nature values, local participation and transparency, and the distribution of burdens and goods” (Vasstrøm & Lysgård, 2021: 9).

Summary - fingerprint from Norway The fingerprint from Norway exemplifies how it is of particular importance to understand and respect the rights and voices of Indigenous peoples in green transition projects in the Arctic. The IEA (2021) emphasizes that wind and solar energy need to increase substantially over the next decade to not make it too difficult to reach the 1.5 degree target. Offshore wind power is one way forward for Norway. Nevertheless, onshore wind power is much cheaper. In the years to come, there is a need to better understand the societal conflicts that stick to renewable projects.

Position: Green transition as a driver of change The Arctic has the potential to play an important role in the green transition, as illustrated in the four fingerprints. Both as an important provider of resources (material and energy), and as assistance to meet the climate goals agreed upon in the 2015 Paris Agreement by making it easier to replace fossil fuels with renewables as well as providing carbon storage. Meanwhile, changes also bring opportunities and green transition can be a driver of change in the Arctic – to improve quality of life, well-being, and support the local livelihoods in Arctic communities. For the peoples of the Arctic, there is a need for both sustaining the good life while being part of a global green transition moving away from fossil fuels dependency. Green transitions, if managed well, can be of particular importance to the continuation and proliferation of Indigenous cultures, as we learned from NWT. However, other settings we have identified include how the concept can offer a “promise” about being green and transformative without being binding or committing to local needs or agendas. As FAI scholars, we would like to encourage a green transition informed by the knowledge and expertise that already exists within the local communities, also make sure to connect local Arctic Infrastructure: Considerations in the Green Transition


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communities across the Arctic regions as to be inspired by each other (instead of flying consultants up from the south). There are many good examples across the Arctics - like our fingerprints - that can be beneficial for building multipurpose and multiuser infrastructure fit for Arctic citizens. Takeaways from our field trips, observations, and document analysis conducted in various places in the Arctic on the current position is: 1. The Arctic has a new strategic role because of the green transition, 2. Arctic communities lack physical as well as policy infrastructure for a successful transition, 3. Green transition is not “a one size fits all” in the Arctic; different communities have different opportunities as well as requirements when it comes to green transition, 4. There is a knowledge gap both in terms of what Arctic communities need from a transition, and how these needs best could be met, and 5. Green transition can become an important driver of change in the Arctic.

Notes 1. 2. 3. 4.

But two new airports are in construction and plan to open in 2024. “Carlsberg 0.0 - Probably the best beer in the world” (https://hudsonresourcesinc.com/projects/white-mountain-anorthosite-project/) Author Chris Clarke-McQueen is a Yellowknife Chipewyan Dene, Akaitcho Territory, Treaty 8 member of the Łutsel K’e Dene First Nation. 5. Despite high support in the poll ahead of the election, the party did not get many voters.

References Abildgaard, M. S., Ren, C., Leyva-Mayorga, I., Stefanovic, C., Soret, B., & Popovski, P. (2022). Arctic Connectivity: A frugal approach to infrastructural development. Arctic, 75(1), 72-85. Ackrén, M., & Jakobsen, U. (2015). Greenland as a self-governing sub-national territory in international relations: past, current and future perspectives. Polar Record, 51(4), 404-412. Adomaitis, Nerijus (2021). Climate change in election spotlight in oil giant Norway. Reuters August 31, 2021.https://www.reuters.com/business/sustainable-business/climate-changeelection-spotlight-oil-giant-norway-2021-08-31/ (accessed 10 February 2023) Ahtone, T. (2023). Indigenous youth occupy Norwegian energy office to protest illegal wind farm “We cannot be sacrificed in the name of the green transition.” Grist Magazine: https://grist.org/global-indigenous-affairs-desk/indigenous-youth-occupy-norwayenergy-office-protest-europes-largest-wind-farms AMAP, 2021. Arctic Climate Change Update 2021: Key Trends and Impacts. Summary for Policymakers. Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme (AMAP), Tromsø, Norway. 16 pp. Anaya, S. J. (2000). Self-determination as a collective human right under contemporary international law. Operationalizing the right of Indigenous peoples to self-determination, 3(3). Arnfjord, S. (2022). Challenges for Greenland's social policies: How we meet the call for social and political awareness. In The Inuit World (pp. 375-394). Routledge.

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No Land, No Health: Exploration of the impact of Historical Environment on Inuit qanuinngitsiarutiksait in the context of Climate Change

Jeevan Toor, Tagaaq Evaluardjuk-Palmer & Josée Lavoie

This study draws upon material relating to communities in Inuit Nunangat to explore the impact of the historical environment (i.e. colonialism) on Inuit qanuinngitsiarutiksait (good health and wellbeing) in the context of climate change, through lenses of anthropology, geography and Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit (Inuit knowledge). The negative impact of colonialism on Inuit social and cultural fabric, resulting in diminished and intergenerational knowledge transmission has made it harder to adapt to climatic changes, with resulting impacts exacerbated by existing socioeconomic inequities. Climate change affects qanuinngitsiarutiksait causing poorer mental health, food and water insecurity, rise in diseases and respiratory illness and icerelated accidents. Adaptations to impacts of climate change are discussed, centring Inuit voices and initiatives, and a move from deficit to strength-based research. The Canadian government’s approach to this topic is explored, with recommendations from an Inuit perspective. It is argued that for maintenance of qanuinngitsiarutiksait, a holistic approach to health is required where Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit is considered in collaboration with Inuit. While finding ways to adapt to current climatic realities are notable endeavours, the aim should not be to accept the worsening of the climate, but rather to commit to mitigate, and where possible, reverse the effects of anthropogenic climate change in the Arctic. This work seeks to provide a novel contribution through basis in Inuit concepts, ‘historical environment’ and the synergy of the theoretical approaches of anthropology and geography. Inuktitut translation: ᑖᓐᓇ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕐᓂᖅ ᐱᔪᖅ ᐱᖁᑎᓂᑦ ᐱᔾᔪᑎᓕᖕᓂᑦ ᓄᓇᓕᖕᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓄᓇᖓᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒃᑑᑎᔪᓂᑦ ᐃᒻᒪᓂᓴᕐᓂᑦ ᐊᕙᑎᖏᓐᓂ (ᓲᕐᓗ ᖃᓪᓗᓈᖑᖃᑎᒌᙱᑦᑐᑦ) ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᓕᐅᕈᓯᖏᓐᓂᑦ (ᖃᓄᐃᙱᑦᑎᐊᕐᓂᖅ ᖃᓄᐃᙱᑦᑎᐊᕐᓂᕐᓗ) ᐃᓗᓕᖏᓐᓂ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᑕ, ᑕᐅᑐᖕᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐃᓕᖅᑯᓯᓕᕆᓂᖅ, ᓄᓇᓕᕆᓂᖅ ᐃᓄᐃᓪᓗ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ (ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ). ᐱᐅᙱᑦᑐᑦ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᔾᔪᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᖃᓪᓗᓈᙳᖅᑎᑕᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓄᑦ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐃᓕᖅᑯᓯᕐᒧᑦ ᐋᖅᑭᒃᓯᒪᔪᓄᑦ, ᐱᑕᖃᕈᓐᓃᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᑭᖑᕚᕇᓄᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᐅᔪᑦ ᓯᐊᒻᒪᒃᑎᑕᐅᕙᓪᓕᐊᔪᑦ ᐊᔪᕐᓇᕐᓂᖅᓴᐅᕗᖅ ᓱᖏᐅᓴᒋᐊᒃᓴᖅ ᓯᓚ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᔪᒧᑦ, ᓴᖅᑭᑉᐸᓪᓕᐊᑐᐃᓐᓇᖅᖢᓂ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᔾᔪᑕᐅᔪᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕐᓇᖅᓯᕚᓪᓕᖅᖢᑎᒃ ᐃᓅᖃᑎᒌᓄᑦ ᒪᑭᑕᓇᓱᐊᕐᓂᕐᒧᓪᓗ ᓇᓕᒧᒌᙱᓐᓂᐅᔪᓄᑦ. ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᕙᒃᐳᖅ ᖃᓄᐃᙱᑦᑐᓕᕆᔾᔪᑎᓂᒃ ᐃᓱᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᖃᓄᐃᙱᑦᑎᐊᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑦᑎᕙᒃᖢᑎᒃ, ᓂᕿᓂᒃ ᐃᒪᖃᑦᑎᐊᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓪᓗᑎᒡᓗ, ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖅᑖᖅᐸᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᐊᓂᖅᑎᕆᓂᒃᑯᑦ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖅᑖᖅᐸᒃᖢᑎᒃ ᐊᒻᒪ ᓯᑯᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᕐᕈᓗᐊᕿᕙᒃᖢᑎᒃ. ᓱᖏᐅᔾᔨᓂᖅ ᐊᒃᑐᐃᔪᓄᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐅᖃᐅᓯᐅᔪᑦ, ᓴᖖᒋᒃᑎᒋᐊᕐᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓂᐱᖏᑦ

Jeevan Toor, PhD student at University College London Tagaaq Evaluardjuk-Palmer, Inuit Elder and Knowledge Keeper Josée Lavoie, Professor, Dept. of Community Health Sciences, Director, Ongomiizwin Research, Indigenous Institute of Health and Healing, Rady Faculty of Health Sciences, University of Manitoba


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ᐱᒋᐊᖅᑕᖏᓪᓗ, ᓅᑉᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᕐᓗ ᐊᑐᓗᐊᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ ᓴᙱᓂᖃᕐᓂᕐᒧᑦ−ᑐᙵᕕᓕᖕᒥᒃ ᖃᐅᔨᓴᕐᓂᕐᒥᒃ. ᑲᓇᑕᒥ ᒐᕙᒪᒃᑯᑦ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᖓ ᑖᒃᑯᓄᖓ ᐱᔾᔪᑕᐅᔪᓄᑦ ᕿᒥᕐᕈᔭᐅᕗᑦ, ᐊᑐᓕᖁᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᐅᑐᖅᑰᖅᑕᖓᓐᓂᒃ. ᐊᐃᕙᔾᔪᑕᐅᕗᖅ ᒪᑭᒪᑎᑕᐅᔭᕆᐊᖃᕐᓂᖏᑦ ᖃᓄᕆᒃᓴᐅᑏᑦ, ᐊᑕᖐᔪᒥᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᔾᔪᓯᕐᒥᒃ ᐋᓐᓂᐊᖃᕐᓇᙱᑦᑐᓕᕆᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᐱᑕᖃᕆᐊᖃᕐᒪᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᖃᐅᔨᒪᔭᑐᖃᖏᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐱᓕᕆᖃᑎᖃᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐃᓄᖕᓂᒃ. ᓇᓂᓯᓂᖅ ᐊᑐᒐᒃᓴᓂᒃ ᓱᖏᐅᑎᓂᕐᒧᑦ ᒫᓐᓇᐅᔪᖅ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᖃᓄᐃᓐᓂᕆᒐᔪᒃᑕᖓᓄᑦ ᐅᔾᔨᕐᓇᖅᑑᓪᓗᑎᒃ ᐊᑐᕋᓲᑎᑦ, ᑐᕌᕆᔭᖅ ᐊᖏᕐᓗᓂ ᐱᐅᔪᓐᓃᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᓯᓚ, ᑭᓯᐊᓂ ᐱᓂᐊᕐᓂᕋᕐᓗᓂ ᐱᓗᐊᕈᓐᓃᖅᑎᑦᑎᓂᕐᒥᒃ, ᐊᔪᕐᓇᙱᑎᓪᓗᒍᓗ, ᐅᑎᖅᑎᓪᓗᒋᑦ ᐊᒃᑑᑎᔪᑦ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᖅᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓄᑦ ᐅᑭᐅᖅᑕᖅᑐᒥ. ᑖᓐᓇ ᐱᓕᕆᐊᖅ ᕿᓂᖅᐳᖅ ᐱᑎᑦᑎᔪᒪᓪᓗᓂ ᓄᑖᒥᒃ ᑐᓐᓂᖅᑯᑕᐅᓯᒪᔪᒥᒃ ᑐᙵᕕᖃᖅᑎᑕᐅᓪᓗᓂ ᐃᓄᐃᑦ ᑕᐅᑐᒃᐸᒃᑕᖏᑎᒍᑦ, 'ᐱᖅᑯᓯᑐᖃᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᕙᑎᖃᕐᓂᖅ' ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓱᒪᒋᔭᐅᓯᒪᔪᓂᒃ ᐃᓕᖅᑯᓯᕆᔭᐅᕙᒃᑐᓂᒃ ᐃᓕᖅᑯᓯᕆᔭᐅᔪᓂᒃ ᓄᓇᒋᔭᐅᔪᒥᒡᓗ.

Introduction “Inuit culture is inseparable from the condition of their physical surroundings… environmental upheaval resulting from climate change violates Inuit’s right to practice and enjoy their culture” (Watt-Cloutier, 2018: 236) There are roughly 65,000 Inuit in Canada with many in Inuit Nunangat, the northernmost part of Canada, including 53 communities in four regions: Inuvialuit, Nunavut, Nunavik and Nunatsiavut; with an increasing population living in Southern Canada (ITK, 2018). Historically, Inuit have lived off the Land1, harbouring strong relationships with the environment, living and non-living entities which inhabit their surroundings. However, recent generations of Inuit communities have undergone swift cultural changes due to interactions with explorers and more recently from detrimental actions of the Canadian government (e.g. relocation, residential schools); historically Inuit have adapted to their environment. However, recent transitions have occurred too quickly (Kirmayer et al., 2009). For example, Inuit youth suicide rates are now ten times those of nonIndigenous counterparts (Anang et al., 2019), and while this is not solely attributed to climate change, it highlights the existence of detrimental impacts. Exploration of Inuit knowledge (Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit) allows for an understanding of the connection which Inuit have to the environment. This will be explored further, but briefly it is related to a traditional way of life which is to live in symbiosis with the Land. Impacts of colonialism, the ‘historical environment’, directly affect qanuinngitsiarutiksait, and are now exacerbated by climate change, so these issues need to be considered together. ‘Climate change’ refers to changes in weather from mainly human actions (other factors can contribute); due to global warming the Arctic is at the forefront of these changes, with rising temperatures at rates up to triple that of the rest of the world (Little, 2022; Mena et al., 2020; Middleton et al., 2021). For Inuit, climate change has led to unpredictable weather patterns, e.g. more rain, thinner ice and warmer temperatures (Lebel et al., 2022; Ostapchuk et al., 2015). Inuit are especially concerned about the negative impacts of changing climate due to their close relationship with the environment, which is an essential protective factor for qanuinngitsiarutiksait. Globally, there are 350 million Indigenous individuals who have strong connections to their environments, undermined by their experience of colonialism (Alfred & Corntassel, 2005; Durkalec et al., 2015). This is not to homogenise Indigenous peoples around the world, or even in Inuit Nunangat; our review reflects the literature, when it points out differences in culture, environment and impacts of climate change. This exploration is novel, through its basis in Inuit concepts and the term ‘historical environment’, paired with the anthropological and geographical theory used. This issue has not previously been addressed from these perspectives.

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Methods This exploration is based on a review of the literature, supported by a research team working on Inuit health in Winnipeg, connected to Elders and Inuit-based organisations. Novel understandings on Inuit knowledge were provided from an Elder, Tagaaq Evaluardjuk-Palmer, who is co-author on this paper. Discussions took place via video-conferencing. We worked collaboratively to produce this paper, where I presented each draft back until we were both satisfied with the outcome. This collaborative process is outlined in Figure 1. Data was found using Google Scholar through the search terms ‘Inuit health and climate change’, ‘Inuit environment and health’ and ‘Inuit climate change adaptions’ where 57 records were identified. These were sorted thematically by manually sorting each category by highlighting relevant information on climatic impacts and climatic adaptations (split into the themes of: mental health, food and water insecurity, disease, respiratory illness, ice-related accidents). A semiethnographic approach, adapted from traditional anthropological ethnography was used, guided by discourse analysis.

Figure 1: Collaborative working process

Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit, being ‘healthy’ and the Environment “All-encompassing holistic view of an interconnected world” (Tagalik, 2018: 94) Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit (IQ) translates as “that which Inuit have known all along” encompassing Inuit worldview through stories, teachings and myths linking the past and future together (Kalluak, 2017: 41) as a ‘living’ knowledge (Tagalik, 2009). Often, IQ has been sidelined by Western research as it was not recognised as ‘scientific’ enough; instead, the focus was on biomedical approaches (Ferrazzi et al., 2019; Wilson et al., 2020) that although helpful, fail to fully engage with complex questions requiring holistic, localized and longitudinal observations, at times over multiple generations. IQ is also metaphysically different from Western knowledge, and therefore comprehension in the context of Inuit culture, history and beliefs is needed (Wilson et al., 2020). A foundational belief of IQ rests in a profound relationship with nature and the connection it provides to their environment. For example, Elders have remarked that “when the Qallunaat2 came, muskox and whales were hunted nearly to extinction” (Karetak & Tester, 2017: 15). Due to interconnected beliefs, qanuinngitsiarutiksait cannot be understood without IQ. However, to fully conceptualise qanuinngitsiarutiksait, deeper insight into the person is needed. Inuit notion of the person Pool and Geissler (2005) argue that personhood is understood culturally in various ways; personhood is not an artifact of the brain but is one of ‘life and experience’. Personhood is a dialogue between the projection of society onto the individual, and the individual forming their location in society. More fitting for this context is the concept ‘complex personhood’, allowing emphasis on more than the individual, e.g. family, community, the ancestors and the environment to become more prominent (ecocentrism). This allows a shift from a Western emphasis on No Land, No Health


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individuality, to understanding a more complete notion of the person (Dixon, 2017; Tuck, 2009), which arguably, is closer to Inuit philosophy. Thus, Inuit conceptions of personhood, belonging and identity lie in their strong relationship with the environment. While connection to the Land is a key in maintaining qanuinngitsiarutiksait, and therefore Inuit personhood, other factors are also integral; for example, cultural practices such as eating specific foods, speaking one’s language and having a strong sense of community (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013; Kirmayer et al., 2009). Gombay (2015) suggests that colonialism created ‘colonised identities’ as local norms defining aspects of personhood conflicted with coloniser’s views of being, and colonisers viewed Inuit as ‘uncivilised’, lacking the qualities and benefits of Western personhood and consequently lacking the privilege of full citizenship, to be relegated to a subordinated ‘ward of the state’ like status. Colonialism, past and present continues to disrupt Inuit personhood and consequently identity and belonging. The literature has begun to explore the disconnect between Inuit and the environment associated with climatic impacts, but does not link historical and environment aspects. Qanuinngitsiarutiksait The use of qanuinngitsiarutiksait, visually displayed in Figure 2, pays homage to the cultural context of this exploration, and acknowledges that Inuit concepts of good health differ from biomedical concepts, and that past explorations have not embraced Inuit concepts. Qanuinngitsiarutiksait roughly translates as ‘good health and wellbeing’, referring to a holistic all-encompassing idea of health which encompasses physical and mental health, cultural connection (e.g. Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit), spiritual connection, environmental connection (e.g. wellbeing of the household and the Land); it can also refer to tools used for health e.g. eating traditional foods. Elder Evaluardjuk-Palmer conveyed the sentiment that research needs to involve Inuit in the process, to ensure a broad understanding, rather than just investigating one issue or aspect. Another Elder, Taamusi Qumaq, suggested that good health and wellbeing means to “live without worry, being able to move on the land with ease…hunt animals and eat the food they provide, and visiting and taking pleasure in the company of family and loved ones” (cited in Fletcher et al., 2021: 18) reinforcing that qanuinngitsiarutiksait encompasses factors of one’s larger social setting, such as family, nature and community. This approach recognises more than one way of knowing or understanding the world, integral for work aiming to situate itself in a decolonised realm, allowing production of ‘legitimate knowledge’ (Liboiron, 2021).

Figure 2: Visual explanation of qanuinngitsiarutiksait Toor, Evaluardjuk-Palmer, & Lavoie


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Environment, Avatittingnik kamatsiarniq “We lived on the land, off the land, for the land…what we took we could put back…my parents only took what they needed and lived for today” (Elder Evaluardjuk-Palmer, personal communications) Although the environment is part of ‘Inuit determinants of health’ (ITK, 2014), it is mostly disregarded in non-Indigenous contexts (Harper et al., 2015). Some anthropologists and geographers have engaged with this concept as an avenue to guide health-related research (Kurtz & Smoyer-Tomic, 2009; Martin & Pavlovskaya, 2009); with anthropologists specifically grappling with ways in which power affects interactions between humans and their environment (Cortesi, 2018). Geographers suggest that the environment “refers to the sum total of conditions which surround [hu]man at a given point in space and time” (Park, 1980: 29). The sub-discipline of health geography suggests the concept of ‘landscape’ should be used to explore health-environment interactions, as it encompasses “diverse and converging layers of history, social structure, and built environment at particular sites” (Kearns & Collins, 2010:17). These perspectives are helpful to begin to comprehend interactions between health and the environment. Niewöhner and Lock (2018) developed ‘situated biologies’ to explain how the environment can influence ‘environment/human entanglements’; emerging from ‘local biologies’ which suggests health is impacted by the material body. Using ‘situated’ instead of ‘local’ implies that it is not just personal biological make-up that impacts the individual but also the environment. Further, the term ‘situated’ acknowledges that not only local factors impact the body, as increasingly apparent in our global world (Niewöhner & Lock, 2018). This builds upon Haraway’s (1991) ‘situating knowledges’, where social, political, historical and economic aspects structure and re-structure the body, in a constant flux allowing bodies to be in a state of ‘becoming’. This ontological caveat is wholly applicable to help to unpack relationships between qanuinngitsiarutiksait and the environment. Perhaps more fitting is the Inuktitut concept ‘avatittingnik kamatsiarniq’, shared by Elder Evaluardjuk-Palmer who stressed importance of understanding the environment from an Inuit perspective. Avatittingnik kamatsiarniq roughly means an all-encompassing situation of someone in their surroundings, where one is aware of the habits of the Land and acts towards it with care and respect. Persons are not the most prominent feature in the Land, rather persons are part of an interconnected web of in relation to their surroundings. Elder Evaluardjuk-Palmer noted that other aspects such as policy, government and research are now part of avatittingnik kamatsiarniq, hence their inclusion later. As one is connected to and part of the cosmos, comprehension of historical context is necessary to understand issues of qanuinngitsiarutiksait. When qanuinngitsiarutiksait is explored in context of ‘historical environment’, i.e. colonialism, the impact on avatittingnik kamatsiarniq and thus climate change becomes apparent.

Historical Environment Colonialism refers to imperialist actions based on capitalist expansionist ideals, where the dominant society utilises their power to attain benefits (Karetak & Tester, 2017). Inuit first experienced interactions with Europeans from explorers and whalers in the sixteenth century; in the twentieth century, the Canadian government introduced policies affecting Inuit way of life through sedenterization, forced relocation (some distances similar to Toronto to Miami), implementation of a monetary system, residential schools and tuberculosis control (Kirmayer et al., 2009).

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Residential schools impacted children through loss of connection to culture, language and community (Karetak & Tester, 2017); the last school closed in 1996 (Chrétien, 2013). Forced relocation ensured Inuit no longer lived their nomadic lifestyle, with families moved to overcrowded matchbox housing with few facilities; mortgages had to be paid, but monetary jobs were uncommon, thus indoctrination began into a Western way of life and a dependency on social welfare (Karetak & Tester, 2017). The Royal Canadian Mounted Police killed 1,200 sled dogs (used for hunting), officially to stop spreading disease; implicitly to “encourage” Inuit to stay is settlements, deepening their reliance on government’s handouts as then hunting for food became difficult (Watt-Cloutier, 2018). Actions have been attributed to a policy of assimilation for gain of Canadian territorial rights in the high Arctic (Stevenson, 2014; Watt-Cloutier, 2018). Colonialism set the foundations for capitalism, an ideology based on monetary growth leading to industrialisation and consequently climate change (Connor, 2010; Torrealba, 2021; Whyte, 2017); Davis and Todd (2017) link colonial actions to broken connections between mind, body and Land. The concept of an ‘ecological paradox’ applies, as at first mistreatment of the environment leads to economic growth, but then this growth comes at the cost of health and the environment (Mena et al., 2020). Thus, anthropogenic climate change, rooted in colonial actions, links to impacts to the avatittingnik kamatsiarniq. Recent literature found that aspects of wellness, e.g. kinship and culture, were negatively affected by welfare/settler colonialism, and that there were intersections between the effects of colonialism and aspects of coping with climate issues (Mackay, 2018; Whyte, 2017); colonialism has thus had impact Inuit’s ability to respond to climate change, in part because of anthropogenic climate change and because intergenerational knowledge transmission was interrupted and/or undermined. This process is visually outlined in Figure 3. Anthropological and geographical theory, built upon with the Inuktitut concepts, allows for a holistic understanding of qanuinngitsiarutiksait, moving away from biomedical models of health. Without interdisciplinarity that considers Inuit knowledge, we cannot fully comprehend these concepts or relationships.

Figure 3: Visual demonstration of the link between colonialism, climate change and qanuinngitsiarutiksait

Climatic impacts on qanuinngitsiarutiksait “It’s all the pieces, like dominoes, all touches each other. I mean everything you do, [our] Inuit way of life and our way of thinking is all intertwined and interconnected [to the environment]. So, something as significant as changes in the temperature, and in snow and rain and that kind of thing, it’s all going to have a ripple effect” (Harper et al., 2015: 6) The literature suggests that the main impacts of climate change on qanuinngitsiarutiksait are related to mental health, food insecurity, rise of diseases, water insecurity, respiratory illnesses and icerelated accidents. For clarity, these issues will be investigated separately, but their interconnection should be noted. Adaptations to climate change will be discussed, demonstrating resilience,

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centring Inuit voices and initiatives, and moving from deficit-orientated research. However, as many issues are relatively new, adaptations do not always exist. Mental health Spending less time on the Land is associated with feelings of anxiety, depression, anger and frustration (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013; Harper et al., 2015; Kipp et al., 2019; Lebel et al., 2022; Middleton et al., 2021). Changes to ice reliability which is becoming thinner or where open water remains for longer periods of time is due to warming temperatures (Ostapchuk et al., 2015), resulting in “feeling trapped” (Lebel et al., 2022: 324), or “like a caged animal” (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013: 262). Durkalec and colleagues (2015) found interviewees saying if they could not go onto the Land they would “have no health”, “can’t breathe”, “be lost” and “their appetite and mind would go” (p.21). In Nunatsiavut, visits to the health clinic for mental health issues increased after a period of warmer weather, and when temperatures cooled visits were less frequent (Middleton et al., 2021); a health practitioner noting “when people can’t get out…we see a difference in the counselling part: people are more agitated…because they’re just not getting off on the land” (Middleton et al., 2020: 6). The literature noted that spending less time on the Land negatively impacted Inuit sense of identity through being unable to do culturally-based activities and engage with traditional knowledge (Clayton, 2020; Richards et al., 2019), impacting feelings of self-worth and productivity (Harper et al., 2015; Lebel et al., 2022; Ostapchuk et al., 2015) – exemplified by a hunter who said: “if…people can’t be going to the cabin…hunting and…going on the land, then… start to see a community shifting, not knowing what they’re supposed to be doing…not knowing what your selfworth is, not knowing what you should be doing with your time” (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2012: 544) Studies found that spending less time on the Land is associated with increased ideations of suicide, use of drugs and alcohol (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013; Lebel et al., 2022; Ostapchuk et al., 2015). In Rigolet, an interviewee stated “people get bored…turn to drinking and drugging” (Ostapchuk et al., 2015:17). Community cohesion has been impacted by spending less time on the Land, impacting mental wellness (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2012; Harper et al., 2015; Lebel et al., 2022; Middleton et al., 2020), with an interviewee stating “cohesiveness is usually a common denominator of outdoor-based activities…it’s sort of somewhat fragmented [because of climate change]. The cohesiveness that now bonds the community could be jeopardized because what else are you bonding on?” (Harper et al., 2015 :12). Not spending time outside means more time at home, which some found stressful due to many people in a small space: “people felt like they were getting in each other’s way more, in a way that they previously hadn’t experienced” (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013: 262). Lastly, studies suggested less time on the Land increased attention to historic trauma (Lebel et al., 2022): “if you are able to find some sense of worth in yourself…able to start unconsciously healing from those wounds…if for some reason you are not able to do something that makes you feel good…then those tragedies…is still there, and then they’re magnified because they come more to the surface because you’re not feeling personal strength” (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013: 324). However, when more time is spent on the Land, interviewees expressed feeling “more relaxed, calm and peaceful, as well as healthier and happier” (Lebel et al., 2022: 321) with an Inuk3 encapsulating benefits of spending time outside as “much a part of our life as breathing…so if we don’t get out then…it’s

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like taking part of your arm away…you’re not fulfilled…it’s just like taking medicine” (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013: 261). Access to mental health services in Inuit Nunangat is inconsistent, as Western-trained practitioners generally come to communities for a limited time, or people rely on telehealth, and practitioners may know little of the culture (Lebel et al., 2022). While telehealth services can be useful, e.g. in the COVID-19 pandemic, it poses issues for those without reliable internet (inaccessible to many (ITK, 2021)), or for those who feel more comfortable with in-person conversations. Solutions could include more Inuit training in healthcare programs, located in the North, that are Inuitcentric, or training practitioners extensively in the cultures in which they are working. Practitioners need to be aware of the impacts of the changing Land on mental health, which could be included in their training (Clayton, 2020). Drug and alcohol abuse require a holistic approach, addressing all facets of health (Watt-Cloutier, 2018). Land-based programming, successful in nurturing youth mental health and wellness (Hackett et al., 2016), should continue. Food insecurity “I love that [country] food, it’s really healthy…it’s good for your body and your spirit…you feel good about going out on the Land and being able to do that” (Durkalec et al., 2015: 23) Traditional ‘country’ foods benefit Inuit economically, culturally and nutritionally; nourishing mental and spiritual health and community cohesion by hunting, harvesting together or sharing food according to prescribed rules of mutual care (Watt-Cloutier, 2018). However, climatic changes have altered vegetation growth, migration patterns and ocean acidification levels (Harper et al., 2015; Lebel et al., 2022; Torrealba, 2021); melting ice coinciding with seal births, leads to high mortality; caribou preferring areas with more snow in winter and cooler areas in summer; thinner caribou due to less vegetation; caribou drowning when crossing thinner ice; and fewer berries found with less taste (Harper et al., 2015; Panikkar & Lemmond, 2020). Changes exacerbate existing issues of food security; a 2004 survey shows food insecurity rates in the Arctic were eight to ten times higher than the rest of Canada (Schiff & Schembri, 2021), and data from 2008 showing 70% of houses in Nunavut have dealt with food security issues – the highest rate globally for an Indigenous populace in an advanced country (Newell, 2018). In her book, Watt-Cloutier (2018: 137, 202, 254) relate Inuit’s preference for country foods: “country food connect[s] us to water, land, to the “source” of our life”, and that not eating them is a “spiritual loss”. Hunting teaches valuable skills such as “patience, boldness, tenacity, focus, courage, sound judgement and wisdom, very transferable to the modern world that has come so quickly”. Ostapchuk and colleagues (2015: 17) explained the link between food and personhood, through identity, as follows, “cultural identity is partly what you eat…part of identifying with being Inuit is eating [country foods]”. Positive health benefits from traditional food are noted through intake of essential vitamins, minerals and antioxidants, with less refined carbohydrates, saturated fat and sodium (Boulanger-Lapointe et al., 2019; Caughey et al., 2022; Rosol et al., 2016). General wellbeing through consumption of traditional foods has meant people “feel warmer, relaxes the body, causes less stress, makes them feel more full, causes less bloating” (Newell, 2018:25). Kirmayer and colleagues (1994: 54, 60) found general feelings of discontent when country foods were not eaten, such as “weakness, lassitude and tiredness…irritability, uncooperativeness…depression”, while another said, “Inuit eat mainly meat because it has blood in it and that helps…the person will be in better health…it’s visible even on the cheeks, the cheeks were redder… in the past”.

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Consumption of store-bought foods has increased due to the demand of the market economy, where the 9-5 work week, Monday to Friday interferes with harvesting activities which depend on the weather, the loss of skills associated with residential schools and weather changes also impact harvesting and hunting. In less-abundant years, reliance on store-brought foods has been noted (Statham, 2012; Gilbert et al., 2021), purchased foods are twice as expensive or more as in the rest of Canada (Hayward et al., 2020); healthy items are available, but are even more expensive, leading to higher consumption of processed foods (Panikkar & Lemmond, 2020). This dietary shift, along with spending less time on the Land, has been linked to higher non-communicable diseases e.g. diabetes, high blood pressure, obesity and cardiovascular issues (Ahmed et al., 2021; Schiff & Schembri, 2021). An interviewee stated, “people are eating processed meat and salt and additives…the rate of diabetes has jumped really high…thirty years ago…I do not think there were any diabetics in town. Now there’re lots”, with another stating “there’s a higher increase of obesity…heart disease…high blood pressure and heart attacks and strokes and I think that it is related to food” (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2012: 543). Adaptation has been demonstrated in Arviat through the use of community greenhouses to grow fresh produce, using seaweed as fertilizer, and community freezers to store and share successful hunts (Richards et al., 2019; Schiff & Schembri, 2021). Food sharing networks between community members have been reported in Akulivik (Kishigmai, 2022). In Nunavut this has been noted as being particularly useful for vulnerable populations, such as Elders (Gilbert et al., 2021). In Kugluktuk hunters have revised their courses to reflect changes in migratory patterns, and Elderyouth mentorship initiatives have been implemented to help convey traditional knowledge of hunting practices which can then be adapted to specific climate needs (Rosol et al., 2016; Panikkar & Lemmond, 2020). Further it has been suggested that increased financial support for hunters and harvesters is needed (Gilbert et al., 2021). Overall, investment needs to be put towards resolutions, and strategies to lower costs of food. Disease More rain, less snow and warmer temperatures have contributed to spread of disease in the Arctic (Richards et al., 2019). Studies have suggested that a parasite from the Amazon, Toxoplasma gondii (causing flu, vision issues, neurological problems, stillbirth, and passed to foetuses in vitro) may be spread either by felids travelling to the Arctic from oocysts discharged in water via north travelling currents, infecting fish and entering the Arctic aquatic food chain, or from migrating animals infected in the Amazon region. Both hypotheses are caused by climate change, as oocysts reach the Arctic from changing currents due to warming temperatures, or migratory animals have changed routes due to climate changes (Reiling & Dixon, 2019). Further, increased Arctic water levels have allowed gastrointestinal pathogens, particularly H. pylori and campylobacteriosis, to be transmitted more in recent years causing gastritis, ulcers and gastric cancer (Finlayson-Trick et al., 2021; Hayward et al., 2020). In Cambridge Bay and Kugluktuk these pathogens were found in muskox, making them inedible (Panikkar & Lemmond, 2020). Lack of infrastructure in water testing systems has led to under-reporting of these diseases, as many pathogens are transported in water (Finlayson-Trick et al., 2021). Increase of these diseases is associated with climate change, therefore testing capacities need to increase, practitioners need an up-to-date knowledge of rates, treatment and mitigation measures which are culturally appropriate. Research into modes of

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transmission and the impact these pathogens have on these communities needs further investigation. Respiratory illness “Association between climate change and the increase in mould in homes is concerning, because usually the frost kills everything…you don’t have that now” (Harper et al., 2015: 13) Historically, mould was not, one contributor saying, “there’s a lot more mould, and you’re going to get that too in a milder climate…you’re going to have more rain, you’re going to have more mould…of course mould has a direct impact on lung health” (Harper et al., 2015: 13). The literature also reports an increase of respiratory syncytial virus (RSV), attributed to warmer temperatures and more rain (Princeton University, 2019; Schreiber, 2020). Susceptibility towards respiratory illnesses is partly due to socioeconomic factors, such as crowded homes; combined with an increase in mould in houses not being killed by frost, due to warming temperatures, these illnesses are increasing (Harper et al., 2015; Kauppi et al., 2021; Torrealba, 2021). Infants in the Arctic are five times more likely to die from respiratory illnesses than infants elsewhere in Canada, with association to mould exposure suggested to be main issue, but other factors contribute such as: overcrowding in homes, tuberculosis transmission, second hand smoke and increased susceptibility associated with marginal nutrition (Torrealba, 2021). Access to treatment is limited due to health care system expense, e.g. RSV rates can be reduced with medication which is commonly given in Southern Canada but it is not readily available in the North. Further, infants are often airlifted to receive care due to lacking facilities in the North, which puts stress upon families who are separated from their children, often for long periods of time (Banerji et al., 2020; Kovesi et al., 2007). Care that is routine elsewhere in Canada is not routine in the Arctic; an interviewee from Schreiber’s (2020) work reporting that there is: “huge difference in the way that Indigenous and non-Indigenous people are treated…when you have Inuit babies that have at least much as risk of respiratory syncytial virus…but they’re not eligible for the same treatment…it’s part of a broader systematic issue that occurs in Canada” (no pagination) Overcrowding, lack of equitable medical care and climate-durable housing needs to be addressed, with adequate Inuit-based research and appropriate culturally-based remedies put in place. Water insecurity “There are a lot more brooks that dried up. And there are a lot more ponds that are drying. I notice when I go out on the land…to where we used to get water maybe twenty-five years ago…the brooks there are really dried up now” (Goldhar et al., 2014: 76) Most Canadians have access to drinking water, but not in Inuit Nunangat, as not all communities receive consistent water distribution (Finlayson-Trick et al., 2021; ITK, 2020). Communities receive water via water tanks or aged piped structures from the 1950s, which leak, causing lower pressure and wasted water. Unreliability of clean water means ‘boil water advisories’ are frequent; trucked water is dependent on deliveries which are often unreliable (ITK, 2020), directly contravening United Nation’s human rights resolution on access to clean water (UN, 2023). Local governments prefer trucked water, due to low construction and maintenance costs, but running costs are high (Little, 2022).

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As with food insecurity, climatic changes exacerbate existing issues of water insecurity. In Iqaluit in 2019 water pipes froze, previously unknown, due to changes in temperature, and the city spent $33,000 to thaw pipes which took two weeks, leaving those who relied on this distribution without water (Little, 2022). Those using piped water (often coming from nearby lakes or reservoirs) find provision unreliable due to warming temperatures which melts permafrost under water sources leading to evaporation; in Hopedale in 2015 the school and health clinic closed due to low water reserves (ITK, 2020). Preference for collecting water from the Land has been expressed, with one person saying they would collect water from brooks during Land-based activities, then take it back to the community, and another saying: “I don’t drink [tap water] unless it’s an emergency – I would drink a glass then, if I had no water here and the store was closed and I couldn’t get up to the brook. Well, then I’d sip on a little bit. Mostly if I have to use that water, I’ll boil it first” (Goldhar et al., 2014:77) Literature noted that water availability is expected to vary via season, but in recent summers it has been is harder to collect water (Goldhar et al., 2014; Harper et al., 2015; Kipp et al., 2019). One stated: “I started noticing about five years ago. Out around our cabin where we go in the summertime what used to be ponds are now mud holes” and another saying “when there is less water it’s closer to the ground so it might be boggier and dirty…if you have ample water supply you’ll get it from a running brook which will be healthier” (Goldhar et al., 2014: 76). Due to unreliable and inaccessible water supply, attributed to infrastructure and climatic issues, many rely on buying bottled water, which is extremely expensive; some have filtered water systems but this too is becoming unaffordable. Further, rising gas prices have been identified as an issue for those who prefer to collect water from the Land (Goldhar et al., 2014). Preference for Land water must be recognised as valid, and the drying up of natural sources of water needs to be addressed. Until then, filtered and bottled water must be economically and readily accessible, with investment for better infrastructure. Ice-related accidents “My neighbour…had fallen through the ice on a hunting trip…he pulled himself out of the water and, in soaking wet clothes, dug himself into a snowdrift for insulation…he spent nearly two days that way before he was found. Both his legs were already frozen, so they had to be amputated” (Watt-Cloutier, 2018: 186) Ice is essential for travelling; climate change has led to thinner ice and a new problem of less predictability of which ice is safe, as traditional knowledge was normally sufficient (Wilson et al., 2020). Transmission of traditional knowledge has been negatively impacted by residential schools and of Inuit’s need to engage with a diversity of activities which competes with their time, e.g. school and wage employment. Rates of injury and death while travelling on the Land have increased, and ‘search and rescue’ incidents have increased (Segal et al., 2020; Torrealba, 2021). Loss of ability to travel on the Land impacts mental wellness, food security, and connection to culture as well as safety. Adaptation to this new reality has been shown by technological initiatives. For example, ‘synthetic aperture radar remote sensing’, combined with traditional knowledge, has been developed to

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identify safeness of ice; Cambridge Bay hunters have found this useful and suggest it could be developed into maps and used in schools to teach children how to go out on the Land (Segal et al., 2020). Another initiative, ‘SmartICE’, uses a similar idea and works in collaboration with Inuit to provide this service (SmartICE, 2022). Due to internet and reception issues, experienced frequently in the region, maps should be downloaded before travel and available on lower bandwidths (Segal et al., 2020).

Where do we go from here?4 Inuit have been adapting to avatittingnik kamatsiarniq since time immemorial; now with human induced climatic changes, compounded by lasting colonial impacts, the ‘historical environment’ needs to be addressed. Wider issues of government approach, policy legislation and research methodology in this sphere need to be reconsidered as systemic problems here feed into the wider discussion of climate change and qanuinngitsiarutiksait. Government “Government practice for generations was to deny, delay, distract when it came to Indigenous issues” (WilsonRaybould, 2021:2) The first Indigenous Minster of Justice and Attorney General, Jody Wilson-Raybould (2021), noted that during her time in cabinet Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s administration had strong rhetoric with little substance; focus on keeping the party in power; lack of understanding of what decolonisation, reconciliation and a nation-to-nation relationship means in practice; lack of willpower to focus on Indigenous issues; an approach of ‘we know better’ in relation to Indigenous issues; and allowing ‘politics of exclusion to exist’. She sums up this administration as being “focused on power and partisanship and so little interested in principle…that was more image that substance”, and points out that this government can make significant changes which are enacted quickly in situations of crisis – as shown through the COVID-19 response; however, the “government does not see the dire reality that many Indigenous peoples live in as a crisis” (Wilson-Raybould, 2021: 187, 180). Often, government attention towards the Arctic is on economic development through resource extraction, even though this does not allow for sustainable maintenance of the environment, and, historically, mining projects have failed to implement maintainable economic improvement in Inuit Nunangat (Watt-Cloutier, 2018). In the context of climate change, the ‘Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change’ (Government of Canada, 2016) and ‘A Healthy Environment and a Healthy Economy’ (Government of Canada, 2020) are reports addressing issues of health and climate change. While Indigenous people, including Inuit, were referred to throughout they were not directly involved and did not provide insight into these recommendations (Deranger, 2021). Trudeau’s visit to Nunavut was two years after he became prime minister, reflecting the lack of support this region receives (Little, 2022); now, focus is on the Arctic in relation to climate change only because melting ice makes the nation more accessible to foreign threats, mirroring an attitude which saw relocation of Inuit in the 1950s – suggesting possible military presence in the Arctic again (Connolly, 2022). Watt-Cloutier (2018) highlights the perpetual misunderstanding in politics of the importance of climate change in the Arctic, exemplified by the Canadian delegation’s refusal to include the Arctic in discussion at Conference of the Parties in 2003, even though she was trying to highlight that the Arctic is the first place to show changes in climate, and that without action the rest of the world

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would follow. This attitude, although from a government over 20 years ago, still represents a government genuinely uninterested in a nation-to-nation relationship, and missing the urgency of understanding the climate crisis. To fully understand problems Inuit face in this context, federal, provincial and territorial governments need to add climate change in the Arctic on their agenda, but before policy is designed and support given, they must ensure that they have an in-depth understanding of IQ, Inuit personhood and implications of the ‘colonised identity’, thus allowing a holistic approach to qanuinngitsiarutiksait. Impacts of climate change on qanuinngitsiarutiksait are interconnected and multifaceted, and it could be argued that Inuit are more vulnerable to these impacts due to historical environmental conditions driving underlying socioeconomic inequalities, e.g. high food prices, poor housing, water provision and facilities to keep up with the rise of diseases. Lack of attention to these basic provisions contribute to systemic racism and help to perpetuate settler colonialism. Wilson-Raybould (2021) suggests the administration has taken the stance that the right to selfdetermination, and therefore self-government, is negotiable; when arguably self-determination is the first step towards decolonisation, reconciliation and a nation-to-nation relationship. Policy “At this late date our job is to build movements, ones powerful enough to force the policy changes that give us our only hope of catching up with physics” (Watt-Cloutier, 2018: xv) To remedy issues of qanuinngitsiarutiksait in the context of climate change, policies need to be situated in a decolonised framework which centres northern context and experiences, instead of merely copying structures in Southern Canada. Policies should facilitate the revival of Inuit governance through insights from the community and collaboration between the community and those enacting policy. This approach promoted by Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (ITK, 2019), the representative body for Inuit in Canada, who encourages collaboration between Inuit and those with access to contemporary climate data, allowing a co-ordinated response, using IQ. This approach has begun to be used e.g. SmartIce or the Arviat greenhouse initiative, but more still need to be done. Alfred and Corntassel (2005: 610) propose that for change to occur, “shifts in thinking and action” are required. ‘Shifts’ include, but are not limited to, revisiting the 1984 Canada Health Act to give space for Indigenous treatment modalities; a greater focus on IQ in research, program planning and delivery; and, given the relative small size of the Inuit community, a better use qualitative research findings for policy and program planning. Although the 1876 Indian Act does not directly apply to Inuit, attitude of the Canadian government toward Inuit is rooted from these thoughts. In regard to treatment of Indigenous people in Canada Wilson-Raybould (2021: 142) describes the existence of this Act as “segregationist, colonial and racist” suggesting that it is because of “ignorance, fear, greed, and lack of will” that it still exists, and if it continues to exist “there will always be institutionalised, systematic racism in Canada with respect to Indigenous people”. The Canada Health Act is the bedrock of health policy, with its objective to “protect, promote and restore the physical and mental well-being of residents of Canada and to facilitate reasonable access to health services without financial or other barriers" (Government of Canada, 2022). However, federal commitments to enacting policy assisting in health and wellbeing issues of Inuit is “limited” as there are no specific requirements which define “federal obligations towards Indigenous peoples” (Lavoie et al., 2021: 385). Those in the Arctic often receive poorer standards and culturally inappropriate healthcare informed by Southern models – as seen from RSV in infants. Ultimately to achieve No Land, No Health


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equity and maintenance of qanuinngitsiarutiksait these key pieces of legislation need to be revisited where IQ and Inuit voices inform practice. Policy appears to be driven by economic quantitative data; however, it can be difficult to quantify issues such as the emotional response to climate change and the importance of Inuit knowledge and perspective (Simon, 2021). Thus, for issues such as this attention needs to focus on qualitative data, such as ethnographic works which allow profound findings to surface, or, adaptation of quantitative measures to be wholly applicable to this context. For example, ethnographic works from Saladin D’Anglure (2018) and Stevenson (2014) give insights on Inuit life, traditions and issues that would not be evident from quantitative data. Comprehension to this threedimensionality is integral for the enactment of policy and legislation. Researchers “Nothing about us, without us” (Morton, 2019: 4) Inuit have experienced a complicated history with researchers due to lack of consultation and consent, attributed to an approach based on colonial hierarchies (Tuck, 2009). Over the past few years research in Inuit Nunangat has become more of a partnership, e.g. links being made between academics and Inuit with projects tackling priorities in the community (ITK, 2018). Although a participatory approach has been used for research, often this is limited to ‘consultation’ and findings are not communicated back to the community (Anang et al., 2019). ITK (2018: 6) suggest five areas for productive and just research to take place: “advance Inuit governance in research; enhance ethical conduct of research; align funding with Inuit research priorities; ensure Inuit access, ownership, and control over data and information; build capacity in Inuit Nunangat research.” Further, they suggest there are issues with funding processes for Inuit-related research, as most funds are given to those in Southern Canada or outside Canada, and that Inuit are limited in the funds they can access due to measures put in place by the federal government. Methodologically and theoretically a shift is developing is this field, which researchers should take into consideration. For example, the way Liboiron (2021) footnotes and cites Indigenous scholars and the way in which ‘Land’ is capitalised when it indicated a primary relationship (rather than being used in a general sense) should be considered, as used here, given the importance of acknowledging sources and connection to the Land. Further, a shift is needed in how topics related to Inuit are labelled and discussed, as previous literature tends to focus on what has gone wrong rather than what is going well, and the ways in which self-determination can be attained. Tuck (2009) suggests rather than thinking of Indigenous people as ‘broken’ or ‘damaged’, a fuller representation of the community should be taken into account, based on resilience, taking a strengths-based approach, allowing a shift from deficit-oriented research; an approach attempted here, although more thought is needed to adapt to climatic realities.

Conclusion “Change takes courage, including the courage to break away from the old ways of doing things that are not achieving the needed results” (Wilson-Raybould, 2021:26) Improving Inuit qanuinngitsiarutiksait requires holistic self-determination; this comes from acknowledging that colonial legacies still affect Inuit today, that approaches to research, government and policy need to be reconsidered, from a strengths-based approach, with

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acknowledgment of existing problems. This can be done by working in collaboration with Inuit; understanding Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit; recognising issues are interconnected and should not be looked in isolation; taking into consideration the importance of the Land and its associated benefits; taking a cross-disciplinary perspective; not separating the mind and body in approach; acknowledging value of qualitative approaches; and ultimately, commitment from the government to improve. Future research needs to be located in qanuinngitsiarutiksait, Inuit knowledge, Inuit methodologies and be Inuit-led; lack of attention to these facets can be seen to perpetuate ignorance and continuation of the colonial mindset. Additionally, researchers should aim to think in a cross-disciplinary manner, allowing for nuances and greater insights to come to light. While finding ways to adapt to current climatic realities through innovative solutions is a noble endeavour, and may provide solutions to other issues too (e.g. the greenhouse initiative helping with rising costs of foods in the Arctic and SmartIce assisting with transgenerational teachings of the Land), the aim should not be to accept a worsening climate, but rather to commit to reversing anthropogenic climatic impacts so that Inuit and other Indigenous groups have the right to their culture and associated avatittingnik kamatsiarniq. Exploration has also demonstrated impacts of climate change are compounded by existing socio-economic disparities. To be clear, this is not to say that Inuit in urban settings cannot achieve qanuinngitsiarutiksait, but the scope of this study is to investigate climatic impacts in the Arctic; further research should engage with the impact of climate change on urban Inuit and how this affects them. Overall, the issue is not just about Inuit in the Arctic, it is about recognising that impacts of climate change occur in the Arctic first; that Inuit have been impacted from climate change earlier and to a greater extent than the rest of the globe. They have served as an early warning beacon and our humanity has been lacking. Now, as citizens of an interconnected globe, acting alongside and in the interest of Inuit can redress historical environmental injustices and launch a healthier and more sustainable, equitable future for Inuit as well as co-benefits for societies beyond the Arctic.

Notes 1. Capitalised to follow Liboiron (2021)’s example as this emphasises importance of the Land in this context, not used in quotations to keep the original meaning 2. Non-Inuit, specifically those of European ancestry 3. Singular of Inuit 4. Inspired from Dr Martin Luther King Jr’s speech in Atlanta, Georgia 1967

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Alfred, T., & Corntassel, J. (2005). Being Indigenous: Resurgences against Contemporary Colonialism. Government and Opposition, 40(4), 597-614. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00166.x Anang, P., Naujaat Elder, E. H., Gordon, E., Gottlieb, N., & Bronson, M. (2019). Building on strengths in Naujaat: the process of engaging Inuit youth in suicide prevention. Int J Circumpolar Health, 78(2), 1508321. https://doi.org/10.1080/22423982.2018.1508321 Banerji, A., Suzuki, D., & Moola, F. (2020). Inuit infants need access to medication to prevent respiratory illness. Retrieved 27 from https://nunatsiaq.com/stories/article/inuit-infants-need-accessto-medication-to-prevent-respiratory-illness/ Boulanger-Lapointe, N., Gérin-Lajoie, J., Siegwart Collier, L., Desrosiers, S., Spiech, C., Henry, G., Hermanutz, L., Lévesque, E., & Cuerrier, A. (2019). Berry Plants and Berry Picking in Inuit Nunangat: Traditions in a Changing Socio-Ecological Landscape. Human Ecology, 47. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-018-0044-5 Caughey, A., Kilabuk, P., Sanguya, I., Doucette, M., Jaw, M., Allen, J., Maniapik, L., Koonoo, T., Joy, W., Shirley, J., Sargeant, J. M., Møller, H., & Harper, S. L. (2022). Niqivut Silalu Asijjipalliajuq: Building a Community-Led Food Sovereignty and Climate Change Research Program in Nunavut, Canada. Nutrients, 14(8). https://doi.org/10.3390/nu14081572 Chrétien, D. (2013). An Overview of the Indian Residential School System. https://www.anishinabek.ca/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/An-Overview-of-the-IRSSystem-Booklet.pdf Clayton, S. (2020). Climate anxiety: Psychological responses to climate change. J Anxiety Disord, 74, 102263. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.janxdis.2020.102263 Connolly, A. (2022). Climate change will ‘fundamentally’ shift how Canada allies handle Arctic: NATO chief. Retrieved 3 September from https://globalnews.ca/news/9087877/climate-changecanada-arctic-security-nato-trudeau-stoltenberg/ Connor, L. (2010). Anthropogenic Climate Change and Cultural Crisis: An Anthropological Perspective. Australian Journal of Political Economy., 66. Cortesi, L. (2018). Environmental Anthropology. In H. Callan (Ed.), The International Encyclopaedia of Anthropology (pp. 3-19). John Wiley & Sons. Cunsolo Willox, A., Harper, S. L., Edge, V. L., Landman, K., Houle, K., & Ford, J. D. (2013). The land enriches the soul: On climatic and environmental change, affect, and emotional health and well-being in Rigolet, Nunatsiavut, Canada. Emotion, Space and Society, 6, 14-24. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.emospa.2011.08.005 Cunsolo Willox, A., Harper, S. L., Ford, J. D., Landman, K., Houle, K., & Edge, V. L. (2012). "From this place and of this place:" climate change, sense of place, and health in Nunatsiavut, Canada. Soc Sci Med, 75(3), 538-547. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2012.03.043 D’Anglure, B. (2018). Inuit Stories of Being and Rebirth: Gender, Shamanism, and the Third Sex. University of Manitoba Press. Toor, Evaluardjuk-Palmer, & Lavoie


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Davis, H., & Todd, Z. (2017). On the Importance of a Date, or, Decolonizing the Anthropocene. ACME: An International Journal for Critical Geographies, 16, 761-780. Deranger, E. (2021). Climate Emergency and the Colonial Response. Retrieved 24 June from https://yellowheadinstitute.org/2021/07/02/climate-emergency-colonial-response/ Dixon, L. (2017). Complex Personhood. Retrieved 21 April from https://deviantdixon.wordpress.com/2018/05/08/complex-personhood/ Durkalec, A., Furgal, C., Skinner, M. W., & Sheldon, T. (2015). Climate change influences on environment as a determinant of Indigenous health: Relationships to place, sea ice, and health in an Inuit community. Soc Sci Med, 136-137, 17-26. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.04.026 Ferrazzi, P., Tagalik, S., Christie, P., Karetak, J., Baker, K., & Angalik, L. (2019). Aajiiqatigiingniq: An Inuit Consensus Methodology in Qualitative Health Research. International Journal of Qualitative Methods, 18, 1609406919894796. https://doi.org/10.1177/1609406919894796 Finlayson-Trick, E., Barker, B., Manji, S., Harper, S. L., Yansouni, C. P., & Goldfarb, D. M. (2021). Climate Change and Enteric Infections in the Canadian Arctic: Do We Know What’s on the Horizon? Gastrointestinal Disorders, 3(3), 113-126. https://www.mdpi.com/2624-5647/3/3/12 Fletcher, C., Riva, M., Lyonnais, M.-C., Saunders, I., Baron, A., Lynch, M., & Baron, M. (2021). Definition of an Inuit cultural model and social determinants of health for Nunavik. Community Component. Nunavik Inuit Health Survey 2017 Qanuilirpitaa? How are we now? https://nrbhss.ca/sites/default/files/health_surveys/The_IQI_Model_of_Health_and_ Well-Being_report_en.pdf Gilbert, S., Walsh, D., Levy, S., Maksagak, B., Milton, M., Ford, J., Hawley, N & Dubrow, R. (2020). Determinants, effects, and coping strategies for low-yield periods of harvest: a qualitative study in two communities in Nunavut, Canada, Food Security. 13, 157-139. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12571-020-01112-0 Goldhar, C., Bell, T., & Wolf, J. (2014). Vulnerability to Freshwater Changes in the Inuit Settlement Region of Nunatsiavut, Labrador: A Case Study from Rigolet. Arctic, 67(1), 7183. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24363722 Gombay, N. (2015). “There are mentalities that need changing”: Constructing personhood, formulating citizenship, and performing subjectivities on a settler colonial frontier. Political Geography, 48, 11-23. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2015.05.008 Government of Canada. (2016). Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change. https://publications.gc.ca/site/eng/9.828774/publication.html Government of Canada. (2020). A Healthy Environment and a Healthy Economy. https://www.canada.ca/content/dam/eccc/documents/pdf/climate-change/climateplan/healthy_environment_healthy_economy_plan.pdf

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Government of Canada. (2022). Canada Health Act. Retrieved 24 June from https://www.canada.ca/en/health-canada/services/health-care-system/canada-healthcare-system-medicare/canada-health-act.html Greenwood, M. (2017). The Value of Relational Ways of Knowing and Being. In J. Karetak, F. Tester, & S. Tagalik (Eds.), Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit: What Inuit Have Always Known to Be True (pp. 220-224). Fernwood Publishing,. Hackett, C., Furgal, C., Angnatok, D., Sheldon, T., Karpik, S., Baikie, D., Pamak, C., & Bell, T. (2016). Going Off, Growing Strong: Building Resilience of Indigenous Youth. Canadian Journal of Community Mental Health, 35(2), 79-82. https://doi.org/10.7870/cjcmh-2016-028 Haraway, D. (1991). Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. Routledge. Harper, S. L., Edge, V. L., Ford, J., Willox, A. C., Wood, M., McEwen, S. A., Team, I. R., & Ricg. (2015). Climate-sensitive health priorities in Nunatsiavut, Canada. BMC Public Health, 15(1), 605. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-015-1874-3 Hayward, A., Cidro, J., Dutton, R., & Passey, K. (2020). A review of health and wellness studies involving Inuit of Manitoba and Nunavut. Int J Circumpolar Health, 79(1), 1779524. https://doi.org/10.1080/22423982.2020.1779524 ITK. (2014). Social Determinants of Inuit Health in Canada. https://www.itk.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2016/07/ITK_Social_Determinants_Report.pdf ITK. (2018). National Inuit Strategy on Research. https://www.itk.ca/national-strategy-on-researchlaunched/ ITK. (2019). National Inuit Climate Change Strategy. https://www.itk.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2019/07/ITK_Climate-Change-Strategy_English.pdf ITK. (2020). Access to Drinking Water in Inuit Nunangat. https://www.itk.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2020/12/ITK_Water_English_07.pdf ITK. (2021). The Digital Divide: Broadband Connectivity in Inuit Nunangat. https://www.itk.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2021/08/ITK_Telecomms_English_08.pdf Kalluak, M. (2017). About Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit. In F. Karetak, F. Tester, & S. Tagalik (Eds.), Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit: What Inuit Have Always Known to Be True (pp. 41-56). Fernwood Publishing. Karetak, J., & Tester, F. (2017). Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit, Truth and Reconciliation. In J. Karetak, F. Tester, & S. Tagalik (Eds.), Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit: What Inuit Have Always known to Be True (pp. 1-19). Fernwood Publishing. Kauppi, C., Faries, E., Montgomery, P., Mossey, S., & Pallard, H. (2021). 3 Housing and Health: Housing and Health Challenges in Rural and Remote Communities. In (pp. 57-88). https://doi.org/10.3138/9781487514600-009 Kearns, R., & Collins, D. (2010). Health Geography. In T. Brown, S. McLafferty, & G. Moon (Eds.), A Companion to Health and Medical Geography (pp. 15-32). John Wiley & Sons. Kipp, A., Cunsolo, A., Vodden, K., King, N., Manners, S., & Harper, S. L. (2019). At-a-glance Climate change impacts on health and wellbeing in rural and remote regions across Toor, Evaluardjuk-Palmer, & Lavoie


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Canada: a synthesis of the literature. Health Promot Chronic Dis Prev Can, 39(4), 122-126. https://doi.org/10.24095/hpcdp.39.4.02 Kirmayer, L., Fletcher, C., Corin, E., & Boothroyd, L. (1994). Inuit Concepts of Mental Illness: An Ethnographic Study. Kirmayer, L., Tait, C., & Simpson, C. (2009). The Mental Health of Aboriginal Peoples in Canada: Transformations of Identity and Community. In L. Kirmayer & G. Valaskakis (Eds.), Healing Traditions: The Mental Health of Aboriginal Peoples in Canada (pp. 3-35). UBC Press. Kishigami, N. (2021). Food Sharing in the Inuit Society : A Case Study from Akulivik in Nunavik, Canada. Food Sharing in Human Societies. 4. https://doi.org/10.1007/978981-16-7810-3_2 Kovesi, T., Gilbert, N. L., Stocco, C., Fugler, D., Dales, R. E., Guay, M., & Miller, J. D. (2007). Indoor air quality and the risk of lower respiratory tract infections in young Canadian Inuit children. Cmaj, 177(2), 155-160. https://doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.061574 Kurtz, H., & Smoyer-Tomic, K. (2009). Environment and Health. In N. Castree, D. Demeritt, & D. Liverman (Eds.), A Companion to Environmental Geography (pp. 567-579). John Wiley & Sons. Lavoie, J., Kornelsen, D., & Boyer, Y. (2021). Patchy and Southern Centric: Rewriting Health Policies for Northern and Indigenous Canadians. In R. Schiff & H. Møller (Eds.), Health and Health Care in Northern Canada (pp. 377-395). University of Toronto Press. Lebel, L., Paquin, V., Kenny, T. A., Fletcher, C., Nadeau, L., Chachamovich, E., & Lemire, M. (2022). Climate change and Indigenous mental health in the Circumpolar North: A systematic review to inform clinical practice. Transcult Psychiatry, 59(3), 312-336. https://doi.org/10.1177/13634615211066698 Liboiron, M. (2021). Pollution is Colonialism. Duke University Press. Little, K. (2022). Iqaluit's water crisis highlights deeper issues with Arctic infrastructure. Retrieved 20 June from https://www.thearcticinstitute.org/iqaluits-water-crisis-highlights-deeper-issuesarctic-infrastructure/ Mackay, C. (2018). The Impact of Welfare Colonialism on Inuit Responses to Climate Change in Qikiqtani, Canada University of Cambridge]. Cambridge. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/items/3a9ae49d-681f-44e5-846b-a38163106cfa Martin, K., & Pavlovskaya, M. (2009). Ethnography. In N. Castree, D. Demeritt, D. Livermna, & B. Rhoads (Eds.), A Companion to Environmental Geography (pp. 370-384). John Wiley & Sons. Martins, P. N. (2018). Descartes and the paradigm of Western medicine: an essay. International Journal of Recent Advances in Science and Technology. Mehta, N. (2011). Mind-body Dualism: A critique from a Health Perspective. Mens Sana Monogr, 9(1), 202-209. https://doi.org/10.4103/0973-1229.77436

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Mena, C., Artz, M., & Llanten, C. (2020). Climate change and global health: a medical anthropology perspective. Perspectives in Public Health, 140(4), 196-197. https://doi.org/10.1177/1757913919897943 Middleton, J., Cunsolo, A., Jones-Bitton, A., Shiwak, I., Wood, M., Pollock, N., Flowers, C., & Harper, S. L. (2020). “We're people of the snow:” Weather, climate change, and Inuit mental wellness. Social Science & Medicine, 262, 113137. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2020.113137 Middleton, J., Cunsolo, A., Pollock, N., Jones-Bitton, A., Wood, M., Shiwak, I., Flowers, C., & Harper, S. L. (2021). Temperature and place associations with Inuit mental health in the context of climate change. Environmental Research, 198, 111166. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1016/j.envres.2021.111166 Morton, D. (2019). The Urban Indigenous Health Research Gathering. https://umanitoba.ca/research/sites/research/files/2022-02/indigenous-healthresearch.pdf Newell, S. (2018). Social, Cultural, and Ecological Systems' Influence on Community Health and Wellbeing [McMaster University]. https://macsphere.mcmaster.ca/bitstream/11375/24071/2/Newell_Sarah_L_2018_09_ PhD.pdf Niewöhner, J., & Lock, M. (2018). Situating local biologies: Anthropological perspectives on environment/human entanglements. BioSocieties, 13, 1-17. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41292-017-0089-5 Ostapchuk, J., Harper, S. L., Willox, A. C., & Edge, V. L. (2015). Exploring Elders’ and Seniors’ Perceptions of How Climate Change is Impacting Health and Well-being in Rigolet, Nunatsiavut / ᕿᒥᕐᕈᓂᖅ ᐃᓐᓇᐃᑦ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᐃᓄᑐᖃᐃᑦ ᐃᓱᒪᔾᔪᓯᖏᓐᓂᒃ ᕆᒍᓚᑦ, ᓄᓇᑦᓯᐊᕗᒻᒥ ᓯᓚᐅᑉ ᐊᓯᔾᔨᐸᓪᓕᐊᓂᖓᓂᒃ ᐊᑦᑐᐃᓂᖃᖅᑎᓪᓗᒍ ᐃᓗᓯᕐᒥᒃ ᐊᒻᒪᓗ ᖃᓄᐃᓐᖏᓂᖏᓐᓂᒃ. International Journal of Indigenous Health, 9, 6-24. Panikkar, B., & Lemmond, B. (2020). Being on Land and Sea in Troubled Times: Climate Change and Food Sovereignty in Nunavut. Land, 9(12), 508. https://www.mdpi.com/2073445X/9/12/508 Park, C. (1980). Ecology and Environmental Management: A Geographical Perspective. Routledge. Pool, R., & Geissler, W. (2005). Medical Anthropology. Open University Press. Princeton University. (2019). Climate change could make RSV respiratory infection outbreaks less severe, more common. Retrieved 27 June from https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2019/12/191216110139.htm Reiling, S. J., & Dixon, B. R. (2019). Toxoplasma gondii: How an Amazonian parasite became an Inuit health issue. Can Commun Dis Rep, 45(7-8), 183-190. https://doi.org/10.14745/ccdr.v45i78a03 Richards, G., Frehs, J., Myers, E., & Van Bibber, M. (2019). Commentary - The Climate Change and Health Adaptation Program: Indigenous Climate Leaders' Championing Adaptation

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Effort. Health Promot Chronic Dis Prev Can, 39(4), 127-130. https://doi.org/10.24095/hpcdp.39.4.03 Rosol, R., Powell-Hellyer, S., & Chan, H. M. (2016). Impacts of decline harvest of country food on nutrient intake among Inuit in Arctic Canada: impact of climate change and possible adaptation plan. Int J Circumpolar Health, 75, 31127. https://doi.org/10.3402/ijch.v75.31127 Statham, S., (2012). Inuit food security: vulnerability of the traditional food system to climatic extremes during winter 2010/2011 in Iqaluit, Nunavut. Retrieved 6 October from https://idl-bncidrc.dspacedirect.org/items/3352d39c-1a54-4886-96f5-0f24cc2bf771. Schiff, R., & Schembri, V. (2021). Food and Health: Food Security, Food Systems and Health in Northern Canada. In R. Schiff & H. Møller (Eds.), Health and Health Care in Northern Canada (pp. 40-56). University of Toronto Press. Schreiber, M. (2020). Coronavirus isn't the only serious respiratory illness threatening Arctic residents. Retrieved 27 June from https://www.arctictoday.com/coronavirus-isnt-the-only-seriousrespiratory-illness-threatening-arctic-residents/?wallit_nosession=1 Segal, R. A., Scharien, R. K., Duerden, F., & Tam, C.-L. (2020). The Best of Both Worlds Connecting Remote Sensing and Arctic Communities for Safe Sea Ice Travel. Arctic, 73(4), 461-484. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26991435 Simon, L. (2021). What can Inuit teach us about climate change and mental health? Retrieved 9 July from https://oneresilientearth.org/what-can-inuit-teach-us-on-climate-change-and-mentalhealth/ SmartICE. (2022). Enabling Resiliency in the Face of Climate Change. Retrieved 10 July from https://smartice.org Stevenson, L. (2014). Life Beside Itself: Imagining Care in the Arctic. University of California Press. Tagalik, S. (2009). Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit: The Role of Indigenous Knowledge in Supporting Wellness in Inuit Communities in Nunavut. https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/health/FSInuitQaujimajatuqangitWellnessNunavut-Tagalik-EN.pdf Tagalik, S. (2018). Inuit Knowledege Systems, Elders, and Determinants of Health: Harmony, Balance, and the Role of Holisitic Thinking. In M. Greenwood, S. d. Leeuw, & N. M. Lindsay (Eds.), Determinants of Indigenous Peoples' Health: Beyond the Social (Second ed., pp. 94-102). CSP Books. Torrealba, C. (2021). From Inuit Nunangat to the Marsh: How climate change and environmental racism affect population health. Healthy Populations Journal, 1. https://doi.org/10.15273/hpj.v1i2.10663 Tuck, E. (2009). Suspending damage: A letter to communities. Harvard Educational Review, 79, 409427. https://doi.org/10.17763/haer.79.3.n0016675661t3n15 UN. (2023). About water and sanitation. Retrieved 28 April from https://www.ohchr.org/en/waterand-sanitation/about-water-and-

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sanitation#:~:text=OHCHR%20and%20the%20rights%20to%20water%20and%20sanit ation,-Overview&text=On%2028%20July%202010%2C%20the,RES%2F64%2F292). Waddell, C. M., Robinson, R., & Crawford, A. (2017). Decolonizing Approaches to Inuit Community Wellness: Conversations with Elders in a Nunavut Community. Canadian Journal of Community Mental Health, 36(1), 1-13. https://doi.org/10.7870/cjcmh-2017-001 Watt-Cloutier, S. (2018). The Right to Be Cold. University of Minnesota Press. Whyte, K. (2017). Indigenous Climate Change Studies: Indigenizing Futures, Decolonizing the Anthropocene. English language notes, 55. https://doi.org/10.1215/00138282-55.1-2.153 Wilson, K., & Henderson, J. (2014). The Indian Act. Retrieved 22 August from https://opentextbc.ca/indigenizationfoundations/chapter/the-indianact/#:~:text=Indian%20Act%2C%201876,and%20still%20in%20existence%20today Wilson, K. J., Bell, T., Arreak, A., Koonoo, B., Angnatsiak, D., & Ljubicic, G. J. (2020). Changing the role of non-Indigenous research partners in practice to support Inuit selfdetermination in research. Arctic Science, 6(3), 127-153. https://doi.org/10.1139/as-2019002 Wilson-Raybould, J. (2021). "Indian" in the Cabinet. HarperCollins Publishers. World Health Organisation. (2023). WHO remains firmly committed to the principles set out in the preamble to the Constitution. Retrieved 21 April from https://www.who.int/about/governance/constitution

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Just Like Alta? A Comparative Study of the Alta and Fosen Cases as Critical Junctures for Sámi Rights in Norway

Luke Laframboise

In February 2023, protests erupted in Olso in response to 500 days of inaction by the Norwegian state following the country's Supreme Court rulings regarding the Fosen wind farm project. Though the events of this case remain ongoing, Fosen has been compared in scope to the Alta conflict in the late 1970s and early 1980s, which is considered one of the most significant events in recent Sámi-state relations in Norway. This article takes that comparison as a baseline question and compares both cases as critical junctures, or, in the case of Fosen, the potential thereof. Making use of an adaption of Hillel David Soifer’s model of critical juncture operative conditions, the underlying factors of each case are examined to determine how such politically charged moments come about and what alternative institutional regimes were proposed during these critical pivot points. As this paper discusses, the comparisons between Alta and Fosen are apt, though the material conditions differ substantially. Rather, the ongoing Fosen case highlights the growing conflict between a well-established Indigenous rights regime and green energy policies that risk the tarnishing of the legacy that the events of Alta helped establish.

Introduction In February 2023, Sámi activists and allies descended on Oslo. After 500 days of waiting for the Norwegian government to act on the rulings regarding the Fosen wind farm project, it became clear that nothing was going to be done (Grimstad, 2023). Sámi and environmental activists, including outspoken climate agitator Greta Thunberg, staged protests across the government quarter, including the temporary occupation of the government ministry for energy and oil (Fouche, 2023). Protesters remained in place for nearly five days before being removed by police. In response, the government has admitted, in a rare moment of contrition, that the Fosen case represented a clear violation of Indigenous human rights and more must be done (Gaino Buljo, 2023). Though the events of this case remain ongoing, Fosen has the potential to become a pivot point in Sámi-State relations not unlike the Alta conflict of the late 1970s (Andersen & Midttun, 1985;

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Hjorthol, 2006). Alta, which began as a protest movement against the damming of the Alta River in northern Norway, resulted in the largest Sámi-led protest movement to date (Minde, 2003). More than fifty years later, Alta has become a symbol of Sámi resistance and a clear break between the old policies of assimilation and marginalisation that characterised the previous state relationship. Yet are the current protests just like Alta? Certainly, on its face, the current protests appear to follow a similar pattern and are certainly evocative of such. However, a closer look at events reveals that much has changed concerning Sámi politics since the 1970s. Sámi rights, once a key point of contention, have repeatedly been strengthened in the decades since in Norway, though perhaps not to the extent that many Sámi might wish (O. Ravna, 2014). The Fosen case, which has been in progress for nearly a decade, was very much an extension of this paradigm, as the rights of Sámi herders were further confirmed, over and above the political will of the state (Ø. Ravna, 2023). It is this status quo that is now being challenged, however obliquely, by the current Norwegian government in allowing the Fosen wind farm to continue to operate. Whether Fosen will follow a similar trajectory to Alta remains an open question, one that may not be answered for months, if not years. Yet, by looking at the conditions under which both protests occurred, we can better understand the current state of Sámi rights in Norway and why the Fosen protests occurred when they did. To best draw out these conditions, this paper will pull from Historical Institutionalism. This is a political science theory that is useful for understanding the formation of what are termed critical junctures, or moments in which political regimes or institutions change, often under the pressure of changing norms. This article will make use of Hillel David Soifer's model of operative conditions and Slater and Simmons’s critical antecedents (Cappoccia & Kelemen, 2007; Slater & Simmons, 2010; Soifer, 2012). As will be discussed further, this combined model provides a robust structure through which to understand the structural mechanisms that propel political action toward forming a critical juncture through which political institutions may topple or, as Alta will demonstrate, might be reconstituted. As the outcome of the Fosen protests remains uncertain, it is difficult to compare cases as might be traditionally done in Critical Junctures literature. Instead, the focus will be on a comparison of factors that lead up to the critical moments and, in the case of Alta, what allowed them to fundamentally change the dominant political institution. From there, this comparison will be used as a jumping-off point to discuss what the current moment following the Fosen case ruling represents. Through understanding the conditions that brought these events about we can better understand how such movements turn from political protest to institutional change, and what form this potential change takes.

Background: The Sámi and the Struggle for Self-Determination Before getting into the case, I will briefly introduce the Sámi themselves, as well as provide an overview of the history of Sámi-State relations in Norway. The Sámi are a Finno-Ugric Indigenous people known for their unique history and culture based, in part, on reindeer herding and a traditionally nomadic lifestyle (John B. Henriksen, 2008, p. 27). Throughout their history they have found themselves living under the rule of a variety of different foreign rulers, creating a fractious history. The result of this came in the 19th century when the Sámi population was cut across the borders of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Northwestern Russia (Lantto, 2010).

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In this era, the Norwegian government implemented a series of policies that formed what became known as Norwegianisation (Fornorskning) (Minde, 2005). Designed to assimilate national minorities into the majority population, Sámi cultural practices and languages were heavily discouraged among other destructive practices (Sannhets- og forsoningkommisjonen, 2023). The result was a policy of marginalisation that remained in place until well after the Second World War. In 1968 the official Norwegianisation policies were repealed, however little was done afterwards to replace these policies with anything more supportive (Hjorthol, 2006; Sannhets- og forsoningkommisjonen, 2023). As such, the Alta conflict became a key flashpoint in changing this policy environment. Today, the conflict has become a cultural touchstone amongst Sámi in Norway, as the defining moment in which they fought for and won the constitutionally granted rights and protections they are entitled to today (Aanesland, 2021). It is for this reason that Fosen activists look to Alta for inspiration, as it set the stage for the current state of Sámi rights that has been both enshrined in Norwegian law and the constitution.

Theory: Historical Institutionalism Historical Institutionalism is an approach in political science that works towards explaining how past institutions and events shape current and future political outcomes (Hall & Taylor, 1996; Steinmo, Thelen, & Longstreth, 1992; Thelen, 1999). Institutions are the primary focus of the theory and are defined as “the rules, norms, and practices that organize and constitute social relations” which are, in turn, “examined for their role in creating constraints and opportunities for political action” (Fioretos, Falleti, & Sheingate, 2016, p. 7). This analytical work is done by examining institutions according to the logic of constancy and change which are conceptualised according to two concepts: path dependence and critical junctures. Path dependence refers to the idea that once a particular path is taken, it becomes increasingly difficult to change course. This is due to the tendency wherein, as institutions become more and more embedded in society, individuals develop habits and expectations based on them (Peters, Pierre, & King, 2005). In turn, the greater the embeddedness in society, the less likely that change will occur. Should change be desired, that would mean a disruption to the status quo which other institutions and actors have come to rely upon, making change difficult. As a result, even if a more efficient or effective alternative emerges, they are unlikely to be adopted, as the costs and disruptions associated with changing established practices would be considered too high. That is, of course, unless an institution is weakened in some way. Critical junctures, then, are moments of instability or crisis that create opportunities for institutional change and are considered the answer to the question of institutional change (Cappoccia, 2016; Thelen, 1999). They tend to occur when existing institutions are no longer able to cope with changing circumstances, be it due to changing norms, external shocks or other major moments of stress. At these moments, there is often a window of opportunity for actors to push for institutional change as the cost to do so is unusually low (Schmidt, 2010). Scholars debate to what degree critical junctures can be understood as coming from the institutions themselves or whether other factors play a part (Fioretos et al., 2016, p. 10). However, accordingly, it is in these moments of stress that an institution might “break” and, as a result, be replaced or revised to follow a different path, establishing a divergent path dependency until another such moment should occur.

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Critical Antecedents, Permissive and Productive Conditions Despite the central importance Critical Junctures play in Historical Institutionalist thinking, how they come about is relatively underdeveloped, though this is slowly changing. One such framework, proposed by Hellel David Soifer in 2012, posits that such moments come about and build momentum when certain preconditions are in place which in turn build momentum strong enough to cause institutional change (Soifer, 2012). According to this framework, he defines two specific factors that should be considered: the permissive conditions under which institutional constraints are eased or in conflict which allow for change to occur, and the productive conditions, which represent the range of possibilities and outcomes that arise during and after the closing of a Critical juncture (Soifer, 2012, pp. 1573-1576). Expanding on these twin conditions briefly, permissive conditions can be viewed as the factors, events or norm changes that allow for change to occur, while productive conditions represent the ideas and conceptions of how the institution should be changed should a critical juncture produce institutional change. Soifer argues that neither sort of condition is sufficient on its own to produce lasting institutional change (Soifer, 2012, p. 1575). However, when such conditions arise alongside other factors, a critical moment may grow into something more. Soifer highlights two further factors in his work, however for brevity, I will focus on only one which is termed critical antecedents (Soifer, 2012, pp. 1576-1577). First developed by Slater and Simmons in 2010, critical antecedents, or critical causes, are defined as “factors or conditions preceding a critical juncture that combine with causal forces during a critical juncture to produce long-term divergence in outcomes” (Slater & Simmons, 2010, p. 889). Conceptualised to build a more robust foundation to understand how critical junctures take place, Slater and Simmons further differentiated between successive causes and conditioning causes (Slater & Simmons, 2010, pp. 889-890). Successive cases can be understood as antecedents which directly cause critical junctures to occur, which are often difficult to determine, while conditioning causes are those that help determine what direction the institution will take once the critical juncture passes. Taken alongside the conditions Soifer proposes, critical junctures are built on a series of contingent parts that form a chain of operation that, in turn, produce institutional change. Should such change be considered, but ultimately rejected, however, a distinct possibility in critical juncture literature, this is termed a “near miss”. Such near misses are defined as a period in which change is proposed, considered and ultimately rejected, resulting in the reinstatement of the previous path of institutional development, with perhaps a few minor concessions towards change (Cappoccia, 2016, p. 95) As we turn into discussions of how these movements come about, this possibility should be kept in mind, as to consider otherwise assumes a degree of determinism that minimises the agency of the actors operating during these moments.

Methodological approach: Comparative Case Study As the term suggests, Historical Institutional work is not often done on current cases. Rather it is used to research past institutional events and the development of new political paradigms. However, the continued and sustained comparison between the ongoing Fosen case and the Alta conflict of the 1970s represents an intriguing opportunity to consider what factors go into developing a critical moment of institutional change as one is potentially emerging. In addition, as

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will be shown, the current events surrounding the Fosen case protests are directly interlinked with the institution of Sámi rights that came as a direct result of Alta. As such, the rest of this paper will focus on developing the two cases of Alta and Fosen according to an adaption of Soifer’s model using the permissive and productive conditions he discusses to form the structure of comparative analysis. This analysis will be further foregrounded using Slater & Simmons's critical antecedents, as prior political conditions and history are key factor in understanding the formation of the current state of Sámi rights in Norway. The basis for this research includes historical accounts, academic treatments and concurrent news reporting, the latter of which is particularly relevant regarding the ongoing Fosen case and subsequent protests. Using these relevant sources, each case will be constructed as a historical narrative, divided up into sections highlighting the critical antecedents and the events that propelled the critical juncture into reality or, in the case of Fosen, may constitute the formation of such. This article will then conclude with an analysis of the events of Alta and Fosen in context with the wider green shift. As will be discussed throughout, the current state of the Fosen protests highlights a clear potential for a break between the established normative system put in place in post-Alta Norway. This has been driven, in part, by a shift in political priorities that have placed the Norwegian state in direct collision with the legally protected rights of the Sámi. Whether this will continue to its logical extreme remains unknown as of writing, but it is this potential that the rest of this article will attempt to highlight through the contrasting political factors present in the Alta and Fosen cases.

Case 1: The Alta Conflict (1968-1982) To begin, many factors led to the formation of opposition to the Alta dam project and the protests that arose in 1979. These include the wider international movement towards decolonisation, changing political norms within the Sámi communities towards radical Sámi identification well as the greater role Norway played in protecting indigenous rights across the work (Kalstad, 2013; Minde, 2003; Vik & Semb, 2013). However, there are three processes in particular that I think set the stage best: the formal end of Norwegianisation, the policy gap left by it, and the ultimate decision to dam the river itself. Critical Antecedents of Alta In 1959, the Norwegian government officially ended the series of policies that collectively formed the Norwegianisation efforts (Hjorthol, 2006; Minde, 2003). Built on the recommendations from what had been termed the Sámi Committee (Samekomiteen) this represented the formal end to a regime that systematically worked to assimilate the Sámi into the Norwegian majority. After more than a century of direct political assimilation, the government relaxed its efforts and began work to establish a more accommodating policy environment towards the Sámi. However, despite these efforts, including the forming of a sort of proto-Sámi Parliament known as the Norwegian Sámi Council (Norsk Sameråd), little material change occurred(Minde, 2003). Attitudes in government remained little different than they had been under Norwegianisation and, as such, the tangible benefits of the formal end of Norwegianisation were few. As such, which had been attempts to build a more accommodating policy scape resulted in an environment of extreme distrust between the state and Sámi.

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The Sámi themselves had not been idle following the end of the Second World War. After a failed attempt at organising during the early 1900s and 1910s, a new generation of Sámi activists, organisers and politicians arose (Lantto, 2000). This began the second wave of Sámi mobilisation, as civil, cultural and, increasingly, political organisations arose to represent their interests. The largest of these was Norgga Sámiid Riikasearvi (Norsk Samers Riksforbund) (NRK), which was formed in 1968 and remains a key figure in Sámi politics today (Gaski, 1993; NSR, 2021, p. 124). On the international level, the Sámi became more directly tied across borders through the formation of Nordisk Sameråddet/the Nordic Saami Council, which brought Sámi organisations from across the three Nordic borders to organise and discuss how best to promote their culture and protect their culture interests (Rantala, 2004). Through ostensibly divided borders, these crossborder connections, combined with the rise of robust and self-interested political organisations meant that Sámi built a strong foundation for greater political mobilisation. In the wider international sphere, the Nordic Saami Council connected the conditions faced by the Sámi with that of other Indigenous groups across the world (Crossen, 2017). Through this, the Sámi became not just a singular people, but one that shared a struggle with other Indigenous groups across the world. With this came a sense of solidarity that would serve them well in what was to come. Critical Juncture: Alta It is in this context that the events that would lead to Alta began. In 1968, the Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Directorate (NVE) proposed a dam across the Álttáeatnu/Alta River to power the inner Finnmark region (Andersen & Midttun, 1985, pp. 318-319). In the early plans, the construction would result in the flooding of the small village of Maze (Masi), which had been a majority Sámi settlement for centuries (Andersen & Midttun, 1985, p. 319). Initial reactions to this proposal were mixed in the Norwegian parliament and generally negative in the region affected, but particularly amongst the Sámi of the region. This was because Maze was considered a symbol of Sámi identity, which was further strengthened by the plans to inundate it. Thus, the plans to dam and submerge the settlement without any sort of consultation or discussion was seen as a confirmation that the Norwegian government held little care for the wellbeing of the Sámi people. When government planners arrived in 1970 to inspect the site they were greeted by nearly 400 protesters armed with signs and a statement for the government that they would not move from the village until the damming was stopped (Andersen & Midttun, 1985). Perhaps due to these early protests or due to other considerations, Maze was protected from damming in the revised plans for the dam in 1973. However, this did not stop the development of the dam itself, as it was deemed far too important to shelf. In the summer of 1979, construction was set to begin on the Alta Dam. However, the NVE ran into unexpected resistance. In the time since the ratification of construction, the villagers of Mazi and local Sámi groups had united under the banner of opposing the government through a grassroots organisation they called People’s Action against the Building of the Alta-Kainokeino Watercourse (Folkeaksjonen mot utbygging av Alta-Kautokeinovassdraget) (Hjorthol, 2006, p. 32) In short order, a standoff began between government workers and Sámi protesters, centred over the worksite of Stilla. There Sámi and environmental activists chained themselves to the gates of the worksite and stood directly in front of bulldozers, creating stalling construction (Broderstad, 2011, p. 899). As the Sámi and their allies had hoped, their actions swiftly became national news. By October demonstrations sprung up across Norway, but the largest was centred in Oslo, which is

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where the most famous images of the event spring from. Sámi in gakti marched in the streets, a lavvu was set up on the grounds of the Storting and, significantly, a group of Sámi women occupied the Prime Minister’s offices (Hjorthol, 2006). Behind the scenes, Sámi activists pursued all manner of legal channels to get the dam development stopped. In 1980 the legality of the Alta project was brought before the Norwegian courts (Minde, 2003). Despite the criticism levelled towards the process through which the permissions were granted, it was ultimately ruled in 1981 that the development was legal. As such work began on the Alta Dam once more. In a final show of resistance, a final demonstration was held at Stilla, resulting in mass arrests through one of the largest police actions seen in Norway (Hjorthol, 2006). Though the Norwegian government had seemingly won the conflict, it now faced a problem: how to respond to such still and sustained resistance. Their solution was a committee establishment of Samerettsutvalget (the Sámi Law Committee) with a mandate to determine potential remedies to the state of Sámi rights protection (Broderstad, 2011, p. 899; Minde, 2003). The work of the commission, which heavily involved Sámi actors, took nearly a decade but the results changed the state of Sámi rights fundamentally. In 1987 the Sámi languages were recognised as official languages through an official act of parliament with further rights enshrined in the constitution. Finally, in 1989 the Norwegian Sámi Parliament was founded, setting the stage for the modern current state of Sámi-State relations (Josefsen, Mörkenstam, & Saglie, 2014). Permissive Conditions of Alta As the dust of Alta settled, it was hard to see that it would be the critical juncture it ultimately became. The defeat of the Alta case in the courts was viewed as the end of the hopes for institutional change. This was not the case. By looking at the conditions of Soifer’s model it becomes more clear how these events came about. Going into the 1979 protests, the first permissive condition can be seen as the mismatch between the end of Norwegianization and the political facts on the ground. Going into the 1979 protests, the Norwegian government had done little material work to build goodwill with the Sámi. The formal end of the Norwegianisation policies had done little to change the legacy those policies had built. Nor did the government seem willing to work to correct this situation. Instead, to paraphrase Henry Minde, “The continuation of the old assimilation policy was due to a special power structure that was strengthened unintentionally by the Sámi Committee”(Minde, 2003, p. 77). As such, Sámi actors, organisations and activists had little reason to trust the motivations of NVE and, by extension, the Norwegian government. As such, the choice to build the Alta dam despite protests against its construction brought the Norwegian government's seeming contempt into clear focus. The second permissive condition was one built by the Sámi themselves. In the years leading up to Alta the groundwork had been laid to create a parallel civil and political society built a strong foundation for political activism. However, it was through its international connections that these organisations transformed from, to quote Henry Minde again, a “pressure group for the disadvantaged to becoming a mouthpiece for international human rights”(Minde, 2003, p. 79). As such, through the protests, court battles and police actions, the Sámi brought with them the understanding that this was about more than just a dam, it was about defending their rights to their lands and their culture, a struggle that was paralleled across the world (Crossen, 2014).

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Thus, as the Alta crisis took off, it was these activists who offered up the productive condition of the conflict: an institutional shift towards the enshrinement of Sámi rights. The alternative was the continuation of a state of political hostility and potential instability that the Norwegian government, through its efforts in establishing the Sámi Committee in 1965, did not wish to continue (Minde, 2003). The Alta conflict resulted in institutional change that broke from the old institutional thinking, towards the new. It is in this environment that the current Fosen case protests take place, and it is on this basis that we consider the conditions that face the potential breakthrough.

Case 2: The Fosen Case (2010 - Present) The Flourishing of Legal Sámi Rights In the four decades following the end of the Alta conflict, the state of Sámi rights transformed. No longer the subject of assimilation and marginalisation, Sámi rights, languages and culture became strictly protected under what became Article 108 of the Norwegian constitution in 1988 (Vik & Semb, 2013). Two years later this was followed up with the adoption of the International Labour Organisation’s Convention No. 169 concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (ILO 169), making it the first state to do so (Henriksen, 2008, p. 5). This legally binding treaty, amongst other points, further strengthened the protections for Sámi culture and language rights, which were considered fundamental Indigenous rights (ILO, 1989). More directly to this case, however, ILO 169 required free, prior and informed consent to be obtained for any development regarding Indigenous rights and territory. Taken as a whole, Article 108, ILO 169, and the ratification of the International Convent on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in 1999 have built a strong and seemingly unassailable right for the Sámi to live as they see fit on their own lands, using their own language (Ravna, 2020). In 2007, Norway further added to these protections, which were already quite bespoke, by adopting the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), strengthening an already robust institution of Sámi rights being at the forefront of Norwegian law (Ravna, 2020). This is perhaps why Fosen is so surprising. After three decades of increasing rights protection for Sámi culture, language and land rights, as evidenced by the ongoing Finnmark estate, the relative silence from the government after the Fosen verdict appears, on its face, to be out of step (Ravna, 2023; Spitzer & Selle, 2019). Whether this will become a critical juncture remains to be seen, but let us now turn to look at how this current moment has developed and what conditions are in place for a shift in policy priorities. Critical Antecedent 1: The Facts of the Fosen Case The events that ultimately resulted in the Alta case coming to the Supreme Court began in 2010. In June of that year, NVE, the same directorate that gave the go-ahead for the construction of the Alta dam, issued licenses to build four wind farms on the Fosen peninsula, which is located in Trondelag county ("HR-2021-1975-S (Fosen)," 2021, p. 3). Of the four wind farms, two in particular became the focus of the case, the Roan and the Storheia installations. Due to reorganisation, these licenses would then fall into the hands of Fosen Vind, a state-backed energy company in 2016 ("HR-2021-1975-S (Fosen)," 2021). After these licenses were transferred, the way was made clear for construction on the peninsula. In 2019 the Roan wind farm was put into operation, with the Storheia site following in 2020 ("HR-2021-1975-S (Fosen)," 2021). With

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Storheia’s completion, the Fosen peninsula became home to the largest onshore wind power project in Europe to date. Since the beginning, however, two siidas, the Sør-Fosen sijte and NordFosen siida, have legally pushed back against this process ("HR-2021-1975-S (Fosen)," 2021). This resistance has formed the basis for the ongoing court case that came to rest in front of the Supreme Court in 2021. The first judgement came in 2013 when the licenses were ruled legal, though minor changes to the footprint of the Storheia wind farm were required. In 2014 Fosen Wind, which was in the process of acquiring the licenses in question, demanded an appraisal of the damages that the Sámi Siidas faced from the operation of the windfarms in question ("HR-2021-1975-S (Fosen)," 2021). SørFosen sijte countered that such an appraisal should be ruled inadmissible because the licenses in question were already in violation of ICCPR, specifically article 27 which gave specific protections of culture, which set the stage for what was to come. As this case wound through the courts, four questions became core to this case: whether the Fosen peninsula was lost to the Sámi as a winter grazing area, to what degree it damaged their livelihood, what sort of compensation was warranted, if at all and, finally, whether the Article 27 rights of the Sámi were violated (Ravna, 2023). However, there was a wider context under which these questions were considered. Critical Antecedent 2: Environmental Politics In contention more broadly was the question of whether the cultural rights of Sámi reindeer herders would be upheld over the economic and environmental interest of the Norwegian state through its partner Fosen Vind. Although the Fosen case appears to be about Sámi rights, it is part of a much political conversation ongoing with Norway (Inderberg, Rognstad, Saglie, & Gulbrandsen, 2019). Speaking in a more international context, the construction of the Fosen windfarms is part of a much wider push by nations across the world to transition from non-renewal energy sources to renewable sources, all as part of combating climate change. Norway has been at the forefront of this transition(Skjærseth & Rosendal, 2023). Its normative bono fides, favourable conditions for both hydro and wind power and wider societal and political favourability have meant that a veritable renewable boom has taken place (Anker, 2020). However, this boom has been perceived by many Sámi, particularly reindeer herders, as a threat to their way of life and the rights they had fought hard for. One major concern is the effect wind power has on the well-being of reindeer, which have been argued to be negatively impacted by close exposure to wind turbines, resulting in a change in migration patterns (Eftestøl, Tsegaye, Flydal, & Colman, 2023; Tsegaye et al., 2017). As a result, Sámi herders and their allies have fought fiercely against such developments on traditional lands and herding pastures, as the development of such projects further limits the range of an already embattled industry (Normann, 2021). The term that has increasingly been used to refer to this conflict, is “Green colonialism”, a term with resonant connotations (Kårtveit, 2021; Singh, 2021). The Fosen case ruling, then put this conflict into sharp relief, as one of the major arguments forwarded by the Fosen wind was the “green shift” that the industry was undertaking. The Supreme Court Ruling and Initial Reception As such, in early October the Norwegian Supreme Court made its ruling regarding the Fosen windfarms. In their view, the operating licenses had been granted in direct contravention of Sámi rights and the Norwegian government’s obligations under Article 27 were violated ("HR-2021-

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1975-S (Fosen)," 2021; NHRI, 2023; Ø. Ravna, 2023). More broadly, in their ruling, the supreme court of Norway argued that the licenses were invalid as a result of the windfarm developments being built contrary to the protection of reindeer herding activities, which had been further protected by Article 27 and in context with article 108 of the Norwegian constitution. Further, they argue that as the developments of these windfarms had changed the land completely, the result was that “the siidas' winter pastures are lost in important areas connected to reindeer husbandry and thus to the reindeer herders’ culture – in late winter ("HR-2021-1975-S (Fosen)," 2021, p. 24). What this means for the Siidas in question was the ultimate eradication of the grazing resources available, to such an extent that alternative compensation is not possible ("HR-2021-1975-S (Fosen)," 2021, p. 25). Finally, perhaps the most significant ruling for this article is the rejection of the “green shift” as a potential justification for wind farm development. As the court noted, “Article 27 ICCPR does not allow for a balancing of interests”("HR-2021-1975-S (Fosen)," 2021, p. 25). Human rights, and by extent, Sámirights come first. How this situation would be rectified, however, was left to the Norwegian government to decide. In the wake of this ruling, the Fosen case was hailed as a reaffirmation of Indigenous rights and a curtaining of green industry overreach during a time in which Sámi's livelihoods had been put at risk (Buli & Terje, 2021). It was expected that the offending wind farms would be torn down and the land returned to the pasture land it originated as (Buli, 2021; Ravna, 2023). However, in the year following the ruling little work has been done. The Norwegian government, through the Ministry of Petroleum and Energy, has shown little willingness to comply with the verdict. Instead, the Ministry looked toward further remedies to compensate the Siidas while keeping the wind farms in operation. As Öyvind Ravna noted in his treatment of the case, “It is difficult to imagine that the wind turbines can continue to roll at Fosen, at least to a significant extent, without questions being asked about Norway’s ability and willingness to comply with its obligations to the Sámi under international law, and not least, Norway’s ability to comply with its own court decisions under national law” (Ravna, 2023: 175) In February 2023, just such questions were asked, not but outside observers, but by Sámi themselves. Critical Juncture: the ‘500 Days’ Protests and Government Response Following five hundred days of inaction by the Ministry and the government at large, mass protests erupted in Oslo and across Norway. Activists came together in a manner not seen since Alta spearheaded by the youth wing of NSR, NSR-Nourat, and supported by various Sámi and environmental organisations (Natur og Ungdom, 2023). Marchers in gahki were once again seen on the streets, now with their traditional outfits turned inside out, something considered a striking statement of protest (Fouche, 2023). At one point activists occupied the entrance to the Ministry of Oil and Energy before being removed by police shortly afterwards (Eivind, 2023; Fouche, 2023). Their demands were simple, respect the verdict of the Supreme Court that the licenses were deemed invalid and have the windfarms removed (Natur og Ungdom, 2023). The initial response from the Norwegian government was contrition, as the then minister for Oil and Energy, Terje Aasland, recognised that human rights had been violated and something had to be done to rectify the situation (Gaino Buljo, 2023). However, in the weeks and months since, government response has been muted, while the windfarms continue to stand. One of the stated reasons for this is concerns over what effect the loss of energy production would have on Trondolag County (Gaino Buljo, 2023). This is a stance that has been supported in the affected

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region itself, but less so within the wider country (Eivind, 2023). Sámi activists remain wary of what will come next. Protests have continued sporadically both in Oslo and around Fosen, however in the latter case the police temporarily removed protesters, further muddying the waters (Grimstad, 2023; Utsi, 2023). What is clear, however, is that the Sámi and the Norwegian government remain at an impasse that has not been seen since Alta and that has implications for what comes next.

Analysis: The Conditions of Fosen and the Potential Tarnishing of Alta’s Legacy In 1979, the largest Sámi led protests ever seen in Norway erupted across Norway. The Alta conflict was a moment at which the rights of the Sámi to practice their culture and language and protect their traditional lands were forwarded as the alternative to the outdated and colonial policies of Norwegianisation (Minde, 2003). The Fosen case represents a clear challenge to this ongoing institution. Through the Norwegian government’s continued inaction beyond minor concessions to the violation in question, the stability of the institution has been put into question (Ryland Ørnhaug, 2023). The legacy of Alta, in essence, faces being undermined. Returning to Soifer’s model, we can see the underlying conditions that have been building to this point. As mentioned previously, Historical Institutionalism is not usually used in ongoing cases. As such, it is difficult to determine Soifer’s conditions as easily as for the Alta case. There remain many unknowns regarding the government's response, as well as what other factors have affected the Ministry of Oil and Energy’s decision to withhold on calling for the removal of the wind farms (Grimstad, 2023). With that said, there are two potential conditions I wish to highlight which I consider proto-conditions, or conditions that may drive this situation to become a formal critical juncture. The first is the proto-permissive condition of the court’s judgement, and the second is the proto-productive condition of the wider move towards renewable energy. The permissive condition within this case can be most clearly seen in the decision of the Supreme Court to pass off remedial action to the Norwegian government ("HR-2021-1975-S (Fosen)," 2021; Ø. Ravna, 2023). Though perhaps unintentionally, this choice has created a gap between action and implementation that has had the consequence of the Ministry of Oil and Energy proverbially dragging its heels in determining an adequate response. As such, this has meant it has meant that the wind farms on Fosen continue to operate (Lønnum Andreassen, 2023). This state of affairs puts into direct question the government’s willingness to follow through with the findings of its own legal system, which in turn has shaken the foundations on which the current institution of Sámi rights stands. Second, there is the productive condition that is currently driving this move against this established regime, which is the ongoing green shift that has taken place over the past decade. Sámi reindeer herders are no strangers to renewable energy sources displacing their herds, but the current boom in green energy is markedly different (Fohringer, Rosqvist, Inga, & Singh, 2021; Össbo & Lantto, 2011). Spurred by the ongoing green push, the popularity of renewables in Norway has never been higher. In addition, the wider energy crisis that has swept Europe, and the wider world, has made this boom all the more acute. As such, the priorities of the Norwegian government, much like its European peers, have been fixed on building up this infrastructure and creating further sources of electricity (Skjærseth & Rosendal, 2023). As the ongoing Fosen case protests have shown, these priorities are now in conflict not just with the legal requirements handed down to the Supreme

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Court, but also with the legal rights of the Sámi to their cultural practices. The question remains whether the Norwegian government intends to pursue this conflict to its logical conclusion. Sámi activists, organisations and allies have signalled their concern regarding this clash of priorities since the start of this green transition. It is for this reason that the term “green colonialism” has begun to take hold (Kårtveit, 2021). It is no wonder then that a wind power farm, this generation’s hydroelectric dam, would become the focal point of such a profound protest. The stakes are similar, but the scope is different. During the protests of Alta, the conditions that allowed it to come about were, in part, brought about because of the policy gap left by the official end of Norwegianisation, and the attitudes held over from that era. Today, the Fosen case represents a similar gap. Though much smaller, the approach that the Norwegian government has taken represents a potential breaking point. In essence, the Fosen case is not just like Alta, it is its mirror image. Whether it will result in the continuation of its legacy, or if this will mean a dramatic shift in policy, remains to be seen. Looking, however briefly, towards the future outcomes it is clear that there will not be a return to the institution of the past. The Supreme Court’s ruling on Fosen makes that abundantly clear, as do the ongoing structures of governance that have arisen in past years such as the Finnmark Estate and the continued commitments expressed as a result of the findings of the Sannhets- og forsoningskommisjonen (Truth and Reconciliation Commission) (Josefsen, Søreng, & Selle, 2016; Sannhets- og forsoningkommisjonen, 2023). The more likely outcome instead will be that the Norwegian government will continue to avoid the licensing issue while attempting to find a compromise that will keep its Green credentials intact while keeping to the spirit, if not the letter, of the Supreme Court ruling. Early indications demonstrate exactly this approach (Ryland Ørnhaug, 2023). Whether this will amount to a further push towards development remains undetermined, as does much about the current actions of the Norwegian government. The fact remains, however, that the Sámi, and their allies, will be closely watching whatever happens next.

Conclusions: The Continual Defence of Sámi Rights To conclude, this article set out to discuss the comparison between the Alta conflict and the ongoing Fosen case protests from the perspective of Historical Institutional theory. The goal was to ask a simple question: how similar are the events and political conditions of Alta in the 1970s to ongoing events surrounding Fosen? To do this, I made use of Hillel David Soifer’s model of critical junctures, which introduced the concepts of permissive and productive conditions to understand how such moments of institutional rupture come about. Combined with Slater and Simmons’ concept of critical antecedents, which Soifer himself builds upon, I constructed a comparative case study to look at the two events. Through these case studies, the major antecedents to the events and the most probable permissive and productive conditions were highlighted. In the case of Alta, it was the end of the policy of Norwegianisation collapsing without a viable alternative that allowed for a strong and sustained protest to offer up a rights-based alternative. In the case of Fosen, the ongoing events have centred around the failure of the Norwegian government to follow through with an adequate remedy regarding the now illegal wind farms. As Sámi activists have highlighted, this represents a clear threat to the ongoing institution of Sámi rights that have been in place since the 1980s.

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Whether Fosen will ultimately become a true critical juncture, or whether it shall become a near miss is not currently known and will remain unknown for some time. Returning to the initial question posed: Is Fosen just like Alta? There are certainly parallels and there are similar conditions for a rupture to happen. However, should such a critical juncture happen, it may not be to the degree of the Alta conflict, as the core institution of Sámi rights in Norway remains much stronger than the older assimilationist policies in place at the time of Alta. The threat remains, however, that it would perhaps require a much more compelling force to shift the institution. Instead, this represents a challenge towards an institution that has, so far, held strong. Once the Fosen case protests come to whatever conclusion awaits, a further evaluation of this conclusion will be needed, as well as a further assessment of the factors involved. Until then, this piece should serve as a strong jumping-off point for further discussion. Further work is needed to better understand the effect decarbonisation efforts have on the wider struggle for greater Indigenous rights, as Fosen demonstrates such tension exists even in a state that has ostensibly striven to strike a balance between the two interests.

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Josefsen, E., Mörkenstam, U., & Saglie, J. (2014). Different Institutions within Similar States: The Norwegian and SwedishSámediggis. Ethnopolitics, 14(1), 32-51. doi:10.1080/17449057.2014.926611 Josefsen, E., Søreng, S. U., & Selle, P. (2016). Regional governance and indigenous rights in norway: the Finnmark estate case. Indigenous peoples’ governance of land and protected territories in the Arctic, 23-41. Kalstad, J. K. H. (2013). ČSV–sámi nationalisttaid dahje sámenašuvnna doaimmalaččaid muitun. Koloratiivakonstrukšuvdna Hans Aslak Guttorma girjjiin, 29-48. Kårtveit, B. (2021). Green colonialism: The story of wind power in Sápmi. In Stories of Change and Sustainability in the Arctic Regions (pp. 157-177): Routledge. Lantto, P. (2000). Tiden börjar på nytt: en analys av samernas etnopolitiska mobilisering i Sverige 1900-1950. Umeå University, Lantto, P. (2010). Borders, citizenship and change: the case of the Sami people, 1751–2008. Citizenship Studies, 14(5), 543-556. Lønnum Andreassen, B. (2023). Reindeer herders want Norwegian wind farm demolished Retrieved from http://www.nordiclabourjournal.org/i-fokus/in-focus-2022/theme-thegreen-shift/article.2022-03-18.6489804485 Minde, H. (2003). The Challenge of Indigenism: The Struggle for Sami Land Rights and SelfGovernment in Norway 1960-1990. In S. Jentoft, H. Minde, & R. Nilsen (Eds.), Indigenous Peoples: Rsource Management and Global Rights (pp. 75-104). Delft: Eburon Academic Publishers. Minde, H. (2005). Fornorskinga av samene: hvorfor, hvordan og hvilke følger: Kompetansesenteret for urfolks rettigheter. Natur og Ungdom. (2023). 500 dager med menneskerettighetsbrudd: vi okkuperer Olje- og Energidepartementet. Retrieved from https://www.nu.no/500-dager-medmenneskerettighetsbrudd-vi-okkuperer-olje-og-energidepartementet/ NHRI. (2023). About the wind farms on Fosen and the Supreme Court Judgement. Retrieved from https://www.nhri.no/en/2023/about-the-wind-farms-on-fosen-and-the-supremecourt-judgment/ Normann, S. (2021). Green colonialism in the Nordic context: Exploring Southern Saami representations of wind energy development. Journal of community psychology, 49(1), 77-94. NSR. (2021). NSRs historie. Retrieved from https://nsr.no/om-oss/nsrs-historie/ Össbo, Å., & Lantto, P. (2011). Colonial Tutelage and Industrial Colonialism: reindeer husbandry and early 20th-century hydroelectric development in Sweden. Scandinavian Journal of History, 36(3), 324-348. doi:10.1080/03468755.2011.580077 Peters, B. G., Pierre, J., & King, D. S. (2005). The Politics of Path Dependency: Political Conflict in Historical Institutionalism. The Journal of politics, 67(4), 1275-1300. doi:10.1111/j.14682508.2005.00360.x Rantala, L. (2004). Sámiráđđi 50 jagi – Historihkka. Sámi Conference. Saami Council, Honningsvåg. Just Like Alta?


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Ravna, O. (2014). The Fulfilment of Norway's International Legal Obligations to the Sámi Assessed by the Protection of Rights to Lands, Waters and Natural Resources. International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 21(3), 297-329. doi:10.1163/1571811502103001 Ravna, Ø. (2020). Sami law and rights in Norway – with a focus on recent developments: Taylor & Francis. Ravna, Ø. (2023). The Fosen Case and the Protection of Sámi Culture in Norway Pursuant to Article 27 iccpr. International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 1(aop), 1-20. Ryland Ørnhaug, E. L. S., Ingrid (2023, 15/05/2023). Nå møter Fosen-samene Riksmekleren for første gang: – Ingenting skal være uprøvd. NRK. Sannhets- og forsoningkommisjonen. (2023). Sannhet og forsoning - grunnlag for et oppgjør med fornorskingspolitikkk og urett mot samer, kvener/norskfinner og skogfinner. Retrieved from Oslo: Schmidt, V. A. (2010). Taking ideas and discourse seriously: explaining change through discursive institutionalism as the fourth ‘new institutionalism’. European political science review, 2(1), 125. doi:10.1017/S175577390999021X Singh, S. (2021). Green colonialism. Fourth World Journal, 21(2), 117-122. Skjærseth, J. B., & Rosendal, K. (2023). Implementing the EU renewable energy directive in Norway: from Tailwind to Headwind. Environmental Politics, 32(2), 316-337. Slater, D., & Simmons, E. (2010). Informative regress: Critical antecedents in comparative politics. Comparative political studies, 43(7), 886-917. Soifer, H. D. (2012). The causal logic of critical junctures. Comparative political studies, 45(12), 15721597. Spitzer, A. J., & Selle, P. (2019). Claims-Based Co-management in Norway's Arctic? Examining Sami Land Governance as a Case of Treaty Federalism. Canadian Journal of Political Science, 52(4), 723-741. doi:10.1017/S0008423919000301 Steinmo, S., Thelen, K. A., & Longstreth, F. (1992). Structuring politics : historical institutionalism in comparative analysis. Cambridge ;: Cambridge University Press. Thelen, K. (1999). Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics. Annual Review of Political Science, 2, 369-404. Tsegaye, D., Colman, J. E., Eftestøl, S., Flydal, K., Røthe, G., & Rapp, K. (2017). Reindeer spatial use before, during and after construction of a wind farm. Applied animal behaviour science, 195, 103-111. Utsi, J. A. (2023, 09/07/2023). Tviler på politiets maktbruk på Fosen. NRK. Vik, H. H., & Semb, A. J. (2013). Who Owns the Land? Norway, the Sami and the ILO Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention. International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, 20(4), 517-550. doi:10.1163/15718115-0200400

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Existence and Survival: A Dimension of Indigenous Self-Determination in the Context of Climate Change Impacts

Dave-Inder Comar

This article argues for an “existence and survival” dimension of the self-determination of Indigenous Peoples. This dimension is supported by the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as well as international and regional human rights law. This article proposes that such an existence and survival dimension should be expressly delineated in the context of climate change impacts. This article then analyses threats to the existence and survival of Arctic Indigenous People posed by climate change impacts as alleged before a variety of international legal fora. The article concludes by discussing possible legal consequences on States for breaches of the existence and survival dimension of self-determination with respect to Arctic Indigenous Peoples.

Introduction Anthropogenic global warming is destabilising ecosystems all over the world but is having a particularly pronounced impact on the Arctic. The Arctic is warming four times faster on average than the rest of the planet (Rantanen, 2022). Recent projections suggest that the Arctic will be sea ice-free in September as early as the 2030s-2050s under any emissions scenario (Kim, 2023). Impacts from climate change in the Arctic are now threatening loss of land and natural resources that are crucial to the subsistence lifestyles of Indigenous Peoples (Abate and Warner, 2013: 6-7). Indigenous communities in the Arctic, including members of the Inuit and Arctic Athabaskan Indigenous Peoples as well as the Native Village of Kivalina, have sought international legal redress related to climate change impacts in the Arctic that are negatively impacting their human rights as well as their very survival. This article reviews these claims from the perspective of the right of selfdetermination of Indigenous Peoples. This article argues that an “existence and survival” dimension of self-determination should be doctrinally recognised within the context of possibly Dave-Inder Comar, PhD candidate at The Grotius Centre for International Legal Studies at Leiden University, and Executive Director of Just Atonement Inc.


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existential threats to Arctic Indigenous Peoples presented by climate change impacts, and that breaches of such a dimension may carry legal consequences for Arctic States.

The Self-Determination of Indigenous Peoples under International Law The right of self-determination is “one of the essential principles of contemporary international law” (ICJ, Case Concerning East Timor, 1995: ¶ 29), and a “fundamental human right” (ICJ, Chagos Archipelago, 2019: ¶ 144) with erga omnes status (ICJ, Construction of a Wall in The OPT: ¶¶ 155-156; ICJ, Chagos Archipelago, 2019: ¶ 180), meaning that States owe an obligation to the international community as a whole with respect to the norm, and that all States have a legal interest in its protection (ILC, 2001, art 48 comments (8), (9); Saul, 2011: 631-632). After the ratification of the UN Charter, self-determination became the primary vehicle for decolonisation efforts and it is now well settled that UN General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) provides the legal foundation for the right of peoples in colonial territories to enter the international legal order as independent States (Chagos Archipelago, 2019: ¶ 150; Saul, 2011: 613; Drew, 2001: 658-659; Crawford, 2006: 106). The adoption of the Friendly Relations Declaration in 1970 strengthened a broadened conception of self-determination in defining additional forms of “alien subjugation, domination and exploitation” beyond that of colonialism, including foreign occupation (UNGA, 1970, Principle V; Espiell, 1980: ¶ 45; Cassese, 1995: 90; Wewerinke-Singh, 2019: 100-101; Jones, 2023: 3; UNGA, 1992: ¶ 2; ICJ, Construction of a Wall in The OPT, 2004: ¶¶ 87, 88, 115, 122, 52). Other international frameworks, including the Helsinki Final Act, have shifted the definitional focus of self-determination towards a continuing, permanent right of all peoples to determine their “internal and external political status” “when and as they wish,” in order to perfect and protect their legal, political, economic, social, and cultural sovereignty (OSCE, 1975, Principle VIII; Cassese, 1995: 285-288; see also Vienna Declaration, 1993; CERD Committee, 1996). Common article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) (“Common Article 1”), adopted in the late 1960s and both entering into force in 1976, augmented the right of selfdetermination by recognising an explicit human rights component of the norm. Common Article 1(1) of the two covenants guarantees that, “All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.” Common Article 1(2) protects the rights of all peoples to, “for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. In no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.” Finally, Common Article 1(3) obligates States to “promote the realization of the right of self-determination, and shall respect that right.” In 2007, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), representing the first “explicit and widespread” recognition by States that the right of self-determination applies to Indigenous Peoples as at least one other category of “peoples” with rights under international law (Quane, 2011: 259-260; Cambou, 2020: 2; Jones, 2021: 9; Xanthaki, 2022: 84). The UNDRIP states that Indigenous Peoples “have the right to the full enjoyment, as a collective or as individuals, of all human rights and fundamental freedoms” under recognised international law (article 1), “are free and equal to all other peoples and individuals,” (article 2), and “have the right to self-determination” (article 3). Comar


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According to the UN Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2021: ¶ 14), “All the rights in the Declaration are indivisible, interdependent and grounded in the overarching right to self-determination.” The American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (ADRIP), adopted in June 2016 at the third plenary session of the OAS General Assembly, comprises a second international legal declaration related to the rights of Indigenous Peoples and contains similar recognition of the right of self-determination (article 3). The ADRIP arguably reflects an express recognition of the self-determination of Indigenous Peoples within the legal framework of the Inter-American system (Monteiro de Matos, 2020: 24). There remains significant discussion in the literature regarding the scope and nature of Indigenous self-determination captured by the UNDRIP stemming in part from the language used in articles 4 and 46 (Xanthaki, 2022: 75-77). Article 4 of the UNDRIP focuses the exercise of Indigenous self-determination on a “right to autonomy or self-government in matters relating to [Indigenous Peoples’] internal and local affairs, as well as ways and means for financing their autonomous functions.” Separately, paragraph 1 of article 46 states that nothing in the UNDRIP shall be deemed as authorising or encouraging the dismemberment or impairment of the territorial integrity or political unity of States. These two articles in particular have led some scholars to conclude that Indigenous self-determination contains a more limited purview of rights than that provided by the general law of self-determination and is focused primarily on the “internal” aspects of selfdetermination (Koivurova, 2010: 203; Quane, 2011: 269, 285; Cambou, 2019: 36-37). Other scholarship argues that Indigenous Peoples comprising “peoples” under international law are equal to all other “peoples” with respect to their rights, including the possibility of a right to secession— analysis also supported by the International Law Association in a 2010 report (Dorough, 2011: 512-513; Scheinin and Åhrén, 2018: 71-73; Xantahki, 2022: 77; ILA, 2010: 10). The UN Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples takes a third approach, describing “internal” selfdetermination for Indigenous Peoples as consisting of the ability to freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development, whereas “external” self-determination includes the ability to maintain and develop relationships with their members across State borders and to participate in the international community with equal rights, including through participation in the international Indigenous movement and in international fora (Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, 2021: ¶¶ 15-17). As further discussed below, UN human rights mechanisms such as the UN Human Rights Committee (HRC) as well as the Inter-American human rights system have recognised that at least some Indigenous Peoples constitute “peoples” for purposes of Common Article 1 of the ICCPR and the ICESCR. The UNDRIP does not purport to declare or limit the full scope of the rights of Indigenous Peoples under international law, and in fact, it expressly declines such an interpretation under article 45. The principle of self-determination instructs the “equal rights” of peoples (UNGA, 1970, Principle V; Helsinki Final Act, 1975, Principle VIII), which the UNDRIP also affirms in article 2—declaring that Indigenous Peoples and individuals “are free and equal to all other peoples and individuals.” Fidelity to the principle of equal rights cautions against distinguishing subsets of “peoples,” some of whom possess a full panoply of international rights, and others with only a subset of rights. To the extent that at least some Indigenous Peoples constitute “peoples” under international law—a conclusion doctrinally supported by both HRC and Inter-American jurisprudence—the UNDRIP should not be interpreted to limit applicable

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rights, whether rooted in Common Article 1 or elsewhere, including a right to “internal” and “external” aspects of self-determination (CERD Committee, 1996: ¶ 4).

The Triadic Relationship Between Self-Determination with Cultural Integrity and with Lands, Territories, and Resources A defining characteristic of Indigenous self-determination is a triadic link between (i) selfdetermination with (ii) culture and cultural integrity and with (iii) lands, territories, and resources (Wiessner, 2012: ¶¶ 3.1, 3.2; Daes, 2005: 76-79; Åhren, 2016: ¶ 6.3.4; UN Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, 2020: ¶ 5; Voukitchevitch, 2021: 189-190; Gilbert, 2016: 239; Fuentes, 2017: 233). This connection was acknowledged as early as 1989 in article 13 of ILO Convention No. 169 and has been affirmed and strengthened in the UNDRIP and the ADRIP. The UNDRIP prohibits the forced assimilation or destruction of culture and the forcible removal of Indigenous Peoples from their lands and territories (UNDRIP, arts. 8, 10; see also ADRIP, art X). Both the UNDRIP and the ADRIP recognise the right of Indigenous Peoples to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and used lands, territories, waters and coastal seas, and other resources (UNDRIP, art 25, ADRIP, art XXV(1)), as well the right to the lands, territories, and resources which they have traditionally owned, occupied or otherwise used or acquired (UNDRIP art 26(1), (2); ADRIP arts XXV(2), (3)). States must also “give legal recognition and protection to these lands, territories and resources” with “due respect to the customs, traditions and land tenure systems of the indigenous peoples concerned” (UNDRIP, art 26(3); ADRIP, art XXV(4)). The triadic link between (i) self-determination with (ii) culture and cultural integrity and (iii) with lands, territories, and resources means that the disruption of the linkages between Indigenous Peoples with either their culture or with their lands, territories, or resources will necessarily implicate their self-determination. In the case of culture, for example, the HRC takes the position that at least some Indigenous communities are both “minorities” entitled to protection under article 27 of the ICCPR (right to minority culture), as well as “peoples” under article 1 of the ICCPR and thus beneficiaries of the right to self-determination contained therein (Scheinin, 2005: 6)—establishing a doctrinal link in international human rights law that infringements on the right to culture of Indigenous Peoples can also implicate the right of self-determination (HRC, 1990: Lubicon ¶ 32.2; HRC, 2019: Sanila-Aikio, ¶¶ 6.8-6.11; Castellino, 2005: 61). The HRC also cites to article 1 in its Concluding Observations country reports of States parties’ conduct under the ICCPR in recommending how States may better protect the rights of Indigenous Peoples (Gilbert, 2016: 236-237), including the right to dispose freely of their natural resources pursuant to the right of self-determination (Cambou, 2022: 157). For example, in its 1999 Canada country report, the HRC affirmed that “the right to self-determination requires, inter alia, that all peoples must be able to freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources and that they may not be deprived of their own means of subsistence (art. 1, para. 2)” including with respect to “aboriginal peoples” in Canada (HRC, 1999, Canada: ¶¶ 7-8). The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR), which monitors compliance with the ICESCR, has also affirmed the triadic connection between aspects of self-determination (in this case, the right to the means of subsistence and natural resources) with culture and with lands, territories, and resources in its General Comment No. 21 (2009: ¶ 36), concluding that the “strong communal dimension of indigenous peoples’ cultural life is indispensable to [Indigenous Comar


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Peoples’] existence, well-being and full development, and includes the right to the lands, territories and resources which they have traditionally owned, occupied or otherwise used or acquired,” and must be protected by States parties in order to prevent degradation of their way of life, “including their means of subsistence, the loss of their natural resources, and ultimately, their cultural identity.” In its General Comment No. 26 issued in 2023 related to cultural aspects of the right to land, the CESCR again affirmed aspects of this triadic link, observing that “land is also closely linked to the right to self-determination, enshrined in article 1 of the Covenant” and that, “Indigenous Peoples can freely pursue their political, economic, social and cultural development and dispose of their natural wealth and resources for their own ends only if they have land or territory in which they can exercise their self-determination” (¶ 11). The close link between land and the ability to take part in cultural life is “particularly relevant for Indigenous Peoples” on account of the “spiritual or religious significance of land to many communities” (¶ 10).

Existence and Survival in the Inter-American and African Regional Systems and before the UN Human Rights Committee In both the Inter-American and African regional human rights systems, the triadic conception of Indigenous self-determination finds doctrinal emphasis in the protection of the existence and survival of Indigenous Peoples. In the 2007 Saramaka case, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights first relied on the right of self-determination, including Common Article 1 of the ICCPR and ICESCR, to interpret indigenous land and resource rights (Inter-Am. Ct. of H.R., Saramaka, 2007: ¶¶ 93-95; Shelton, 2011: 63, 75-76) and also articulated an “inextricable connection” between Indigenous Peoples with their territory and the “natural resources that lie on and within the land” which required protection under article 21 (Right to Property) of the American Convention on Human Rights (the “American Convention”) to “guarantee their very survival” (Inter-Am. Ct. of H.R., Saramaka, 2007: ¶ 122). In the 2012 Sarayaku case, the Inter-American Court reiterated that article 21 protects the close connection between Indigenous Peoples with their territory and resources, something “necessary to ensure their survival” and to “ensure that they can continue their traditional way of living, and that their distinctive cultural identity, social structure, economic system, customs, beliefs and traditions are respected, guaranteed and protected by the State” (InterAm. Ct. of H.R., Sarayaku, 2012: ¶ 146). The Inter-American Court also separately focused on cultural integrity and cultural survival as a “fundamental right” of Indigenous Peoples (¶ 217). The Inter-American Court has subsequently reaffirmed the link between lands, territories, and resources with culture and with indigenous survival in later cases, including in Garífuna Community of Triunfo de la Cruz and its Members v. Honduras (2015: ¶¶ 100-103), Xucuru Indigenous People and its Members v. Brazil (2018: ¶ 115), and in its 2017 advisory opinion related to the right to a healthy environment (¶ 48). In the African regional human rights system, the Endorois decision from the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the “African Commission”) and the Ogiek decision from the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the “African Court”) have affirmed a right to existence and survival connected to cultural integrity as well as to the use of lands, territories, and resources, in part through reliance on Inter-American doctrine. In the Endorois decision involving allegations of displacement of the Endorois Indigenous community in the Lake Bogorio area of Kenya, the African Commission stressed that article 17 (protecting the right to culture) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the “African Charter”) imposed a “higher duty” Existence and Survival: A Dimension of Indigenous Self-Determination in the Context of Climate Change Impacts


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on States “in terms of taking positive steps to protect groups and communities like the Endorois” to avoid “the danger of extinction” (Afr. Comm. on H.P.R., Endorois, 2010: ¶ 248; Claridge, 2019: 268). Similarly, with respect to property protections under article 14 of the African Charter, the African Commission relied in part on Saramaka to conclude that States may have an obligation to take special measures to protect the connection of Indigenous Peoples with their lands and territories and to ensure the survival of Indigenous Peoples “in accordance with their traditions and customs” (¶ 187). In discussing the protection of the resources of Indigenous Peoples under article 21 (right of peoples to free disposition of natural resources), the African Commission again cited to Saramaka for the proposition that “the cultural and economic survival of indigenous and tribal peoples and their members depends on their access and use of the natural resources in their territory that are related to their culture and are found therein,” which grants to Indigenous communities “the right to own the natural resources they have traditionally used with their territory”; without them, “the very physical and cultural survival of such peoples is at stake” (¶¶ 260-261, 267-268). In 2017, in the Ogiek decision, the African Court found breaches of these same three articles of the African Charter (among others) in reviewing allegations that Kenya had violated the rights of 30,000 members of the Ogiek Indigenous community by displacing the Ogiek from their ancestral land of the Mau Forest (Afr. Ct. H.P.R, Ogiek, 2017: ¶¶ 122-131, 176-190, 195-201). In its 2022 reparations order, the African Court affirmed that the “protection of rights to land and natural resources remains fundamental for the survival of indigenous peoples” and that the close ties between Indigenous Peoples with their land “must be recognised and understood as the fundamental basis of their cultures, spiritual life, integrity and economic survival.” (Afr. Ct. H.P.R., Ogiek, 2022: ¶¶ 109, 112). The existence and survival of Indigenous Peoples is also a concern of the HRC and has been addressed in HRC jurisprudence under article 27 of the ICCPR (right to minority culture). In the 2009 Ángela Poma Poma decision, the HRC reviewed correspondence made by an Indigenous author who alleged that the diversion of the river Uchusuma by the government of Peru had led to the deaths of thousands of head of livestock. Consequently, the “community’s only means of survival—grazing and raising llamas and alpacas—has collapsed, leaving them in poverty,” which deprived the community of their livelihood (¶¶ 2.1-2.3, 3.1). The HRC, citing its General Comment No. 23, first observed that article 27 is “directed to ensure the survival and continued development of cultural identity” of minority communities, which “may require positive legal measures of protection and measures to ensure the effective participation of members of minority communities in decisions which affect them” (¶ 7.2). The diversion of water had a substantive negative impact on the author’s enjoyment of her right to enjoy the cultural life of the community to which she belonged, and neither the author nor her community had been consulted prior to the water diversion, amounting to a violation of article 27 (¶¶ 7.5, 7.7). In the 2022 Billy decision, the HRC reiterated that protection of the right to minority culture under article 27 in the context of Indigenous Peoples was “directed towards ensuring the survival and continued development of the cultural identity” (¶ 8.13). The failure by Australia to implement timely adaptation measures against climate change impacts that were eroding lands and natural resources used for traditional fishing and farming and for cultural ceremonies by the Indigenous authors amounted to a violation of rights under article 27 (¶ 8.14).

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Claims Made by Arctic Indigenous Peoples Implicating the Existence and Survival Dimension of Self-Determination in the Context of Climate Change Members of Indigenous Peoples from the Inuit and Athabaskan Indigenous communities as well as from the Native Village of Kivalina have now presented claims in the Inter-American system as well as to UN Human Rights Council Special Procedures related to the existential nature of climate change impacts in the Arctic. These alleged impacts include threats to their means of subsistence, their connection to historic lands, territories, and resources, their cultural practices, their selfdetermination, and ultimately their existence and survival as peoples. One such petition was filed in 2005 by Sheila Watt-Cloutier before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (the “Inter-American Commission”), arguing that the acts and omissions of the United States with respect to climate change were infringing a variety of human rights protected by the American Convention and American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man (the “American Declaration”). Watt-Cloutier alleged “severe” impacts in the Arctic related to changes in weather, snow, and ice, as well as changes to biodiversity and new adverse health conditions, all of which were infringing on the rights to culture, the use and enjoy traditional lands, property, health and life, residence and movement, and the means of subsistence (Watt-Cloutier, 2005: 1-6). The petition specifically argued that deprivation of the means of subsistence amounted to a violation of the right of self-determination (Watt-Cloutier, 2005: 94.) The changes to the physical environment caused by climate change were “seriously threatening the Inuit’s continued survival as a distinct and unique society” (Watt-Cloutier, 2005: 67). “Like other indigenous peoples, the Inuit rely on the natural environment for their cultural and physical survival . . . Destruction of the delicate arctic ecosystem is therefore inconsistent with [the Inuit’s] right to be respected as … human being[s]” (Watt-Cloutier, 2005: 74). The petition was dismissed in 2006 by the InterAmerican Commission and was never reviewed on its merits (OAS 2006). However, in 2007, WattCloutier was permitted to provide testimony on these issues before the Inter-American Commission (Watt-Cloutier, 2007; CIEL, 2007). A second petition by Arctic Indigenous Peoples before the Inter-American Commission was brought in 2013, this time by members of Arctic Athabaskan Indigenous Peoples seeking review of Canada’s alleged failure to regulate the impacts of black carbon emissions and the consequent aggravation of warming in the Arctic (Arctic Athabaskan Council, 2013). The Arctic Athabaskan petition described how, “Athabaskan traditions, food sources, and livelihoods are inextricably tied to the ecosystems of the Arctic tundra and boreal forests,” and that many Athabaskan peoples “live off the land” through a subsistence diet (Arctic Athabaskan Council, 2013: 1-2). The petition alleged that a significant cause of warming in the Arctic was “Canada’s failure to regulate emissions of black carbon” a “potent climate warming agent” on account of the fact that while in the air, it absorbs sunlight and heats the atmosphere (Arctic Athabaskan Council, 2013: 2). Arctic Athabaskans’ culture depended on a healthy Arctic environment, which is “essential to subsistence and survival” (Arctic Athabaskan Council, 2013: 2). This included the ability to pass on Arctic Athabaskan knowledge from one generation to the next, an essential aspect of cultural survival (Arctic Athabaskan Council, 2013: 3). The petition argued that the State had an obligation to protect Indigenous Peoples against environmental harms and that “the possibility of maintaining social unity, of cultural preservation and reproduction, and of surviving physically and culturally, depends on the collective, communitarian existence and maintenance of the land” (Arctic Athabaskan Council, 2013: 54 (citing to Inter-Am. Ct. H.R., Awas Tingni, 2001: ¶ 39)). The petition Existence and Survival: A Dimension of Indigenous Self-Determination in the Context of Climate Change Impacts


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argued that “special measures” can sometimes be required in order to help ensure the physical and cultural survival of Indigenous Peoples, which in the case of the Arctic Athabaskan Indigenous Peoples required Canada to take measures to protect them from the environmental degradation caused by black carbon affecting rights to culture, property, health, and means of subsistence (Arctic Athabaskan Council, 2013: 57.) As of this writing, the Inter-American Commission has not responded to the petition. A third claim by Arctic Indigenous Peoples was presented in 2020 by members of five Indigenous communities in the United States—four located in the US state of Louisiana, and one located in the Native Village of Kivalina in the US state of Alaska (the “Five Tribes”), who submitted a joint complaint to a variety of Special Procedures established by the United Nations Human Rights Council alleging human rights violations by the United States government related to climate change impacts (Five Tribes, 2020). These Five Tribes alleged that they were being “forcibly displaced from their ancestral lands” because of climate change impacts and related human-made disasters, including “rising sea levels, catastrophic storms, and unchecked extraction of oil and gas” (Five Tribes, 2020: 9). Such climate change impacts were causing them to lose their cultural traditions and ancestral lands and were infringing on their “tribal nation sovereignty and self-determination,” ultimately presenting existential risks (Five Tribes, 2020: 9). The Native Village of Kivalina alleged a connection between the “catastrophic changes to the environment” and “catastrophic land collapse” in the Arctic from increased flooding, erosion, and permafrost loss, to threats to the “lives and livelihoods of Alaska Native communities” (Five Tribes, 2020: 30-32). The Native Village of Kivalina faced “imminent threats” from rising temperatures and storm vulnerability (Five Tribes, 2020: 32). All of the Tribes expressly alleged “the endangerment of cultural traditions, heritage, health, life and livelihoods” and interference with “tribal nation sovereignty and selfdetermination” from climate change impacts. By refusing to act, the United States had “placed these Tribes at existential risk” (Five Tribes, 2020: 9). The Five Tribes alleged several violations of human rights, including the right to life, the right to self-determination, the right to cultural heritage, the right to subsistence and food security, the right to safe drinking water, physical and mental health, and an adequate standard of living (Five Tribes, 2020: 38-48). The Five Tribes sought remedies against both the United States government as well as the Louisiana and Alaska state governments, including recognition of their “self-determination and inherent sovereignty,” involvement in relevant decision-making processes (including free, prior, and informed consent to future infrastructure projects and oil and gas exploration), and government protection and funding to support the Five Tribes’ cultural connection to their ancestral lands and their means of subsistence (Five Tribes, 2020: 10-11). They also sought funding for “adaptation measures” on account of increased sea-level rise and funding to implement the tribal-led relocation process for the Alaska Native Village of Kivalina and the Isle de Jean Charles Tribe (Five Tribes, 2020: 10-11). On September 15, 2020, nine of the contacted Special Procedures sent a communication to the United States with respect to the Five Tribes Complaint (Human Rights Council, 2020). The communication expressed “utmost concerns” about the impacts of climate change on the Five Tribes, including to “their collective rights as indigenous peoples such as their right to selfdetermination, to their traditional lands, territories and resources, and to engage in their cultural and religious practices” (Human Rights Council, 2020: 7). The response included an international

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legal annex that dedicated several paragraphs to the particular rights of Indigenous Peoples under international law. The annex observed the “real threat of cultural extinction” of Indigenous Peoples because of climate change impacts (Human Rights Council, 2020: 12-13). The annex further observed that article 25 of the UNDRIP protected the right of Indigenous Peoples to “maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship” with historic lands, territories, waters, coastal seas, and other resources, including for purposes of upholding such responsibilities to future generations (Human Rights Council, 2020: 12). The annex also recalled the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement, and specifically, provisions requiring States parties to “take precautionary measures to anticipate, prevent or minimize the causes of climate change” and to “address climate change, respect, promote and consider respective obligations on human rights, including the rights of indigenous peoples” (Human Rights Council, 2020: 13-14). As of this writing, no further public communications have taken place related to the Five Tribes Complaint.

Recognising an Existence and Survival Dimension to Self-Determination in the Context of Climate Change Impacts Arctic Indigenous Peoples have now formally described and alleged threats to their existence and survival because of climate change impacts, which include threats to their self-determination and related cultural and land, territory, and resource rights. This article argues that the existential threats described by Arctic Indigenous Peoples from climate change impacts warrant recognition of an explicit “existence and survival” dimension of Indigenous self-determination. First, as discussed above, Indigenous Peoples themselves have recognised the link between alleged infringements on their self-determination from State action or inaction on climate change and the risks to their continued existence and survival, including from losses of territory, resources, culture, and their means of subsistence. Regional human rights jurisprudence already acknowledges that the cultural integrity of Indigenous Peoples and their connection to their lands, territories, and resources are integral components of Indigenous existence and survival (Summers, 2019: 5)—for example, in the Saramaka, Sarayaku, Endorois, and Ogiek decisions—and jurisprudence from the HRC has similarly tied the guarantee of the self-determination of Indigenous Peoples under Common Article 1 to article 27’s protection of cultural practices associated with historic lands, territories, resources, and ways of life (Lubicon, 1990; Sanila-Aikio, 2019). There is thus a legal foundation in regional and international human rights law for delineating an express protection of the existence and survival of Indigenous Peoples as a specific dimension of Indigenous self-determination—a dimension that needs recognition and protection in the face of climate change impacts. Second, delineating an existence and survival dimension of Indigenous self-determination is doctrinally supported and implied, inter alia, by the UNDRIP, which according to Hohmann enshrines “a right to the protection of indigenous peoples’ continued survival and existence, both physically as individuals, and as collective entities, in accordance with levels of human dignity and well-being” in part through Articles 7(2), 8, and 43 (Hohmann, 2018: 150). An existence and survival dimension can be further inferred from the right of peoples to freely determine their political status, to freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development, and the prohibition against depriving peoples of their own means of subsistence protected by Common Article 1 of the ICCPR and ICESCR, which all imply a breach of the human right of selfdetermination in instances where peoples lose their ability to subsist or to freely determine and Existence and Survival: A Dimension of Indigenous Self-Determination in the Context of Climate Change Impacts


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pursue their development. An existence and survival dimension can be further inferred from the equal rights of peoples under international law and the positive obligation on States to support the self-determination of peoples (ICCPR, art 1(3); ICESCR, art 1(3)), which suggest that the international legal system exists in part to protect the existence and survival of peoples (Friendly Relations Declaration, Principle V; UNDRIP arts 2, 3; ADRIP arts 2, 3; ICJ, Construction of a Wall in The OPT: ¶¶ 155-156; ICJ, Chagos Archipelago, 2019: ¶ 180). Finally, a right to existence and survival can be inferred from the prohibition against genocide, which is an act that fundamentally threatens the interests of the international community (Wouters and Verhoeven, 2005: 403), and from the right of peoples to defend their self-determination through force in the context of national liberation from colonisation (Yau, 2020: 63-65). The argument in international law that peoples may lawfully use force to resist some kinds of infringements on their self-determination suggests, a fortiori, a fundamental assumption that such peoples have an underlying right to existence and survival within the international system itself. Recognition of an existence and survival dimension of self-determination frames possibly existential climate change impacts as infringements of an arguable peremptory norm of international law (Cassese, 1994: 140; ILC, 2001, art 26, comment (5); ILC, 2022, Annex (h); compare with Park, 2021: 711) and a fundamental human right as protected by Common Article 1. Such recognition would further delineate a duty on those States carrying obligations to Indigenous Peoples to refrain from threatening their existence and survival as well as to promote and protect it. In the context of climate adaptation action, for example, a State may be under an international legal obligation to implement appropriate adaptation measures to protect the existence and survival of Indigenous Peoples in its jurisdiction. In the Billy decision from 2022, the HRC concluded that Australia’s delay in implementing relevant adaptation measures to protect the Indigenous authors from climate change impacts amounted to a breach of the positive obligations imposed by articles 17 and 27 of the ICCPR (HRC, Billy, 2022: ¶¶ 8.12, 8.14). Australia was under a subsequent obligation to protect the authors’ “continued safe existence” and to make “full reparation” for such violations of human rights (¶ 11)—remedies consistent with principles of State responsibility requiring States to cease an internationally wrongful act and to make reparation “for the injury caused” by that internationally wrongful act (ILC, 2001, art 28 comment (2); arts 30, 31; Shelton, 2012: 373-374). As detailed above, Arctic Indigenous Peoples have described how changing conditions in the Arctic are leading to territorial, resource, and cultural loss impacting their existence and survival, mirroring the allegations made by the authors in Billy. The alleged delay by Arctic States in implementing appropriate adaptation measures to protect the existence and survival of Arctic Indigenous Peoples within their jurisdiction is not only a potential breach of the human rights obligations outlined in Billy, but also of the self-determination of such affected Arctic Indigenous Peoples, including the positive obligation to promote their self-determination. Secondary obligations flowing from a breach of self-determination could require, among other things, adaptation measures designed to protect the means of subsistence of Arctic Indigenous Peoples from climate change impacts as well as their connection to their lands, territories, resources, and related cultural practices and lifestyles. Appropriate adaptation measures must further protect the political, economic, social, and cultural sovereignty of Arctic Indigenous Peoples and their ability to make decisions related to their internal and external status in a warming world. In light of the rapid environmental changes taking place in the Arctic, implementation of these kinds of adaptation policies, in addition to the obligation to make reparation, could involve

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significant financial costs to Arctic States or dramatic kinds of “special measures” to protect the physical and cultural survival of Indigenous Peoples in the language of regional human rights jurisprudence (Inter-Am. Ct. H.R., Saramaka, 2007: ¶¶ 85-86, 90-91, 96, 103, 121; Afr. Comm. H.P.R., Endorois, 2010: ¶ 187). Billy is also noteworthy for opening the door to legal scrutiny of the emissions-generating conduct of States, particularly high-developed, high-emitting States. The HRC concluded that Australia’s alleged actions and omissions with respect to mitigation measures could be reviewed on account of Australia being “among the countries in which large amounts of greenhouse gas emissions have been produced” and also ranking “high on world economic and human development indicators” (HRC, Billy, 2022: ¶ 7.8). While the HRC did not further opine on the Billy authors’ mitigation claims, this admissibility determination suggests that high-developed States responsible for significant amounts of greenhouse gas emissions may have certain kinds of obligations to mitigate such emissions under the ICCPR. Just like the authors in Billy, Arctic Indigenous Peoples are facing “real predicaments” from the continued burning of fossil fuels that have “already compromised their ability to maintain their livelihoods, subsistence and culture,” including “serious adverse impacts that have already occurred and are ongoing . . . more than a theoretical possibility” (HRC, Billy, 2022: ¶ 7.10). Years and years of issuing licenses for fossil fuel exploitation, exporting fossil fuels, or providing subsidies to fossil fuel enterprises, among many other State activities, could be framed as attributable State conduct (Wewerinke-Singh, 2019: 90-92) constituting a breach of the self-determination of Arctic Indigenous Peoples on account of such conduct transforming the Arctic and threatening Indigenous existence and survival, either as a direct breach of selfdetermination or perhaps a composite breach consisting of a series of actions or omissions wrongful in the aggregate (ILC, 2001, arts 12, 15; art 15 (comment 8)). Because omissions can also constitute a breach of an international obligation (Weatherall, 2020: 197-198; ILC, 2001, art 2 comment (4)), the omission or failure by high-developed, high-emitting Arctic States to dramatically reduce their emissions-generating conduct in a warming world could also constitute a failure to discharge positive obligations to promote the self-determination of Arctic Indigenous Peoples and their existence and survival. The fact that multiple States could be contributing to climate change impacts in the Arctic from the burning of fossil fuels does not prohibit or prevent the responsibility of a single State from being invoked in relation to such wrongful emissionsgenerating conduct under principles of State responsibility (ILC, 2001, art 47). Secondary obligations associated with such a breach would require a State to cease the conduct in question and to make reparation (ILC, 2001, art 28 comment (2); arts 30, 31; Shelton, 2001: 373374). States continue to permit the burning of fossil fuels even with atmospheric carbon dioxide at approximately 420 ppm as of this writing (NASA, 2023), with current warming of approximately 1.2°C over pre-industrial temperatures, and with projected warming of up to 2.8°C by 2100 (WMO, 2021; UNEP, 2022: xvi, xxi). There is also a real possibility of triggering irreparable climate change tipping points at or over 1.5°C (McKay, 2022)—all of which would aggravate the current harms suffered by Arctic Indigenous Peoples and threaten their existence and survival. Consequently, the obligation to cease the breach of the primary rule could impose a legal obligation on duty-bearing States to, among other things, drastically curtail their emissions-generating conduct to prevent further dangerous warming in the Arctic. The obligation to make reparation “caused by” a State’s emissions-generating conduct could entail restitution, compensation and satisfaction, either singly or in combination, to impacted peoples (ILC, 2001, art 34). Determining reparation is a “factExistence and Survival: A Dimension of Indigenous Self-Determination in the Context of Climate Change Impacts


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sensitive exercise” closely related to the question of causation (Wewerinke-Singh, 2020: 137-138; Shelton, 2013: 385). So far, this discussion of international legal responsibility has been limited to Arctic States. However, the obligation on all States to promote the self-determination of “all peoples” imposed by Common Article 1 as well as the general principle of self-determination (CERD Committee, 1996, ¶ 3; Friendly Relations Declaration, 1970, Principle V; OSCE, 1975, Helsinki Final Act Principle, VIII; UNGA, Vienna Declaration, 1993) may impose duties on other high-developed, high-emitting States outside the Arctic and without Arctic Indigenous populations to also reduce their emissions-generating conduct on account of such emissions contributing to the climate degradation of the Arctic and now threatening Arctic Indigenous existence and survival. This should not be conceived of as an “extraterritorial” obligation, but rather a consequence of the fact that the burning of fossil fuels can have planetary consequences and can impact peoples in all parts of the world.

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Existence and Survival: A Dimension of Indigenous Self-Determination in the Context of Climate Change Impacts


Rethinking the relationship between humans and nature in law: An Indigenous Peoples’ perspective Marlene A. Payva Almonte

1. Introduction In today’s rapidly changing world, marked by climate and ecological crises, it is crucial to interrogate, as human species, our most basic notions of nature underpinning our relationship with the natural world reflected in our laws. Recognising how such notions rooted in our laws have traditionally guided our relationship with non-human nature and shaped our assumptions of our role vis-à-vis nature can help to understand the inability of the mainstream (Western) legal system to meaningfully contribute to tackle the climate and ecological crises. In doing so, it is important to acknowledge the historical context amply framed within colonialism, in which the prevalent legal system has been erected and matured in a way to reflect an anthropocentric approach of nature. An anthropocentric legal approach entails a “prevailing ethic, upon which the law is based, [which] is human-based (or anthropocentric), and … has directly contributed to the environmental crisis” (Taylor, 1998: 4). While the anthropocentric legal system is not the only factor contributing to the interlinked climate and ecological crises, law has a central role in shaping collective notions of nature and defining the boundaries of human behaviour towards the non-human natural world. As Grear points out (2015: 225), “[law] is often accused of being resolutely ‘anthropocentric’, of rotating, as it were, around an anthropos (human/man) for whom all other life systems exist as objects.” It falls beyond the scope of this article to discuss whether international law should be less anthropocentric or more ecocentric, or making a historical recount of the effects of colonialism in the development of anthropocentric notions of nature reflected in contemporary law, contributing thereby to environmental depletion (see, for e.g., Kotzé, 2019; Grear, 2017). Instead, this article seeks to reflect on foundational anthropocentric notions of nature imposed in colonised lands, which are present in the (Western) legal system and its interpretation, including in the context of ‘green’ transitional measures to address the climate and ecological crises. This article focuses on the anthropocentric notions of land embraced in the colonial context, which reverberate until today Marlene A. Payva Almonte, Senior Researcher – Arctic Centre, University of Lapland


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in the Arctic and elsewhere, inter alia, through law and its interpretation, including in courtrooms. With the help of a case study, concerning a litigation between Sámi Indigenous Peoples, Norwegian state authorities and companies regarding the use of lands, this article seeks to investigate how anthropocentric approaches to nature manifest, for example, in the implementation of measures aimed to transit into a ‘green’ sustainable future, and how the judiciary interprets and balances opposite views on land in this context. First, this article will discuss the anthropocentric relational approach between humans and nature and its emanation through law in the colonial context; and, in the next section, how Indigenous and Western opposing views on nature have been manifested in the Arctic environment. Finally, this article will examine how such opposing views and priorities pertaining the use of land have been interpreted and balanced by Norwegian courts in the renowned Fosen case; and provide concluding remarks at the end.

2. On anthropocentrism and the colonial legacy The dominant anthropocentric notion on nature reflected in the relational approach between humans and nature has largely been linked to the Anthropocene – “a new geological era [which] is still “under review”, [where humans have been] the physical force that, like asteroids and volcanoes before, abruptly redirected the context for life’s evolution” (Crutzen & Stoermer, 2000: 1). Anthropocentrism has been given several definitions (Mylius, 2018), such as “human chauvinism” (Routley, 1973: 207), and characterised as “attitudes, values or practices which give exclusive or preferential concern to human interests at the expense of the interests or well-being of other species or the environment” (Hayward, 1997:50). This set of manifestations of anthropocentrism reflected in the relationship between humans and nature – where these two are not considered part of each of other but separated – has amply been infused across the world through Western thought.1 Through this way of seeing the world, the environment and non-human beings are framed by a colonial legacy that is reflected, among other things, in Western(ised) law. With a central role in shaping individual and collective behaviour, mainstream law represents humans as separated from an externalised natural world and with innate authority over it2 and, consequentially, as natural holders of hierarchical power to exploit nature. Grear (2015: 227) notes that “such hierarchies implicate a systemically privileged juridical ‘human’ subject whose persistence subtends – to a significant and continuing extent – the neoliberal global juridical order as a whole, and that these hierarchical commitments also significantly undermine the ability of the international legal order to respond to climate crisis…”. Such exaltation of the human (subject) over nature (object), reflected in the prevailing neoliberal legal system, legitimises an exploitative approach to nature with catastrophic effects on the planet as a whole. This has been manifested in the global climate and ecological crises. In doing so, one (Western) anthropocentric view supresses “other’’ (Adelman, 2015) understandings of the natural world and their relationships with land.3 This anthropocentric relational approach to nature was thus projected to ‘discovered’ lands with the colonial enterprise, thereby neglecting distinct approaches to the natural world in colonised lands, such as those cultivated by Indigenous Peoples and is still present in contemporary law. As Merry points out (1991:890): Colonialism is an instance of a more general phenomenon of domination. Events that happened in the past, such as those in the period of colonial conquest and control, can provide insights into processes of domination and resistance in the present … Colonialism typically involved the large-scale transfer of laws and legal Payva Almonte


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institutions from one society to another, each of which had its own distinct sociocultural organization and legal culture. Such was the case of Indigenous Peoples, who while not necessarily share a unique approach to nature and had different colonial experiences and implications – for which, attempting to discern a pan-Indigenous approach to nature or colonial experience would be misleading – some commonalities in the human relationship with their lands are distinguishable. For example, in describing an Andean Indigenous approach to nature, Villalba (2013: 1431) notes that: “Indigenous world-views invoke a more cosmo-centric and/or eco-centric view that includes all forms of life, as opposed to the Western anthropocentric view … viewing the world as a machine, or nature as a series of resources to be exploited”. Certainly, while a more intimate and respectful relationship with the land is core to Indigenous Peoples’ understanding of nature, for colonisers, looking for ‘new’ lands for expansion, land had a different meaning. Colonisers saw the land as an object of appropriation over which to exercise ownership and authority for exploitation as a source of wealth. This is a central point where the colonisers and Indigenous’ views of land collide (Payva Almonte, 2023). The prevalence of one understanding of nature over the other was facilitated, among other things, by law. As Adelman (2015:14) argues: “Colonialism manifested itself primarily in physical violence and dispossession, but was also characterized by projects designed to colonise the minds of the ‘natives’ through the salvation of Christianity and the rule of law”. As a result, Indigenous Peoples’ relational approach to nature became peripheral or inexistent in colonial laws, reflecting a diametrically different relationship with land.4 This does not imply to suggest homogeneity of diverse Indigenous Peoples’ relationship with their lands disrupted through colonial law, but pointing out to the common clash of Indigenous and colonisers’ views on the relational approach between humans and nature, and the dominance of one view over the other. Indeed, on one hand, the centrality of nature is present in diverse Indigenous Peoples’ ontologies reflecting a close relationality with diverse components of the natural world. For instance, as Watson illustrates (2022: 355), “[the] natural world is referred to as ‘mother’ and features of the land are often known as places of the grandfather or grandmother. Arising from relationships to land are obligations to care for the country as one would care for oneself”. On the other hand, the coloniser’s understanding of the natural world is “one which is largely predicated upon an individualised connection to land as property and commodity”. Such colonial approaches to nature persist today and are echoed in contemporary law, which endorses the rapacious exploitation and depletion of nature (or ‘natural resources’) in the name of a Western idea of (economic) development at all cost as an ultimate goal of every society. As Stone (1972: 463) said in his renowned article Should Trees Have Standing, “[natural] objects have traditionally been regarded by the common law, and even by all but the most recent legislation, as objects for man to conquer and master and use”. Changing this path requires rethinking our deepest notions of nature reflected in our (human) relational approach towards the natural world, which implies reconceptualising anthropocentric notions of nature inherited and expanded through colonialism and reflected in the legal system. This does not mean to deny our ineludible anthropocentric view of the world, but recognising ourselves as human nature and integral part of the natural world, which we cohabit along with other non-human natural beings as worth of respect, care and protection as humans. In this respect, Grey (199: 466) aptly contends that:

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We should certainly abandon a crude conception of human needs which equates them (roughly) with the sort of needs which are satisfied by extravagant resource use. But the problem with so-called 'shallow' views lies not in their anthropocentrism, but rather with the fact that they are characteristically shortterm, sectional, and self-regarding. A suitably enriched and enlightened anthropocentrism provides the wherewithal for a satisfactory ethic of obligation and concern for the nonhuman world. Interrogating traditional economic growth-oriented approaches to nature reflected in our legal, policy and institutional frameworks, including those aimed to tackle the climate and ecological crises, should be a good start to ‘enlighten’ our anthropocentrism. In such a way, it incorporates an ecological awareness that corrects the exploitative approach to nature at its core. The next section will discuss how the discussed anthropocentric approach to nature has been manifested though the colonial Arctic experience.

3. Colliding approaches to nature in the Arctic The Arctic is not an exception to the traditional exploitative anthropocentric approach to nature that expanded with colonialism. The region has experienced colonial incursions that continue leaving a harmful footprint on the environment and its Indigenous Peoples. As Csonka (2022: 23) recounts: Colonization had an impact on the ways of life of indigenous peoples that still reverberates today. These Peoples were affected by contact with incomers at different times, different rhythms, and in different ways… The exploitation of nonrenewable resources of the North, such as mining, oil, and gas, and construction of hydroelectric dams increased, generally with little regard for environmental consequences or impacts on Indigenous societies… Such impacts are present in the Arctic environment. These affect the ability of Arctic (Indigenous) Peoples to carry out their lifestyles that are closely connected with nature, and preserve their ancestral livelihoods and culture – thereby impinging their human rights. This has also been exacerbated by the effects of climate change in the fragile Arctic environment. Scientific studies have established that global warming is greater (IPCC, 2018) and “nearly four times faster in the Arctic than in the rest of the globe” (Rantanen et al., 2022). The consequences of maintaining an anthropocentric approach to the natural world, whereby nature continuous to be seen as a “storage bin of ‘natural resources’ or ‘raw materials’” (Bookchin, 2018: 21) at the service of human beings, are particularly serious in Arctic ecosystems, given the accelerating rate of global warming there. These impacts of climate change impinge Indigenous Peoples’ ancestral livelihoods and culture strongly integrated within the Arctic landscape. For instance, for Sámi Indigenous Peoples, the connection with the land is everywhere: “Language, humans and livelihoods are tied together: livelihood helps preserve culture but both are dependent on the land and its well-being” (Inari Siida Museum, 2023). Connected to this accelerating rate in the region are the decrease of snow cover, thawing permafrost and rapidly melting sea ice, which in turn are increasing accessibility to some regions of the Arctic and their resources (minerals such as, cobalt, lithium, nickel)5 that are necessary to cover the demands of development for the ‘green’ transition.6 As a result, the interest of Arctic and non-Arctic states, as well as extractive industries in the region – notably, from China

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(Koivurova, 2020) – has grown in the last years, which will likely put under additional threat Arctic ecosystems and its inhabitants. Development strategies that are considered necessary for a ‘green’ and sustainable transition into a carbon neutral economy often maintain an utilitarian understanding of nature, where this exists to satisfy human needs oriented to (unlimited) economic growth, which justifies the continuous exploitation of natural world and dispossession. Sustainability discourses thus risk reinforcing the depletion of nature in the name of development, and its (mis)understanding as an object for humanity’s appropriation and exploitation. In a planet confronted with climate and ecological crises, it is thus unclear how the exploitation of natural ‘resources’ in the Arctic could be done in a sustainable way. On one side, there is the view that achieving development goals through ‘sustainable’ use of natural resources is unviable. As Finger (2022: 344) clearly points out: Resources extraction is overall predatory in nature; that is, it is not sustainable in itself and it does not sustain local communities and their economies. This will not be different in the Arctic… [The] very nature of the extractive Arctic industries will not allow for sustainable development of the Arctic and its communities. In other words, the sustainable development of the Arctic thanks to resources extraction is illusionary. On the other hand, there is the view that energy transition is only possible through further extractivism and that, for example, we must “look underground for the solutions to our challenges” (Frederiksen, 2023).7 There are certainly competing notions of sustainability and what exactly entails sustainable incursions in the Arctic. A ‘green’ transition from fossil fuels into an economy based on renewable sources of energy will have multifaceted implications. In any scenario (Indigenous or not), sustainability can only be achieved when the social and ecological implications of development projects have been thoroughly observed equality and in the context of all actors involved. As Bennett et al argue (2019: 11), “sustainability transformations cannot be considered a success without social justice… The road to environmental sustainability can be pursued in an inclusive or exclusionary manner and increase or decrease distributional justice”. All in all, the continuous clash between states’ authorities and Indigenous Peoples’ views on the use of lands embeds fundamental discrepancies in the understanding of the relationship between humans and nature – where the state has a privileged position at the centre of decision-making power and those directly affected by development projects are at the periphery – is what might continue determining the future of the Arctic. The following section presents an illustrative case concerning a legal dispute on land use, involving Sámi Peoples, Norway state authorities and companies, which was filed before Norwegian national courts in the context of climate change and the ‘green’ shift.

4. The Fosen Case: the clash of world views As part of an energy development project to build four windfarms in the Trøndelag County, the government of Norway, through the Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Directorate office, issued licenses for the development of renewable energy infrastructure in 2010. This involved the construction of the Roan and Storheia windfarms, and two power lines from Namsos, through Roan to Storheia, involving consent for expropriation of land rights.8 Once the licenses were

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granted to companies9 and the projects were completed, the operations started between 2019 and 2020, becoming the largest windfarms in Norway, “and the largest onshore wind power project in Europe” (Fosen, para.136). Roan started in 2019, with nearly 25 square kilometres and 71 turbines and, subsequently, Storheia, started in 2020, with nearly 38 kilometres and 80 turbines (Fosen, para. 6). Both areas have traditionally been used by Sámi in the Fosen peninsula for reindeer husbandry, for which the development of wind energy infrastructures was problematic.10 While this kind of conflicts on the use of areas for reindeer husbandry and development projects have already arisen in Sámi lands in Nordic countries – for example, in “the northern region of Sweden, where the Sámi herding areas are located, has now become the cradle of the Swedish green transition” (Cambou, 2020: 315) – the Fosen case is the first in Norway involving impingement on areas for reindeer husbandry that has been grounded on the Sámi right to culture (Lingaas, 2021). Both windfarms are located within the grazing area of the Fosen peninsula. The Roan windfarm is located within the pasture of Nord-Fosen siida,11 while Storheia windfarm is located within the pasture of Sør-Fosen sijte (Fosen, para.8). In the case at hand, the licenses and expropriation decisions in favour of the development projects were appealed, inter alia, by Nord-Fosen siida (against Roan license), and Sør-Fosen sijte (against Storheia license, and Namsos-Roan-Storheia power line) without success. This was because the Ministry of Petroleum and Energy confirmed those decisions, although with some changes (Fosen, para.9). The Ministry was of the view that: [Roan windfarm] area could “be used for reindeer husbandry also after the development, even if it [would] demand more from the reindeer herders in the form of increased work”. As concerned Storheia windfarm, the Ministry assumed that a development would “be negative” for reindeer husbandry, but that the area would not “be lost as winter pasture” (Fosen, paras.10-11). The Ministry’s view reflects the usual acquiescence of national authorities on the use of (Sámi) lands for development projects, which, is harder to challenge when these are presented as ‘sustainable’ projects and, accordingly as, ‘green, good and necessary’ (Fjellheim, 2023: 142) to produce renewable energy for the ‘green’ transition. Cambou (2020:315) points out that there is “a growing body of research [that] has confirmed that the impact of wind energy projects on reindeer husbandry is real and can significantly affect reindeer husbandry in some cases”. In the present case, the use of lands for development projects was prioritised over reindeer husbandry, revealing the inherent anthropocentric and short-termed perspective with which development projects are usually evaluated and ultimately authorised, without actual and equal participation of Sámi reindeer herders in decision-making processes. As Fjellheim (2023: 160) argues: “As long as [Environmental Impact Assessment] processes are industry-led and solely based on environmental sciences, Saami reindeer herders will continue to lack trust in consultants and licensing processes which exclude them from being experts on their own livelihoods and culture”. Besides, the state authority’s assumption of limited ‘negative’ impact for reindeers as a result of the wind energy projects reflects a lack of interest and concern for non-human nature in resolving a non-entirely human dispute. The case was appealed by the Sámi reindeer herders to the Court of Appeal, who found that the assumption that the reindeers would get used to the windfarms and eventually start grazing in those areas was ‘speculative’ (Fosen, para.80). In this way, the Court of Appeal somewhat acknowledged the potentially serious ecological impact of the development project upon reindeers’ feeding patterns. Yet, by ordering compensation to reindeer herders for, among other things, reindeers’

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feeding, the Court of Appeal showed its concern in reindeer husbandry as economic activity but not necessarily as an expression of Sámi traditional culture (Cambou et al., 2022). The Court of Appeal also acknowledges the irreparable damage from the Roan windfarm provoking “dramatic loss of pasture for the North Group, which in the long run will lead to a reduction of the number of reindeers” (Fosen, para.82); and goes further by acknowledging potential preventive measures by stating: “unless measures in the form of winter feeding are implemented” (ibid). Although it does not detail what kind of ‘measures’ or how these would prevent the adverse impacts of the windfarms upon reindeers’ life or number, the Court of Appeal concludes that “the building of the windfarms in Storheia and Roan will threaten the existence of reindeer husbandry on Fosen, unless remedy measures are implemented” (Fosen, para.85). Thereby, the Court of Appeal conveys an extended criterion grounded on the affection to a traditional activity to determine the viability of the development projects, even if these are primarily considered to contribute to states’ objectives in light of the ‘green’ transition. Yet, it does not expand the merely anthropocentric reasoning, thereby leaving aside the ‘non-human’ (reindeer) dimension of it. The Court of Appeal grounds its analysis of the potential disruption to reindeers’ activity (such as, reindeer feeding patterns) on the basis of the impacts for reindeers herding as economic activity, even when discussing its cultural dimension. However, the Court does not question, for example, the impacts of the development projects on the basis of the potential breach of reindeers’ life, health and ability to enjoy their natural environment in their own capacity as non-human beings, despite their centrality in reindeers’ husbandry as traditional activity of Sámi reindeer herders in Norway.12 Subsequently, after appellation, the judgement of the Supreme Court builds upon the findings of the Court of Appeal which was favourable to the Sámi reindeer herders to the extent that it found that the development of Roan and Storheia windfarms interfere with their ability to enjoy their (collective) right to culture, linked to their right to livelihood and trade. However, the Supreme Court replicates the Court of Appeal’s disregard for the reindeer as non-human being worth of respect, care and legal protection in its own capacity, as co-inhabitant of the Fosen peninsula.13 Instead, the Supreme Court focuses in an anthropocentric analysis of the cultural and correlated economic aspects of the dispute, without taking a more holistic view that also encompasses ecological considerations for the non-human. It was of the view that: (…) the starting point must be that Article 27 aims at protecting the right to cultural enjoyment. As mentioned, reindeer husbandry is a form of protected cultural practice while at the same time a way of making a living. The economy of the trade is therefore relevant in a discussion of a possible violation. The relevance must be assessed specifically in each individual case and must depend, among other things, on how the economy affects the cultural practice. In my view, the rights in Article 27 are in any case violated if a reduction of the pasture deprives the herders of the possibility to carry on a practice that may naturally be characterised as a trade (Fosen, para. 134). Accordingly, it is on the basis of the affection to the right to culture of reindeer herders under Article 27 ICCPR that the Supreme Court finds this provision was violated. Even if the judgement could be considered (more) favourable to reindeer herders in this respect, it should be borne in mind that the Court’s reasoning was built upon a traditional anthropocentric perspective that does not include a concern for the reindeers in themselves. Rather, the Supreme Court puts humans and the threat to their rights and economy at the centre, and assesses the impact of the two

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development projects upon reindeers only insofar such projects affect the profitability of reindeer husbandry as economic activity and the exercise of the right to culture. In a context of climate and ecological crises, it is relevant to (re)consider what ‘green’ or sustainable development actually means. A truly ‘green’ and just transition should endeavour to integrate an ecological approach to nature in the legal system, which includes the non-human natural world under its scope of protection and recognises its agency in shaping reality (regardless such recognition is legally framed as ‘right’ or not). As Celermajer at al. note, “agency is a feature of human and nonhuman networks, assemblages, and (inter)relationships” (Celermajer et al., 2021: 124). In a similar vein, the Supreme Court continues its anthropocentric approach to the case when considering the application of the right to a healthy environment in the context of the ‘green shift’ in which the development projects are framed. The Court found that ‘the ‘green shift’ and increased production of renewable energy are crucial considerations’ (Fosen, para.143). However, Article 27 ICCPR does not allow for a balancing of interests that could preclude reindeer herders’ right to culture in light, for example, of what is deemed necessary for the ‘green’ shift. This may be different in the event of conflict between different basic rights. The right to a clean, healthy and sustainable environment recognised in the Norwegian constitution (Article 112) should be increasingly considered to interpret and balance claims in the context of the ‘green’ shift, and provide legal avenues to integrate non-human nature under its scope of protection.14 In the case at hand, the Supreme Court did not find a collision between basic rights and ‘[assumed] that ‘the green shift’ could also have been taken into account by choosing other – and for the reindeer herders less intrusive – development alternatives. Then, the consideration of the environment cannot be significant when assessing whether Article 27 has been violated in this case’ (Fosen, para.143). One can thus conclude that, while the Supreme Court upheld the invalidity of the licensing of the development projects, its findings reflect the prevalence of a mere anthropocentric approach to nature and assessment of rights that does not consider the non-human in its own value despite its centrality in the case at hand. Overall, an ecological approach to nature where it is valued in itself and not on the basis of its capacity to satisfy human (economic) needs, is predominantly absent in contemporary laws, policies and their interpretation (for example, by courts), including in those aimed to generate a ‘green’ shift. In a context of the ‘green’ transition, more ecologically aware approaches to law and respect for Indigenous Peoples’ rights and knowledge of nature are needed, in order to meaningfully contribute to a ‘green’ transition that entails a truly more sustainable and harmonious relationship with nature and its non-human components.

5. Conclusion The context of colonialism in which the Western legal system is rooted presents an anthropocentric approach to the natural world that continues to reverberate today. This one-sided view of the world is reflected in law and policy frameworks that put economic human interests at the centre and disregard the inherent value of the non-human world, independently of its utilitarian value for humans, legitimising thereby environmental depletion. The Arctic is not an exception to the traditional exploitative anthropocentric approach to nature. Despite the particularly serious and fast-paced impacts of the climate and ecological crises in fragile Arctic ecosystems, (neo) colonial incursions seeking to exploit natural resources in the name of ‘sustainable’ development and the ‘green’ shift continue threatening the Arctic and its human and non-human inhabitants. The Payva Almonte


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continuous tensions between states’ authorities and Indigenous Peoples’ views on the use of lands embed a fundamental difference in the understanding of the relationship between humans and nature. The Fosen case in Norway showed how differing views and relational approaches to nature collide in the context of the ‘green shift’. In Norway, Sámi Indigenous Peoples rights are legally recognised and some advancements have been made to address the implications of sustainable development projects upon their livelihoods and culture that is traditionally connected to reindeer husbandry. However, in relation to the non-human elements of the case, despite the Sámi reindeer herders claim was to a good extent upheld, this has occurred only to the extent that it protects human entitlements (e.g. the right to culture and livelihoods), but not those of non-human beings, like reindeers in their own capacity, even if they are not legally considered ‘subjects’ of ‘rights’. Also, it is important to note that, despite the outcome of the case in the courtroom, the implementation of the Supreme Court’s order in the Fosen case by Norwegian authorities remains to be seen two years after the judgement, generating additional questioning of the (national) legal system and protests by affected parties.15 Despite conceptual and technical challenges, Rights of Nature and Multispecies Justice can provide underexplored theoretical frameworks to protect non-human nature and recognise its agency in the context of climate and ecological crises. Its application can introduce ecological considerations in law that help humanity to depart from the traditional economic growth-oriented anthropocentric approach to nature and our human role therein. The accelerating impacts of the context of climate and ecological crises should prompt a necessary rethinking of law that considers humans and nonhuman entities as part of nature within an interconnected web of life.

Notes 1. As Adelman notes, ‘[the] strain of Western thought separating humanity from nature has been traced back as far as the emergence of Christianity, but it is widely accepted that Enlightenment rationality and the Industrial Revolution greatly accelerated the tendency’. Adelman, 2015:11. 2. Grear argues that ‘such separation between Anthropos and its feminised ‘other/s-nature’ is fundamental to understanding the foundations of the Anthropocene crisis’. Grear, 2015:235. 3. For a detailed discussion on how the relationship of dominance of wilderness by humans has been constructed, see, for example, De Luca, K. (1999). ‘In the shadow of whiteness: The consequences of constructions of nature in environmental politics. Whiteness: The communication of social identity, 217-245. 4. For instance, in the context of colonisation of indigenous lands in Australia, Watson recounts that: ‘Aboriginal laws live under the weight of the imposed colonial legal system. … There has never been a real understanding by non-indigenous peoples of the Aboriginal laws and their intricate and holistic relationship with all aspects of the environment and humanity. The law, land and peoples are one integrated whole’. Watson, 1996:107. 5. See Watson, B. et al (2023) ‘Critical Minerals in the Arctic: Forging the Path Forward’. Wilson Center Critical Minerals, 10 July. https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/criticalminerals-arctic-forging-path-forward. Rethinking the relationship between humans and nature in law


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6. At European level, see, for example, European Committee of the Regions (2022, 29 June), ‘The EU must harness the potential of the Arctic to drive the green transition’. https://cor.europa.eu/en/news/Pages/Arctic-strategy.aspx. 7. See, for example, Frederiksen, M. (2023, 12 January) ‘If we want energy transition, we must have more mining’. Arctic Economic Council. https://arcticeconomiccouncil.com/news/if-we-want-an-energy-transition-we-musthave-more-mining/. 8. Statnett v. Sør-Fosen sijte, Nord-Fosen siida and Fosen Vind DA; Fosen Vind DA v. SørFosen sijte and Nord-Fosen siida; and Sør-Fosen sijte v. Fosen Vind DA and Ministry of Petroleum and Energy, Judgement HR-2021-1975-S, (Norway. Supreme Ct. 2021). https://www.domstol.no/globalassets/upload/hret/decisions-in-english-translation/hr2021-1975-s.pdf [Hereinafter, ‘Fosen’]. 9. The licenses for Roan and Storheia windfarm projects were granted to Energi AS and Statkraft Agder Energi Vind DA, respectively. Although, in the case of the Roan project, the license was later transferred to another company and subsequently to Roan Vind DA. Ibid, para. 4. 10. It should be highlighted that the development projects were also problematic for reindeers as such. Studies have shown that ‘[despite] a long domestication, reindeer within Sámi reindeer-herding systems exhibit similar patterns of large-scale avoidance of anthropogenic disturbance’. Skarin & Åhman, 2014: 1051. 11. Reindeers’ herders are traditionally organised in ‘siidas’ (in Sámi language) or ‘sijtje’ (in the South Sámi language), which are the Sámi words for a group of reindeer owners practicing reindeer husbandry jointly in specific areas. Reindeer Herding Act, Article 51. 12. In this respect, Rights of Nature provides an increasingly used theoretical framework to incorporate more than mere traditional anthropocentric approaches to address competing views on land use. See, for example, Jone, E. (2021). ‘Posthuman international law and the rights of nature’. Journal of Human Rights and the Environment, 12 Special Issue,76–102. 13. For example, in the Colombian context, the Superior Tribunal of Bogotá took an innovative approach in a family dispute by recognising for the first time a dog as a member of multispecies family. Carlos López (2023, 12 October) ‘Por primera vez en Colombia, Tribunal reconoció a un perro como miembro de una familia’. El Tiempo. htps://www.eltiempo.com/justicia/investigacion/tribunal-de-bogota-reconocio-a-perrocomo-miembro-de-una-familia-multiespecie-815308. 14. For example, a municipal Court of Colombia recognised the right of a dog to medical treatment and survival of a sentient being, as constitutional ‘object’ of protection. El Tiempo. (2020, 8 July). ‘ Juez le reconoce a perro derecho a tratamiento médico para epilelpsia’. https://www.eltiempo.com/justicia/servicios/juez-reconocio-derecho-de-unperro-a-la-supervivencia-y-ordeno-darle-medicamento-515776. 15. See IGWIA. (2023, 14 October). ‘Sámi Activists Demand Removal of Wind Turbines in Fosen’. https://www.iwgia.org/en/news/5278-press-fosen-oct2023.html.

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Fjellheim, E.M. (2023). ‘Wind Energy on Trial in Saepmie: Epistemic Controversies and Strategic Ignorance in Norway’s Green Energy Transition’, Arctic Review on Law and Politics Vol. 14, 140–168. Finger, M. (2022). ‘Sustainable Development of the Arctic’. In Mathias Finger and Gunnar Rekvig (Eds.) Global Arctic: An Introduction to the Multifaceted Dynamics of the Arctic, Cham: Springer, 331-348. Frederiksen, M. (2023, 12 January) ‘If we want energy transition, we must have more mining. Arctic Economic Council. https://arcticeconomiccouncil.com/news/if-we-want-an-energytransition-we-must-have-more-mining/ . Accessed 13 October 2023. Grear, A. (2015). Deconstructing Anthropos: A Critical Legal Reflection on ‘Anthropocentric’ Law and Anthropocene ‘Humanity’. Law and Critique, 26(3), 225–249. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10978-015-9161-0. Grear, A. (2017) Anthropocene, Capitalocene, Chthulucene": Re-encountering Environmental Law and its "Subject" with Haraway and New Materialism. In L Kotzé, L. (ed), Environmental Law and Governance for the Anthropocene, Hart Oxford. Grey, W. (1993). Anthropocentrism and deep ecology. Australasian Journal of Philosophy, 71(4), 463–475. https://doi.org/10.1080/00048409312345442. Hayward, T. (1997). ‘Anthropocentrism: A Misunderstood Problem.’ Environmental Values 6(1), 49-63. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (2018) Summary for Policymakers. In Special Report on Global Warming of 1.5°C. Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press. Judgement HR-2021-1975-S, Statnett v. Sør-Fosen sijte, Nord-Fosen siida and Fosen Vind DA; Fosen Vind DA v. Sør-Fosen sijte and Nord-Fosen siida; and Sør-Fosen sijte v. Fosen Vind DA and Ministry of Petroleum and Energy, (case no. 20-143891SIV-HRET), (case no. 20143892SIV-HRET) and (case no. 20-143893SIV-HRET). Supreme Court of Norway, 11 October 2021. https://www.domstol.no/globalassets/upload/hret/decisions-in-englishtranslation/hr-2021-1975-s.pdf. Jone E. (2021). ‘Posthuman international law and the rights of nature’. Journal of Human Rights and the Environment, 12 Special Issue,76–102. Koivurova, T. et al, (2020) ‘Conclusion: China’s Policy and Presence in the Arctic’ in Timo Koivurova and Sanna Kopra (Eds), Chinese Policy and Presence in the Arctic, 3 Studies in Polar Law 178-183. Kotzé, L. (2019). Coloniality, neoliberalism and the anthropocene. Journal of Human Rights and the Environment, 10(1), 1-6. Kotzé L. & French D. (2018). The Anthropocentric Ontology of International Environmental Law and the Sustainable Development Goals: Towards an Ecocentric Rule of Law in the Anthropocene. 7 Global Journal of Comparative Law 5, 36. Lingaas, C. (2021, 15 December) ‘Wind Farms in Indigenous Areas: The Fosen (Norway) and the Lake Turkana Wind Project (Kenya) Cases. Opinio Juris. https.opiniojuris.org/2021/12/15/wind-farms-in-indigenous-areas-the-fosen-norwayand-the-lake-turkana-wind-project-kenya-cases/.

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Merry, S.E. (1991) Law and Colonialism.. Law & Society Review, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 19.25(4), 889–922. https://doi.org/10.2307/3053874. Mylius, B. (2018). Three Types of Anthropocentrism. Environmental Philosophy, 15(2), 159–194. Nightingale, A.J. (Ed.). (2019). Environment and Sustainability in a Globalizing World,1st ed. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315714714. Payva Almonte, M. (2023). Vulnerability in the Arctic in the context of climate change and uncertainty. The Arctic Institute - Center for Circumpolar Security Studies. https://www.thearcticinstitute.org/vulnerability-arctic-context-climate-changeuncertainty/ Rantanen et al (2022) The Arctic has warmed nearly four times faster than the globe since 1979. Communications Earth & Environment 3:168-178. Reindeer Herding Act No. 40, June 15, 2007. (Lov om reindrift 2007-06-15-40). Routley, R. (1973). Is There a Need for a New, an Environmental Ethic? In Proceedings of the XVth World Congress of Philosophy 1. 205–210. Siida Museum in Inari, Finland (2023) Exhibition: “These lands are our children” Skarin, A. and Åhman, B. (2014). ‘Do human activity and infrastructure disturb domesticated reindeer? The need for the reindeer’s perspective’. Polar Biol. 37, 1041–1054. Stone, C. (1972). Should Trees Have Standing? - Toward Legal Rights for Natural Objects. 45 Southern California Law Review 450-501. Szpak, A. and Bunikowski, D. (2021) ‘Saami truth and reconciliation commissions’. The International Journal of Human Rights (2) 306-331. Taylor, P. (1998). An Ecological Approach to International Law: Responding to Challenges of Climate Change. Routledge, London. Villalba, U. (2013) ‘Buen Vivir vs Development: a paradigm shift in the Andes?’. Third World Quarterly, 34(8), 1427–1442. Watson I. (1996). Law and Indigenous Peoples: the impact of colonialism on indigenous cultures. Law in Context: Socio-Legal Journal, 14(1), 107-119. Watson, I. (2022). Inter-Nation Relationships and the Natural World as Relation. In Usha Natarajan & Julia Dehm (Eds.), Locating Nature - Making and Unmaking International Law, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 354-374. Watson, B. Masterman, S. & Whitney, E. (2023, 10 July). ‘Critical Minerals in the Arctic: Forging the Path Forward’. Wilson Center. https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/criticalminerals-arctic-forging-path-forward.

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Commentary

The role of China within Arctic climate governance

Chuan Chen

The impact and consequences of climate change in the Arctic are becoming more and more catastrophic, posing a great threat to human survival and development. The United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) issued a stark warning about the dangers of climate change in the Arctic in its latest sixth climate assessment report. The issue of Arctic climate change has become a common concern of both Arctic and non-Arctic countries. How to implement Arctic climate governance to solve climate change has become an important Arctic governance issue related to the future of mankind. Climate governance involves all aspects of politics, economy, science and technology, diplomacy, and social development of various countries, and requires the cooperation of all countries. However, the current international situation has undergone major changes, and Arctic climate governance cooperation is facing an unprecedentedly severe and complex international environment. Since its establishment in 1996, the Arctic Council has played an important role in promoting international cooperation in the Arctic. However, affected by the Russia-Ukraine war, the other seven Arctic countries have suspended various cooperation with Russia in the Arctic, and the Arctic Council has come to a standstill. In the future, whether the Arctic Council can resume normal work still faces great uncertainty. At the same time, Finland officially joined NATO on April 4, 2023, and Sweden is also in the process of joining NATO. A situation in which NATO's seven Arctic countries confront Russia is taking shape. The geopolitical situation in the Arctic is unprecedentedly tense, and the international trust of Russia and the other seven Arctic countries has dropped to a historical low after the Cold War. This is very detrimental to the cooperation in dealing with climate change in the Arctic because climate governance cooperation requires mutual trust among countries. Without basic trust, there can be no effective international cooperation. Chuan Chen, School of Government, Peking University, China.


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As political games and confrontations in the Arctic region become more intense, and Arctic cooperation becomes increasingly fragmented, Arctic climate governance requires the participation of non-Arctic countries more than ever. Since becoming an observer country of the Arctic Council, China has been actively participating in Arctic affairs over the years, and climate change is one of China's key concerns. Although the current Arctic climate governance is in a disadvantageous situation, it is also an opportunity for China. On the one hand, the Arctic climate issue is not only an environmental issue but also poses a huge threat to the sustainable development of the Arctic region. Participation in Arctic climate governance is an inherent requirement for China's sustainable development in the Arctic region. On the other hand, although China claims to be an important stakeholder in the Arctic region, this identity has not yet been fully recognized externally. For China, if China can contribute to Arctic climate governance in the current difficult period of Arctic climate governance, it will not only reflect China's responsibility as a responsible Arctic stakeholder but also help expand China's influence in Arctic affairs, thereby helping China to gain wider recognition of identity in the Arctic region. Therefore, China should seize the current opportunity, place the Arctic climate governance in a more prominent position in its Arctic strategy, and seek to lead the Arctic climate governance. First, China needs to act as a good coordinator of Arctic climate governance. China should actively coordinate the conflicts between Russia and the seven Arctic countries in Arctic cooperation, and encourage all parties to put aside political disputes and work together on Arctic climate governance. Second, China must be a practitioner of climate governance and take practical actions to contribute to Arctic climate governance, rather than just staying at the level of slogans. In addition, China should actively act as a pioneer in Arctic climate governance. China should take the initiative to explore the Arctic climate governance model, increase investment in scientific research on the Arctic climate, improve the training of climate governance personnel, etc., and strive to be at the forefront of climate governance. Finally, China should vigorously advocate multilateralism, actively promote the Arctic climate governance cooperation network through bilateral and multilateral negotiations, promote the joint construction of a fair, reasonable, cooperative, and win-win Arctic climate governance system, and enhance the cooperation and effectiveness of the Arctic climate governance.

Chen


Briefing Note

The Arctic Academy for Sustainability

Giuseppe Amatulli & Jamie Jenkins

Introduction: The idea behind the Arctic Academy for Sustainability https://uarcticacademy.wordpress.com/home/ The Arctic Academy for Sustainability: Creating Environmentally and Socially Responsible Sustainable Energy and Resource Development in the Arctic is a multi-year project (2022-2025) funded by the Prince Albert II of Monaco Foundation. Spanning over the European and Canadian Arctic, the Academy has four main university partners: Copenhagen Business School (Denmark), University of Helsinki (Finland), UNBC - University of Northern British Columbia (Canada), and Memorial University of Newfoundland (Canada). Originally, Tyumen State University (Russian Federation) was a partner institution; however, following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and the resulting inability to cooperate with Russian institutions, Memorial University has taken its place to ensure the smooth unfolding of the yearly academies in terms of logistic and administrative support. The idea of having an Arctic Academy for Sustainability was proposed in 2020 by The UArctic Thematic Network on Arctic Sustainable Resources and Social Responsibility (TN ASRSR). The Network envisioned the Academy as the ‘venue’ to organise and host four scientific fora (including PhD training) to promote transdisciplinary research dialogue concerning the environmental, economic, and social aspects of sustainability in the Arctic focused on the identification of solutions. A socially responsible green transition, intertwined with sustainable resource management in the Arctic, is imperative for the long-term well-being of Arctic peoples and for reducing the impact resource exploitation has on the Arctic ecosystem, considering that the Arctic is rich in resources both on land and in the seas. More particularly, the lack of adequate engagement processes for addressing the competing interests of stakeholders and rightsholders involved in resource and energy development decisions generates divisions within communities, impacting how people envision the future and their lives in the Arctic. By advancing sustainability research, Giuseppe Amatulli, PhD, Postdoctoral Fellow, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada Jamie Jenkins, PhD Candidate, University of Helsinki, Finland


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the Arctic Academy will contribute to advancing knowledge on two critical areas of human decision-making processes in the Arctic: (1) how to ensure adequate rightsholder and stakeholder involvement in decision-making, and (2) how to develop comprehensive sustainable solutions to effectively address the social implications of the green transition. Eventually, the Academy has the ambition to provide some answers to the overarching issue of how Arctic societies can develop inclusive, evidence-based, culturally appropriate, and socially legitimated processes to be included in decision-making while better managing Arctic natural resources. The Academy brings together senior researchers, early career scientists and the next generation of researchers from across the Arctic and beyond, with the scope to analyse the review processes and concepts being used in different Arctic countries – such as legal, environmental impact assessments, voluntary corporate codes, and human rights ideals such as free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) – to enable public engagement and ensure a just and sustainable transition. The inclusion of senior and junior career-stage researchers (including PhD students) is an important feature of the Academy, as this will facilitate the transfer of knowledge while ensuring scientific continuity for a significant period following the project. Moreover, the sustained interaction between scholars and non-academic stakeholders will develop networks that can sustain longerterm empirical research and promote information and knowledge-sharing, resulting in society benefitting beyond the duration of the Academy. The outcomes of the project will serve as a basis for further scientific research and networking activities with non-academic stakeholders, and they will also be a source for new projects focused on energy development, resource use, and social responsibility in the Arctic. Advancing an understanding of the societal processes necessary to achieve a just transition to renewable energy and sustainable resource management in the Arctic aligns with the Prince Albert II of Monaco Foundation’s mandate of protecting the environment and promoting sustainable development on a global scale. Focusing on a Polar region, the Arctic Academy for Sustainability is consistent with the Foundation’s intent to “limit the effects of climate change and promote renewable energy” in this region of the world. With this project, the Arctic Academy for Sustainability will therefore address critical issues identified by the Foundation.

2022 Arctic Academy - Rovaniemi, Kiruna & Piteå, Finland and Sweden The first Arctic Academy took place in Finnish and Swedish Lapland from August 29th to September 2nd, 2022. Fourteen researchers from Norway, Finland, Germany, Sweden, Belgium, and India travelled to Rovaniemi, Finland, before departing on a bus to Kiruna and Piteå, Northern Sweden, to promote discussion, facilitate learning and share knowledge on enhancing and securing a just energy transition in the Arctic region, considering the effects of climate change. Climate change is having profound and far-reaching impacts on our planet and is especially impactful on the vulnerable and fragile Arctic environment. There is an urgent need to decarbonise our energy systems to limit and mitigate the impact of the changing climate. However, such an urgent need should not come at the expense of an environmentally and socially sustainable transition. The responsibility of business, industry, and policymakers in protecting and establishing an environmentally and socially sustainable green transition was the central and linking theme of the 2022 Arctic Academy. This theme was explored in depth during the week through excursions, presentations, lectures, discussions and writing while travelling across the Finnish and Swedish Arctic. The research backgrounds and expertise of the participants were diverse and allowed for cross-disciplinary discussions and problem-solving. Amatulli & Jenkins


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Day one of the Academy, held at the Arctic Centre of the University of Lapland in Rovaniemi, began with introductions from participants and instructors and proceeded on to introductory lectures on the energy transition in the Arctic. The first introductory words were by Dorothee Cambou, Assistant Professor of Sustainability Science from the University of Helsinki, who introduced the Academy Figure 1: Arktikum/Arctic Centre, University of Lapland, Rovaniemi. and the practical details for the week. Next, Kamrul Hossain, Director of the Northern Institute for Environmental and Minority Law and Research Professor from the University of Lapland, further introduced the themes and details of the Academy. The first academic lecture was from Professor Paul Bowles, University of Northern British Columbia, introducing the energy transition and the related issues in the Arctic context. The final lecture of the morning was from Adam Stepien, University of Lapland, elaborating further on the energy transition in the Arctic and the wider EU context. The Academy provided the opportunity for participants to present their research and share their knowledge during participant seminars. This was a unique experience to encourage dialogue on topics the participants were deeply interested in. The seminars allowed for feedback and questions to be raised by other participants and instructors. The first round of participant seminars was held after lunch. Each seminar had three or four participants, and a round of discussion followed every presentation. The seminars were loosely organised around a common theme, and the first theme centered around international and EU policy, sustainable development, and the potential ramifications on the Arctic region. The first seminar series explored EU policy, legislation, and new technologies to promote sustainable development in the Arctic region. The next presentation focused on the town of Kiruna, the next stop in the Academy, and the interesting case study of the relationship between the nearby mine and the town. The final presentation travelled overseas to shed insights on sustainable development in the Indian context. After the final presentation, we boarded our bus and began our first journey across the Finnish-Swedish border towards Kiruna. We stopped at a restaurant on the Finnish-Swedish border for dinner, where the discussions and ice-breaking continued. We arrived in the mining town Kiruna later in the evening and spent two nights. Kiruna mine is the “largest and most modern” underground iron ore mine in the world. The current haulage level is at 1,365 m underground, and recently, Europe’s largest deposit of rare earth materials was discovered in the Kiruna area. The permitting and application process to begin mining this deposit is still underway, but production is expected to start later this decade. The mine has been in operation for over a hundred years already, and this new deposit, if extraction begins, will likely see the mine continue for many, many years to come. Interestingly, the town centre of The Arctic Academy for Sustainability


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Kiruna is being moved 3km away from potentially dangerous areas prone to collapse and sinking into the ground due to the mining activities. The new town centre was officially being opened with a small celebration after the closure of the old town centre. The academy was in town for the final day of the old town centre being open, although we were not able to attend the celebration and official opening of the new town centre. The second day of the Academy began, and the morning was reserved for participant seminars before an excursion to the Kiruna mine visitor centre, 540m below ground. The theme for the seminars focused on social sustainability, and local and Indigenous stakeholder engagement in the Arctic context. We explored and discussed socially just stakeholder identification, effective participation, and legislation for protecting stakeholder voices. The first academic lecture of the morning was from Pamela Lesser, University of Lapland, via Figure 1: Kiruna mine visitor centre and museum, Zoom, and focused on sustainability in the Photo by Jamie Jenkins mining sector - a hot topic of discussion during the afternoon excursion and the remainder of the Academy. Sustainable mining is an interesting concept that has slowly increased in popularity. Mining is fundamentally unsustainable - extracting minerals from the earth is often highly destructive and takes millennia to replenish and regenerate (if at all). However, there are practices, actions and methods that can be adopted to promote more sustainable mining activities. This would be better described as “responsible mining” to account for the inherent unsustainability of mining activities. This was partly explored in the morning seminar, in which socially responsible mining practices can be identified and adopted to mitigate and limit the impact on surrounding and local communities. One key aspect of socially responsible mining projects is ensuring meaningful stakeholder engagement in the entire timeline of the mining project. During the excursion to the underground mine, LKAB, the company that owns Kiruna mine, shared with us their vision of transitioning to a “sustainable” mine over the next century. They have an ambitious plan to have their processes and products carbon-free by 2045. This means they are aiming to produce iron using biomass and hydrogen as energy in the production plants and phase out carbon-based mining equipment in favour of electric vehicles and automated equipment. This will require massive additional inputs of electricity. The remainder of the mining tour, and into the evening and next day, included lively discussions on the consequences and implications of “sustainable mining” - is this simply greenwashing, does this promote more mining, if it’s seen as

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“sustainable”, thereby potentially damaging more areas, or is this a step in the right direction for the mining and steel industry? The third day of the Academy continued the exploration of sustainable and responsible mining, and the responsibility of businesses and community relations in mining projects. The social licence to operate in mining projects, and corporate social responsibility were key points in the lectures given by Professor Paul Bowles (UNBC) and Professor Karin Buhmann, (Copenhagen Business School, Copenhagen). The participant seminars focused on Indigenous peoples and communities as stakeholders in the green transition and sustainable development. After the final lecture in Kiruna, we boarded the bus and travelled a few hours south to Piteå. This marked a shift in theme from responsible and sustainable mining to wind power and the role it plays in the green transition and sustainable development. Wind power is rapidly developing. Many countries have implemented ambitious plans to increase the capacity of wind power to aid in decarbonising their energy systems and transition away from fossil fuels. Wind power is a reliable, clean, and domestic source of energy. However, it can have significant impacts on land-use practices, local communities and surrounding biodiversity and ecosystems, particularly during the construction and decommissioning. Identifying Figure 2: Markbygden Wind Farm. Photo by Jamie Jenkins and mitigating the social and environmental impact is crucial to ensuring the sustainable development of wind power. The fourth day and final field trip of the Academy was to the Markbygden wind park in Piteå. The field trip began at the offices of Svevind, operators of the wind park, where Svevind representatives presented information on the wind park, future plans and company activities, before moving to visit part of the wind farm. Markbygden wind park will be the largest in Europe when construction is finalised and all turbines are in operation. It boasts up to 1,101 turbines covering an area of 450 square kilometres and will provide 12TWh of Sweden’s energy needs per annum. An impressive technical and engineering feat that aids in achieving Sweden’s targets for renewable energy development and decarbonisation. However, the development of Markbygden has caused controversy for the impact on surrounding communities, particularly the impact on reindeer herders in the region. Discussions during the day were lively and centred on the impact of the Arctic energy transition on local communities, with a focus on the impact of wind energy development on Indigenous communities, with the aim to provide answers to three important questions: how does the transition to renewable energy impact surrounding and Indigenous communities and land-use

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practices in the Arctic region? What has been the role of Indigenous communities in the development cycle? Who bears the responsibility of transitioning away from fossil fuels? There is an urgent need to decarbonise and transition away from fossil fuels to mitigate the impact of climate change, but this shouldn’t come at the expense of a just and environmentally sustainable transition. These points were well addressed in the final academic lectures of the Academy. Prof. Dorothee Cambou gave a presentation on wind farms and the rights of Indigenous peoples in the Arctic transition. The final lecture was held via Zoom, by Per Sandstrom & Anna Skarin, Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, and outlined the impact that wind energy is having on reindeer husbandry, an interesting discussion and follow-up on the many discussions had during the day. The final day of the 2022 Academy was spent reflecting on the topics, discussions, and themes of the week in the Arctic. In the morning, participants formed groups and wrote blog posts discussing the seminar topics. After lunch, each group presented a summary of their blog posts to the main group to gain feedback and continue the reflections and discussions from the previous week. We continued the discussions into the afternoon before a final wrap-up lecture and the official end of the 2022 Arctic Academy. We boarded the bus for the final trip back to Rovaniemi. We stopped for a farewell dinner during the bus journey, where the conversation was friendly, lively, and intense. After a week spent together discussing important and difficult topics, we had formed close bonds, and the goodbyes back in Rovaniemi were tough but definitely not the last.

2023 Arctic Academy – Prince George, British Columbia, Canada The second Arctic Academy for Sustainability took place in Prince George, British Columbia, from May 22nd to May 26th, 2023. The main goal of the Academy was to provide insights on sustainability challenges in the Canadian context, intertwined with First Nations’ rights, resource exploitation and changes affecting Indigenous communities in Canada. The programme was drastically modified a few days before commencing the Academy due to the fire emergencies that dramatically impacted several communities in Northeastern British Columbia, Northwestern Alberta, and the Northwest Territories in the first half of May 2023. Skyrocketing temperatures above +30C, combined with the dry spring season, was a deadly mix and made us all reflect on the impact climate change has on Arctic and sub-Arctic regions. Fort St. John, the city that was supposed to host the second part of the Academy, was put under evacuation alert on Tuesday, May 16th, while Doig River First Nation, who was an important partner for the Academy, issued an evacuation order on Monday, May 15th and community members were evacuated in a few hours, to be sheltered in Dawson Creek. Everyone was asked to act quickly and be flexible to adapt to the uncertainties of the week, a condition that we all have learnt since the COVID-19 pandemic and with which we may learn to live to cope with other emergencies of our time, such as climate change and its unpredictable effects on the ecosystem and everyday life.

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With a substantially revised programme, the Academy kicked off in the Senate Chamber of the UNBC on Monday, May 22nd, with a welcome and territorial land acknowledgement delivered by UNBC’s Chancellor Darlene McIntosh, an Elder with the Lheidli T’enneh Nation. In her opening, she stressed the importance of conducting research on sustainability and Indigenous related issues with an open mind and positive Figure 3: Paul Bowles’ welcome speech, Senate Chamber. Photo attitude to find answers to the many challenges of the current by Giuseppe Amatulli world. Following the opening, the morning session focused on Sustainability Research conducted at UNBC. The first presenter was Dr Daniel Sims from the Department of First Nations Studies and Academic Co-Lead for the National Collaborating Centre for Indigenous Health. In his talk, he stressed the importance of considering the impact of development on how we live, pointing out how the colonial erasure and the narrative of forgetting that was promoted for so many years has had disastrous impacts on the ability of Indigenous peoples to live in different ways. The second talk was delivered by Dr Tristan Pearce, Canada Research Chair in Cumulative Impacts of Environmental Change. Drawing on his experience with communities in the Canadian High North, his lecture focused on how sustainability is understood by Indigenous members of small and scattered communities who rely on hunting for subsistence purposes, in addition to ensuring cultural continuity. Challenging the mainstream definition of sustainability, for example, reflecting on how the Inuit of the Canadian High North have been practising subsistence harvesting of polar bears to ensure food security while securing an important source of income purposes and safeguarding cultural continuity. Dr Pearce pointed out important nuances that must be considered when defining sustainability in the Canadian Arctic, also considering its heterogeneity. The last speaker of the morning was Dr Gabrielle Daoust from the Department of Global & International Studies. Drawing on her latest co-authored book, Divided Environments, in which she focused on the links between climate change, water and security in the African context, she offered a thought-provoking approach to the way in which places are imagined based on the resources they hold. Reflecting on water management and exploitation in Africa and drawing interesting parallelism with natural resources management and usage in British Columbia, Dr Doust provided insights on the need to change the paradigm and think about how to use fewer resources while changing the exploitation narrative.

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After lunch, the day continued with a 90-minute poster presentation session. Every student attending the Academy (twelve internationals coming from Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, the US and the UK) and six internal UNBC students produced posters to explain their research. By engaging informally, students received precious feedback on their work while instructors became Figure 4: Posters' presentation session at the UNBC. Photo by familiar with the topics and Giuseppe Amatulli expertise of each participant. The first day was concluded by a keynote speech by Chief Joe Alphonse, from the Tsilhqot’in National Government, on “Indigenous worldview and Aboriginal Title”. Chief Joe was recently awarded a PhD honoris causa in Law by the University of Victoria in recognition of his fights to see the rights of his people recognised. He initiated key litigation that brought a ground-breaking verdict (2014), that recognised Aboriginal title in Canada exists and was never extinguished. Furthermore, the Tsilhqot’in case was instrumental for Canada to fully endorse the UNDRIP at the Federal level in 2016, two years later the Tsilhqot’in verdict was issued. Towards the end of his keynote speech, a student asked what Canada could do to remedy the wrong of the past, and Chief Joe simply replied: ‘Leave. We do not need Canada; we do not need any of them to run our Government.’ This answer generated an interesting debate among students and instructors in the following days. As highlighted by Prof. Paul Bowles during the final round of reflections on the last day, Chief Alphonse statement moves the discussion on Governance in Canada. It poses important questions about Canada as a Federal state while opening the debate on the need to see Canada as a pluri-national state and how to govern such a state entity, where always more First Nations are acquiring political and economic self-determination. Day 2 began with a keynote lecture on the green transition and Indigenous Worldviews given by Prof Heather Castleden, President’s Impact Chair in Transforming Governance for Planetary Health, University of Victoria, and Principal Investigator of the Research Project ‘A SHARED Future - Achieving Strength, Health, and Autonomy through Renewable Energy Development for the Future. The research project studies reconciliation between knowledge systems. Renewable energy was chosen as the platform for exploring reconciliation and moving towards healing the relationships with each other and the world. Prof Castleden pointed out that decolonizing energy policy in Canada is fundamental to achieving a real reconciliation while offering First Nations a way out from the financial and political dependency generated by fossil fuels. The morning continued with the presentation of Prof Marianna Muravyeva (Faculty of Law/Aleksanteri Institute, University of Helsinki) on the topic of ‘Personal Security of Indigenous Women in the Russian North: Old Issues, New Challenges’. Focusing on Women's issues in the Russian North, Prof Muravyeva explained the situation that Russian women have been facing since the collapse of

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the Soviet Union. In addition, Prof Muravyeva referred to several examples made by Chastity Alphonse the day before, about women in British Columbia. Different in subject, but complementary to the scope of the Academy, was the talk given by Prof Brian Menounos, Canada Research Chair in Glacier Change. Explaining how the cryosphere responds to climate change, Prof Menounos made us think about how receding and melting glaciers can impact life on Earth and its meaning for human beings. He concluded his talk by pointing out that it is necessary to make a shift in the way we live if we want to be more sustainable. His concluding remarks resonated with what Dr Gabrielle Daoust explained when concluding her presentation on water and the need to use fewer resources. After lunch, we reconvened in the Senate Chambers for the afternoon session. Titled ‘Sustainability, the Green Transition and UNDRIP: BC and Beyond’, the session was organised as a roundtable discussion among policymakers and practitioners from different First Nations, consulting firms, research institutes, and provincial and federal branches of the Government. Paul Gruner, CEO of Tahltan Development Corporation, joined us online from Yellowknife and was our first speaker. He explained the role and mission of an Indigenous Development Corporation and how it can contribute to the sustainable exploitation of natural resources. Similarly, Allan Stroet, Economic Development Manager of the Lheidli T’enneh Nation, shared his experience. A strong believer that First Nations are entering a golden age of economic development, Allan explained the difference between First Nations and Western companies when it comes to economic development, with a focus on timing and business approaches. The need for a different approach to working with First Nations was also highlighted by Tara Bogh, Resource Manager, Ministry of Forests, Province of British Columbia. While recognising that there is so much to do, she also explained that the Government has changed perspectives and improved engagement practices in the last decade. Walsham Tenshak, Director of Economic Development and Communications of the District of Kitimat joined us by Zoom. She provided an explanation of the possibilities that Kitimat offers when it comes to business development while also addressing some of the challenges. Ananya Bhattacharya, Project Manager for the Takla First Nation, took the word after, explaining how Takla is implementing article 14 of UNDRIP on the rights that Indigenous peoples have to establish and control their educational systems. Ananya explained that at Takla, there is an on-Reserve school that hosts pupils until grade 9. In the last few years, the Nation has done extensive work to train members to become teachers and stay in Reserve, thus providing jobs and offering a real opportunity to community members to stay and live on Reserve. Other participants in the roundtable discussion were Rob van Adrichem, Director of External Relations, Community Energy Association and Carly Madge, Program Manager Pacific Institute for Climate Solutions. Rob provided a description of the Association and its mission, pointing out that one of the biggest challenges is to change the narrative about sustainability, what is sustainable and how to live more sustainably (i.e. in terms of producing and using energy in a different way). Carly explained the mission of the Institute and her role in conducting communityengaged research. After the end of the roundtable discussion, the conversation continued as we walked downtown through the UNBC connector trail system and Maple Madra Indian Restaurant. The first two days of the Academy were over, and students were ready to get out of the University and experience something different.

The Arctic Academy for Sustainability


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On Day 3 of the Academy (Wednesday, May 25th), we visited Canfor, a Canadian company leader in forestry activities and one of the world's largest producers of pulp, lumber, and paper. For many of the students, it was their first time visiting a pulp mill, and everyone was curious to know more about CANFOR, its activities, and strategies when it comes to sustainability and relationships with Indigenous peoples. Once we entered the facility, we were welcomed by Walter Matosevic, Canfor’s chief forester, who introduced us to the session and the meeting objectives. Soon after, presentations on CANFOR and its activities started. Lindsay Sahaydak, Director of Environment & Sustainability, gave us a talk on corporate overview and sustainability strategy; Kalin Uhrich, Chief Forester, and Sara Cotter, FMS & Tenure Coordinator, spoke about forest sustainability, while Kerri Simmons, Director of Indigenous Partnerships, told us more about Aboriginal Engagement and the impacts of UNDRIP on CANFOR operation considering the 2019 approval of the BC DRIPA (the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples) Act. Throughout these presentations, an interesting debate arose about CANFOR and its mission, its sustainability objectives, and the renewed commitment to building trust and relationships with First Nations considering the approval of DRIPA in British Columbia.

Figure 5: CANFOR headquarters, Prince George. Photo by Giuseppe Amatulli

The discussion on these issues continued over lunch and while we walked to the forest nursery. We were offered a tour of the JD Little Forest Nursery, guided by Russ Martin, Director of Forest Operations, who explained the importance of the nursery to ensure forestry continuity. From the nursery, we went to the Northwood Pulp Mill, where Robert Thew, Group General Manager Kraft Pulp & Paper, gave us a 45-minute explanation on wood/pulp processing to obtain paper while isolating other products that could be used for several different purposes (such as biodiesel, alcohol, etc.). Towards the end of the explanation, we were offered a tour of the facility, thus having the opportunity to see how paper is manufactured while having a better understanding of how the facility works. Once the visit to the pulp mill was over, we went to visit the ‘Exploration Place’: a science museum that hosts taxidermies, small living animals and a section on the history of the city of Prince George. Amatulli & Jenkins


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The museum is in the Lheidli T'enneh Memorial Park, one of Prince George's premier parks, with stunning views of the Fraser River. Students had the opportunity to explore the park after visiting the museum, reflect on the week and engage in meaningful conversations with the instructors. After three days, relationships started to be formed, and everyone was more at ease in engaging in relevant discussions about the week and the upcoming events of the next days. On Thursday, we had the honour of hosting a delegation of the Doig River First Nation at the UNBC. Due to the fire emergency, we could not travel to Fort St. John and attend Doig Day, as it was initially planned. Nevertheless, Shona Nelson (Band Manager of Doig), Garry Oker (previous Chief and current councillor) and Levi Davis (community and staff member) agreed to come to Prince George to offer us cross-cultural training and Figure 7: Drumming and smudging ceremony for the opening of updates on what Doig has the Doig Day at the UNBC. Photo by Giuseppe Amatulli achieved in the last years in terms of socio-economic development and to ensure cultural continuity. The day started outside with a smudging ceremony, some drumming by Garry and Levi, and a prayer. For many students, it was the first time to live such an experience and many questions were asked to Garry and Levi regarding the practice, its meaning according to the Indigenous worldview and its importance nowadays. The morning continued inside, with Garry and Shona speaking about Doig, the political organisation of the Band, and the work done by the Land Department and by Garry and Levi to ensure cultural continuity while transmitting the culture to future generations. Throughout the day, there was space for Garry to share examples of how he works with language revitalisation, making us sing in Dane-zaa after learning just one word! (Tsu-nayeh - Be kind). Levi shared with us his vision for the future within Doig River, after having travelled and lived in many different places around the world. As Garry remarked during the day, having a vision is the key to ensuring that there is a future for the next generations while using resources appropriately to fulfil the vision the community has. The last day of the Academy was reserved for the final academic presentations given by Professor Karin Buhmann (CBS, Copenhagen) on ‘just and fair energy transitions and best practice for stakeholder engagement: meaningful rights-holder involvement in Arctic communities’, Dr Mette Apollo Rasmusen (Roskilde University, Denmark) on ‘The challenges of tight relations and decision-making in remote settings in Greenland’, and Elena Campbell (Washington University) on Arctic History(ies) and perception of the Arctic in the eighteenth/nineteenth century. The afternoon session was reserved for reflecting on the week’s achievement. Students were asked to work in groups, to highlight and share what they had learned throughout the week and how the The Arctic Academy for Sustainability


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lessons from the Academy could help them shape their current PhD research and future research plans. In the concluding thoughts, time as a social construct was highlighted by some of the students, while others pointed out how industry and First Nations have different truths when it comes to meaningful engagement and decision-making and this makes it difficult to implement a real reconciliation within Canada. Drawing on these reflections, the concept of a pluri-national state was mentioned by Prof. Bowels. As argued by Bowles, Canada might fall into this category, especially if a true reconciliation with the Indigenous peoples must be achieved. As a concluding remark of the discussion, Prof. Bowles mentioned the concept of the metabolic rift to explain the current ecological crisis and the rupture between humankind and nature because of the marketdriven economy. Such a closing statement is a remark that the discourse about sustainability and the current ecological crisis we are now facing must be addressed by everyone in society, this problem is not limited to Indigenous peoples. However, Indigenous ontology and worldviews can certainly offer a different perspective to look at things and a way out from the current socioeconomic and environmental crises in which we have trapped ourselves.

Amatulli & Jenkins


Section II: Food, health and labour


Occupational Safety and Health in Greenland – a chapter to be written?

Anne Lise Kappel, Peter Hasle, Søren Voxted, & Katharina Jeschke

Research knowledge on the management practice of Occupational Safety and Health (OSH) in Greenlandic companies is limited. As a first study of work environment activities in Greenlandic companies, this article presents the results of a survey of OSH management practice in the private sector (>9 employees) in Greenland. 74% of Greenlandic companies indicate that they want to have a work environment better than required by legislation. However, compliance with OSH legislation is challenged as only 45% meet the requirements for the compulsory risk assessment. Additionally, 69% of the companies claim to have the compulsory safety organization, although only 38% have educated the safety organization as required. For small companies and the regions far away from the capital Nuuk, compliance is even lower. The results point to the specific challenges in Greenland, such as the large distance in the country, hampering the dissemination and enforcement of work environment regulation. The difficulties for the Greenlandic companies in meeting the basic requirements from the work environment legislation creates a severe challenge for the society. The authorities and the social partners need to develop strategies to reach out to the private sector to secure a safe and healthy work environment. A better adaptation to the specific Arctic context in Greenland is highly pertinent.

Introduction Greenland’s labour market has been through a fast transition from traditional self-employment based on hunting and fishing to ordinary salaried employment for most citizens. Following this development are safety and health risks at work. Greenland has adopted the Danish work environment legislation, and the Danish labour inspectorate is responsible for enforcing the legislation. However, Greenland’s unique geographical, occupational, social, and cultural conditions may challenge the understanding behind the Danish and European OSH legislation and Anne Lise Kappel, Department of Arctic Social Science and Economic, llisimatusarfik, University of Greenland Peter Hasle, Global Sustainable Production, University of Southern Denmark Søren Voxted, Department of Business and Management, University of Southern Denmark Katharina C.N. Jeschke, TEK innovation, University of Southern Denmark


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its implementation, and little is known about the Greenlandic companies’ management practice of occupational safety and health (OSH). The first indications of work related safety and health risks date from a survey of the living conditions, lifestyle and health in Greenland, where Bjerregaard indicates that “a very large part of the population is exposed to nuisances in their work place that can influence the health negatively” (Bjerregaard, 1995) and he later points to the lack of knowledge: “poor work environment influences the health which is shown by a lot of surveys from many countries but no surveys have been conducted in Greenland” (Bjerregaard, 2004). Since then, only limited research is published. A few studies of occupational diseases have been conducted, pointing out serious challenges for both employees and companies in the fishing industry (Hjort Bønløkke et al., 2012; Laustsen et al., 2022), and furthermore a few studies in arctic safety in the oil industry, maritime and mining operations identifying the special arctic challenges as remoteness, limited infrastructure and weather conditions (Albrechtsen & Indreiten, 2021). Yet, the main occupations have during a few decades shifted from self-employed hunters and fishermen to employment in all sorts of businesses – ranging from fish industry and construction to services and public employment (Lennert, 2015). Only less than 4% of the employed population in Greenland has traditional fishing and hunting as their main income1. Management of OSH is therefore a new task for both employees and companies in Greenland, and knowledge about how private companies in Greenland manage and implement the basic legal OSH requirements is needed to develop efficient strategies to improve the work environment. This paper contributes to this knowledge by investigating the approach to OHS, the ability to meet the regulatory OHS requirements and control measures in practice in the Greenlandic companies. Furthermore, the survey illuminates the OSH differences related to company size and location. We contribute to the OSH literature in the Arctic region by providing a first-of-its-kind survey study of work environment activities in Greenlandic land-based companies. The results call for a more targeted adaption of OSH regulation to the unique Greenlandic context and to further studies of work environment practices in both Greenlandic companies and public institutions.

Background Greenland is marked by a harsh arctic climate and huge distances with a geography stretching 2670 km from North to South and 1050 km from East to West. The country has around 56,000 inhabitants spread out in 17 larger and 54 smaller settlements along the coastline of Greenland, and as there are no roads between settlements, transportation takes place by either boat or plane/helicopter. During winter, covering more than half the year, and spring, the weather adds more constraints because of sea ice, snow, and fog. Furthermore, the urbanization in Greenland has been remarkably high, and the capital, Nuuk, is now counting more than one-third of all the inhabitants in Greenland versus a fifth 40 years ago. In contrast, the number of people living in settlements with less than 700 inhabitants has decreased from a quarter to one-seventh (Kleemann, 2023: 6). Privately owned companies are mostly situated in the larger cities where the economic basis for business is present. Additionally, 13 government-owned joint stock companies dominate business life in every settlement (Kleemann, 2023: 20), especially within infrastructure, fishing industry, retail trade, and oil supply. Another important layer in understanding the Greenlandic context is the fast transition from Danish colony to Greenlandic Self-government within half a century, impacting both business Occupational Safety and Health in Greenland – a chapter to be written?


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structure and democratic influence and traditions (Bianco, 2019). The transformation from a traditional society with self-employed hunters and fishermen to modernity with salaried employment has been particularly rapid in Greenland compared to other Indigenous societies in the Arctic (Karlsson, 2021). Consequently, Greenlanders may have ambiguous relations to salaried employment as self-sufficiency from hunting and fishing has been highly valued (Kruse et al., 2008). However, cultural values and preferences of the Greenlandic labour force are changing as employment may now be seen as the means to acquire resources for needed equipment instead of having an identity as a salaried employee (PriceWaterhouseCoopers, 2003: 31). Furthermore, the drive for self-sufficiency may create a barrier to the traditional organisation of employment with managers directing and controlling work activities (Lau, 2005). A further related trait is acceptance of conditions as they are and avoidance of confrontations and conflicts (Lau, 2005; Wilson, 2015). These constraints may, together with positive economic development explain a labour market characterized by full employment with vacant positions and large problems with attracting and retaining employees (Karlsson, 2021). The labour force is furthermore marked by a relatively low rate of skilled and many unskilled workers, and a language divide between Greenlandic and Danish with a large share of both only speaking one of the languages (Karlsson, 2021). Increasingly, workers from third countries, mainly from Asia, are hired without speaking Greenlandic or Danish and in many cases not even English. These labour market challenges can be expected to have a spillover effect on the companies’ possibilities to manage OSH as high labour migration and absenteeism and reluctance to speak up together may be a constraint for motivation and organisation of systematic work environment activities. Danish, and thereby Greenlandic legislation2, follows the same principles outlined in the European framework direction from 1989 on OSH (Jensen, 2002). In Greenland, Denmark, and the EU, the employer has the full responsibility to secure safe and healthy working conditions for the employees – independent of explicit regulatory rules (Uhrenholdt Madsen & Hasle, 2017). Moreover, the employer has to make risk assessments (workplace assessment in the Danish legislation) of all possible risks and to plan how to control these risks to protect workers from all health hazards. Employees are to be involved in OSH management through election of safety representatives and the establishment of joint safety committees. Managers in the safety groups and the safety representatives in Greenland must complete the statutory work environment education of five days duration. The education is carried out by the Danish Working Environment Authority (DWEA) and ensures basic knowledge of the work environment, the legislation, and its implementation in practice. Most courses are offered in Nuuk in either Greenlandic or Danish, according to DWEA. Little is known about the work environment in the labour market in Greenland. The number of reported accidents and occupational diseases has increased since 2009 to 619 accidents and 100 diseases in 2016. However, in 2016 Greenland Statistics stopped publishing on OSH (Grønlands Statistik, 2017), and only few studies in the fish processing industry show considerable health problems (Laustsen et al., 2022). Research and public statistics lack information about the work environment in Greenland. The public health survey from 2004 (Bjerregaard, 2004: 83-84) indicates a massive underreporting of work accidents and argues for the expected number to be around 1,500 per year. Knowledge about the work environment has decreased even further since regular studies of public health in Greenland do not compare occupation or sector with health (Larsen et al., 2019).

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In 1986, the first work environment legislation was approved in Greenland, which is a delay of decades compared to Denmark, and while the legislation in Denmark has been adjusted often, there have been very few adjustments in Greenland, with the latest in 2005, but a major revision has just passed into law and will apply from July 2023. The revision entails equality of mental and physical work environment, inclusion of sickness absence in the workplace assessment (WPA), as well as changing the designations from safety organisation to work environment organisation and a higher level of fines for infringement of the law. In the European countries with a long history of industrialisation and subsequent OSH regulation – Denmark got the first legislation in 1873 – workers still suffer from accidents and occupational diseases, and improvements have been limited since the Millennium (Countouris N et al., 2023). A safe and healthy work environment is, therefore, not a goal, which comes automatically with industrialisation and economic development. Even rich countries in Europe are fighting to improve the work environment (Aleksynska et al., 2019: 66; Inc, 2022: 42–43).

Methodology We selected a cross-sectorial survey design with telephone interviews to create an overview of the work environment activities in private Greenlandic companies. The National Research Centre for the Working Environment has developed a questionnaire to map work environment activities in Danish companies and compare the activities with regulatory requirements (Bach, 2018). The questionnaire is based on Danish legislation, and has been validated and used repeatedly for research purposes (Madsen et al., 2022; Thorsen et al., 2017). The Danish questionnaire contains 46 questions covering themes such as workplace assessment, a priority of work environment, safety organisation, preventive activities, risk assessments and instruction and training of employees. We adapted the questions to the Greenlandic context to make the questionnaire shorter and more relevant for the respondents. The adjustments are based on discussions in the research group with Greenlandic students and have subsequently been discussed with an advisory group consisting of representatives from Greenlandic companies, the labour market department, the Danish Working Environment Authority, employers' organizations, and trade unions. Adaptation to Greenlandic conditions consists in the removal of irrelevant questions, e.g., questions related to recent legislation in Denmark not implemented in Greenland, while a few questions have been added such as weather conditions particularly relevant to Greenland. The Greenlandic version ended with 35 questions covering ten themes including company information, workplace assessment, priority of the work environment, physical, chemical, and psychosocial exposures, safety and accidents, management of OSH, and OSH training. We translated the questionnaire into Greenlandic by the bilingual members of the research group, and bachelor students studying professional translation made a translation back to Danish. The translation validation showed difficulties in translating several work environment terms not usually applied in Greenlandic – a problem also identified in a study of court proceedings in Greenland (Pedersen & Lauritsen, 2018). After reconciliation, to validate the adaption to the Greenlandic context, we tested the questionnaire in six interviews – three in each language, initiating a few more adaptions.

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During data collection, we became aware of four issues of particular importance for Greenland that needed adaptation of the questionnaire. We identified a misunderstanding about fulfilling a workplace assessment and consequently added two additional questions about actions plans and follow up to indicate a full compliant workplace assessment. Due to the geography many companies appeared to have several separated locations (up to 1000 km distance) without present management but having managers responsible for the work environment located elsewhere, and managers expressed uncertainty about the management responsibility in these cases. We therefore added questions about management of more locations, and added an open answer to clarify how responsibility was handled practically. A recurring misunderstanding was how employees were counted in several physical separated workplaces. Here, some counted each workplace separately, and others assumed that only permanent staff counted, where none of the two assumptions are correct. Likewise, several companies indicated that they did not have a safety representative, and we added questions about these issues to a subsample of the respondents. We furthermore prepared a procedure for the implementation of the interviews, including details about the number of employees. The study population The work environment law requires companies with 10 or more employees to establish a safety organisation, and we therefore limited the study population to all land-based companies having 10 or more employees, including both private owned and government owned joint stock companies with a permanent residence in Greenland. Number of employees is calculated as total number of employees independent of geographical location and covering both permanent and temporary employment as well as part time. Since 2018, Greenlandic companies have been integrated into the Danish Central Business Register. We used the register to identify the population, but the register proved they have incomplete information about physical operating places and numbers of employees. Consequently, we used supplementary data to identify companies with more than 9 employees from the social security numbers associated with a company and a payroll of more than 3 million DKK from the Labour Market Insurance company3 combined with the data from the Danish Central Business Register. We explained the interpretation of the rules in the beginning of the interview, and the interviewees accepted joining the interview, even though they stated less than ten employees. Due to the misunderstanding about counting the employees, we included the so-called small companies in the study, as we assume them to have more than 9 employees according to definition in the law. The selection process carries the risk that there may be companies that are not included in the study, even if they are covered by the selection criteria. This can be misclassification in the Danish Central Business Register or incorrect information from the manager about the number of employees. Yet, we believe that the selections process covers most of Greenlandic businesses with 10 or more employees. Data collection procedure 280 companies met the criteria for inclusion in the study. We started with a general telephone call to contact the companies to identify the manager responsible for OSH for the interview and for larger companies to map the number of physical units, and whether they have several managers to interview. When possible, the interviews with the OSH responsible managers were complete at this first contact, but in most cases, the interviewers had to call several times to get an appointment to Kappel, Hasle, Voxted, & Jeschke


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carry out the interview. The interviews were conducted in the language preferred (Danish or Greenlandic) by the Interviewee. All interviews were conducted by bilingual project participants who possessed both linguistic and cultural skills to conduct interviews on the respondent's terms, including handling of language ambiguities. Most of the 160 respondents had Greenlandic as mother tongue, but only 43 answered in Greenlandic, the reason is – as expressed by one interviewee “the meaning of the Greenlandic expression can be ambiguously unclear”, consequently the Danish version were preferred. A few respondents requested a digital version of the questionnaire and answered through an internet link.

Results The data sampling ended with 160 completed questionnaires corresponding to a response rate of 57%. The non-respondents were contacted up to 10 times and the most common reasons for not participating were lack of time and interest but also misunderstanding about whether the company was covered by the legislation. All the contacted companies have been interviewed in their preferred language (Greenlandic or Danish) and no one has refused with language as a reason. The response distributed based on geography and sectors shows no tendency to important bias (Table 1 and 2). Municipality

Response n 8 7 23

Avannaata Qeqertalik Qeqqata Sermersooq (Location of Nuuk) 113 Kujalleq 9 Total 160

Pct

Total N 47% 17 88% 8 56% 41 56% 202 75% 12 57% 280

Table 1. Responses distributed on the five Greenlandic municipalities.

In this context, it is important to bear in mind the small numbers of companies in the municipalities outside the capital, which means that we are cautious about concluding on these individually but instead use them to contrast the capital municipality. Sector Construction Trade Industry Office and communication Agriculture and food Private Service Social and Health Transport Education and research Total

Response n 35 40 4 21 18 17 0 21 4 160

% 61% 51% 67% 54% 75% 61% 0% 57% 80% 57%

Total N 57 78 6 39 24 28 6 37 5 280

Table 2. Responses distributed on sectors.

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Data analysis The analysis focuses on the implementation of the basic regulatory requirements to the work environment activities in Greenlandic companies, and the aim is to provide an overview over the Greenlandic situation by analysing the attitude towards the work environment and the compliance level on WPA and safety organisation followed by a closer look at the challenges caused by geography and business structure. Greenlandic companies generally indicate a high priority of the work environment – also compared to Danish companies (Bach, 2018). Two out of three Greenlandic companies indicate high priority of the work environment, and only half of the Danish companies do the same (Figure 1). The prevalence of low priority is low and almost the same. 0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

To a large extent

60%

63%

52% 31%

To some extent

To a little extent

4% 4%

No

3% 3% Greenland

70%

41%

Denmark

Figure 1. Does the workplace give high priority to the work environment?

In both countries approximately one out of three companies indicate that the work environment should be better than legal requirements (Figure 2). 0%

10%

20%

30%

45%

To some extent

No

50%

29% 32%

To a large extent

To a little extent

40%

49%

11%

8%

11%

14%

Greenland

Denmark

Figure 2. Does the workplace intend to have better work environment than the law requires?

Kappel, Hasle, Voxted, & Jeschke

60%


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Taken together Greenlandic companies generally indicate a high priority of the work environment at a level comparable to Danish companies.

Workplace assessment When we turn to the actual legal requirement for the companies to organise work environment activities, the picture is more nuanced and deserves a closer examination. As indicated in section 2, the EU requirement for risk assessment is in Denmark and subsequently in Greenland translated to workplace assessment. Full compliance involves the following four steps:4 1. 2. 3. 4.

Mapping of the company's work environment risks Assessment of the risks Preparation of an action plan for control risks and solve work environment problems Guidelines for follow-up of activities undertaken, including responsibility, implementation, and revision of action plan

It is mandatory that risk assessments are carried out for all major changes of work organisation and technology that may have an impact on the work environment and must in any case be carried out at least every three years. The results for compliance with workplace assessment in Greenland show that three out of four companies have carried out a workplace assessment at one moment in time and a little more than half have done it inside the three years requirement. These results are lower than the comparable Danish compliance (Error! Reference source not found.). 0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

78%

WA carried out

93%

55%

Last 3 years

88%

Greenland

Denmark

Figure 3. Completed workplace assessment.

The size of the company has an influence on the inclination to comply with the legislation, and the large companies are as expected more compliant in both countries while the smallest companies have the lowest compliance (Figure 4). As in the Danish survey the company size is based on number of employees: small companies 0-9 employees, medium-sized companies 10 -34 employees and large companies are 35 and more employees, but it is important to bear in mind the register challenges in Greenland as described earlier under “The Study Population”. The Greenlandic companies have a lower compliance rate than the Danish for each size of companies. Especially the required recurring implementation of WPA every third year constitute a challenge for the Greenlandic companies.

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45%

Small companies in Greenland

19% 76%

Small companies in Denmark

6%

53%

Medium-sized companies in Greenland

22% 92%

Medium-sized companies in Denmark

5%

75%

Large companies in Greenland

12% 98%

Large companies in Denmark 0%

10%

20%

WPA Within3 years

30%

40%

50%

1% 60%

70%

80%

90% 100%

WPA older than 3 years

Figure 4. Completed workplace assessment distributed by company size.

However, a fully legal workplace assessment requires both preparation and implementation of an action plan, and with the two additional elements less than half of all companies have full compliance with the workplace assessment requirement (table 3). Even for large companies 40% have not a compliant WPA, and for smaller companies the majority do not have a compliant WPA. Large

Small

Total

Companies

Medium-sized companies

N

Pct

N

Pct

N

Pct

N

pct

WPA mapping

48

87%

62

75%

14

64%

124

78%

WPA within 3 years

41

75%

44

53%

10

45%

95

55%

Prepared action plans

36

65%

32

39%

10

45%

78

49%

initiatives = full 33

60%

30

36%

9

41%

72

45%

Concrete implemented compliance Total

55

83

companies

22

160

Table 3. Compliance with the requirement for workplace assessment in Greenland

Distributed by geography and represented by the five municipalities of Greenland (Table 4) the results show that the compliance rate is higher in Sermersooq with the capital Nuuk. It is by far the biggest city with most of the companies and the largest ones. The number of respondents from the four other municipalities is low, but added up, the average of the compliance rate is 31% which is considerably lower than the capital municipality with a rate 50%.

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Qeqertalik

Qeqqata

N

%

N

%

N

5

63%

4

57%

WPA within 3 years 3

38%

1

Prepared action plans 3

38%

Concrete initiatives implemented = full compliance 3

38%

WPA mapping

Total

8

Sermersooq

Kujalleq

%

N

%

N

%

17

74%

93

82%

5

56%

14%

14

61%

74

65%

3

33%

1

14%

10

43%

61

54%

3

33%

1

14%

8

35%

57

50%

3

33%

7

23

113

9

Table 4. Workplace assessment distributed by municipalities.

A part of the explanation for compliance differences is differences in company size where Sermersooq has 37% large and 49% of medium size companies, while the average for the other four municipalities is 28% large and 60% medium size companies. However, even for large companies, the compliance rate outside Sermersooq is considerably lower (Table 5). Sermersooq

Outside Sermersooq

Full compliance

Pct N Full compliance Pct N

Large companies

28

67% 42 5

38% 13

Medium-size companies

21

38% 55 9

32% 28

Small companies

8

50% 16 1

17% 6

Total

57

50% 113 15

32% 47

Table 5. Workplace assessment distributed to Sermersooq versus rest of the country.

Safety organisation A key feature in the management of the work environment is the safety organisation. Companies with 10 or more employees but less than 20 employees must establish a safety group consisting of the first line manager and an employee-elected safety representative, while companies with 20 or more employees must establish a safety5 committee chaired by a responsible management representative. Both the safety groups and the safety committee must include employee-elected safety representatives. During the interviews, many respondents expressed uncertainty about these rules, and the interviewer had to explain the rules to get an answer. The frequency of companies is depicted in Error! Reference source not found.6. We have included small companies even though they in principle are not required to have a safety

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organisation as we expect that, according to the definition in the legislation, in practice they have had 10 or more employees. The prevalence of safety organisations is almost level with Denmark, with the majority of large companies and two-thirds of the medium-sized companies having a safety organisation. Large companies

Medium-sized companies

Small companies

Mean

N

Pct

N

Pct

N

Pct

N

Pct

Has a safety organization 50

91%

52

63%

9

41%

111

69%

Total

55

83

Denmark

22

93%

160

69%

Table 6. Distribution of companies with a safety organisation

Similar to workplace assessments, the capital municipality has a higher frequency with 76% coverage compared to the other four municipalities with 53% of the companies having a safety organisation. One of the requirements for the safety organization is that the members (managers and safety representatives) receive a compulsory one-week education in a work environment. Completion of the education can be a proxy for a fully compliant safety organization. Table 6 shows the prevalence of a safety organization with all, or most managers and safety representatives educated (Error! Reference source not found.7). Companies can be compliant even though all managers and safety representatives are not educated due to employees leaving and waiting time for enrolment at the course. The results indicate that only a little more than one-third of the companies have a fully compliant safety organisation with a majority of educated members. Large companies

Medium-sized companies

Small companies

Mean

n

pct

n

pct

n

pct

n

50

91%

52

63%

9

41%

111 69%

Educated Safety Organization 28

51%

25

30%

7

32%

60

Safety organization

N

55

83

22

pct

38%

160

Table 7. Educated members of the safety groups distributed in company size.

Half of the large companies have educated safety organizations while the share is remarkably lower for medium-sized and small companies. As shown in table 8 the share of educated safety organizations in Sermersooq is 42% while the average 28% for the other four municipalities is remarkably lower. Most courses are organized in Nuuk and companies in other localities have therefore significant cost for completion of the courses as they bear both course fees and travel and subsistence costs. Kappel, Hasle, Voxted, & Jeschke


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Avannaata

Qeqertalik

Qeqqata

Sermersooq

Kujalleq

n

pct

n

pct

n

pct

n

pct

n

pct

Safety organization

4

50%

4

57%

15

65%

86

76%

2

22%

Educated Safety Organization

3

38%

4

57%

6

26%

47

42%

0

0%

N

8

7

23

113

9

Table 8. Educated members of the safety groups distributed geographically.

As for workplace assessment, large companies are more compliant with establishing and training the safety organization – although half of the large companies do not fully follow the rules. The geographical distance similarly plays a role for compliance with the safety organization rules.

Management of several locations It is common for Greenlandic companies to have several locations distributed on the coast, and 41% of the 123 managers who were asked this question are responsible for more than one workplace (Table 9). Number locations responsible for:

n

Pct

Total responsible for more than 1 location 51

41%

Hereof: •

2-3 places

28

23%

4-6 places

12

10%

7 locations or more

11

9%

N

123

Table 9. Management of several locations

Some of these separated workplaces can be more than 1000 km from the manager’s residence and require several days of travelling. One fifth of the managers are even responsible for four or more locations, which is likely to be a severe constraint for an effective management of the work environment and leads to questions about the feasibility of fulfilling the responsibilities satisfactorily. With the geography of Greenland, it must be a severe constraint for the safe control of the work environment. Just below half of the managers with several locations experience themselves that they have proper control of the work environment. More than half consider the consequences of the separation of units to be more constrained.

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n

pct

To a large extent

23

45%

To some extent

18

35%

To a little extent

6

12%

No possibility

4

8%

N

51

100%

Table 10. Possibility to manage the work environment at several locations.

For some of the companies with several units placed in the same city – particular in Nuuk, where most companies have their headquarters, the physical distance constitutes a smaller problem, but most of the companies have locations in different geographical locations where they do not come daily. In the open question, approximately one fourth indicate that they use the safety organisation and the legislative instruments such as workplace assessment to management the work environment at distant locations. It most often also involves various kinds of digital communications. Yet, a large share (approximately half of the companies) indicated that they leave local leaders and employees to take care of the work environment and that they expect them to report if there are any problems.

Discussion The Greenlandic legislation on work environment is relatively new and only few updates have been made with the latest in 2005, although a major revision come into force from 2023. The findings from this survey constitute the study of work environment activities in Greenlandic companies before this major revision. Yet, the changes in legislation are all adopted from Danish legislation without any adoption to the Greenlandic context. We consider the response rate of 57% as a satisfactory response rate for company-based surveys (Pielsticker & Hiebl, 2020), but of course, it would have been interesting to dive more into the company size of non-respondents to clarify. However, due to the register challenges, it is not possible to verify this sufficiently. From other studies, we know that small companies tend to have a lower response rate as well as larger challenges with the work environment (Sørensen et al., 2007). Despite this, we consider the sample to be a valid representation of companies in Greenland in our target group, as explained in the study population section. The first important result is that Greenlandic companies have adopted the work environment as a key issue on their agenda. This result is very positive as Greenland has only had explicit work environment legislation for approximately 35 years, whereas Denmark has more than 150 years of experience with public regulation of the work environment. Despite this difference, Greenlandic companies indicate a priority of the work environment at the same level as Danish companies. In addition, the establishment of the basic safety organisation with safety groups (a manager and a safety representative) and a safety committee is on level with Danish companies.

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However, a high priority is not equal to a high level of management of the work environment in practice. Next to the short history of work environment management, Greenland companies face several other constraints, including a small population dispersed on a large geography, resulting in many small companies and often with several physical separated locations. Furthermore, the working population has a limited experience of salaried employment and may, especially for unskilled labour, consider employment as a means to acquire the necessary resources for a return to fishing and hunting (Karlsson, 2021). A low level of some of the required work environment activities is therefore not a surprise. This is particularly the case for workplace assessment, which is one of the key elements in the work environment law. A significant majority of Danish companies have carried out a workplace assessment inside the required three years, whereas only a little more than half of the Greenlandic companies have done so, and when it comes to taking tangible action to improve the work environment, less than half of the companies has done so. These results suggest that most Greenlandic companies have knowledge of the requirement for a workplace assessment but only, to a more limited extent, initiate tangible activities. A similar problem is having an efficient safety organisation where only a smaller part of the companies has secured that the members of the safety organisation have the compulsory work environment education. The cost of having a trained safety organization on both the manager and employee side may explain why only a minority of the respondents have a trained safety organization and thus meet the requirements of the legislation. The share of companies with an educated safety organization is remarkably higher compared to the companies outside Nuuk. One explanation is the education costs for the companies outside Nuuk, causing companies to wait for the courses offered closer to their location. Furthermore, the course language adds another constraint, as bilingualism is more limited outside Nuuk. These results indicate that the geography constitutes a major constraint. The compliance level in the municipality Sermersooq, dominated by the capital Nuuk, is much higher than the other four municipalities, with many smaller towns and settlements and large physical distances. The headquarters of the major companies including the ones owned by the Government of Greenland are in Nuuk, and companies in Nuuk have easier access to a higher skilled labour and education in work environment. The labour market in Nuuk is challenged by a lack of labour force and high turnover can force the companies to improve the work environment and display their achievements to potential employees. Also, the supplementary questions about management of workplaces in different locations underline the geographical challenge. Even the relative high level of priority must be considered with reservations. It is the first time an adapted Danish questionnaire has been applied in the Greenlandic context. The interviewed managers may tend to give positive answers as they are aware of the legislative requirement and there may be quite a distance from the opinion of the responsible manager to the practice in the fish factory or the construction site. Although the same contradiction may be expected at Danish workplaces, and our survey has a satisfactory response rate above the Danish study, the nonrepliers could be expected to give a lower priority to the work environment. All in all, our results will therefore represent a group of replying companies with a better performance than non-repliers, and even for the repliers, the practice at the workplace level may be less effective than indicated by the replying companies themselves.

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Conclusion The work environment at Greenlandic workplaces is of growing importance as most Greenlanders work in salaried employment and the labour market is challenged by full-time employment, high labour turnover, and high absenteeism. The companies put a high priority on the work environment at the same level as Danish companies, and they have in most cases established a safety organisation. However, for the more tangible preventive activities such as completing a full workplace assessment cycle – including mapping, planning and implementation – only a minority of companies do so. The same is true for securing the compulsory education of the members of the safety groups. The challenges are especially found among companies outside Nuuk and in the medium-sized and smaller companies, as well as in companies with several units at physically separated locations. With a group of non-respondents and many respondents with a distance to the shopfloor level, many workplaces may even have larger problems related to implementation of the compulsory work environment activities. Perspectives The high priority of the work environment among Greenlandic companies and the relatively low level of compliance with the basic requirement for work environment management point toward a need to develop strategies that help companies improve their work environment management practice. A strengthened work environment policy, in cooperation between the Greenlandic authorities and the social partners, such as labour unions, business associations etc., would create possibilities to improve safety and health at the workplace. Such an effort can have a potential not only for safety and health but also for some of the labour market challenges with high labour turnover, exclusion from the labour market and high absenteeism (Karlsson, 2021). The Greenlandic government has already initiated such a process with the amendment of the present law with the changes of the Danish work environment law passed in 2005. Yet, a process of tailoring the practical enforcement to the Greenlandic context is still pending. In planning that process, an integrated process between all involved parties with orchestration of the stakeholders’ activities would have a stronger impact (Hasle et al., 2017).

Future research This is the first study of work environment activities in Greenlandic, and to a large extent for the whole Arctic, as only very few studies of OSH and work environment have been published outside the fields of oil, gas, and mining industries. More research is needed to confirm whether the results can be found in other Arctic societies. It would also be relevant to study work environment activities in public employment, which is covering a little less than half the population. Furthermore, during the data collection, we registered uncertainty regarding the legal requirements related to how temporary employees were to be counted related to the establishment of a safety organization, and another uncertainty addressed the range of responsibility for the managers. Naturally, this leads to the question of how the law is implemented in the workplace in practice. Hence, it would be of high relevance to carry out more detailed case studies of work environment practice at the shopfloor level to get an understanding of both barriers and possibilities for preventions of occupational risks. It would be particularly relevant to study the influence of the

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Greenlandic culture and possibilities for handling constraints related to geography, sector structure, and competence. Such case studies at the shop floor can be used to better understand the mechanisms hampering the full implementation of work environment activities, as well as possibilities for improvement.

Notes 1. Greenlandic Statistic: https://stat.gl/publ/da/AR/202218/pdf/2021%20Besk%C3%A6ftigelsen.pdf fig. 1. 2. https://at.gl/da/regler/love/lov-om-arbejdsmiljoe-i-groenland/. Accessed21.04.2023 3. https://www.aes.dk/english/about-labour-market-insurance 4. §11a, part 2 Order no. 1048 of the Ministry of Employment of 26 October 2005 as amended and §3, part 3 Executive Order no. 1168 of the Danish Working Environment Authority of 8 October 2007 5. §5 and §6 part 1 Order no. 1048 of the Ministry of Employment of 26 October 2005 as amended

Acknowledgment This research is funded by the National Research Centre for the Working Environment, who has been essential to realize this project. Thankful acknowledgment to our student employees Soriina Davidsen and Bettina Søgaard, who conducted the phone interviews and contributed to all part of the research process with crucial cultural and local knowledge.

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Bjerregaard, P. (2004). Folkesundhed i Grønland (1. udgave, 1. oplag, Vol. 2004). Direktoratet for Kultur, Uddannelse, Forskning og Kirke: Rekvireres ved henvendelse til Atuagkat. Countouris N, Piasna A, Theodoropoulou S, & (eds). (2023). Benchmarking Working Europe 2023. ETUI and ETUC. https://www.etui.org/publications/benchmarking-working-europe2023 Grønlands Statistik. (2017). 2017 Statistisk Årbog. Grønlands Statistik. Hasle, P., Limborg, H. J. H. J., Grøn, S., & Refslund, B. (2017). Orchestration in Work Environment Policy Programs. Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies, 7(3), 43–62. https://doi.org/10.18291/njwls.v7i3.97092 Hjort Bønløkke, J., Gautrin, D., Sigsgaard, T., Lehrer, S. B., Maghni, K., & Cartier, A. (2012). Snow crab allergy and asthma among Greenlandic workers – a pilot study. International Journal of Circumpolar Health, 71(1), 19126. https://doi.org/10.3402/ijch.v71i0.19126 Inc, G. (2022). State of the Global Workplace: 2022 Report. Jensen, P. L. (2002). Assessing assessment: The Danish experience of worker participation in risk assessment. Economic and Industrial Democracy, 23(2), 201–228. Karlsson, V. (2021). Salary is not the solution to everything [Aalborg University]. https://drive.google.com/file/d/1HFhkUC9sLWciQmFmHltILd0n6NWz65S2/view?us p=embed_facebook Kleemann, N. (2023). Grønland i tal 2023. 5. udgave. Larsen, C. V. L., Hansen, C. B., Ingemann, C., Jørgensen, M. E., Olesen, I., Sørensen, I. K., Koch, A., Backer, V., & Bjerregaard, P. (2019). Befolkningsundersøgelsen i Grønland 2018 – Levevilkår, livsstil og helbred. Statens Institut for Folkesundhed, SDU. https://www.sdu.dk/da/sif/rapporter/2019/befolkningsundersoegelsen_i_groenland Lau, C. (2005). Motivation og glæde i arbejdet. In Arbejdsmarkedet i Grønland—Fortid, nutid og fremtid (pp. 76–90). Ilisimatusarfik. Laustsen, B. H., Ebbehøj, N. E., Sigsgaard, T., Rasmussen, K., & Bønløkke, J. H. (2022). Work environment, occupational diseases, and accidents among seafood industry workers in Greenland. Danish Medical Journal, 69(2). Scopus. Lennert, M. (2015). Education in Greenland 1973-2004/2006—An analysis based on three living conditions surveys. In SliCA: Arctic living conditions. Living conditions and quality of life among Inuit, Sami and indigenous peoples of Chukotka and the Kola Peninsula (Vol. 2015, p. 426). Nordic Council of Ministers. Madsen, U. C., Vester, S., Hasle, P., Leonhardt, L., & Dyreborg, J. (2022). Differences in occupational health and safety efforts between adopters and non-adopters of certified occupational health and safety management systems. Safety Science, 152(April), 105794. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssci.2022.105794 Pedersen, L. H., & Lauritsen, A. N. (2018). Tolkning i det grønlandske retsvæsen. Institut for Menneskerettigheder & Ilisimatusarfik. https://menneskeret.dk/udgivelser/tolkninggroenlandske-retsvaesen

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Pielsticker, D. I., & Hiebl, M. R. W. (2020). Survey Response Rates in Family Business Research. European Management Review, 17(1), 327–346. https://doi.org/10.1111/emre.12375 PriceWaterhouseCoopers. (2003). The Cost of Not Succesfully Implementering artikel 23. https://www.tunngavik.com/documents/publications/2003-02-17PricewaterhouseCoopers-The-Cost-of-Not-Successfully-Implementing-Article-23.pdf Sørensen, O. H., Hasle, P., & Bach, E. (2007). Working in small enterprises – Is there a special risk? Safety Science, 45(10), 1044–1059. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssci.2006.09.005 Thorsen, S. V., Madsen, I. E. H., Flyvholm, M.-A., & Hasle, P. (2017). Associations between the workplace-effort in psychosocial risk management and the employee-rating of the psychosocial work environment – a multilevel study of 7565 employees in 1013 workplaces. Scandinavian Journal of Public Health, 140349481769637. https://doi.org/10.1177/1403494817696377 Uhrenholdt Madsen, C., & Hasle, P. (2017). Commitment or Compliance? — Competing institutional logics in the field of OHS management. Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies, 7(2). Wilson, E. (2015). Energy and minerals in Greenland. Governance, responsibility, and social resilience. International Institute for Environment and Development. http://pubs.iied.org/16561IIED

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Conditions for positive contact and a positive organization: a case study of Chinese workers in Maniitsoq fish factory

Fang Fang

To deal with the shortage of a stable workforce, Royal Greenland has recruited Chinese workers in their fish factories. The factory encounters challenges in managing intercultural diversity, and this case study has examined Chinese workers´ perspective on positive contact conditions and crucial factors for a positive organization. The context of this case study is Chinese workers in the Maniitsoq fish factory, for its heatedness in local media and absence of workers’ voice. Ten interviews were conducted in October 2017 and four more in March 2018, and contact factors such as equal status, common goal, cooperation and management support; as well as positive organization factors such as corporate government, human resource management, work environment, conflict management, social activity, language skill, leadership strategy, and stress management are recognized. The final part gives implication for factories to facilitate positive contact and establish a positive work environment and discusses the limitations of the study.

Background In recent years, the self-government of Greenland has demonstrated a commitment to building a more resilient economy. However, a lack of labor constrains Greenland's economic development. Grønlands Erhverv, Greenland's primary business organization, conducts annual labor surveys, which reveal a persistent workforce shortage. Businesses across a wide range experienced a labor shortage of about 1,000 people in 2022. There is a constant shortage of skilled workers, and a high turnover rate among unskilled workers results in a 55% workforce gap throughout the year (Grønlands Erhverv, 2022). Along with labor shortages, Greenland has also seen an increase in foreign immigration in recent years. In the year 2023, Statistics Greenlandic registered 1958 foreigners living in Greenland, of whom 1267 were of Asian origin. The percentage of foreigners has increased from 0.91% in 2000 to 3.46% in 2023. The largest group of foreigners come from the Philippines (725), Thailand (313), Fang Fang, Assistant Professor & PhD student, Department of Arctic Social Science & Economics, University of Greenland.


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Iceland (121), Poland (94) and Sri Lanka (92). Europeans work mainly in public administration and service, building, and transport sectors, while Filipinos and Thais uphold hotels and restaurants, where foreign workers consist of 20% of the total workforce (Statistics Greenland, 2023). The fishing and fish-related businesses, which are essential drivers of Greenland's economy and export sector, have experienced severe challenges in maintaining a stable labor force. Gønland Erhver's 2022 report demonstrated a shortage of more than 500 personnel in the fishing industry. (Grønlands Erhverv, 2022) In response to the situation, the largest corporation in Greenland, Royal Greenland A/S, began to recruit workers from a distant nation, China. 35 Chinese workers arrived in Greenland in 2017 to work in fish factories in Maniitsoq, Ilulissat, and Uummannaq, while another 27 arrived in 2018. Since then, Chinese workers are employed on a regular basis at Royal Greenland’s fish factories. In year 2022, the number of Asian workers reaches 128, constituting around 10% of Royal Greenland’s total employees. The largest group among them comes from Philippine (77), next biggest are 48 workers from China (Kristensen, 2022) Concerns regarding workplace diversity have grown in parallel with the rising number of international workers. Workplace diversity can contribute to competitive advantages in numerous domains, including cost, resource acquisition, innovation, problem-solving, and organizational flexibility. To capitalize on such competitive advantages, however, organizations must first overcome obstacles such as language barriers, cultural shock, misunderstanding, lack of trust, stereotyping, and conflicts (Cox & Blake, 1991). Organizations need to establish a positive work environment where individual differences are recognized, learned, and accepted to profit from workplace diversity. The attitude of an organization toward diversity may influence its employees' ability to gain long-term benefits from a diverse work environment (Lambert, 2016). The effective management of workplace diversity holds significant importance within the Arctic region. The population of foreign-born individuals in the Nordic nations has increased significantly, from 1.3 million in 1990 to 3.3 million in 2018, and there is substantial potential for their engagement in the labor market (Heleniak, 2018). Incorporating a diverse range of perspectives and experiences can lead to creative approaches to resolving regional concerns such as climate change and sustainable development. Furthermore, the Arctic regions struggle to attract labor due to their distant locations and the associated excessive cost of transportation. By promoting diversity and inclusion in the workplace, Arctic regions can get access to an expanded range of skills and experience, inspire innovation, and eventually contribute to economic growth. Chinese workers gained attention in the media before they even arrived in Greenland. In 2012, the world’s giant of aluminum, Alcoa, had considered to build a new smelting plant in Maniitsoq. Both Greenlandic and Danish media illustrated worries about thousands of underpaid Chinese workers rushing into Greenland. The arrival of Royal Greenland's Chinese employees has been closely reported, although the peak number of 80 Chinese people living in Greenland only makes them as 3rd largest among Asians in Greenland in 2022 (Statistics Greenland, 2023). Unlike Philippine or Thailand, which has a rapid growing number of people living in Greenland in recent years, Chinese people appeared to be less interested in living in Greenland for an extended period. The number of Chinese living in Greenland in 2023 drops to 68, outnumbered by Sri Lanka (92) (Statistics Greenland, 2023). And despite extensive coverage of Chinese workers in the media, their own voices are rarely heard of. Therefore, it is of great academic interest to learn from Chinese laborers

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about their experiences in Maniitsoq, the major challenges they encounter in a diverse work environment, and their perspectives on a positive work environment.

Figure 1: Main groups of Asian living in Greenland. Data source: Statistics Greenland, 2023. Population by Citizenship 1977-2023 [BEEST6].

Positive work environment Prior studies have acknowledged the significance of a positive work environment in the context of diversity management. However, more research is still needed to identify the essential elements that contribute to a positive work environment. Patrick and Kumar (2012) conducted interviews with 300 IT employees and discovered that discrimination, prejudice, and ethnocentrism were the most common barriers in a diverse workplace, with cross-cultural training, overseas assignment opportunities, and language courses being the most recommended approaches for promoting inclusiveness. To diminish cognitive workload during communication, people frequently base their responses on prejudice, which has been shown to have a negative impact on intergroup attitudes and communication efficacy (e.g., Spencer-Rodgers & McGovern, 2002). According to contact theory, positive contact between group members, such as friendship, can inspire personalization (focusing on the unique characteristics of out-group members rather than group stereotypes) and de-categorization (reducing the salience of the original group boundaries). As a result, personalization and categorization would lessen the original intergroup bias and conflict (Wilder, 1986). Positive contact, therefore, has been defined as contact with outgroup members which reduces intergroup prejudice. Allport (1954) recognized four conditions for positive contact: equal group status, common goals, intergroup cooperation, and the support of authorities. Meta-analysis by Pettigrew et al. (2006) found that Allport’s conditions facilitated, but were not essential to, the decrease in prejudice. The meta-analysis also showed the special importance of cross-group friendship in promoting positive contact effects, and essential mediators for the relationship between positive contact and prejudice reduce, such as increased knowledge, anxiety reduction and enhanced empathy.

Fang


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Aside from positive contact, positive organizational theory focuses on a broader range of positive events and processes that occur within organizations. PRIDE theory (Cheung 2014, 2015) identified five essential components of a positive organization: positive practices, relationship enhancement, individual attributes, deviant leadership, and emotional well-being. According to Wenstrom et al. (2018), these kinds of positive behaviors can lead to positive emotions and attitudes, which in turn create a positive atmosphere at work. Positive events and processes are also linked to energy, work engagement, and enthusiasm. This approach originated from the positive psychology movement and emphasized more on capitalizing on individual strengths rather than solely focusing on shortcomings or deficiencies (Cheung, 2014).

Research questions An intercultural workplace provides good opportunities to examine positive contact conditions. Compared with neighborhoods, Laurence et al. (2018) indicated that workplace characteristics, such as team composition, task assignment, and the necessity of interaction with co-workers, facilitate inter-group contact. On the other hand, workplace contact could be more competitive, or involve larger status differentials, and individuals may be compelled into negative contact where other contexts would allow them to avoid it. Unlike migration from Philippines or Thailand, who normally come to Greenland through social network in their home country, Chinese workers were first recruited to Greenland by Royal Greenland’s office in Qingdao, China, and had limited knowledge about Greenland before coming. Lacking social networks and social capital in Greenland, social lives of these Chinese workers are also intricately linked with their workplace and the group of workers in the same workplace. Therefore, positive contacts in the workplace are vital for their integration into the local society. Also, their limited language ability, and as a result their lack of power in the workplace, make it more difficult to fulfill Allport’s conditions for positive contacts. With its specific features discussed in previous section, the context of Maniitsoq fish factory has provided good opportunity to study intergroup contact process between Chinese workers and local workers, and to recognize key factors that facilitate/hinder positive contact and attitude improvement. Positive organization theory demonstrates that positive attitudes fostered by social contact may contribute to improved work performance. Fredrickson and Losada (2005) revealed that the presence of effective communication and supportive expressions among team members was a significant differentiating factor between flourishing teams and languishing teams. And Bakker et al. (2005) discovered that job demands, including work overload, emotional demands, physical demands, and work-home interference, did not lead to burnout among employees who had access to job resources such as autonomy, performance feedback, social support, or supervisor coaching. Chinese workers in Maniitsoq were regarded as a reliable and productive workforce in general. Chinese workers, however, also must deal with issues like limited language proficiency, opportunities for professional growth, and development programs. The lack of prospects for advancement encouraged a short-term perspective, and most Chinese laborers did not plan to stay in Greenland permanently. This case study provided an opportunity to explore the perspectives of Chinese laborers on a positive work environment and provided insights into actions that are most pertinent to developing a supportive work culture that may draw and keep Chinese laborers, thereby contributing to a more inclusive and diverse workforce in Greenland.

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The following research questions aim to investigate the factors of positive contact and positive organization in the context of Chinese workers at the Maniitsoq fish factory: 1. How do Chinese laborers perceive their contacts with their Greenlandic colleagues and supervisors at the Maniitsoq fish factory? 2. What are the key elements that contribute to a positive work environment for Chinese workers at the Maniitsoq fish factory?

Methodology A case study is defined as" an intensive study of a single unit for the purpose of understanding a larger class of (similar) units (Gerring, 2004: 342), and the case study design is suitable to explore complicated individual-environment interactions. A case study of Chinese workers in the Maniitsoq fish factory can provide valuable information on the specific experiences and challenges faced by Chinese laborers in Maniitsoq. Such research can acquire firsthand accounts of these workers' daily lives, interactions with locals, and cultural challenges they may experience; therefore, it can contribute to a better understanding of the dynamics between Chinese laborers and their work environment, as well as inform policies and interventions that can improve their workplace as well as their overall well-being and integration into the local community. To guide the research on a project's complexity and uniqueness, it is required to first determine the subject of interest and the theoretical topic of interest. By doing so, we can study the theoretical topic of interest through the prism of the subject of interest. In this study, I defined my subject of interest as Chinese workers employed in the Royal Greenland fish plant in Maniitsoq, and my subject of interest as the factors that constitute a positive contact condition and a positive organization. To address the issue, a semi-structured interview guide was used. Semi-structured interviews allow participants to share in-depth insights and viewpoints. Furthermore, it enables the detection of emerging themes and patterns that were not predicted previously, boosting overall comprehension of the project in a "real-life" setting (Yousfi, 2014). Triangulation offers multiple perspectives to assess the complexity of a project. Triangulation improves the validity and reliability of the findings by combining several data sources and techniques, such as document analysis and observations. Furthermore, a more comprehensive understanding of the project makes the research findings more representative and applicable to real-world situations (Williams & Shepherd, 2016). Data collected for triangulation includes public resource data, such as news articles, academic papers, and public statistics, and informant-shared data, such as reports, marketing materials, oral descriptions, presentations, and observations. Such data enriched the context of the project and complemented the interview findings. Research context Royal Greenland Ltd. is the largest company in Greenland, 100% owned by the self-government. In total, the company has 38 plants along the west coast of Greenland, with around 2200 employees worldwide; among them, 1400 are employed in Greenland. In 2022, Royal Greenland A/S had a turnover of 5.757 billion DKK. Maniitsoq Fish Plant is one of the biggest plants in Royal Greenland. Its production capacity is around 80 tons per day, and the employee number ranges from 25 to 100 in low and peak seasons. The main products are fish fillets of cod in the summer and Greenland halibut in the winter. The factory is quite automatically equipped, with machines for fish sorting, freezing, transporting, and fillet processing lines. Fang


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Maniitsoq is a town in Qeqqata Municipality, West Greenland, with around 2500 inhabitants. The area around the town is rich in fish, reindeer, minerals, and precious stones, and the most important industry is the fishing industry and other food production. Since the fishery was industrialized during the 1960s and 1970s, Maniitsoq has become a town in the center of industrialization (Dybbroe, 2008). Located about 140km north of Nuuk, Maniitsoq is easy to reach with flights from Nuuk and Kangerlussuaq and with passenger ferry and fast boat shuttle. The town has good facilities such as supermarkets, shops, banks, restaurants, museums, and football pitches. In 2016, Royal Greenland attempted to recruit a larger number of Chinese workers through a fish plant in Qingdao, which produced fish imported from Royal Greenland. The recruiting process took a longer period than expected, and finally, in May 2017, the first group of Chinese workers arrived in Maniitsoq. Most of them were in their 30s and 40s, had middle school education, and had work experience in fish production at the Qingdao plant. Many also came as couples, leaving the kids in the care of their grandparents back home. With former work experience, they need little adjustment with fish processing tasks. Workers have come under a two-year work contract, while work permits still need to be renewed every year. The wages were time-paid every two weeks. Chinese workers received the same paid rate as local workers; in addition, the plant provided an 8hour working day guarantee to Chinese workers. Chinese workers lived in dormitories with a relatively low rent, and their travel expenses between China and Greenland were covered. Workers are divided into three groups: material, filling line, and packaging. The material group has 2–3 workers in charge of fish defrosting and sorting. Fillet processing and packing have a larger group of workers, and they shift between different tasks according to a work schedule published one day before. Daily routines started at 7 o’clock for production preparation and finished when the required quantity of products was achieved. In the long winter seasons workers had more leisure time, but outdoor activities were extremely limited due to wintry weather, and the main entertainment for workers was card playing and chatting. And summertime is the high season for production, as well as an enjoyable time for outdoor activities such as hunting, fishing, and berry picking. One Chinese-born translator was hired by Royal Greenland first in 2010 as a part-time translator and later as a HR consultant. The translator spent her daily life in Aasiaat, a town 367 kilometers north of Maniitsoq, taking care of seven plants with foreign worker-related issues such as recruitment, work permit application and renewal, travel arrangements, document and meeting translation, and translation of daily life issues. Semi-structured interviews As a Chinese coming to Greenland in the similar period as the first-coming Chinese workers, I noticed the media focus on Chinese workers, and the absence of voice from workers themselves. To learn about Chinese workers’ expectations, opinions, and experiences, I contacted the management of Maniitsoq fish factory, and with the assistance of the factory arranged interviews with five Chinese workers. A semi-structured interview method is chosen to narrow down the discussion to the main themes of research, and to avoid the risk of ignoring interesting topics. Each interview has a length between half an hour to one hour. The guideline covered topics as follows: background and work condition; expectation; optimal contact condition; and adapting process. Five interviews in total took place in October 2021 in the meeting room of Maniitsoq fish factory.

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After arriving in Maniitsoq, I happened to meet a group of Chinese workers in a local supermarket and learned that these workers had just started their work at the Royal Greenland fish plant for two weeks. I thought it was a good chance to do longitudinal research about their adapting process. Five interviews were conducted in October 2021, in Chinese workers’ dormitories. These interviews followed a revised guideline to focus more on their first impressions of Maniitsoq. After about six months, four out of five participants participated in the following interviews in March 2022 to examine their experience of adaptation. Compared to the group of workers picked out by the plant management, this group of workers were recruited to Greenland through a different channel. They learned the recruitment information through a foreign worker agency, and after a simple interview and long waiting time for necessary documents and permit application processes, they took the flight to Greenland. This group of workers covered a variety of work backgrounds, such as worker agent, truck driver, cook, and assembly line worker in electronic plants. Several also had experience working abroad before coming to Greenland. Data analysis The interviews were conducted in the Chinese language, and with the participants' consent, the interviews were comprehensively recorded. Subsequently, I undertook the task of translating and transcribing all the conducted interviews. The coding approach consisted of many practices recommended by scholars such as Gioia et al. (2013), Williams and Shepherd (2016), and Yousfi (2014) to enhance the qualitative analysis by ensuring both rigor and comprehensibility. Such approaches included (1) analyzing data from first-order codes to aggregate themes; (2) previewing important findings to provide the reader with clarity and structure; (3) displaying representative quotations; and (4) identifying overlapping stories and expressions to examine the common criteria used by interviewees to express their perspectives. Throughout the process, I reviewed and reread the data and recoded it numerous times to reflect my changing understanding. To begin with, I gave labels to the transcripts. As there were two rounds of interviews taking place in October 2021 and March 2022 and two groups of workers coming to Maniitsoq at separate times, transcripts were first labeled to facilitate comparison between diverse groups and different rounds of interviews. For example, for label W11, the first number "1" represented the first round of interviews in that the interviewee was from the first group of five workers who came to Maniitsoq in 2017, and the interview took place in October 2021. The second number "1" registered which worker has been interviewed. For label W23, the first number "2" represented the interviewee as a "newcomer" to Maniitsoq, who arrived in 2021, and the interview took place in October 2021. The second number "3", still registered who has been interviewed. Label W33 registered for the following interview in March 2022 for the same interviewee in W23. After labeling the transcripts, I classified and labeled the text to give initial codes. Positive contact theory and positive organization theory served as guides for the initial codes to emphasize the subjects that were most pertinent to the research questions. Initial codes covered a wide range of topics, including power status, cooperation and collaboration, communication, language skills, leadership, and so forth. Furthermore, the initial set of codes was combined and organized into broader conceptual categories. This involved an ongoing process of analyzing the data and identifying theoretical patterns until all the data were systematically categorized and no new categories emerged. An examination was also conducted to investigate the critical incidents and common expressions. I focused on the stories that the interviewees shared when offering their

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perspectives about what makes for positive contact or a positive workplace. The overlapping narratives and expressions provided clues as to key factors applied to the specific setting. In total, four positive contact factors and eight positive organization factors were identified. In the subsequent section, a more comprehensive analysis of these factors will be provided.

Findings Positive contact factors Allport (1954) proposed four conditions for positive contact: equal group status, common goals, intergroup cooperation, and the support of authorities. In the contacts between Chinese workers and local workers in Maniitsoq fish factory, Allport’s conditions were not fully fulfilled.

Equal group status At first glance, it seems that Chinese workers and local workers have equal group status. They work under the same type of work contract, with the same tasks and the same pay level. However, the situation was much more complicated under further examination. In the first round of interviews, both groups of workers reported an equal status at work. However, the following round of interviews revealed a different picture. For example, W31 commented: [Local workers] came back and forth to stare at me. When they wanted to order me to do some tasks, they just pointed at me. W32 also mentioned that: We couldn’t guess what they were thinking about. Locals were in the same working position as us, but they just stared at how you worked and reported to the team leaders. W34 commented: After reporting us to the leader, they talked with us, smiling as if nothing had happened. At first, Chinese workers got quite annoyed by the reporting behaviors, and afterwards they learned to deal with the situation and comfort themselves. W31 mentioned: I gradually learned to care less (about the reporting behavior) during the half-year period. W34 mentioned. I just pointed at the cap (color of the cap represented the positions in the team; a team leader had a different cap color than the common workers) and gestured that you are not my leader. Feelings of unequal status hinder the intention of positive contact. W34 commented: We couldn’t understand their way of thinking, and don’t bother to know.

Common goal Chinese workers generally thought that they had a common goal with local workers while working, which was to finish the job with good speed and quality. However, the working styles were different. Chinese workers were more accustomed to piece-paid work in China and had a habit of focusing more on their working speed. For example, W11 mentioned that:

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The working goals are different. They (local workers) do what they want to do, and when they feel tired, they go outside to take a rest. We Chinese don’t feel that way. When we notice fish piling up in the line, we just want to do the job as fast as possible. W12 commented: Chinese speed. When we produce the fillets, we have three people on each side. The production line has a high speed; more Chinese workers means less effort. W31 commented: At first, we felt anxious when there were no fish on the production line and feared that the leader would scold us for laziness. On the other hand, local workers focused more on following the instructions step-by-step and were described as "rigid". W31 mentioned: Once, I needed to change to a new knife. We have rules that one person can only hold one knife at a time. I just asked somebody to pass the knife for me, and it was reported by locals that I was holding two knives at the same time. W14 also mentioned that: (The locals) believe in machines, not people. At a glance, we could tell the difference in weight of fish pieces—only two kinds: 200 grams and 400 grams. We could spot the difference easily. But here they require that every single piece of fish be weighed by the scale. Even though I could tell anyway, I was required to follow the procedure. Local workers were also described as responsible. W15 commented: The locals are ready to admit their own mistakes and did not try to push the responsibility away.

Cooperation Chinese workers reported good cooperation with local workers. Although Chinese workers only spoke a few words of English, and most local workers spoke only Greenlandic, the working cooperation did not require much language ability, and the workers learned to understand each other by gestures or facial expression. W11 commented: When we get familiar, we can easily understand each other without so many gestures. For example, I could simply point to the gloves to show that I need to change them or point to the door to show that I want to go outside for a rest. W15 commented: It is happy to work together with local workers because they are funny and often make jokes. However, small conflicts about joking behaviors were also reported. W11 reported: (Locals) could make fun of me, but they could not accept it when I do the same kind of thing. One day a female worker patted my butt jokingly, and she thought it was quite OK. Another day when I patted her, she got annoyed.

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Management support When there were conflicts between Chinese workers and local workers, factory management would call a meeting to solve the conflicts as soon as possible. W14 commented: Firstly, both sides should explain the situation to group leaders. But we could not explain our situations clearly, not as clearly as the locals. Group leaders would report the situation to the factory manager, and she asked the translator then. W11 commented: (With trivial conflicts) the manager does not interfere and is rather indulgent towards the locals. W31 mentioned: The leaders didn’t understand (our situation) and did not try to mediate (our conflicts with the locals). Whatever the locals reported (Chinese worker’s "wrongdoings"), they believed and criticize the Chinese on personnel meetings. The management tended to focus more on production-relevant issues. W14 mentioned: Production-related issues will be translated. If these issues are not involved, they will not explain what has happened. During meetings, we just sit there. If Chinese people are not involved, there is no translation. Chinese workers had little clue about what had been discussed. W14 mentioned: There was an event last year which I still haven’t figured out yet. The locals were very happy about it. A list was typed out and pasted on the wall, but I don’t understand what the letters mean. W32 mentioned the same event: When they had meetings, we were asked to do all the work in the group, and they drank coffee and had leisure time. Still, these activities counted for the same working hours as us. Chinese workers also reported the unwillingness of management to listen to their opinions in production and management improvements. W14 commented: I can't argue with them. He is the leader, so I can't talk, even if I know better. The problems we can spot immediately, they can't spot even if they go around and around. We can finish production at two o'clock, and when they arrange workers and allocate work, they can't finish it until four o'clock. Their management model and team are different from our domestic ones. W33 mentioned: There are good and bad people everywhere. Chinese, Greenlandic, all the same. It’s okay, the problem is the management mode is not good.

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Positive organization factors Following positive psychology, positive organization theory emphasized strengths rather than shortcomings. The Chinese workers also gave their perspectives on a positive organization. To examine the most relevant factors for Chinese workers, I organized topics into different factor categories following the guidelines of the Positive Organizational Index (PRIDE-69) (Cheung, 2014). Table 1: Chinese workers’ perspective on a positive organization Positive Organization Factors

Topics

Positive practices

Corporate governance

W11, W12, W13, W14, W15, W22, W23, W24, W25, W31, W32, W33, W34

We come here to earn money. (W12)

Human resources management

W14

New locals were promoted to supervise us. (W14)

Work environment

W14, W21

Back in China the factory had little rest time. (W21)

Conflict management

W11, W31, W32

It is harmful for conflicts to accumulate. (W32)

Social activity

W15

People eat cakes and drink coffee together in canteen(W15)

Individual attributes

Language skill

W14, W24, W25

When We wanted to speak, no one could help in translation (W14)

Deviant leadership

Leadership strategies

W14, W21, W25, W31, W32, W33, W34

The factory leader called me by nickname. (W25)

Emotional well- being

Stress management

W31, W32, W33, W34

The Work itself is not tiresome, but my heart feels tired. (W31)

Relationship enhancement

Interviews Representative Quotes

No improvement over the years. The same questions continued. (W14)

Corporate governance The topic most concerned Chinese workers was corporate governance. All Chinese workers emphasized that they came to Maniitsoq to work and earn money, and most of them planned to go back to China after contract expiration. Therefore, they cared most about the workload allocation. The workers were paid by the hours, so their main concern was to work as many hours as they could. Such an intention was strong when they first arrived, and gradually they learned to live a more leisurely life. The second group of workers had experienced unsatisfaction with the overtime work arrangement in the factory and tried to suggest a "fairer" distribution of overtime working hours among Chinese workers. But they felt that they had no channel to communicate their wishes, and a lack of interest from factory management made them disappointed.

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Human resources management Chinese workers were excluded from training and promotion on the excuse of language ability. W14 mentioned: The group leaders were promoted among local workers. Yesterday, two locals were promoted. They just started working for a few days. Now they were leaders to supervise us. However, development issue was not mentioned that often by Chinese workers. With a short-term perspective, most workers had no intention for a longer stay in Maniitsoq. Consideration of family, especially children, is the main cause for returning. One worker showed interest in applying for permanent residence in Greenland, which requires seven years’ stay. But he also mentioned consideration of his family back in China.

Work environment In general, Chinese workers had no specific requirements for their work environment and were satisfied with what was provided to them. W21 compared the work environment at the Maniitsoq fish plant with the factory he worked before: Back in China, the factory had little rest time. Here, it is quite different. W14 also mentioned work environment improvement: This year music was played during our work time, but we couldn’t understand the songs. We thought it was noisy, but the locals were happy and dancing. It's fun to work here. People cheered when they got off work, the atmosphere was quite good.

Conflict management Lack of effective conflict management was also mentioned. W31 commented: We were told that we could not compare with the locals. Locals could do whatever they wanted; we came here to work. Although conflict management was not always satisfactory and language barriers made it difficult to communicate, Chinese workers still held a good relationship with local workers in general. W11 commented: One day we were annoyed by each other, and the following day we just forgot about it.

Social activity Although Chinese workers had participated in some social activities when they first came to Greenland, they gradually lost interest in participating. W15 mentioned: The factory has contacted a fitness center to provide us with free entrance. We tried a few times on Sundays, but shortly we went no more. The work itself is exhausting; we need no more training. The language barrier also diminished their motivation to participate. W13 mentioned: I went to a concert once but couldn’t understand a thing.

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One key person on social networks could have a huge influence. One local worker was mentioned by several Chinese workers in the first group as being very friendly and enjoying communicating with them. He often visited their dormitory and invited them to his home for dinner and holiday celebrations. He also invited Chinese workers to go hunting and fishing with him. Unfortunately, he died of cancer at the early age of 28, and Chinese workers lost their most important local friend. And the second group of workers loses a lot of opportunities to contact locals. Local workers also had a high turnover rate, which made social networking even more challenging.

Language skill Several works also showed an interest in improving their language skills. W33 mentioned: The locals speak Greenlandic. Some could speak a little English, others couldn’t. During leisure time I like to chat with the local people, and they teach me Greenlandic. One sentence, two sentences. Gradually I could communicate with basic words. Although the work itself did not require many language skills, the Chinese workers were still excluded from development opportunities. And the inconvenience experienced both at work and in daily life made them motivated to learn the foreign language. Greenlandic and English were preferred, while no one showed an interest in learning Danish.

Leadership strategies The second group of workers experienced a change of perspective about leadership. When they first arrived, they were surprised by the equal status and respect shown by factory management. W21 mentioned: The leaders stood there and introduced themselves, and we sat and listened. Afterward, we had dinner together with the factory management. After six months, workers began to be unsatisfied with the overtime work arrangement in the factory and the lack of interest from the management in handling the issue. W31 mentioned after six months: (We were criticized for) wasting the factory manager's time. The manager has no obligation to care whether the workers feel (the overtime allocation) is fair or not.

Stress management The lack of communication channels and unsatisfactory allocation of overtime work made some workers show signals of burnout. W31 mentioned: It is hard to adjust my mode, and I feel depressed. My children are still young back in China, and when my parents complained about taking care of children, I became very depressed. When I worked in Japan, the work itself was tough, but the atmosphere was nice. When something happened, there was someone available to help us fix it. The work arrangement was fair.

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W34 also mentioned: We were criticized for working in a bad mode. Basically, you won’t get emotional because of work. You won’t lose your temper easily when you are not tired. People only get emotional when they are unhappy.

Discussion To summarize, the workplace at the Maniitsoq fish factory did not fully match Allport's (1954) good interaction characteristics, according to Chinese workers. On the other hand, contacts between Chinese laborers and local workers were often described as friendly. Employees also displayed a "U-curve" process of attitude transmission. Chinese workers had a favorable attitude toward their work and the local workers at first, but their attitude deteriorated with time due to a lack of positive contact variables in the workplace. They gradually learned to adapt to their surroundings over time. Management support was shown to be critical in establishing positive interactions between Chinese labor and local workers. A more inclusive and harmonious work environment developed when management actively supported and encouraged interactions and collaboration among employees from diverse backgrounds, as well as actively dealing with conflicts. This not only helped to strengthen relationships between Chinese workers and local workers but also contributed to overall job satisfaction and productivity within the organization. The short-term perspective of Chinese workers has a significant impact on their expectations for a positive working environment. Due to their limited language skills and communication channels, it is challenging for management to understand them, and they frequently miss advancement opportunities. A short-term perspective encourages Chinese workers to prioritize immediate gratification over long-term aspirations for a positive work environment. A positive organization was more frequently associated with factors like work allocation that have a direct correlation to short-term gains. As a result, for Chinese workers, leadership and corporate governance became the primary areas of focus, while individual qualities and other areas linked to long-term perspectives were largely ignored. Consequently, Chinese workers may overlook the importance of personal growth and development, and this imbalance in priorities may hinder the overall growth and sustainability of the organization eventually. Conflicts are difficult to avoid in a multicultural setting, and factors such as conflict management, leadership strategies, and stress management were frequently mentioned, particularly by the second group of Chinese workers. Without proper conflict resolution skills and strong leadership, the organization may face increased turnover rates and decreased productivity, ultimately impacting its long-term success. Additionally, stress management techniques can help Chinese workers cope with the challenges of working in a multicultural setting, promoting their overall well-being and job satisfaction. Open communication and respect should be the foundations of the working relationship between management and employees. This can create a positive workplace where employees feel heard and respected. Furthermore, regular feedback methods like performance reviews can improve the relationship between employees and management by encouraging responsibility and openness. Effective management requires acknowledging and addressing employees' concerns, addressing their needs, and treating them as equals. Furthermore, international workers need a supportive social network to help them deal with life's obstacles.

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Positive contacts and an inclusive environment can also foster the de-categorization process. Because they were a unique group residing in a tiny town, the Chinese workers were more easily identified as "Chinese" than as individuals. and the misbehavior of a single Chinese worker could lead to a negative attitude toward the whole group of Chinese workers. By encouraging personal connections and fostering understanding between individuals from diverse groups, it becomes easier to address conflicts on an individual level rather than attributing them to the entire group. Maniitsoq shares many characteristics with other small Arctic societies, such as Longyearbyen and Svalbard. Both are on the coast, and since there are no roads connecting them to other networks, most transportation is by air or sea. Furthermore, population sizes are constrained (de Witt et al., 2021). We can read about Filipinos and Thais who live on Svalbard (Sokolickova, 2022) or work in fish factories in Icelandic cities (Bissat, 2013; Skaptadóttir, 2010, 2019). However, there are few accounts about Chinese workers in Maniitsoq that can be compared. The findings revealed unique challenges faced by Chinese workers in terms of positive contact and positive organizational behavior, highlighting the importance of further research in understanding the dynamics of diverse work environments in isolated regions. Arctic regions are known for their harsh weather conditions and remote locations, which can pose significant challenges for such regions to attract workers from diverse cultural backgrounds. Therefore, studying Chinese workers experiences in Arctic regions like Maniitsoq can provide valuable insights into the complexities of multicultural interactions. The study's limitations included a lack of translation and coding comparison. Due to time and resource constraints, the study was unable to involve other scholars in the translation and coding process. Although the author followed guidelines from established research and examined the translations and codes several times to reflect the highest level of accuracy possible, the absence of a second opinion may have introduced some bias or errors in the results. To improve the reliability of the study, further research could consider comparing samples from different Arctic regions and conducting longitudinal research to track the long-term effects of multicultural interactions in Arctic regions. Additionally, a broader range of data collection methods could benefit the study by allowing for a variety of analytical angles. Incorporating mixed methods, such as quantitative data or focus groups, could provide deeper insights into the experiences and perspectives of positive work environments.

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Cheung R.K.H. (2014). “An ethnographic case study on transformation of a social welfare agency into a positive organization”. [Doctoral dissertation, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University]. theses.lib.polyu.edu.hk Cheung R.K.H. (2015) “Positive workplaces in Hon Kong: Building positive organizations, engaging the heart of employees”. In Lopez S.J., Pedrotti J.T. & Snyders C.R. (Eds.), Positive psychology: The scientific and practical explorations of human strengths (pp. 450–453). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Cox, T. H., & Blake, S. (1991). Managing cultural diversity: Implications for organizational competitiveness. Academy of Management Perspectives, 5(3), 45-56. de Witt, M., Stefánsson, H., Valfells, Á., & Larsen, J. N. (2021). Availability and Feasibility of Renewable Resources for Electricity Generation in the Arctic: The Cases of Longyearbyen, Maniitsoq, and Kotzebue. Sustainability, 13(16), 8708. Dybbroe, S. (2008). Is the Arctic really urbanising?. Études/Inuit/Studies, 32(1), 13-32. Fredrickson, B. L., & Losada, M. F. (2005). Positive affect and the complex dynamics of human flourishing. American psychologist, 60(7), 678. Gerring, J. (2004). What is a case study and what is it good for?. American political science review, 98(2), 341-354. Gioia, D. A., Corley, K. G., & Hamilton, A. L. (2013). Seeking qualitative rigor in inductive research: Notes on the Gioia methodology. Organizational research methods, 16(1), 15-31. Grønlands Erhverv (2022). Mangel på arbejdskraft, 2022. https://sulisitsisut.gl/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/2022-12-27-mangel-paa-arbejdskraft-4.pdf Heleniak, T. (2018). From Migrants to Workers: International migration trends in the Nordic countries. Stockholm: NORDREGIO Kristensen (2022, august 27). Chefredaktøren anbefaler: Rekordlav ledighed – rekordhøj indvandring fra Asien. Sermitsiaq. https://sermitsiaq.ag/node/239193. Lambert, J. (2016). Cultural diversity as a mechanism for innovation: Workplace diversity and the absorptive capacity framework. Journal of Organizational Culture, Communications and Conflict Volume 20, Number 1, 2016, 68-77 Laurence, J., Schmid, K., & Hewstone, M. (2018). Ethnic diversity, inter-group attitudes and countervailing pathways of positive and negative inter-group contact: An analysis across workplaces and neighbourhoods. Social indicators research, 136, 719-749. Patrick, H. A., & Kumar, V. R. (2012). Managing workplace diversity: Issues and challenges. Sage Open, 2(2), 2158244012444615.

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Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2006). A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. Journal of personality and social psychology, 90(5), 751. Skaptadóttir, U. D. (2019). Transnational practices and migrant capital: The case of Filipino women in Iceland. Social Inclusion, 7(4): 211–220. DOI: https://doi. org/10.17645/si.v7i4.2320 Skaptadóttir, U. D. (2010). Integration and transnational practices of Filipinos in Iceland. eMigrinter, 5: 35–46. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/e-migrinter.2041 Sokolickova, Z. (2022). The golden opportunity? Migration to Svalbard from Thailand and the Philippines. Nordic Journal of Migration Research, 12(3). doi:10.1017/S0032247422000213 Spencer-Rodgers, J., & McGovern, T. (2002). Attitudes toward the culturally different: The role of intercultural communication barriers, affective responses, consensual stereotypes, and perceived threat. International journal of intercultural relations, 26(6), 609-631. Statistics Greenland (2023). Population by Citizenship 1977-2023 [BEEST6]. https://bank.stat.gl/pxweb/en/Greenland/Greenland__BE__BE01__BE0125/BEXST 6.px/ Wenström, S., Uusiautti, S., & Määttä, K. (2018). How does the PRIDE theory describe leadership and organisation that enhances vocational education teachers’(VET) enthusiasm? An analysis of enthusiastic Finnish VET-teachers’ perceptions. European Journal of Workplace Innovation, 4(1), 79-94. Wilder, D. A. (1986). Social categorization: Implications for creation and reduction of intergroup bias. Advances in experimental social psychology Vol. 19, pp. 291-355). Williams, T. A., & Shepherd, D. A. (2016). Building resilience or providing sustenance: Different paths of emergent ventures in the aftermath of the Haiti earthquake. Academy of Management Journal, 59(6), 2069-2102. Yousfi, H. (2014). Rethinking hybridity in postcolonial contexts: What changes and what persists? The Tunisian case of Poulina’s managers. Organization studies, 35(3), 393-421.

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The Food (In)Security Issue Across Indigenous Communities in the Russian Arctic: Economic, Social, and Environmental Aspects

Gao Tianming & Vasilii Erokhin

The livelihoods and prosperity of Indigenous Peoples substantially depend on the quality of local ecosystems and biodiversity. Indigenous communities are particularly vulnerable to the detrimental effects of climate change. At the same time, Indigenous Peoples have extensive historical knowledge about the possibilities of responsible and environmentally friendly use of local resources, which allows them not only live in severe conditions, but also adapt to climate change. However, as the changes in the way of living have accelerated under the influence of progressing economic exploration and development of the Arctic, the adaption is becoming increasingly harder. Establishing food security is exacerbated by the cross-influence of climatic, environmental, economic, social, and cultural transformations that Indigenous communities are experiencing. In the cases of nine territories in the Russian Arctic, the chapter conceptualizes an approach to assessing the level of food and nutritional security with the differentiation of environmental, economic, and social factors that affect the security-related parameters in Indigenous communities. The authors make recommendations on how to improve food security of Indigenous Peoples, mitigate adverse effects of food insecurity on public health, boost self-sufficiency in food, and promote the use of traditional foods and related products in diets.

Introduction Food security is an important component of the national economic security of both a country as a whole and a particular territory. In accordance with the policy documents of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) (FAO, 1996, 2009, 2015, 2023), this concept is used to characterize the state of the national and global food market and it is interpreted as conditions under which people at any time have physical, social, and economic access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food that meets the needs and preferences of their diets for an active and healthy life (FAO, 2009). Food Security Doctrine of the Russian Federation (President of the Russian Federation, 2010, 2020a) recognizes food independence, physical availability, economic Gao Tianming, Ph.D., Professor, School of Economics and Management, Director and Chief Expert at the Arctic Blue Economy Research Center, Harbin Engineering University, China Vasilii Erokhin, Ph.D., Associate Professor, School of Economics and Management, Research Fellow at the Arctic Blue Economy Research Center, Harbin Engineering University, China


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accessibility, and safety of food among integral elements of food security. Achieving the food security status of a particular community implies ensuring the following conditions: •

providing people with food and agricultural products according to scientifically based standards without prejudice to the competitiveness of the domestic food market and the economic security issues;

protection of people from low-quality food products (both domestic and imported), provided on the basis of quality control on the set of parameters;

continuous improvement of nutrition standards, especially in ecologically unfavorable regions, and promotion of healthy food and agricultural products;

establishment of food banks and reserves of food and agricultural products for their use in case of extreme situations (natural disasters, lean years, civil tensions, or any other emergencies that disrupt food supply chains).

A set of policy documents declares the priority status of the food security agenda in Russia (President of the Russian Federation, 2020a; Government of the Russian Federation, 2020b). Nevertheless, certain aspects of the food insecurity problem are becoming increasingly acute for Russia, especially in the context of recent COVID-19 outbreak and the international sanctions regime. Russia is self-sufficient in most of the staples, including wheat, poultry, beef, fish, vegetable oil, and sugar (Wegren & Elvestad, 2018; Ahrens & Galiev, 2021; Götz et al., 2022). Meeting Russia’s national food self-sufficiency targets in quantitative terms, domestic agricultural sector fails to secure supply of sufficient volume of qualitative foods in accordance with international standards of adequate and healthy nutrition - a situation of food insecurity (Ivanov, 2015; Erokhin, 2017; Ivanov & Ivanova, 2017). The unevenness of the sufficiency-insecurity dilemma across Russia highlights the relevance of addressing food security dimensions not only at the federal level, but also in individual entities and territories. The going regional approach is particularly vital in the Arctic zone of Russia due to the substantial gaps in the standards of living between urban and rural dwellers and Indigenous peoples (especially, nomadic communities) (Andronov et al., 2020). The significance of this distinction is consistent with the FAO Policy on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (FAO, 2015), which reports that about 15% of Indigenous Peoples worldwide live below the poverty line. It postulates that the protection of life support systems and specialized knowledge possessed by Indigenous Peoples may both reverse the erosion of Indigenous cultures and offer new solutions to the food insecurity and malnutrition problems, as well as contribute to global efforts on fighting poverty and environmental degradation (FAO, 2015). However, the issues of the quality of life and food security across Indigenous communities in the Russian Arctic remain underexplored (Poppel, 2014). Food security and sovereignty of Indigenous Peoples are based on the preservation of traditional types of nutrition. It is a key element of the culture and economy of Indigenous communities in the Arctic, as well as an effective means of preventing health issues and adapting to the Arctic environment (healthy benefits specific to the Arctic climate). According to Andronov et al. (2018), a traditional diet is one in which the portion of traditional foods (venison, local fresh river fish, etc.) exceeds 60%. Under-consumption of traditional animal and fish products may result in an increase in a number of health-related risks, such as the increased incidence rates of cardiovascular The Food (In)Security Issue Across Indigenous Communities in the Russian Arctic


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diseases, chronic bronchitis, and metabolic disorders; decrease in adaptive body functions; transformation and erosion of traditional lifestyle; increased dependence on imported food (marketed products, junk food); decrease in quality of life and related demographic issues in the Arctic. As evidenced by FAO (2015), the food insecurity threat to Indigenous communities could be more severe than that to non-Indigenous ones due to the lower standards of living and higher dependence of Indigenous Peoples living in remote territories on a narrower assortment of imported marketed products. Progressing climate change and related environmental transformations in the Arctic, economic and industrial development of traditional Indigenous habitats, and radical shifts in food consumption patterns and the entire way of life of Indigenous Peoples are becoming decisive factors of food insecurity (Dudarev et al., 2013; Erokhin, 2019a, 2019b; Shishaev et al., 2020; Ruiga et al., 2021). Combating the problem requires the development of a methodological approach to improving the sustainability of the traditional economy of Indigenous Peoples, its adaptation to the changing conditions of the Arctic environment, and ensuring an adequate response to the major challenges to social and economic development of the Arctic. When developing specific approaches to addressing the food security issues across Indigenous communities in the Arctic, one should take into account its specific features, including low selfsufficiency in staples due to limited capacities of domestic agricultural production in the Arctic climate and the dependence of food supply on imports from outside (inner territories or other countries); small number of rural population and poor provision of agricultural resources; poor development of local agricultural facilities and rural infrastructure; lack of stable links with the areas of food production outside the Arctic zone; focal settlements and seasonal food delivery to remote territories (Ivanov & Ivanova, 2017). The FAO's data on food security issues in the Russian Arctic are based mainly on the data collected at the regional level, not individual territories included in the Arctic zone of the country. Therefore, the data may not adequately reflect the real differentiation and degree of food security problems in urban and rural areas and in nomadic Indigenous communities. Regardless of particular location or way of life, diverse communities of Indigenous Peoples inhabiting the Russian Arctic region substantially depend on traditional food in their diets. Therefore, the issues of their food security and food sovereignty should be studied at the territorial level, taking into account not only economic factors of food supply, but also social, cultural, and environmental dimensions of food security. In this chapter, the authors make an attempt to systematize Russia’s approach to ensuring food security of the Indigenous Peoples at the national level, as well as to explore regional specifics of the food security agenda across nine territories of the Russian Arctic. The study conceptualizes an approach to assessing the level of food and nutritional security with the differentiation of environmental, economic, and social factors that affect the security-related parameters in Indigenous communities.

Food Security of Arctic Indigenous Communities: Background and Narratives Reindeer herding, hunting, and fishing have historically been considered crucial activities for the survival of Indigenous Peoples in the Russian Arctic. The intensification of exploration of natural resources in the Arctic zone of Russia along with the industrial exploration of vast territories in the Yamal Peninsula, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), and Chukotka and Nenets autonomous districts (including traditional Indigenous habitats) have triggered a significant increase in the population,

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mainly urban, aggravated anthropogenic pressure on the environment, and compromised food and nutrition security status of Indigenous communities (Gao & Erokhin, 2020a). The above narratives are addressed in the literature in four main directions: degradation of traditional habitats (not only those of animals, birds, and fish, but also people), contamination of food sources (pastures, water), climate change, and food-borne diseases and related public health issues in Indigenous communities (Gladun et al., 2021; Andronov et al., 2021; Stimmelmayr & Sheffield, 2022). Until recently, most studies in the sphere of food security in the Russian Arctic focused mainly on small and geographically remote Indigenous communities, such as Nenets in the Nenets Autonomous District and Arkhangelsk Oblast (Murashko & Dallmann, 2011; Lobanova et al., 2013; Andronov et al., 2021), Selkup in Krasnoyarsk Krai (Stepanova, 2020), Khant and Mansi in the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District and the Komi Republic (Ivanov & Ivanova, 2017; Bogdanova et al., 2020), Evenk and Even in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) (Robbek et al., 2015; Petrova, 2018), and Chukchi and Yupik in the Chukotka Autonomous District (Kozlov et al., 2007; Vate & Davydova, 2018; Davydova, 2019). However, approaches to assessing the level of security varied significantly due to different interpretations of food security parameters (Trotsuk et al., 2018). Thus, Gao (2017) and Ivolga (2014) focused on the sustainable development of rural areas in the High North as one of the solutions to the food insecurity problem. Ilinova and Dmitrieva (2016) and Savenkov (2018) considered environmental aspects of sustainable development of Indigenous communities and traditional economic activities. Rodnina (2022) and Ruiga et al. (2021) investigated perspectives of agricultural production across sectors and areas. Among major threats to security, Ivanov and Ivanova (2017) and Hiyama and Takakura (2018) highlighted the declining self-sufficiency of small settlements in food, growing dependence on food supplies from outside (in many cases, junk food of poor quality and nutritional value, but at high prices), as well as the degradation of water and biological resources in most of the territories within the Arctic zone of Russia. Against the background of aggravating food insecurity problems, Kondrashev et al. (2016) and Zimmermann et al. (2023) noted the urgent need to considerably improve self-sufficiency of Indigenous communities with food, preferably traditional foods (food availability and food safety parameters of food security). Ragulina (2018) developed the concept of food deserts through the lens of the food security narrative in Indigenous communities in the Arctic. The concept emerged in the 1990s to reflect significant violations of key parameters of food security (physical availability, economic affordability, and quality of food) and correlate them with specific territorial issues (Cummins, 2014; Battersby, 2019; Jin & Lu, 2021; Sisk et al., 2023). In general, those communities that inhabit food deserts are characterized by social disadvantages manifested in underemployment and critical role of state support and food aid programs in supporting the food security status of the population (Alviola et al., 2013). Access to food (adequate volume and quality) in such territories is complicated by macroeconomic and social factors, as well as cultural patterns of traditional way of life of Indigenous communities (Lebel et al., 2016; Davies et al., 2017). Initially, food deserts were seen as inherent in urban communities across developed and developing countries, since it was assumed that the products of rural households could compensate for the lack of access to food in cities (Beulac et al., 2009). According to Lebel et al. (2016) and Ragulina (2018), peculiarities of economic transformations in the Russian Arctic along with territorial imbalances of the current economic landscape make it possible to apply the concept of a food desert to Arctic Indigenous communities.

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Economic, social, and environmental parameters of food security vary significantly across Indigenous communities in the Arctic (Russian Arctic, Alaska, Arctic Canada, Northern Europe) (Plisetskii & Plisetskii, 2019). Nevertheless, the latter have at least one thing in common, which is a lack of domestic supply of food (physical availability) and over-dependence on food supply from outside. Consequently, two categories of food sources are distinguished: traditional food (domestic) and marketed food (imported). Traditional and non-traditional foods complement each other in diets: when one category decreases, the other increases. Cyclical fluctuations in diets are adaptive, since traditional nutrition is associated with the use of local habitats (herding, hunting, fishing, gathering) and seasonal fluctuations of particular foods in diets. The products of hunting, fishing, gathering, and reindeer husbandry come as a result of the exploitation of functionally different lands within the economic area of a community. The seizure of lands in traditional Indigenous habitats or deterioration of quality of lands due to industrial development act in two ways. First, a gap that emerges in the annual food cycle is to be compensated by an increase in the portion of marketed foods in diets. Changing diets due to an increase in the proportion of nontraditional foods causes metabolic disorders and a variety of public health issues in Indigenous communities (Kuhnlein et al., 2004; Young et al., 2000). Second, not only the lands of certain categories (associated with certain types of traditional economic activities), but also management practices with utilitarian and cultural-symbolic content are withdrawn from the turnover. According to Willows (2005), preference for traditional foods is not only the receipt of food, but also a method of production that supports social relations and distinctive cultural characteristics. This vision corresponds with the FAO’s interpretation of sustainable food systems as those ensuring the availability and equitable access to safe and nutritious foods and providing access to diverse, culturally appropriate, and sustainably produced foods on a consistent basis (High Level Panel of Experts on Food Security and Nutrition, 2020). The consumption of traditional foods is the end point of a number of culturally significant processes involved in the collection, processing, distribution, and preparation of food products. Food aid networks, food sharing practices, and distribution of commercial food products merge into a single complex of economic adaptation to the natural environment and contemporary economic and social circumstances. At the same time, the distance from the transport networks and the high cost of transport services compromise physical availability and economic affordability of food across remote territories in the Russian Arctic.

Indigenous Peoples in the Russian Arctic Russia’s legislation defines Indigenous Peoples of the Arctic, Siberia, and the Far East as those living in the territories of the traditional residence of their ancestors, preserving the traditional way of life, economic activities, and crafts, numbering less than fifty-thousand people, and identifying themselves as independent ethnic communities (President of the Russian Federation, 2000). The approved lists of places of traditional residence and types of traditional economic activities of Indigenous Peoples include 28 administrative entities - many more than territories of nine regions that make up the Arctic zone of Russia (Government of the Russian Federation, 2009). Thus, the territories of ancestral residence (places of traditional residence and traditional economic activity) of Indigenous Peoples go far beyond the Arctic zone of the country. The list of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East of Russia includes forty positions (Government of the Russian Federation, 2006), the largest being Nenets, Evenk, and Khant (Table 1).

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Some Indigenous Peoples lead a nomadic or semi-nomadic life associated with traditional types of nature management, such as reindeer husbandry, hunting, fishing, marine hunting, and gathering. The majority are settled residents living in urban areas or rural settlements. According to Tishkov et al. (2016) and Hossain et al. (2021), about twenty thousand people roam year-round or seasonally (about a quarter of the total number of Indigenous Peoples in the Russian Arctic). About 60% of the nomadic population in the Russian Arctic is concentrated in the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District. Table 1. Largest Indigenous communities in the Russian Arctic: territories and population, descending order Indigenous Peoples

Territories

Population, 2021 Census, people

Nenets

Arkhangelsk Oblast, Komi Republic, Krasnoyarsk Krai, Nenets Autonomous District, Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District

49,787

Evenk

Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)

39,420

Khant

Komi Republic, Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District

31,600

Even

Chukotka Autonomous District, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)

19,975

Chukchi

Chukotka Autonomous District, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)

16,228

Mansi

Komi Republic

12,308

Dolgan

Krasnoyarsk Krai, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)

8,182

Koryak

Chukotka Autonomous District

7,498

Vepsians

Republic of Karelia

4,687

Selkup

Krasnoyarsk Krai, Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District

3,491

Itelmen

Chukotka Autonomous District

2,622

Eskimo

Chukotka Autonomous District

1,659

Saami

Murmansk Oblast

1,550

Yukagir

Chukotka Autonomous District, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)

1,183

Ket

Krasnoyarsk Krai

1,096

Chuvan

Chukotka Autonomous District

903

Nganasan

Krasnoyarsk Krai

693

Chulym

Krasnoyarsk Krai

382

Enets

Krasnoyarsk Krai

203

Kerek

Chukotka Autonomous District

23

Source: Authors’ development

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Legal Framework Federal Level Contemporary food security policies in Russia were formed in the 2000s. In 2010, Russia released its Food Security Doctrine (President of the Russian Federation, 2010). It defined food security as the state of the economy, which ensures the country's food independence, guarantees physical and economic accessibility for all of food products that meet the requirements of Russia’s legislation on technical regulation, in volumes not less than the rational norms of food intake required for an active and healthy lifestyle. Food security was differentiated from food independence, a stable domestic production of food and agricultural products in volumes not less than the established threshold shares of domestic production in the supply of corresponding food products on the domestic market. A decade later, certain provisions of the Doctrine 2010 were revised and formalized in the Food Security Doctrine of the Russian Federation 2020 (President of the Russian Federation, 2020a). Four principal novelties apply: •

Food security is defined as a condition in which food independence is ensured and physical and economic availability of products for all is guaranteed in the amounts required for an active and healthy lifestyle.

Food independence is defined as the self-sufficiency threshold calculated as the ratio of domestic production to domestic consumption. Thus, the self-sufficiency thresholds for meat and meat products and fish and fish products are established at above 85%. The Doctrine 2010 assessed food security through the criterion of the specific weight of products in the total volume of commodity resources of the domestic market, taking into account rolling stocks.

The list of potential risks and threats to food security has been expanded. There are risks of reducing the fertility of agricultural lands due to their irrational use, veterinary, phytosanitary, and epidemiological risks. Social threats have also been considered, such as a falling attractiveness of the rural lifestyle.

Achieving self-sufficiency is postulated as a priority goal of the development of the entire food security system.

Neither the Food Security Doctrine 2020, not the Action Plan (Government of the Russian Federation, 2020b) sufficiently reflect the territorial specifics of the food security agenda. Both documents describe the general principles of achieving food self-sufficiency, food independence, and food security at the national level, without delving into the differences in approaches to ensuring FAO’s four dimensions of food security across the country's macro-regions. Similarly, national strategies for the development of the Arctic and programs to ensure economic development and security of the Arctic zone of Russia fail to pay adequate attention to food security issues in circumpolar communities, not to mention the food security specifics in Indigenous communities. The State Policy of the Russian Federation in the Arctic till 2035 (President of the Russian Federation, 2020b) emphasizes the following tasks in the sphere of development of agricultural activities in the Arctic zone of Russia:

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stimulating local production of agricultural raw materials and food;

preservation and development of traditional economic activities and crafts that contribute to improving the employment opportunities (including self-employment) in Indigenous communities;

ensuring access of Indigenous Peoples to natural resources required for pursuing their traditional way of life and carrying out traditional economic activities;

creating conditions for increasing the efficiency of the development and exploitation of aquatic biological resources, stimulating the production of value-added fish products and the development of aquaculture.

The mechanisms for implementing the above tasks remain unclear. Strategy for the Development of the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation and Endurance of National Security till 2035 (President of the Russian Federation, 2020c) only mentions the need to develop and implement a program of state support for traditional economic activities of Indigenous Peoples. It also notes the creation of a network of trade and logistics centers to facilitate supplies of staples and essential goods to remote settlements. State Program of Social and Economic Development of the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation (Government of the Russian Federation, 2021) does not refer to food security. It only designates goals of state policy in the Arctic, among which is improving the quality of life of Arctic residents, including Indigenous Peoples. But the State Program 2021 highlights the role of individual territories included in the Arctic zone of Russia in achieving the goals of the program and ensuring the development of a system of benefits for regional and local taxes and non-tax preferences for Arctic residents. Thus, additional powers and additional responsibilities emerge for regional administrations in the sphere of ensuring food security in local communities. Regional Level The Arctic Zone of Russia includes nine territories (President of the Russian Federation, 2014). Four of them are located within the zone (Murmansk Oblast and Chukotka, Nenets, and YamalNenets autonomous districts), while the remaining five are partially included in it. They are Arkhangelsk Oblast (Arctic territories include Arkhangelsk, Mezensky, Novaya Zemlya, Novodvinsk, Onezhsky, Primorsky, and Severodvinsk municipal districts), the Komi Republic (Vorkuta municipal district), Krasnoyarsk Krai (Norilsk city, Taymyr Dolgan-Nenets municipal district, and Turukhansky district), the Republic of Karelia (Belomorsky, Loukhsky, and Kemsky municipal districts), and the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) (Abyisky, Allaikhovsky, Anabarsky, Bulunsky, Eveno-Bytantaisky, Momsky, Nizhnekolymsky, Oleneksky, Srednekolymsky, UstYansky, Verkhnekolymsky, Verkhoyansky, and Zhigansky districts). The total area of the Russian Arctic is 4.8 million km2 (28% of the country's territory).

Arkhangelsk Oblast The system of legislation of Arkhangelsk Oblast pays little attention to the food supply and nutrition issues in Indigenous communities. Regional Strategy of State National Policy in Arkhangelsk Oblast till 2025 addresses general aspects of the development of the public administration system in the sphere of interethnic relations without specifying the Indigenous issues (Government of Arkhangelsk Oblast, 2014). Among directions of the Regional Assistance

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Project, Strategy of Social and Economic Development of Arkhangelsk Oblast till 2035 provides for the promotion of the development of folk crafts, increasing the level of adaptation of traditional economic activities of Indigenous Peoples to contemporary economic environment, and ensuring the protection of habitat and traditional way of life in Indigenous communities (Assembly of Deputies of Arkhangelsk Oblast, 2019). Due to the high level of urbanization and the density of settlements and transport infrastructure in Arkhangelsk Oblast, the vast majority of Indigenous Peoples are deeply integrated into the regular economic system of the region. Therefore, the government sees no rationale in highlighting the Indigenous-related narratives in the economic and social development agenda.

Chukotka Autonomous District In Chukotka, the development of traditional economic activities of Indigenous Peoples is considered a strategic line of economic development (Government of Chukotka Autonomous District, 2014). The traditional branches are reindeer husbandry, which provides up to 50% of the needs of Chukotka residents in meat products, and sea hunting, which provides the needs of Indigenous Peoples in coastal territories in meat of marine animals. The development of other types of agricultural activities is restricted by climate conditions of the region. That means that apart from traditional foods, all other food and agricultural products are supplied from outside. The Northern Delivery is a set of measures and financial mechanisms for the regular and uninterrupted supply of remote territories in the Russian Arctic with essential goods (primarily, food and petroleum products). Since the supply of local communities with food critically relies on imports, physical availability of staples and their economic accessibility are vital components of the food security status of Indigenous Peoples. According to the Strategy of Social and Economic Development of Chukotka Autonomous District till 2030 (Government of Chukotka Autonomous District, 2014), the first component of food security (physical availability) is to be improved by increasing the volume of domestic production of local foods. The district government aims to increase reindeer livestock to 153.2 thousand head of cattle by 2030, which will ensure the gain in output of meat in slaughter weight up to 411.2 tons. In the sea-hunting sector, the government prioritizes the development of processing facilities to add value to processed fish products and meat of marine animals. In terms of economic availability of staples, the Concept of Sustainable Development of Indigenous Peoples 2009-2025 (Government of Chukotka Autonomous District, 2009) provides for the expansion of transport and logistics services and assistance in the development of markets for traditional foods and related products; support for small and mediumsized businesses of Indigenous Peoples aimed at improving the efficiency of traditional economic activities, including financial support of entrepreneurs; establishment of portable transshipment bases for storing and distributing of food products; simplified procedure for obtaining licenses for hunting by Indigenous Peoples in places of traditional habitat and traditional economic activity; creation of workshops for primary and deep processing of reindeer meat and related products.

Komi Republic According to the Strategy of Social and Economic Development of the Komi Republic till 2035, the development of the region in the long term is considered in several contexts, including through economic development of rural areas and traditional forms of environmental management of Indigenous Peoples (Government of the Komi Republic, 2019). The Republic largely depends on food supplies from outside (the food self-insufficiency status). The share of the domestic

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production in food supply on the domestic market is 54.5% for eggs, 36.2% for meat and meat products, 25.5% for milk and dairy products, and only 19.6% for vegetables. To improve the food security status of the territory, the Strategy prioritises the increase in output in the local agricultural sector, increase in the competitiveness of domestic farmers, and ensuring the financial stability of agricultural producers. Measures to improve the level of food security of Indigenous Peoples include the preservation of reindeer husbandry as a traditional economic activity and an integral element of lifestyle and culture of Indigenous Peoples. The Plan on Implementation of the Concept of Sustainable Development of Indigenous Peoples 2017-2025 implies the establishment and development of intermediate bases (storage and distribution points) along the routes of reindeer herders' nomads, provision of social guarantees and compensations to reindeer herders, and provision of land plots from state or municipal ownership for free use to Indigenous Peoples for carrying out their economic activities (Government of the Komi Republic, 2017). The Strategy of Social and Economic Development specifically encourages the development of livestock breeding and commercial aquaculture. It is expected that by 2035, the level of self-sufficiency of the Komi Republic will improve up to 35.3% for milk and dairy products, 38.0% for vegetables, 47.7% for meat and meat products, 61.4% for eggs, and 100.0% for potatoes (Government of the Komi Republic, 2019).

Krasnoyarsk Krai The number of Indigenous Peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai exceeds 16,000 people, of which about 3.5 thousand people are engaged in traditional economic activities, such as reindeer husbandry, fishing, commercial hunting, and gathering. Monitoring and recording of the reindeer livestock, pastures, and reindeer farms are conducted in order to preserve and further develop reindeer husbandry in the conditions of intensive industrial development in the North of Krasnoyarsk Krai (Government of Krasnoyarsk Krai, 2017). Commercial hunting is typical for the Taimyr DolganNenets municipal district, which is home to the world's largest population of wild reindeer (over 400.000 head of cattle). In Turukhansk district and the Evenki municipal district, Indigenous Peoples are engaged in hunting fur animals. A distinctive feature of the legislation of Krasnoyarsk Krai is a merge of the territorial, economic, and social development agendas of Indigenous communities. In February 2023, the regional government released the revised Strategy of Social and Economic Development of Northern and Arctic Territories and Support of Indigenous Peoples in Krasnoyarsk Krai till 2030 (Government of Krasnoyarsk Krai, 2023). Among priorities of agricultural development of the region are greenhouse farming, cattle breeding, reindeer husbandry, and processing of local natural and wildlife resources (fish, game, venison, wild plants) and imported raw materials (bread and bakery). Innovative approaches to increasing the volume of agricultural production include the development of infrastructure for the primary processing of agricultural products, hunting, and fishing (including the use of mobile processing complexes and mobile slaughter complexes in the reindeer sector), as well as the development of deep processing of venison and wild plants to obtain medicinal raw materials and biologically active additives. Special attention is paid to ensuring healthy nutrition of people of all age groups, education and training of people on healthy nutrition, development and implementation of the Arctic Diet that compensates for the adverse factors of extreme climate and landscape of the Far North.

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Murmansk Oblast Among the priorities of the state agrarian policy of Murmansk Oblast, the Strategy of Social and Economic Development of Murmansk Oblast till 2020 and for the Period until 2025 highlights the supply of high-quality agricultural products and locally produced food to the market, including through the development of the reindeer sector (the self-sufficiency approach to ensuring food security) (Government of Murmansk Oblast, 2013). To improve the well-being of Indigenous communities, the Strategy provides for stimulating the production of premium products from venison. According to the Regional Program of Social and Economic Development of Murmansk Oblast, low level of development of traditional economic activities and underemployment of Indigenous Peoples hinder the prospects for economic and social development of the region (Governor of Murmansk Oblast, 2014). The Program emphasizes the necessity of creating conditions for ensuring economic accessibility and physical availability of essential food products based on rational norms of food intake for vulnerable populations. One of the measures for the development of the fisheries sector is the improvement of the organization of traditional fishing of Indigenous Peoples. The Action Plan for the Implementation of the Concept of Sustainable Development of Indigenous Peoples in Murmansk Oblast in 2016-2025 (Government of Murmansk Oblast, 2017) includes such measures as the provision of aquatic biological resources for fishing to Indigenous Peoples (Saami), the implementation of state support for the domestic reindeer husbandry, and the provision of subsidies to improve the material and technical base of Indigenous communities.

Nenets Autonomous District The share of agriculture in the gross regional product of the Nenets Autonomous District is only 0.5%, but the sector provides employment for 4% of population. For Indigenous Peoples, agricultural activities are currently the main source of life support. According to the Strategy of Social and Economic Development of Nenets Autonomous District till 2030, agriculture and processing of agricultural products are included in the list of priority sectors of the regional development (Assembly of Deputies of Nenets Autonomous District, 2019). Reindeer husbandry is the main economic activity across Indigenous communities, the vital source of livelihood, and the basis of food security. The development of the reindeer sector aims at the formation and maintenance of expanded reproduction of domestic reindeer, the development of a system of harvesting, processing, and sale of related products to preserve the ancestral habitat and traditional way of life of Indigenous Peoples. Such a goal is achieved by improving the quality of domestic reindeer livestock, increasing the productivity of the sector, developing deep processing of reindeer products, organizing training and retraining of specialists for reindeer husbandry, as well as providing targeted assistance aimed at developing and modernizing the infrastructure of reindeer herders, harvesters, processors, and distribution networks. Fishing is much less developed than reindeer husbandry. In this sector, the government strives to increase fishing of aquatic biological resources and the degree of processing of fishery products. Harvesting and processing of berries, mushrooms, and medicinal plants has a significant potential for generating additional income for Indigenous Peoples. Hundreds of species of edible berries, medicinal herbs, and mushrooms grow in the Nenets District. However, neither the regional government nor the municipal administrations have elaborated any mechanisms of state support for Indigenous Peoples in those sectors.

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Republic of Karelia The climate of Karelia is relatively mild compared to other territories of the Arctic zone of Russia, which makes it possible to cultivate certain crops native to the non-chernozem zone. However, since the region is located in a zone of risky agriculture, the dairy sector, meat farming, and fishing are more developed compared to crop production. Similar to the system of legislation of the neighboring Arkhangelsk Oblast, neither the Strategy of Social and Economic Development of the Republic of Karelia till 2030 (Government of the Republic of Karelia, 2018) nor the Individual Program of Social and Economic Development of the Republic of Karelia for 2020-2024 (Government of the Russian Federation, 2020a) focus on the role of Indigenous communities and traditional agricultural activities in the development of the agricultural complex and the achievement of food security. Only the Action Plan for the Implementation of the Concept of Sustainable Development of Indigenous Peoples in the Republic of Karelia in 2021-2025 (Government of the Republic of Karelia, 2021) details the measures in the sphere of development of Indigenous communities. Among them are the development of territories of traditional use of natural resources of local significance in Vepsian communities (Prionezhsk municipal district), enforcing the exercise of rights of Indigenous Peoples to fishing and hunting in order to ensure the conduct of a traditional lifestyle and the carrying out of traditional economic activities, as well as the provision of federal budget funds to support economic and social development of Indigenous communities.

Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) In the Arctic zone of Yakutia, 49 settlements (70% of the total number of settlements in the Republic) are classified as places of residence of Indigenous Peoples, including Evenk, Even, Dolgan, Yukagir, and Chukchi. As stated in the Strategy of Social and Economic Development of the Arctic Zone of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) till 2035 (Head of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), 2020), the ensurance of food and nutrition security of Indigenous communities is severely challenged by harsh climate conditions (the physical availability component) and lower standards of living in rural areas compared to urban territories (the economic accessibility component). Centralized food delivery (the Northern Delivery system) plays a critical role in supporting the food security status of Indigenous communities. According to the updated State Program “Development of the Arctic Zone of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) and Indigenous Peoples in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)” (Government of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), 2022), to facilitate food supplies, the government provides subsidies for the transportation of agricultural and commercial products, raw materials, feed, and seeds. Subsidies are also provided for the delivery of essential food products by air and water. The development of the reindeer sector includes the introduction of advanced technologies for grazing; optimization of herd sizes with due account for reindeer capacity and pasture turnover; modernization of the material and technical base of reindeer husbandry (construction of corrals, fences, purchase of all-terrain and snowmobile vehicles); transition to industrial reindeer husbandry; provision of comprehensive protection in reindeer husbandry (introduction of electronic certification of reindeer herds, herd guarding and grazing monitoring in order to minimize losses of animals from predators and exclude grazing in contaminated areas, carrying out systematic health checks and veterinary support). In the fishing sector, the main tasks are to increase the volume of catch of low-value fish species and to involve remote lake areas of the Yana, Indigirka, and Kolyma river basins in economic development, as

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well as carrying out measures for the artificial reproduction of aquatic biological resources in order to restore fish stocks of the main commercial fish species. The development and implementation of state and municipal programs in the sphere of sustainable development of Indigenous Peoples is facilitated by the Concept of Sustainable Development of Indigenous Peoples in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) till 2035 (Government of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), 2021).

Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District The district is home to over 49.000 Indigenous Peoples, including Nenets (72% of the total number of Indigenous Peoples), Khant (24%), and Selkup (4%). More than 18.000 people (5,420 families) pursue a traditional way of life. Traditional economic activities are reindeer herding, fishing, and caged-animal farming. The depletion of reindeer pastures, climate change, and industrial exploration of traditional habitats distort traditional life patterns of Indigenous communities. There emerge families with few reindeer cattle or without reindeer cattle at all. The transition to a settled lifestyle is hampered by a poor integration of Indigenous Peoples into the economic, cultural, and social environment of the district. According to the Strategy of Social and Economic Development of Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District till 2035 (Legislative Assembly of the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District, 2021), the preservation and development of the traditional way of life and economic activities and crafts of Indigenous Peoples represent "an absolute priority” of the development policy in the region. At the same time, the Strategy does not detail the specifics of improving the food security status of Indigenous communities. Instead, it emphasizes the need to develop dairy and meat cattle breeding, poultry farming, and crop production by providing support to farmers (dairy, meat (cattle, pigs, horses, poultry), vegetables (open ground and greenhouses), wild plants, herbs). Thus, the Strategy is too attentive to the physical availability component of food security, while the economic accessibility of adequate diets remains undervalued. The increase in domestic agricultural output is to be achieved by the development of the reindeer sector (optimization of structure of herds in reindeer enterprises, processing of reindeer products, modernization of slaughter and refrigeration complexes and their certification) and fishing (development of new fishing areas, new tools and methods of fishing, organization and modernization of processing plants in the East of the district, releases of fish of valuable species, such as whitefish, to the Ob and Taz rivers). Indirectly, economic aspects of food security are addressed in the State Program on Preservation and Sustainable Development of Indigenous Peoples in the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District through improving the level of economic and social well-being of Indigenous Peoples (support for the minimum material security of families according to the regional standard, at least 4,500 families annually) (Government of the YamalNenets Autonomous District, 2021).

Food Security Dimensions In most of the interpretations, measuring food security involves employing quantitative methods of assessment and modeling. The issues related to assessing the food security and nutrition statuses of Arctic Indigenous communities can hardly be addressed without using qualitative methods. Food sharing, food intake, procurement of traditional foods and agricultural products cover FAO’s four dimensions of food security, namely: availability, accessibility, utilization, and stability of food supply. However, in relation to Arctic Indigenous communities, the commonly applied interpretations of food security parameters need certain adjustments. As evidenced by the Inuit Circumpolar Council (2012), Duhaime and Bernard (2008), and Nuttall and Callaghan (2019), Tianming & Erokhin


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critical food security issues across Indigenous communities in the Arctic include high prices of food products, economic vulnerability of Indigenous Peoples, falling consumption of products derived from local Arctic flora and fauna, spiking energy prices, and the adverse effects of climate change on traditional habitats. Along with all those threats to the food security status of Indigenous Peoples, promoting traditional activities in the reindeer sector, fishing, hunting, and gathering is fundamentally important for both the livelihood of Indigenous communities and the preservation of their culture. According to the concept of food sovereignty, traditional food is interpreted as sacred thing and an element of connection with the nature. Thus, the system of food supply and nutrition based on local foods not only provides people with necessary nutrients, but also ensures the preservation of ecosystems and traditions of Indigenous Peoples. Such an interpretation of food security is significantly broader than the mere availability of food in a certain amount or the economic accessibility of basic foodstuffs. This study pursues FAO’s approach to interpreting food security as physical, social, and economic access to food (FAO, 2009). Consequently, the food security parameters are divided into three groups to reflect the three dimensions, i.e., the availability of food, its economic accessibility to all Arctic residents, and the stability of food supplies (Table 2). Due to the lack of reliable data on the nutrition components of food security across Indigenous communities in the Russian Arctic, the authors omitted the FAO’s utillization pillar of food security. In country-level studies, national average data or territory-average data could be used to reflect the ability to utilize food to support human health. For the community-level studies in the Russian Arctic, however, the data on food safety and the occurrence of food-borne diseases is fragmented and inhomogeneous. This limitation of the study is further addressed in the Conclusion. Table 2. Parameters of food security in the Russian Arctic Dimensions

Availability

Access

Stability

Parameters

Units

Intake of meat products, per capita

Scale 0

1

2

kg/year

<63

63-77

>77

Intake of dairy products, per capita

kg/year

<324

324-396

>396

Intake of vegetables, per capita

kg/year

<133

133-147

>147

Intake of bread, per capita

kg/year

<114

114-126

>126

Intake of fish and marine mammals, per capita

kg/year

<7.5

7.5-9.2

>9.2

Share of traditional food in diets

%

<50

-

>50

Share of food expenditures in total household’s expenditures

%

>34

28-34

<28

Share of population living below a minimum subsistence level

%

>13

11-13

<11

Share of households with a hunter, a herder, or a fisherman in a family

%

<50

-

>50

Number of days in a year when food delivery is disrupted due to weather conditions

days/year

>60

30-60

<30

Number of safety net programs

number

0

-

≥1

Number of food aid programs

number

0

-

≥1

Source: Authors’ development based on Erokhin (2019a, 2019b) and Gao and Erokhin (2020a)

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The scale for assessing the food security status of individual territories is based on the standards of healthy nutrition of the World Health Organization and the relevant international and national thresholds for each indicator (World Health Organization, 2023; Ministry of Health of the Russian Federation, 2016; Eganyan, 2013; Dudarev et al., 2013). The achievement of the food security threshold scores 1 (100% of the standard). A value below 90% of the threshold may signal a threat to security (0 points), while that above 110% of the threshold is considered a high level of security (2 points). The final score for each of the measurements is defined as the sum of the scores of individual parameters. In accordance with the obtained values, the food security status of a territory is determined (by food security dimension and the total) (Table 3). Table 3. Food security scores Dimensions

Food security thresholds Extreme insecurity

Insecurity

Security

Reliable security

Availability

0.0 – 2.9

3.0 – 5.9

6.0 – 9.9

10.0 – 12.0

Access

0.0 – 0.9

1.0 – 2.9

3.0 – 4.9

5.0 – 6.0

Stability

0.0 – 1.9

2.0 – 3.9

4.0 – 5.9

6.0

Total

0.0 – 5.9

6.0 – 12.9

13.0 –20.9

21.0 – 24.0

Source: Authors’ development based on Erokhin (2019a, 2019b) and Gao and Erokhin (2020a)

This scale is applied to the territories of the Arctic zone of Russia. In order to capture the diversity of food consumption patterns, the influence of anthropogenic factors on food systems, and the environmental parameters of food production, the territories are grouped into four categories: •

Type 1: predominantly urban agglomerations with a substantial share of imported marketed foods in diets (Arkhangelsk Oblast, Komi Republic, Murmansk Oblast, Republic of Karelia).

Type 2: predominantly industrialized territories with high level of environmental pollution (Krasnoyarsk Krai, Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District).

Type 3: territories with the developed reindeer sector and a substantial share of meat in traditional Indigenous diets (Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)).

Type 4: territories with a substantial share of fish and fish products in traditional Indigenous diets (Chukotka Autonomous District, Nenets Autonomous District).

The study demonstrates that most of the Arctic territories of Russia fail to secure the credible levels of availability, accessibility, and stability of food supply (Table 4). Only the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District demonstrates security on the accessibility and stability thresholds due to a high per capita income and a low proportion of population living below the poverty line.

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Table 4. Food security scores per territories Food security scores /thresholds Type

1

2

3

4

Territory

Availability

Accessibility

Overall food security status Stability

Score

Threshold

Score

Threshold

Score

Threshold

Score

Threshold

Arkhangelsk Oblast

2.6

Extreme insecurity

0.8

Extreme insecurity

4.0

Security

7.4

Insecurity

Komi Republic

2.4

Extreme insecurity

0.9

Extreme insecurity

2.6

Insecurity

5.9

Extreme insecurity

Murmansk Oblast

3.1

Insecurity

1.7

Insecurity

4.0

Security

8.8

Insecurity

Republic of Karelia

3.4

Insecurity

1.1

Insecurity

4.2

Security

8.7

Insecurity

Krasnoyarsk Krai

4.9

Insecurity

2.2

Insecurity

3.6

Insecurity

10.7

Insecurity

Yamal-Nenets Autonomous District

3.7

Insecurity

3.8

Security

5.8

Security

13.3

Security

Republic of Sakha (Yakutia)

6.0

Security

2.2

Insecurity

2.0

Insecurity

10.2

Insecurity

Chukotka Autonomous District

4.0

Insecurity

3.5

Security

2.0

Insecurity

9.5

Insecurity

Nenets Autonomous District

3.0

Insecurity

5.3

Reliable security

4.0

Security

12.3

Insecurity

Source: Authors’ development based on Erokhin (2019a, 2019b) and Gao and Erokhin (2020a)

In Type 1 territories, diet is predominantly based on marketed foods (under-consumption of meat, dairy products, and vegetables compared to the national standards of adequate nutrition). The share of traditional foods in diet is rather low. In type 2 territories, higher pollution levels due to the industrial development of natural resources on the Yamal Peninsula and the north of Krasnoyarsk Krai exert a negative impact on the quality of traditional food sources – reindeer pastures, soil, and water resources. In such territories, improving the safety parameters of diets is inseparable from importing food products from outside. However, the economic accessibility of marketed products would be lower compared to domestic foods. With a decrease in economic accessibility of foods, diets become less diversified. Dietary patterns change by shifting from higher-nutrient products to lower-quality substances and carbohydrates (Kuhnlein et al., 2004; Lambden et al., 2006; Gao & Erokhin, 2020a). Therefore, balancing the safety and accessibility parameters of food security is of particular importance for local administrations. In Type 3 and Type 4 territories, diets contain a large portion of traditional foods, such as venison, fish, and seafood. For the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), the intake of meat and meat products per capita is the highest among Arctic territories of Russia. The food security status of Indigenous The Food (In)Security Issue Across Indigenous Communities in the Russian Arctic


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communities, however, is threatened by the remoteness and low transport accessibility of the Arctic territories of the Republic. Diets are poorly diversified (under-consumption of vegetables, bread, dairy products). Like Yakutia, Chukotka and the Nenets District demonstrate high levels of consumption of traditional foods. In more than 80% of households in Chukotka and in 65% of households in the Nenets Autonomous District, people are engaged in hunting and fishing. Still, the problems of non-diversified diets and under-consumption of vegetables and other products are acute, especially in Chukotka. Due to the high cost of delivery, the economic availability of foods in the Chukotka Autonomous District is significantly lower compared to that in other territories of the Russian Arctic. Imported products are commonly of low quality, frozen, with a high content of preservatives and food additives to increase their shelf life. Physical Availability Apart from the climatic conditions and low diversification of the agricultural sector (over-reliance on reindeer husbandry, fishing, and hunting), immediate threats to ensuring the resilient availability of essential foods in the Russian Arctic include the irreplaceable retirement of production funds, declining performance of agricultural and processing enterprises, degradation of soils and pastures, stagnation of the seed and breeding systems, and the low level of innovative development of the agricultural sector. The above factors radically degrade the foundations of the availability pillar of food security in Ingenious communities. Russia’s Food Security Doctrine (President of the Russian Federation, 2020a) defines physical availability of food as the level of development of the distribution infrastructure, in which residents in all territories of the country are able to purchase food products or get meals in volumes and assortment that meet the recommended rational consumption threshold. In relation to this study, the key aspect in the above definition is that physical availability of food should not vary considerably between territories (Ivolga, 2014). Nevertheless, the inequality in the level of physical availability of essential foods between territories of the Russian Arctic is quite notable. The establishment of a reliable food supply system in the Arctic zone of Russia requires addressing a set of technical, technological, organizational, social, and economic issues, such as the optimization of locations and specializations of the agricultural sector in particular territories and rational combination of domestic production with import of food products, seeds, and feed. The State Policy of the Russian Federation in the Arctic till 2035 emphasizes a need to create a system of state support for the delivery of food products and essential goods across the Arctic zone in order to ensure their physical accessibility for Arctic residents (President of the Russian Federation, 2020b). The development of the Northern Delivery system should be accompanied by the establishment of a system of food bases. As far as possible, they should be located near large settlements and be connected with other territories of the Arctic zone and the rest of the country by land, water, and air. Such bases would not be able to fully meet the population's need for food on a regular basis, but they can serve as temporary insurance in case of a break in supply chains due to climatic or other force majeure circumstances. Also, by linking food bases with agricultural enterprises and farms, local administrations would be able to form stocks of not only imported staples, but also vegetables, meat, and dairy products. However, stable provision of high-quality foods to Indigenous communities is impossible without developing food market infrastructure and coordinating activities of various economic entities in regional, sectoral, and institutional aspects. The participation of the state is necessary, since the development of market infrastructure requires

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substantial investment with an exceptionally long period of return (transport infrastructure of the Northern Delivery, construction of the branch railway to Yakutsk, development of the Northern Sea Route) (Erokhin et al., 2022). The stability of food supply chains can also be improved by establishing foreign economic and trade links (Erokhin et al., 2019). For the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) and the Chukotka Autonomous District, imports from markets in Asia could be less expensive compared to supplies from Central Russia (especially in the format of special zones of border trade in Magadan and Nakhodka). Cooperation with Northeastern provinces of China (Heilongjiang, Jilin, Liaoning) is promising in not only physical supply of food, but also breeding of new varieties of crops, livestock, poultry, and fish and joint development of natural resources and lands (Gao, 2017). As China’s Arctic Policy 2018 states, “China takes part in the development and utilization of Arctic resources on the condition of respecting the traditions and cultures of the Arctic residents including Indigenous peoples, preserving their unique lifestyles and values, and respecting the efforts made by the Arctic States to empower the local citizens, foster their social and economic progress, and improve education and medical services, so that the Arctic residents, including Indigenous Peoples, will truly benefit from the development of Arctic resources” (State Council of the People’s Republic of China, 2018). Economic Accessibility According to the Russia’s Food Security Doctrine 2020 (President of the Russian Federation, 2020a), economic accessibility of food is the capacity of purchasing food products of adequate quality at current prices in volumes and assortment that meet the recommended rational consumption threshold. Logistics costs increase prices of imported foods, such as potatoes, vegetables, canned foods, cheese, sausages, confectionery, etc. by at least 2.5-3 times compared to the average price level in non-Arctic territories of the country. The demand for locally produced meat and dairy products, dietary eggs, vegetables, potatoes, and other foods demonstrates the rationale for the development of local agricultural production. In terms of their nutritional parameters, local products, including traditional foods, are more suitable for Arctic residents. Consequently, the production of food locally (with the exception of territories where it is impossible due to the climate) is a more appropriate way of improving the economic accessibility of at least certain categories of essential foods in the High North compared to importing of a wide range of food and agricultural products. The food supply system of the Russian Arctic territories should proceed from the emerging new concept of regulating the number and structure of the population of the Far North. Along with preserving the traditional way of life and economic activities of Indigenous Peoples, it involves alleviating pressure on the domestic food market and food prices by controlling immigration to the region (particularly, workers employed in industrial projects). A law providing for an increase in the living standards, guaranteeing minimum subsistence, and providing supply of essential foods to Indigenous Peoples across territories of the Russian Arctic is particularly needed. Since the 1990s, many of traditional industries have been declining. The reindeer livestock has more than halved, while the production of fish and furs has dropped even more radically. Given the critical importance of reindeer herding and fishing for the preservation of the Indigenous way of life, developing the system of targeted state support of these sectors at both the federal level and the

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regional level in the Russian Arctic is imperative for improving economic accessibility of essential foods in Indigenous communities. Environment and Public Health Climate change is exerting a major impact on Arctic ecosystems (Hiyama & Takakura, 2018). The increase in the average annual temperature in the Arctic is nearly four times higher than the global average (Rantanen et al., 2022). Climate-related processes have both positive and negative effects on the livelihoods and health of Indigenous peoples in the Russian Arctic, primarily on the food security status of Indigenous communities (Gao & Erokhin, 2020b). An increase in water temperature in the rivers of the Arctic zone along with an increase in the length of the off-season period may result in higher frequency of episodes of mass death of fish due to a lack of oxygen in organic-enriched water (Gao et al., 2021). As evidenced by Mozaffarian and Rimm (2006), Tong et al. (2019), and United Nations Nutrition Secretariat. (2021), sufficient consumption of fish and marine fish species contributes to reducing blood pressure, lowering cholesterol levels, and improving cardiovascular function. Fish tissues are rich in the essential elements, such as Se, Cu, and Zn and may significantly improve the nutritional intake by Indigenous Arctic people (Sobolev et al., 2019), while a decrease in the proportion of fish in diets may trigger a number of health issues in Indigenous communities (Erokhin, 2019a, 2019b; Gao & Erokhin, 2020a). The lengthening of the off-season periods and higher summer temperatures contribute to the trampling and degradation of deer pastures. More frequent extreme weather events, such as winter thaws and rains, late spring with an icy infusion, strong and prolonged heat create the threat of mass deaths of reindeer and the related lack of venison in Indigenous diets. The latter increases incidence rates in respiratory diseases, overweight, and hypertension, because meat, blood, and liver of reindeer are all irreplaceable components of Indigenous diets and elements of adaptation of Indigenous Peoples to the Arctic climate and environment. Another damaging consequence of climate change is the accumulation of persistent toxic substances in Arctic ecosystems (Nuttall & Callaghan, 2019). Accumulation of organic toxic agents in food chains, slow destruction of toxic elements in cold Arctic climate, high concentrations of heavy metals in soil, lichens, fish, and animals lead to a high toxic load on ecosystems across the Russian Arctic. Nutrition patterns shift to predominantly carbohydrate type of diet with a lack of animal proteins (Gao & Erokhin, 2020a). The intake of nutritionally valuable products, such as dairy products, vegetables, and fruits, has decreased across the Russian Arctic territories down to 50% of the national average (Andronov et al., 2021). A poor-quality diet has long been associated with increasing obesity, diabetes, and glucose intolerance in Indigenous communities (Murphy et al., 1995). Due to the shortages of milk and dairy products, vegetables, and fruits, there is a shift of macronutrients in diets towards carbohydrates (an abundance of sugar, confectioneries, bread, pasta, cereals) and, therefore, a lack of almost all types of vitamins, mineral nutrients, and contamination of food by pesticides, metals, antibiotics, nitrates, and biological agents. Kuhnlein et al. (2004) and Lambden et al. (2006) considered traditional food as critical for providing essential nutrients in balanced diets in Indigenous communities. However, due to climate change and environmental pollution, traditional food is becoming a less obvious solution to public health issues in the Arctic. Concentrations of some chemicals of emerging concern are increasing in air and wildlife, indicating their potential for bioaccumulation and biomagnification, including in food webs (Inuit Circumpolar Council, 2012). Climate change acts through alteration of food

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web pathways for contaminants (McKinney et al., 2013), while pollution increases the risk of disease transfer from animals to humans as marine and terrestrial wildlife is consumed in by Indigenous Peoples, often raw and inadequately frozen (Jenssen et al., 2015). At the same time, climate change also brings new opportunities (Panait et al., 2019), such as the development of vegetable growing, greenhouse farming, and dairy farming in areas where those types of agricultural activities were unprofitable or impossible due to the climate conditions. Local crop production and animal husbandry may largely enrich diets and make a positive contribution to health. However, the influence of climate change on the change in the fodder base for reindeer husbandry may be ambiguous. On the one hand, longer seasons without snow and higher temperatures during the growing season increase productivity of plants and crops, which improves forage supply in the reindeer sector (Tømmervik & Forbes, 2020; Kelsey et al., 2021). On the other hand, the increasing drying of vegetation communities and ecosystems as a result of higher evaporation due to higher air temperature (Sandvik & Odland, 2014) result in dehydration and trampling loss of lichen (Heggenes et al., 2020) and more frequent tundra fires (Vachula et al., 2022). Society and Culture In addition to its availability, accessibility, and nutritional parameters, traditional food is a cultural symbol of ethnic and local identity. Social pressures from the outside, such as the Westernization of traditional diets and lifestyle and growing proportion of marketed food in Indigenous diets are factors contributing to changes in diet patterns, the transition from traditional foods to unbalanced Westernized diets (Gao & Erokhin, 2020a; Gilbert et al., 2021), and the related adverse effects on the public health and adaptive capabilities in Indigenous communities (Andronov et al., 2021). In recent decades, the cultural context of supporting the food security status of Indigenous peoples in the Russian Arctic has been deteriorating due to the degradation of channels for the transfer of traditional knowledge and skills to younger generations. Outmigration, transition to a settled lifestyle, and cultural diffusion have all resulted in loss of traditional knowledge and food production practices. Therefore, it is necessary to pay attention to the analysis and study of knowledge transfer channels, traditional knowledge centers, networks, programs, community centers, northern research centers, as well as organizations capable of integrating traditional and modern scientific knowledge in the sphere of food production and food security. Food security strategies should integrate short-term measures, such as the creation of food supply bases, food sharing networks, and production and purchasing cooperatives, with long-term solutions of the food insecurity problem (legislation and the federal and regional level, standards of adequate and healthy nutrition, economic and social well-being, and protection of rights of Indigenous people). Both multilevel and interdisciplinary approaches are needed (Andronov et al., 2021). Since no single program can entirely eliminate a complexity of food insecurity issues, implementing a set of interrelated measures is required (Zimmermann et al., 2023). For example, educational programs on rational nutrition cannot compensate for the poor availability or accessibility of food. Duhaime and Bernard (2008), Ragulina (2018), and Hossain et al. (2021), among others, suggest that the Westernization of traditional diets in Indigenous communities could be mitigated by promoting the “cultural food security” approach. This implies the ability of Indigenous Peoples to provide reliable access to food through traditional agricultural (rather, lifestyle) practices. The parameters of cultural food security include knowledge on various aspects of food , nutrition, and

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safety that have been established across Indigenous communities for centuries. The food security status of Indigenous communities in the Russian Arctic is threatened by a number of culturerelated factors, including restricted access to traditional lands and habitats, disrupted intergenerational transfer of knowledge and values, settled way of life and regular employment instead of traditional economic activities, shift of food consumption patterns towards unified diets with low portion of traditional foods, and ageing of family members who can engage in traditional Indigenous activities, such as hunting and fishing (Power, 2008).

Measures to Narrow the Food Insecurity Gaps The diversity of factors affecting the parameters of food security and adequate nutrition in the Russian Arctic should be considered when drawing up food security programs. Prospective measures should take into account radical differences between territories (types of the Russian Arctic territories emphasized above) in economic, social, environmental, and cultural specifics of food security. In addition to those, differences in diets, consumers, and food security dimensions should be considered (Table 5). Table 5. Measures to improve the food security status per types of Russian Arctic territories Type

1

2

3

4

Dimension

Measure

Anticipated effect

Availability

Development of animal husbandry and fisheries

Increase in the proportion of meat and fish of domestic production in diets

Access

Targeted food subsidies

Increase in real incomes, purchasing power, and effective demand for food

Stabiility

Safety net programs

Higher quality of animal products and vegetables

Availability

Development of animal husbandry and vegetable production

Increase in the proportion of meat, dairy, and vegetables of domestic production in diets

Access

Increasing employment

Increase in households’ income and effective demand for food

Stabiility

Food aid programs

Providing vulnerable populations with basic foodstuffs

Availability

Protected vegetable production

Increase in the proportion of vegetables of domestic production in diets

Access

Targeted programs in reindeer herding, hunting, and fishery

Growing involvement of Indigenous Peoples living in settlements in traditional industries

Stabiility

Establishment of reserves of basic foodstuffs

Uninterrupted operation of food aid programs at the time of disruption of food supply due to weather conditions

Availability

Protected vegetable production

Increase in the proportion of vegetables of domestic production in diets

Access

Targeted food subsidies

Increase in real incomes, purchasing power, and effective demand for food

Stabiility

Establishment of reserves of basic foodstuffs

Uninterrupted operation of food aid programs at the time of disruption of food supply due to weather conditions

Source: Authors’ development

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Since an increase in the intake of basic foodstuffs per capita has a positive impact on food security in all types of territories of the Russian Arctic, appropriate measures should be aimed at ensuring both the physical availability and economic accessibility of such products on the market. In most of the territories of the Arctic zone of Russia, the level of income is rather low. Therefore, promoting food supplies from other regions would only drive food prices up thus depressing the economic accessibility of staples. One of the solutions to the availability and accessibility issues is the development of local production facilities, mainly animal husbandry, aquaculture, and protected vegetable growing. Targeted food aid programs and the establishment of food reserves can contribute to increasing the economic accessibility of essential food and the stability of food supplies. The quality of food must be improved through safe nutrition programs to mitigate adverse effects of unhealthy foods on the public health status of Indigenous communities. The COVID-19 outbreak has sharpened the urgent food insecurity issues and demonstrated the priority of solving food insecurity problems across Indigenous communities in the Russian Arctic (Bogdanova et al., 2020). Lockdowns and related quarantine measures complicated the access of Indigenous Peoples to food, energy resources (fuel), social infrastructure facilities, and slaughter complexes. The pandemic has almost completely restricted the access of Indigenous Peoples to traditional foods, such as reindeer products. Reindeer herders were unable to share foods between neighboring communities, as well as they were restricted to share reindeer products with their relatives living in other territories. The consequences of anti-pandemic measures were aggravated by the underdeveloped food logistics infrastructure in the Russian Arctic. However, the development of logistics infrastructure and the provision of regular food supplies cannot completely solve the food insecurity problem. The food security status of Indigenous communities is to be ensured by the development of traditional formats of food production and consumption. The development and support of traditional economic activities, such as reindeer herding and fishing face the need to overcome a set of hurdles: •

Development of the biotechnologies sector could create the demand for raw reindeer products, as well as for herbs, berries, mushrooms, and other plant raw materials. Reindeer husbandry products include powder, extracts, hydrolysates and dry slides from antlers, blood products, tails, and tendons (Maximov, 2019). They are used as raw materials in the pharmaceutical and cosmetic industries, as well as in the production of certain food products. In addition to producing reindeer products, some of the Indigenous communities would receive an option to switch to gathering (i.e., to embed themselves in alternative value-added chains and diversify their sources of income), continuing to pursue a traditional lifestyle in the tundra.

Support of the conventional reindeer husbandry (production of venison) and integration into interregional and international production and supply chains through the development of the velvet antler industry.

Support of nomadic reindeer husbandry or transition to modern technologies of reindeer feeding and development of corral reindeer husbandry.

Short-term and long-term economic, administrative, and social measures are needed to maintain and improve the food security status of Indigenous peoples in the Arctic zone of Russia. Shortterm ones include the following:

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Organization of a mobile economic and legal advisory service for nomadic reindeer herders in order to support this type of traditional economic activity.

Encouraging cooperative forms of reindeer husbandry and introducing a new state program of subsidies to Indigenous households in order to purchase equipment for small slaughter complexes and mobile refrigerating facilities.

Development of veterinary services and provision of reindeer herders with medicines and other treatment substances and materials for animal care.

Facilitating the access of reindeer herders to energy resources and basic foodstuffs at subsidized prices.

Establishment of mobile slaughterhouses and points of additional feeding of animals along major routes of reindeer migration in the tundra.

Expanding the export potential of reindeer husbandry products such as antlers and reindeer skins, to support food sovereignty of Indigenous Peoples, while focusing public policy efforts on improving the access of Indigenous Peoples to venison as a critical source of valuable trace nutrients required for supporting healthy life in the Arctic environment.

Long-term measures in the sphere of improving the food security status of Indigenous communities in the Russian Arctic could include the following: •

Knowledge transfer and training of Indigenous Peoples in the advanced technologies of processing traditional products (venison, other reindeer products, fish, herbs, etc.) in accordance with bio-production standards and integration of Indigenous Peoples into value chains as producers, intermediaries, processors, and distributors of traditional products.

Subsidizing reindeer herders to purchase energy resources and medicines.

Development of a special preferential tax regime for Indigenous households in the reindeer sector.

Comprehensive annual monitoring of the health status of Indigenous communities across the Russian Arctic (examination of major health parameters of Indigenous Peoples and habitats, nutrition of people and animals, conditions of reindeer pastures, environmental safety parameters of soils, water, air, and food chains).

Addressing contemporary challenges to food security in the Arctic is a prerequisite for improving the food security status of Indigenous Peoples across diverse dimensions of food security through the use of traditional knowledge about biological resources of the Arctic. Exploring innovative ways of using biological resources may provide new income opportunities for Indigenous Peoples, create new jobs, and introduce innovations into traditional economics sectors and traditional lifestyles. A comprehensive solution to the food insecurity and nutrition issues in the Russian Arctic requires combining modern technologies and traditional practices of Indigenous Peoples, i.e., complementing gains in economic performance of traditional industries with improvements in their sustainability. Interdisciplinary studies would link adaptation mechanisms (climate,

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environment), development of functional nutrition products and biologically active additives for all Arctic residents, methods to increase the profitability of using local plant and animal raw materials, methods for obtaining products from previously unused raw materials to expand the range of raw materials procurement and providing year-round employment for Indigenous Peoples.

Conclusion In the Arctic, the food security status of Indigenous communities cannot be administered from the outside as a set of standard solutions since economic, social, ethnic, and cultural specifics of food production and food consumption vary widely across territories (even within territories). Many issues remain underexplored, such as, for example, compensatory mechanisms that help Indigenous communities mitigate the adverse impacts of disrupted availability of staples or inadequate nutritional parameters of marketed foods. A comprehensive approach focused on the convergence of the food security narratives (agricultural production, economic and social access to food, stability of supplies, safety of traditional and marketed foods, environmental parameters of food chains) that will contribute to the development of a more precise regional policy in the sphere of food security of Indigenous Peoples. Food supply of Arctic territories is an important part of the overall strategy of economic and social development of Russia. The specific features of the food security agenda in the Arctic include climatic and environmental conditions that determine a need for increased intake of high-calorie foods, restricted use of huge natural resources of the region in domestic agricultural production, and a reliance of local food chains on supplies of essential food products from other regions of Russia. The nutrition components of food security across Indigenous communities are to be measured by the food utilization parameters omitted in this study due to the lack of data. The poor nutritional quality of many retail foods that are available in the North increases the risk of nutritional deficiencies (Little et al., 2021). Furthermore, the high cost of these foods and the breakdowns of food supply chains can impact households’ food security status, particularly when local foods are not readily available (Kenny et al., 2018). Consequently, the utilization pillar should be assessed with the implementation of food safety indicators which allow measuring the occurrence of foodborne diseases, such as nutritional and metabolic disorders and diseases of the digestive system. In the Arctic, the utilization pillar should capture not only nutrition parameters of food intake, but also a healthy physical environment, including safe drinking water and adequate sanitary facilities. For example, the safety of water resources is a critical component of the aggregated food security score in the Arctic, since waterborne infectious diseases have been reported among Indigenous communities (Nilsson et al., 2013; Daley et al., 2018; Wright et al., 2018). Prospective venues of the food security policy in the Russian Arctic should capture four blocks: food production in traditional sectors (reindeer husbandry, fishing, hunting); farming and animal husbandry based on the use of traditional knowledge and practices adapted to local conditions; industrialized agricultural production where possible due to the climate and the availability of lands (meat and dairy animal husbandry, protected agriculture); and the delivery of food from non-Arctic territories of Russia and from abroad.

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Acknowledgment The study is supported by the Grant of Central Universities of the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China (grant no. 3072022WK0917).

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President of the Russian Federation. (2020a). Decree #20 from January 21, 2020, “On the Approval of the Food Security Doctrine of the Russian Federation”. Retrieved from: http://www.kremlin.ru/acts/bank/45106. President of the Russian Federation. (2020b). Decree #164 from March 5, 2020, “On the Foundations of the State Policy of the Russian Federation in the Arctic till 2035”. Retrieved from: http://www.kremlin.ru/acts/news/62947. President of the Russian Federation. (2020c). Decree #645 from October 26, 2020, “On the Strategy for the Development of the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation and Ensurance of National Security till 2035”. Retrieved from: https://docs.cntd.ru/document/566091182. Rantanen, M., Karpechko, A., Lipponen, A., Nordling, K., Hyvärinen, O., Ruosteenoja, K., Vihma,T., & Laaksonen, A. (2022). The Arctic Has Warmed Nearly Four Times Faster Than the Globe Since 1979. Communications Earth & Environment, 3(1), 168. Ragulina, M. (2018). Cultural Aspects of the Ethnic Economy and Food Security of the Indigenous Peoples of the North: Approaches to Research. The Eurasian Scientific Journal, 4(10), 43. Robbek, N., Barashkova, A., Reshetnikov, A., Rumyantseva, T., & Savvin, R. (2015). The Role of Venison in Nutrition of the North Natives. Agrarian Bulletin of the Urals, 139(9), 25-31. Rodnina, N. (2022). On Food Security of the Northern and Arctic Regions of Russia (Using the Example of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science, 988(3), 042052. Ruiga, I., Kovzunova, E., Bugaeva, S., Ovchinnikovva, I., & Sivtsova, E. (2021). Assessment of Food Security in the Regions of the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation. IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science, 848, 012194. Sandvik, S.M., & Odland, A. (2014). Changes in Alpine Snowbed-Wetland Vegetation Over Three Decades in Northern Norway. Nordic Journal of Botany, 32, 377-384. Savenkov, A. (2018). The Arctic: Legal Aspects of Cooperation and Sustainable Development. Proceedings of the Institute of State and Law of the RAS, 13(1), 22-42. Shishaev, M., Kasparyan, Z., & Lomov, P. (2020). Food Security Management in the Western Russian Arctic Zone: Current Status and Information Support Issues. In K. Hossain, L.M. Nilsson, & T.M. Herrmann (Eds.), Food Security in the High North (pp. 137-158). London: Routledge. Sisk, A., Rappazzo, K., Luben, T., & Fefferman, N. (2023). Connecting People to Food: A Network Approach to Alleviating Food Deserts. Journal of Transport and Health, 31, 101627. Sobolev, N., Aksenov, A., Sorokina, T., Chashchin, V., Ellingsen, D., Nieboer, E., Varakina, Y., Veselkina, E., Kotsur, D., & Thomassen, Y. (2019). Essential and Non-Essential Trace Elements in Fish Consumed by Indigenous Peoples of the European Russian Arctic. Environmental Pollution, 253, 966-973. State Council of the People’s Republic of China. (2018). China’s Arctic Policy. The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China. Beijing: The State Council of the People’s Republic of China.

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Stepanova, O. (2020). Traditional Food of the Northern Selkupes and the Formation of a New Ethnicity. Bulletin of Bryansk State University, 3, 121-130. Stimmelmayr, R., & Sheffield, G. (2022). Traditional Conservation Methods and Food Habits in the Arctic. In M. Tryland (Ed.), Arctic One Health (pp. 469-501). Springer, Cham. Tishkov, V., Kolomiets, O., Martynova, E., Novikova, N., Pivneva, E., & Terekhina, A. (2016). Russian Arctic: Indigenous Peoples and Industrial Development. Moscow, Saint Petersburg: Nestor History. Tømmervik, H., & Forbes, B. (2020). Focus on Recent, Present and Future Arctic and Boreal Productivity and Biomass Changes. Environmental Research Letters, 15(8), 080201. Tong, T.Y.N, Appleby, P.N., Bradbury, K.E., Perez-Cornago, A., Travis, R.C., Clarke, R., & Key, T.J. (2019). Risks of Ischaemic Heart Disease and Stroke in Meat Eaters, Fish Eaters, and Vegetarians over 18 Years of Follow-up: Results from the Prospective EPIC-Oxford Study. BMJ, 366, l4897. Trotsuk, I., Nikulin, A., & Wegren, S. (2018). Interpretations and Dimensions of Food Security in Contemporary Russia: Discursive and Real Contradictions. Mir Rossii, 27(1), 34-64. United Nations Nutrition Secretariat. (2021). The Role of Aquatic Foods in Sustainable Healthy Diets. Rome: FAO. Vachula, R., Liang, J., Sae-Lim, J., & Xie, H. (2022). Ignition Frequency and Climate controlled Alaskan Tundra Fires During the Common Era. Quaternary Science Reviews, 280, 107418. Vate, V., & Davydova, E. (2018). Food, Emotions and Social Relations among the Amguema Chukchi. Kunstkamera, 2018, 2, 119-126. Wegren, S.K., & Elvestad, C. (2018). Russia’s Food Self-Sufficency and Food Security: An Assessment. Post-Communist Economies, 30(5), 565-587. Willows, N.D. (2005). Determinants of Healthy Eating in Aboriginal Peoples in Canada: The Current State of Knowledge and Research Gaps. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 96(Suppl. 3), S36-S41. World Health Organization. (2023). International Classification of Diseases. Retrieved from: https://www.who.int/standards/classifications/classification-of-diseases. Wright, C., Sargeant, J., Edge, V., Ford, J., Farahbakhsh, K., RICG, Shiwak, I., Flowers, C., IHACC Research Team, & Harper, S. (2018). Water Quality and Health in Northern Canada: Stored Drinking Water and Acute Gastrointestinal Illness in Labrador Inuit. Environmental Science and Pollution Research, 25, 32975-32987. Young, T.K., Reading, J., Elias, B., & O’Neil, J.D. (2000). Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus in Canada’s First Nations: Status of an Epidemic in Progress. Canadian Medical Association Journal, 163(5), 561-566. Zimmermann, S., Dermody, B.J., Theunissen, B., Wassen, M., Divine, L., Padula, V., von Wehrden, H., & Dorresteijn, I. (2023). A Leverage Points Perspective on Arctic Indigenous Food Systems Research: A Systematic Review. Sustainability Science, 18, 1481-1500.

Tianming & Erokhin


Commentary

The Ainu language and Indigenous psychological well-being in Hokkaido, northern Japan

Seira Duncan

The Indigenous Ainu who once lived in northern Japan and the Russian Far East now live primarily in Hokkaido, Japan’s northernmost prefecture. Over the years, many Ainu hid their Indigenous identity both from Japanese society and in some cases their own children (see e.g., NHK News, 2023). To this day, many with Ainu ancestry are unaware of their indigeneity. Despite the existence of linguistic resources such as language courses and radio stations, there are now only two native Ainu speakers in the world(Endangered Languages Project, n.d.). The Ainu language is a language isolate (that is, it has no known genealogical link with any other language) and can be divided into Hokkaido, Sakhalin and Kuril Ainu, the latter two of which are now extinct (Dal Corso, 2022: 3). Yet, language revitalisation is associated with a heightened sense of self-worth and community; ‘it is no surprise that people who have access to their language have improved mental health, lower suicide rates, and lower rates of substance abuse than do comparison groups in similar communities who do not use their language’ (Grenoble, 2021: 17-19). The Ainu language traditionally has no alphabet and is often written using the Latin or Japanese alphabets (Hokkaido Government, n.d.). Primary school students in Japan learn the first two of the three Japanese alphabets – hiragana and katakana – prior to memorising a few thousand Chinese-based kanji by adulthood. In contrast to hiragana and katakana which are phonetic, a single kanji can house multiple context-dependent meanings. While close to eighty percent of place names in Hokkaido are said to be derived from Ainu, the language is a rare sight in the streets of Hokkaido; place names are usually written using kanji which often do not accurately represent their phonetics. Ateji is a ‘phonological representation of Japanese words using kanji’ (Sato 2018: 314) and the kanji for Wakkanai (the northernmost settlement in Japan) are 稚内 (technically waka nai) which come from the Ainu words wakka (drinking water) and nai (river). In Japanese, 稚 (waka, itokena or chi) means young and 内 (nai, dai, nou, dou, uchi or i) interior, neither of which reflects the Ainu

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meanings. Similarly, 倶知安 (technically ku-chi-an) near the prefectural capital Sapporo is pronounced kutchan. In these ways, many place names in Hokkaido are learned on a case-by-case basis and are notoriously difficult to read even for native Japanese-speakers. Language and psychological well-being Founded in 1997 by Elder Shirō Kayano, The Ainu Times is the only newspaper in Japan that publishes entirely in the Ainu language. Kayano now works as a Director at the Kayano Shigeru Nibutani Ainu Museum in Hokkaido (in the town of Nibutani, approximately seven in ten residents have Ainu ancestry). He and his late father Shigeru made significant contributions in terms of Ainu language revitalisation and, in Shirō’s mind, Ainu should be an official language in Japan (Kayano, 2023). Research shows that ‘public recognition of an ancestral language can have a very positive effect on Indigenous well-being’ (Walsh, 2018: 8) and, in addition to spoken Ainu (e.g., announcements on public transport), the potential of linguistic landscapes, or a ‘displayed language in a particular space’ (Carr, 2022) needs to be taken into account. A study on the use of languages in the Saami museum Siida in northern Finland highlighted museums’ capacity to ‘reinforce’ or ‘challenge’ linguistic hierarchies already prevalent in society (Kelly-Homes & Pietikäinen, 2016: 37). A case in point is the size or placement of the Ainu language in relation to other displayed languages such as Japanese and English. Linguist Gorter and colleagues (2020: 179) found that, in addition to raising language awareness, ‘the languages on display in public spaces can be an important resource for language learning and teaching’. This is particularly encouraging given that the few Ainu who are interested in the language ‘are from relatively affluent backgrounds’ (Tahara, 2009). Would such a democratisation of oral and written Ainu incentivise residents to learn the language? As Shirō comments, residents need to see the language as necessary or beneficial to their daily lives and feel motivated to learn it (Kayano, 2023). According to a study on whether linguistic landscapes influence one’s happiness, ‘there is indeed a connection between individuals’ sense of happiness and the presence of one’s language in their environment’ although it very much depends on ‘individuals’ own experiences, the perceived position of language groups within the society in question, and the way signs reference these experiences and social positions’ (Malloy, 2022: 101). Such observations also call into question the psychological implications of seemingly commodified uses of the Ainu language in touristic areas (especially if its employment is limited to such locations). Importantly, introducing the Ainu language to Hokkaido’s landscape may yield other benefits – for instance, research suggests that when non-Indigenous people learn an Indigenous language, there is ‘a reduction in racism’ (Walsh, 2018: 10). Looking forward It was evident through my interview with Kayano that while exchange opportunities among Ainu and Māori communities in New Zealand exist, the Ainu and their Indigenous counterparts in other regions of the Arctic have little to no communication despite climatic and historical similarities. Additionally, there is a paucity of research on the connections among linguistic landscapes and psychological well-being among Ainu communities. It is therefore imperative that more studies are conducted to explore the potential psychological benefits – and disadvantages – of an Ainu linguistic landscape. In the same way that increased visibility of the language may encourage Indigenous and non-Indigenous residents alike to learn Ainu, such an exposure may even motivate Ainu currently unaware of their Indigenous roots to research their ancestry and lead to a The Ainu language and Indigenous psychological well-being in Hokkaido, northern Japan


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strengthened sense of community. While it may be challenging to effectuate immediate infrastructural changes, it is worth considering the potential role of linguistic landscapes in their more mobile or local forms ranging from shopping bags to bilingual café menus and pamphlets in the short term.

Acknowledgements I would like to express my sincere gratitude towards Elder Kayano, Yu Yamamoto (Municipal Nibutani Ainu Culture Museum) and Jeff Gayman (Educational Anthropology at Hokkaido University) for their valuable input.

References Carr,

J. (2022, August 30). Linguistic landscapes. Oxford Bibliographies. https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199772810/obo9780199772810-0251.xml

Dal Corso, E. (2022). Materials and methods of analysis for the study of the Ainu language: southern Hokkaido and Sakhalin varieties. Venice University Press. Endangered Languages Project (n.d.) Ainu https://www.endangeredlanguages.com/lang/1212

(Japan).

Retrieved

from

Gorter, D., Cenoz, J., & Worp, K. (2021). The linguistic landscape as a resource for language learning and raising language awareness. Journal of Spanish Language Teaching, 8(2), 161181. Grenoble, L. (2021). Why revitalize? In J. Olko & J. Sallabank (Eds.), Revitalizing endangered languages. Cambridge University Press. Hokkaido Government. (n.d.) アイヌ語とは [What is the Ainu language?]. Retrieved from https://www.pref.hokkaido.lg.jp/ks/ass/new_ainugo.html Kayano, S. (2023). Interview by Seira Duncan. Organised by Y. Yamamoto. Kelly-Holmes, H. & Pietikäinen, S. (2016). Language: a challenging resource in a museum of Sámi culture. Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and Tourism, 16(1), 24-41. Malloy, C. (2022). Does the linguistic landscape influence happiness? Linguistic Landscape, 9(1), 86-106. NHK News (2023, February 17). Ainu work to build a sense of community in urban Japan. Retrieved from https://www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/en/news/backstories/2294/ Sato, E. (2018). Socio-cultural implications of the Japanese multi-scripts. In H. Pae (Ed.), Writing systems, reading processes, and cross-linguistic influences: reflections from the Chinese, Japanese and Korean languages. John Benjamins Publishing. Tahara, K. (2009, October). The saga of the Ainu language. The UNESCO Courier. Retrieved from https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000185911

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Walsh, M. (2018). Language is like food: links between language revitalisation and health and wellbeing. In L. Hinton, L. Huss & G. Roche (Eds.), Routledge Handbook of Language Revitalization. Routledge.

The Ainu language and Indigenous psychological well-being in Hokkaido, northern Japan


Section III: Governance and economy


Inuit Myth and the Remaking of Greenland's Postcolonial Governance

Rikke Østergaard & Javier L. Arnaut

This article examines the conceptualization of nation-building in Greenland, challenging conventional views on sovereignty and suggesting an imminent emergence of an alternate governance model in the Arctic region. Drawing on the decoloniality perspective, we explore the Inuit myth, which suggests a unique connection of the Inuit to the Arctic environment and asserts their status as natural stewards of the region with special rights based on their cultural and political identity. We argue that this understanding of sovereignty has important implications not only for its departure from conventional Western notions of state formation but also for its potential to create alternative governance structures that do not reinforce existing political hegemonies from the “West”. We further analyze how the legacy of colonialism in Greenland has impacted power and gender relations in the region and has fueled a distinctive sense of nationalism that differs from those seen in the West. The article discusses how the Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC) is playing a major role in promoting an alternative political legitimacy model against the conventional approach of nation-building. We note that the ICC depends on the maintenance of political myths which have evolved over time. We conclude by suggesting that conventional perspectives on state formation must be revised to incorporate the historical experiences and knowledge of Indigenous peoples, and that further exploration of alternative governance structures is needed.

1. Introduction This article examines the conceptualization of the Inuit's aspirations or lack thereof regarding state formation in Greenland (Kalaallit Nunaat, in Greenlandic). We present the prevailing perspectives on state formation, contrasting them with an alternative understanding of sovereignty in Greenland. Additionally, we employ decoloniality theoretical perspectives to analyze the Greenlandic case. Specifically, we delve into the discussions surrounding the notion of the "Inuit myth," as outlined by Shadian (2010) and the Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC)1, which posits a unique Inuit connection to the Arctic's natural environment, endowing them with a natural stewardship role over the entire region. Consequently, this characteristic grants them distinctive rights based on their political and cultural identity in the Arctic, thereby constructing a concept of non-state sovereignty or non-Westphalian sovereignty. Rikke Østergaard, Administrative officer, Joint Arctic Command; Javier Arnaut, Associate Professor, University of Greenland - Ilisimatusarfik


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Consequently, our analysis aims to explore the potential divergence of this perspective from conventional interpretations of state formation and sovereignty, specifically within a non-Western framework. By considering the insights offered by decolonial and gender perspectives, we endeavor to enhance our understanding of this alternative conceptualization. The historical legacies of colonialism in Greenland have been studied by various scholars (e.g., Petersen, 1995; Petterson, 2016; Rud, 2017; Arnaut, 2021; Thisted, 2022). As with most colonization experiences in other parts of the world, the extraction of valuable natural resources from the colonies aimed at making the Kingdoms or Empires richer and increase their geopolitical power. However, the Danish colonization experience in Greenland also had an impact on power and gender relations in the territory. These postcolonial impacts affected the existing notion of self-determination in Greenland and heightened a sense of nationalism in a different way than in the western world. The conventional view used to “compensate” postcolonial Indigenous societies (from colonial injustice and material and immaterial dispossession) has been through the idea of promoting selfdetermination though the formation of a nation-state. However, according to Shadian (2010), there are non-state or state-like identities contemplating international recognition that are not based on compensation in the form of a nation-state. Instead, self-determination is accomplished through other ways of political legitimacy. She argues that there is an “Inuit myth” which is a discourse that is not based on a national movement for statehood, or the traditional statehood Westphalian framework. The active role of the Inuit Circumpolar Council (hereafter ICC) in the Arctic is an example of this alternative governance. Shadian (2010: 504) paraphrasing Stenbaek (1985: 9) argues that after all, “the aim of the ICC from its inception according to one ICC member was not for a new country but for a new consciousness”. The ICC depends on its ability to maintain the legitimacy of the political myths which over time have evolved, adapted, and changed into the Arctic myth. Kuokkanen (2019) argues that the current notion of Indigenous self-determination in the Arctic is incomplete because it ignores the concerns and political views of Indigenous women in the Arctic who are the ones that are most vulnerable to colonialism and its legacies due to gendered violence. The discourse on modern state formation encompasses various perspectives, yet one significant aspect, as exposed by Mignolo (2007), often remains overlooked. Mignolo suggests that comprehending the colonial history and the experiences of Indigenous peoples should go beyond a simple understanding of their lives. It necessitates a critical examination of how we perceive their historical agency and their holistic comprehension of reality within the global context. Thus far, mainstream views on state formation have failed to adequately acknowledge the profound insights that can be gathered from Indigenous perspectives. This article is structured as follows: the ensuing section provides a brief overview of key prevalent perspectives on state formation, followed by relevant key concepts in relation to the type of sovereignties in context. The notion of the Inuit myth is presented in section 4, a discussion on Indigenous sovereignty in section 5, followed by a brief analysis of the decolonial approach and its relation to Greenland. The last section concludes.

2. A brief overview of prevalent views on state formation The Inuit myth is a belief system centered around the idea of a special connection between the Inuit and the natural environment of the Arctic. Their perceived role in the Arctic may be viewed as an alternative governance framework, particularly in regions where traditional Indigenous customs and beliefs play a significant role in shaping decision-making and resource management. Inuit Myth and the Remaking of Greenland's Postcolonial Governance


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This highlights the influence of cultural and mythological narratives on governance structures and identities, which can have implications, albeit not inevitably, for state formation. Consequently, it is essential to deconstruct the origins of the concept of state formation, as it is not an inherent or universally applicable notion. State formation is commonly used to describe “the long-term processes that led to the genesis of modern political domination in the form of the territorial sovereign state” (de Guevara and Lottholz, 2015). However, the concept itself may have different meanings given that it is believed that the idea of a state originated in Europe and spread out to other regions because of colonialism. These different meanings arise from a stark contrast between mainstream perspectives, which usually fail to account for the historical experiences of state formation in colonized regions, and their inadequate acknowledgment of the responsibilities by colonizers. Moreover, most of those perspectives neglect to recognize the distinct trajectory pursued by colonialized regions in comparison to Western or imperial states. According to Weber’s definition, a State is “a human community that successfully claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory”. He argued that “a State is that human community which (successfully) lays claims to the monopoly of legitimate physical violence within a certain territory being another of the definition characteristics of the state” (Weber, 2004: 310-311). Weber provided an explanation of the contemporary state as a Herrschaftsverband, which denotes an institutional association of rule. This entity has effectively established a monopoly over physical violence as a means of governing within a specific territory. To accomplish this objective, the state consolidates the material resources necessary for its operation and appropriates the authority previously held by various "estates." Consequently, the state assumes the role of the highest embodiment of power, supplanting these functionaries (Weber, 2004: 316). Weber's argument essentially suggests that the absence of violence as a tool for state enforcement would undermine societal order, potentially giving rise to a state of anarchy. Weber and other prominent thinkers typically refer to the "early" period spanning from the 16th to the 18th century, as well as the "modern" era characterized by the proliferation of colonialism. Charles Tilly, renowned for his seminal work Coercion, Capital, and European States (1990: 5), raises the fundamental question of elucidating the reasons behind "the significant temporal and spatial disparities in the types of states that have prevailed in Europe since AD 990, and the eventual convergence of European states into diverse variants of national states." Tilly argues that state development primarily resulted from the actions of the power elite, who imposed taxes on the common populace in order to finance warfare and territorial conquest. Consequently, he suggests that cities and countries in the 15th-16th century were primarily established as defensive entities to safeguard against the ravages of war. This development was largely motivated by the exigencies of warfare. Tilly's work is frequently associated with the aphorism "the state makes war and war makes states." Essentially, his primary argument asserts that the foundation of a contemporary state centers upon its capacity to impose taxation upon the populace within its jurisdiction. These fiscal resources, in turn, facilitate the state's sustained engagement in warfare, enabling the acquisition of additional territories and the lawful compulsion of greater numbers of individuals to participate in these military campaigns. Tilly suggests that international territorial competition and resource scarcity drive colonial expansion. While he considers that non-European countries may not replicate

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Europe's state formation pattern, he argues that European variations can provide insights into state formation and warfare in non-European contexts (Tilly, 1990: 16). This characterization has been utilized by scholars to understand state formation globally, but it faces criticism. For example, the British sociologist Michael Mann in The Sources of Social Power (1986) stresses the importance of social relations and ideologies in shaping state formation. For him, nation-building cannot be solely attributed to coercion and military force. He identifies four primary sources of social power that interact in complex ways in shaping state-building: ideological, economic, military, and political. Yet, for Mann, ideological factors assume a significant role as a source of power. He argues that ideology constitutes one of the principal foundations of social power that contributes to the process of state formation. Mann insists that ideologies, such as nationalism, religious convictions, and political doctrines, serve as moral and normative frameworks that give legitimacy upon state authority while promoting collective mobilization (Mann, 1986: 307-319). However, if ideologies are social constructions, then nations and states are not natural entities, but they are “imagined” by their members. This is what Benedict Anderson argues in Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (2006). According to Anderson, print capitalism played a pivotal role in shaping modern nations and states. He argues that the development of vernacular languages, the expansion of printing press technology, and the widespread accessibility of printed materials contributed to the creation of a shared cultural space (Anderson, 2006: 46). This space allowed people to envision themselves as members of a larger community beyond their immediate social circles. Anderson also emphasizes the significance of nationalism in the process of state building. He suggests that the dissemination of print capitalism played a key role in fostering national consciousness, as people began to identify with and imagine themselves as part of a distinct nation characterized by shared symbols, myths, and narratives (Anderson, 2006: 204). This sense of belonging and collective identity, nurtured through the notion of imagined communities, facilitated the establishment of nation-states. Yet, those “imagined communities” would not exist without changes in social organization, technology, and institutions that gave rise to the shared space that Anderson was referring to. This constitutes what Anthony Giddens identifies as the phenomenon of modernity. For him, the aforementioned changes gave rise to industrial capitalism and the Enlightenment as argued in The Nation-State and Violence (1985). Giddens emphasizes the transformative effects of modernity on various aspects of society, including the state. He argues that modernity, characterized by industrialization, urbanization, and global interconnections, has led to a fundamental reconfiguration of social and political structures, and thus the functioning of a nation-state. However, most of these perspectives have tended to underestimate the significant influence of colonialism in shaping social identities, ideologies, institution-building, and warfare on state formation. Scholars such as Chatterjee (1993) and Bhambra (2018) present a different viewpoint that challenges the mainstream understanding of the nation-state. According to this view, the notion of a nation-state only becomes relevant in the aftermath of the emergence of colonial or imperial states. This argument posits that historically powerful nations like Germany and England, for instance, attained wealth and political power through colonization. Bhambra contends that the wealth of colonizer states was not limited to their original territories but derived from the countries they colonized. Consequently, she calls into question Weber's conceptualization of the modern state, which is based on the contemporary German state defined by its national boundaries. Yet,

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the construction of the ‘national state’ was concurrent with, and indeed constituted by, its associated imperial activities” (Bhambra, 2018: 4). It is argued that this conventional way of understanding nation state, which is also used by mainstream scholars, often disregards the fact that “the actions of the state upon populations outside its self-defined parameters and towards whom there is no relationship of emerging equality, only of domination” (Bhambra, 2018: 4). Chatterjee (1993) and Bhambra (2018) invite for a reconsideration of the concept of the nationstate through the lenses of colonialism and imperialism looking to understand history from a much broader perspective. Bhambra in particular mentions as an example how Britain started to be regarded as a “failed state” in the mid-twentieth century because of the legislative policies making its citizens into immigrants on the basis on a racial hierarchy. Bhambra concludes by arguing that without a new way of understanding state formation, we exclude the “darker” citizens outside the world history, that in the case of Britain, it discusses citizenship without acknowledging that “England acquired colonies prior to Union and continued their colonial conquests after Union, and so they were already imperial states prior to becoming a conjoined nation-state” (Bhambra 2018: 8). Nevertheless, in hindsight, the mainstream views on state formation, and even the post-colonial perspectives of Chatterjee (1993) and Bhambra (2018) downplay the role of diverse epistemologies, the ways of knowing, and knowledge production of former colonies and societies after the crafting of the idea of a state. The Argentinian scholar, Walter Mignolo, known for his decolonial approach, argues that coloniality (i.e., the enduring colonial power structures and systems of domination) is the result of western modernity (Mignolo, 2007). For Mignolo, the idea of a nation-state is an element that western modernity has imposed. The current idea of knowledge and science disregards other perspectives that are not western aligned. Thus, he proposes to academics and non-academics to decolonize knowledge, “delinking” it from the western notion of totality. Totality is the imposed knowledge that preconditions the way of understanding reality, and that the idea of the nation state is one of these imposed realities. Coloniality imposes a matrix of power that persuades individuals to believe that scientific truth can only be attained through specific methodologies. Mignolo contends that alternative histories and civilizations, particularly precolonial ones, offer different perspectives on reality and diverse understandings of societal organization. These non-colonized societies experienced distinct ways of comprehending the world, challenging the dominant narrative that upholds Western methodologies as the sole source of scientific truth. He proposes to delink from the western epistemology and go towards a change in the terms of conversation, and this “new” understanding will bring a change in economics, politics, philosophy, and ethics. That is, by including other ways of thinking about the truth and reality. Overall, he argues that the idea of an imperial nation state is also a western imposition that leads to nationalism and further international inequalities and the perpetuation of the colonial matrix of power. Undoubtedly, new scholarly perspectives on state formation should emphasize the need to move beyond a Western lens and consider the histories and perspectives of colonized countries and cultures. Failing to acknowledge non-Western history limits our understanding of the diverse processes of state formation. While the issue of colonialism is present in these key perspectives, there is a distinction in how it is addressed. The warfare perspective, imagined communities, and institutional building approaches do not sufficiently consider the experiences of colonial subjects as valuable sources of knowledge. In contrast, Bhambra's viewpoint encourages learning from the

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perspectives of the colonized. Additionally, Mignolo argues that it is insufficient to merely include colonial subjects; a decolonization of knowledge is necessary to reframe our understanding. This calls for a critical examination of the ways in which we approach and interpret colonial histories.

3. Exploring Arctic Sovereignty: Unraveling Concepts Following the brief overview of the prevalent views on state formation, it is important to begin to disentangle the concepts or ideas of sovereignty, Westphalian sovereignty, non-Westphalian sovereignty, Indigenous sovereignty, as well as their interplay for the context of Greenland. For this, we rely on the notion of the so-called “Inuit myth” in order to show the different understandings of Arctic sovereignty and how the decolonial perspectives are related to it. The Inuit myth is a belief system that establishes a deep connection between the Inuit people and their natural environment. This belief system has significant implications for their sovereignty because it asserts that the Inuit have a unique historical claim to the Arctic region, and therefore, a voice regarding the land, its resources, and its governance. The connection between this belief system and sovereignty implies that the Inuit should have a recognized role in shaping policies that affect their communities and territories. Conventional literature rarely draws direct connections between sovereignty and belief systems. Hence, it is of particular relevance to examine this interplay, especially within the specific context of Greenland and the Arctic. The concept of sovereignty has evolved throughout history, and it has been adapted to political circumstances and actors. The Treaty of Westphalia ended the Thirty Years' War and institutionalized the concept of sovereignty in Europe (in a Westphalian way). Sovereign states were then recognized as the most important political institutions. The term “Westphalian” includes the sovereignty to act independently as a territorial statehood within a particular geopolitical arrangement (Opello and Rosow, 2004: 79). Accordingly, the state was then represented by a King or a Queen, a dictator or a democratically elected government, and the state could, without interference of other states, claim control over the affairs within its territorial boundaries. If the sovereignty of other states is respected, the state was also entitled to manage its external affairs (Bauder and Mueller, 2021). The term sovereignty is not a rigid term, on the contrary, it has been an evolving concept that has been often contested. In political theory, sovereignty is more of a functional way to legitimize authority while in international law it is related to the ability to exert power by a state. In general, it has been commonly defined the way Werner and de Wilde (2001: 3) describe it as “the absolute and independent authority of a community or nation both internally and externally”. There are mainly two ways of conceptualizing sovereignty from which additional variants of them arise. The two ways are the so-called de jure sovereignty and de facto sovereignty. The first one (de jure) is considered when there is an articulated and institutionally recognized right to control a territory, or as Lee (1996) describes it as “the right to command”. It is also referred to as legal sovereignty. As for the de facto sovereignty is the “ability to command”, which is sometimes referred to as coercive sovereignty. Krasner (2004), argues that sovereignty can also be divided in three ways: Domestic, International legal, and Westphalian. Regarding domestic sovereignty it refers to the institutions in which a particular state is governed, and whether this can provide security, prosperity and justice to the people that live under that state. For international legal sovereignty, Krasner refers to it as the ability to be recognized juridically by independent territorial entities. As for Westphalian, and as mentioned Inuit Myth and the Remaking of Greenland's Postcolonial Governance


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earlier in this section, Krasner (2004: 1077) states that this is the characteristic when the state has the right to independently determine its own institutions of government and there is no other authority in the state aside from the domestic sovereign and the principle of no intervention in the internal affairs of other states applies. However, non-European societies, particularly colonized societies may have a different way to understand sovereignty, thus, many various authors and international institutions have argued that because of the struggle for recognition of the culture and language of colonized people, the term sovereignty should be re-examined. For example, the Inuit Circumpolar Council has stated in a Declaration on Sovereignty the following: “For Inuit living within the states of Russia, Canada, the USA and Denmark/Greenland, issues of sovereignty must be examined and assessed in the context of our long history of struggle to gain recognition and respect as an Arctic indigenous people having the right to exercise self-determination over our lives, territories, cultures, and languages” (ICC declaration on Sovereignty in the Arctic, 2009). This is especially relevant because the regions that were occupied underwent a process of colonization aimed at altering their culture and the organizational structures of their societies. Also, there is a key element present when a country occupies and colonizes a territory: the psychological element also called animus occupandi, that is, the intention to control and occupy a territory in order to get sovereignty over it (Wallace and Martin-Ortega, 2020: 100) Therefore, it can be said that the 2007 UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) that asserted the right of self-determination of Indigenous peoples represented a step towards the emancipation from the colonial control of Westphalian sovereign states. In particular, article 5 states: “Indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinct political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions, while retaining their right to participate fully, if they so choose, in the political, economic, social and cultural life of the State”. It is then important to define the term colony in the context of state formation in occupied territories. There are various definitions of “colony” but a general definition in international law of a colony refers to a “dependent territorial entity subject to the sovereignty of an independent country, but considered part of that country for purposes of relations with third countries” (US Legal, 2022). Colonization is an important element to understand state formation in occupied or formerly occupied societies. It is crucial to differentiate between the terms "postcoloniality" and "decoloniality" in order to gain clarity for our ensuing arguments. Postcolonialism, or postcoloniality, does not refer to the time period following colonialism; rather, it encompasses the enduring legacy of colonial rule on the subjugated populations and examines how people respond to this legacy. It primarily focuses on describing and understanding the issues stemming from colonialism within local communities that have experienced occupation. Decoloniality is the approach that seeks to challenge and dismantle the ongoing effects of colonialism and its legacies. Particularly it looks to undo the conscious and unconscious prevalent bias that western knowledge Østergaard & Arnaut


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is superior to Indigenous knowledge. Decoloniality is concerned with actively addressing and resolving issues such as social class and gender inequalities, that persist in postcolonial communities. It seems then that both terms, postcoloniality and decoloniality, are addressing an issue that the reviewed concepts of sovereignty are ignoring, that is the dispossessed local communities. Sovereignty can be quite different than previous mainstream views on state formation and the capacity of the state to exert control. This concern is expressed in a policy paper from the ICC published in 2020: “Similar to other attempts to lump Indigenous peoples into other collective terms is problematic because the term “local” does not account for Indigenous peoples who have been removed from their lands and discounts the particular circumstances of Inuit… These actions are part of an alarming trend in the behavior of States to diminish the standards in the U.N. Declaration, including actions to devalue Indigenous peoples’ status, rights and participation rather than upholding their responsibilities and uplifting the status, rights and participation of Indigenous peoples” (ICC Policy Paper, 2020: 3) The previous quoted paragraph points out that other sovereign states tend to undermine the 2007 UNDRIP. However, Kuokkanen (2019) questions the different interpretations of sovereignty in the Arctic, arguing that the concept of self-determination contained in the UNDRIP (and as indicated in article 5), it is an idea of sovereignty that is inherently Westphalian. Thus, she coined the term Indigenous Westphalian Sovereignty, which she argues is the case of Greenland. On the other hand, Shadian (2010) argues that the creation of non-state sovereignty in the Arctic is based on a notion of Inuit nationalism relying on an entity greater than any other state achieving legitimacy via a myth that consists of seeing the Inuit as Indigenous stewards across the circumpolar region. This is a case of non-Westphalian sovereignty.

4. The Inuit Myth Inuit mythology is vast across the Arctic (for example, in Nunavut, Nunavik, Nunatsiavut, and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region) but it is especially in Greenland where storytelling plays an important role in transmitting cultural symbolism and beliefs. In these, there are repeatedly spiritual tales where nature plays a key element when describing how the Inuit view the environment that they live in. There is a common belief that Greenlanders have lived according to the laws of nature, spiritual principles, and mythical characters such as the Greenlandic Shamans (or Angakkut in Greenlandic). The Shamans are central figures in the mythology of Greenland, as they are said to interpret the will of the higher powers. Another emblematic figure in Greenlandic mythology is the Mother of the Sea, Sassuma Arnaa. The Mother of the Sea is an integral part of Greenlandic cultural history and today is powerful symbol of marine pollution and global warming of the ocean for the Inuit (Bach-Kreutzmann, 2018). According to the myth (of the Mother of the Sea), when the Inuit breaks a taboo in society, the hair of Sassuma Arnaa gets dirty entangling the animals and prevents the hunters and fishers from catching any food (Bach-Kreutzmann, 2018: 108). As a consequence, to untangle the animals, a Shaman has to go into the bottom of the Ocean to communicate with

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Sassuma Arnaa and find out what taboos were broken, ultimately spreading the messages and lessons back to society (Sonne, 2017: 135). These prominent local mythologies serve as a reflection of how Greenlandic identity and ethnicity are deeply intertwined with the natural world. As exemplified by the myth of Sassuma Arnaa, the challenges faced by communities may originate from within themselves and potentially have mystical remedies, but the common denominator is the harmonic relation with the natural environment. Moreover, many Greenlanders hold the belief that they do not possess ownership over the land they inhabit; instead, they perceive themselves as temporary custodians, borrowing the land from their ancestors. This sense of responsibility compels them to treat the land with respect and assume the role of stewards (Harrop et al., 2022). An external observer to the Arctic may perceive the connection between Arctic nature and Greenlanders’ identity as a recent phenomenon. Yet, the Inuit have inhabited the Arctic for several millennia. Historical accounts from printed media (e.g., a longstanding newspaper named Atuagagdliutit) show that, West Greenlanders had a well-defined ethnic identity from the beginning of the 1860s, where hunting and kayaking played a significant role in cultural awareness, and they constituted a unified whole as arctic peoples (Langgård, 1998). Sara Olsvig, the current International Chair of the ICC, mentions the following in a recent speech: “As you know, Inuit live across the borders of four nation states, across our homeland, Inuit Nunaat. We were divided by these state borders, and it took our collective and hard efforts to reach the place we have been since 1992, when ICC Chukotka finally became a full member party to our organization, uniting Russian Inuit with our Alaskan, Canadian and Kalaallit family. Just like our languages, our cultures, our identity as Inuit, - our surroundings; the environment, the changing climate, our ecosystems, and biodiversity, know nothing of borders. […] As we have said many times, protecting to Arctic is to protect the planet. These days, this saying has much further reaching reality – not only being about climate and our environment, but also being about democracy”. […] We are spiritually connected to our surroundings, and we are spiritually connected across Inuit Nunaat.” (Sara Olsvig, Keynote Speech, UArctic, 2023). In a similar fashion in relation to the deep relationship between the Inuit and their ancestral lands, the late ICC founding member, Eben Hopson in one his earliest speeches addressing the oil and gas industry, depicts the Inuit as a nation and not a nation-state: “We (the Inuit) are an international community sharing common language, culture, and a common land along the Arctic coast of Siberia, Alaska, Canada, and Greenland. Although not a nation-state, as a people, we do constitute a nation” (Eben Hopson, Official Speech, 1978.) Shadian (2006) reflects on the ICC positions on sovereignty and argues that the aforementioned myths related to the human-natural environment have evolved into political myths and structures uncovering a type of sovereignty based on symbolic meanings and not on territory. Thus, the Inuit myth is the Inuit collective identity and cultural heritage that serves as a basis for political sovereignty. Accordingly, the Inuit myth is portrayed as a means to exercise sovereignty, which is not necessarily dependent on achieving statehood or taking part in mainstream international Østergaard & Arnaut


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organizations. Rather, the legitimacy of their political myth or the ongoing historical myth of an Inuit collective identity within the realm of global politics is what enables the Inuit to exercise their political autonomy. Although, Shadian’s notion of the Inuit myth might initially emanate from the Inuit in the Canadian Arctic, it is understood that the collective identity refers to the traditional homeland and ancestral territory of the Inuit Nunaat (Inuit land, in Greenlandic), or Inuit Nunangat (Inuit land, in Inuktitut). According to this assessment, “a new framework by which a transnational Inuit myth acquired its role as a legitimate stakeholder in Arctic development. The underlying structure of this collective myth, the idea of the Inuit as indigenous with particular rights; the natural stewards of the Arctic, would remain a dominant aspect of this new polity” (Shadian 2006: 196). Yet, the evolving concept of stewardship, whereby Indigenous peoples assume responsibilities as stewards of the land and resources but not as its owners. This might seem like a conflicting aspect of the framework and clashes with other conceptualizations of sovereignty. According to international law, Indigenous peoples are recognized as right-holders rather than stakeholders (e.g., United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention No. 169). Still, following the Inuit myth view, the Inuit are natural stewards of the land which does not equate to landowners, but it gives them the exclusive right (thus, right-holder) to the land and key element in decision-making processes. In this context, the concept of non-Westphalian sovereignty (also referred to as post-Westphalian sovereignty) comes into play. In the subsequent section, we delve into an examination of how this perspective diverges from the conventional understanding of sovereignty.

5. Non-Westphalian sovereignty and Indigenous Westphalian sovereignty Thus far, it is evident that mainstream perspectives on sovereignty, which rely on a clearly delineated territory and a militaristic entity, may not adequately capture the complexities of Arctic Indigenous societies' pursuit of self-determination. As mentioned in the previous section, the Inuit myth relies on a collective identity that may not focus entirely on statehood. For example, for Greenland is highly unlikely, though not entirely impossible, to employ institutionalized violence as a means of exerting control over its geographical territory. Consequently, one might argue that this case exemplifies a clear instance of non-Westphalian sovereignty. Nonetheless, there are characteristics of the Westphalian sovereignty that are taking place currently in Greenland that can be outlined as Indigenous Westphalian sovereignty. Thus, it is imperative to elucidate the distinctions between these concepts. Shadian (2006) argues that resource development in the Arctic was fundamental to the process by which the Inuit were able to: “reframe their historical myth in a contemporary setting—Arctic indigenous stewards through a codified organization—the Inuit Circumpolar Council”. She goes on to say that the “Inuit collective political identity points to an emerging post-Westphalian reality where sovereignty is shifting from the state to new collective identities. Yet, this new political architecture needs more than a myth in order to be political; it needs to be legitimized and realized through political institutions.” Thus, Shadian places an important characteristic in trying to define non-Westphalian (or postWestphalian) from the orthodoxy of a Westphalian sovereignty. A non-Westphalian view covers the Inuit myth or the symbolism of Inuit values (belonging to the arctic nature) which is not based

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on territoriality. Nevertheless, this needs to be legitimized by political institutions. For this, the ICC plays a role of a “supranational” political institution to legitimize Indigenous sovereignty. The conventional view of Westphalian sovereignty grants nation states controls not only of their internal but also of their external affairs. Thus, in a non-Westphalian sovereignty, external control is not necessary. This idea can be summarized in a speech from the ICC founder Eben Hopson in 1978: “An important objective of our Inuit land claims movement is the organization of local government in the Arctic. I personally feel this organization must happen within the national context and traditions of Denmark, Canada and the United States. Some may talk about separate Inuit political development, but I do not. All we need is the cooperation of our governments to enable us to make traditional North American local government work for us in the Arctic” (Hopson, 1978). On the other hand, Kuokkanen (2019), contends this framework, contrasting this position by arguing that the 2009 Greenland Self-Government Act was a significant step towards securing exclusive subsurface rights to its territory and political independence. She claims that given that political independence requires economic self-sufficiency, Greenlanders are then advancing their own form of “Westphalian indigenous sovereignty” based on the vision of a self-sufficient state. However, Koukkanen (2019) does not claim that this is the only prevalent view. She argues that in Greenland there are two different discourses of sovereignty. One is aligned to the ICC which is the “shared, overlapping sovereignties emerging from the global Indigenous self-determination movement” (Koukkanen, 2019: 315), and the other is the Westphalian discourse, which represented by the Greenlandic Parliament and the Self-Government, and which seeks emancipation from the Danish Kingdom as an ultimate objective as is stated in the SelfGovernment Act of 2009 in reference to political independence. Kuokannen uses a metaphor brought by the former Greenlandic Prime Minister Aleqqa Hammond. Hammond was quoted in interview (April 11, 2013) saying that she sees Greenland like an airplane, “on the one wing lies all the traditions, the culture, language, and values. On the other wing is the global influence and interaction with various partners (Koukkanen, 2019: 315). Determining the prevailing perspective on sovereignty in Greenland's contemporary political milieu is challenging due to the region's notable regional variations in social and economic dynamics. In Nuuk, where the majority of the population resides alongside the central public administration, prominent private enterprises, the social elite, and Danish settlers, the political outlook of the public differs from that of smaller towns and settlements. This contrast is evident in the voting outcomes of past national elections. In general, smaller towns often exhibit a preference for political parties that espouse traditional values and claim to represent Inuit ideals, such as nationalist left-wing parties like Siumut and Naleraq. Conversely, larger towns and the capital tend to lean towards liberal or progressive-left parties like Democratiit and Inuit Ataqatigiit. Notably, Siumut-led governments have historically displayed a proactive approach towards attaining economic self-sufficiency, often through the expansion of the mining industry via the granting of mineral mining exploitation licenses. These governmental efforts can be seen as aligning with a notion of sovereignty rooted in indigenous Westphalian sovereignty. Presently, the Inuit Ataqatigiit-led government, in a coalition, expresses

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a desire for independence, although not in a hasty manner, but rather in accordance with principles rooted in climate global agenda, Indigenous self-determination, and the values upheld by the Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC). In the international sphere, Greenland is not a marginalized regional actor anymore. The current trend reveals Greenland’s empowerment as regional actor asserting its claims in the Arctic. A proof of this are the dynamics of Greenland's foreign policy and its capacity for self-determination as the country progressively assumes the role of a partner to the United States, all the while navigating its ongoing relations with Denmark. The pursuit of self-determination has influenced the trilateral dynamics with Denmark, and the United States (Olsvig, 2022). Consequently, the concept of Indigenous sovereignty in Greenland oscillates between interpretations within the framework of Westphalian sovereignty and alternative, non-Westphalian (or post-Westphalian) perspectives.

6. How does decoloniality contribute to understanding sovereignty in Greenland? Following the conclusion of the Second World War, the United Nations exerted pressure on Denmark to acknowledge Greenland as a territory inhabited by individuals aspiring for selfdetermination. Consequently, Denmark's recognition implied an admission that Greenland retained its status as a colony, despite Denmark's attempts to present itself as a generous or "good" colonizer. Indeed, a prevailing narrative suggests that Denmark is often characterized as a relatively “mild” colonizer (Alfredsson, 1982: 307). Nevertheless, the perception of the colonialist as benign and compassionate has come under scrutiny due to documented instances of colonial injustices, such as discriminatory birthplace wage criteria from 1953 to 1991, the social experiment of relocating Greenlandic children to Denmark in the 1950s, cases involving fatherless children, and the mid-1960s contraception campaign known as the “Spiral case” when Danish authorities instructed doctors and health specialists to place thousands of intrauterine contraceptive devices (IUD) on Greenlandic girls and women without consent, among other illustrative examples of colonial or postcolonial injustice (Sermitsiaq, 2022, May 12th). According to some authors (e.g., Rud, 2018: 6), there is a colonial social hierarchy in Greenland that sees western foreigners (mostly Danes) as the “advanced ones” with the “modern” skills while local Indigenous people are seen as primitive. This hierarchy still exists today in Greenland, but it is informal and disguised in various ways. The “soft” former colonizer within the Danish Kingdom relies on the use of non-violent methods to gain control and power over the societies of Greenland and the Faroe Islands. The former Faroe Islands’ head minister Høgni Hoydal refers to Benedict Anderson in a speech in a convention about “rethinking Nordic colonialism” called “NeoColonialism with a human face – the cozy self-colonization in Danish home rule”. Høgni Hoydal refers, in the conference, to an interview that a Danish newspaper had with Benedict Anderson. In the newspaper interview Benedict Anderson was quoted for saying “All the historians know that Denmark was once an empire, but as I understand it is not something you could learn about in school. Instead, they learn about this friendly little harmless nation and its nice people” (Høgni, 2006: 2). In relation to this, the Greenlandic anthropologist Aviaja E. Lynge (2006), argues: “We have always been taught we were one of the best colonies in the world. No slavery, no killings. We learned it through Danish history books, and from Danish

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teachers. With the books telling us how fantastic a colony we were – books about primitive Eskimos, books written from Euro-centric, economic, or self-justifying angles – we haven’t really looked beyond this historical oppression […]. We went directly from being a colony into becoming a part of Denmark. We learned to be Danish, and we learned to be thankful. Why, then, should we have had a reason to decolonize? And why should we have a reason to ask questions about the 250 years of colonial presence?” (Lynge 2006: 1). “The question remains if one can discuss colonization in such terms as ‘good’ and ‘bad’. Is it better to take bodies or to take souls?” (Lynge, 2006: 6) These quotes from Lynge (2006) point out in general the rhetorical question of why should Greenland have a reason to decolonize if Denmark brought Greenland within the Kingdom and as a consequence it stopped being colony? The answer that she is trying to put forward is the one given by decolonial theory. Decoloniality in a nutshell, stands for the idea that even though colonialism has ended in most parts of the world, the “coloniality of power” continues to characterize relations between the West and the “Rest”. This phenomenon of coloniality of power is present in Greenland. As Rud (2017) has argued, Danish colonization in the nineteenth century attempted to erase Inuit social relations and establish a new governance and sovereignty different from what it already existed in Greenland. Williamson (2011), claims that Danish colonialism also changed gender relations. Before the arrival of the Danish colonial mission, Greenlandic society was genderless, that is, there was a certain indifference to gender and the absence of a hierarchy of male dominance or female subordination. In this regard, Lugones (2007), a feminist decolonial theorist, argues that gender did not exist as a principle of power in Indigenous societies before colonization. Thus, according to her, gender is a colonial construct. Building in these ideas, Koukkanen (2019) insists that the materialization of Indigenous self-determination cannot be seen only as an end through the creation of Greenlandic Self-Government. She explains that women’s community issues in Greenland, like gendered violence, should be part of the “hard issues” (land rights and natural resources) and not framed as soft issues when building a new type of governance under an Indigenous notion of sovereignty. This is because even though Greenlandic women historically have been at the forefront of the struggle for Indigenous self-determination, they have been subjugated and marginalized in a patriarchal system that stemmed from Danish colonialism. To advance towards an inclusive idea of sovereignty, Mignolo (2017) proposes “decentering” and “delinking” political Indigenous structures from western knowledge. But Mignolo (2017) also warn us: “…there cannot be one and only one decolonial master plan – that would be far too modern, too Eurocentric, too provincial, too limited and still too universal. Decoloniality operates on pluri-versality and truth and not in universality and truth. As mentioned above, decoloniality’s first moves should be those of delinking. Secondly, it should strive for re-existence. Re-existing is something other than resisting. If you resist, you are trapped in the rules of the game others created, specifically the narrative and promises of modernity and the necessary implementation of coloniality.”

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The case of Greenland underscores a valuable lesson derived from the decolonial discourse, elucidating that the trajectory of political developments oscillates between a non-Westphalian conception of sovereignty and an Indigenous Westphalian framework. However, it is imperative to recognize that Indigenous self-determination in the Arctic is not governed by a universal blueprint, necessitating a departure from the notion of a "one size fits all" approach. Drawing upon Mignolo's conceptualizations of decoloniality, Greenlanders are encouraged to embrace a paradigm of "re-existing" or remaking rather than mere resistance, placing Indigenous knowledge production at the forefront. This transformative process engenders a continuous emergence of novel forms of autonomous indigenous governance.

7. Conclusion The title of this article “Inuit Myth and the Remaking of Greenland's Postcolonial Governance” may be deemed somewhat farfetched, principally in regard to the term "remaking" which could be seen as a need for Greenland to reconstruct itself. However, it is important to acknowledge that Greenland does not require a rebuilding but rather an assertion of self-determination, resilience, and re-existence, as advocated by Mignolo's decolonial approach. Our article has showed that the concept of sovereignty has been a subject of considerable debate within mainstream literature (e.g., Tilly 1990, Weber 2004, and Bhambra 2018), as well as in emerging perspectives on Indigenous sovereignty, where the absence of a universally applicable model becomes evident. Greenland's historical trajectory includes triumphing over colonization and resisting Danish assimilation attempts, culminating in its transformation into an influential political actor that significantly impacts both Arctic and global governance dynamics. We have presented Shadian's argument on the Inuit myth, which posits that the collective perception of the Inuit, depicting them as Indigenous people with distinct rights and serving as natural stewards of the Arctic, is strategically employed to politically legitimize the right of selfdetermination. This legitimization process is facilitated through the utilization of a "supranational" institution, namely the Inuit Circumpolar Council, which serves as a means to advance the pursuit of self-determination goals within the political sphere. Our examination has revealed a contestation of the prevailing notion of non-Westphalian sovereignty, propagated through the Inuit myth, across the Arctic region. Greenland, in particular, stands out as a prominent actor challenging this established understanding of sovereignty. The enactment of the 2009 Self-Government Act in Greenland serves as a concrete manifestation of a distinct form of sovereignty, termed Indigenous Westphalian sovereignty by Koukkanen (2021). While this variant does not align with the traditional Westphalian model due to its lack of authority over external affairs (despite provisions for potential future advancement), it asserts its influence domestically. We briefly discussed the oscillating or alternating nature of the political landscape in Greenland, which involves a dynamic interplay between these divergent notions of sovereignty, ranging from non-Westphalian to Indigenous Westphalian perspectives. Moreover, we engaged in an exploration of the utility of decolonial approaches, such as Mignolo's (2007) framework, in facilitating openness to new local understandings of sovereignty in the Arctic context. These approaches question the adoption of imported notions regarding state-building and the establishment of predetermined paths for state formation.

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In conclusion, we align with Mignolo's perspective, emphasizing the importance of promoting an ethos of "re-existing" rather than merely "resisting." Central to this approach is the prioritization of Indigenous knowledge production, which should be situated at the forefront of discussions on sovereignty, recognizing its crucial role in shaping Arctic dynamics.

Notes 1. The Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC) was founded in 1977 to represent and advocate for the rights and interests of 185,000 Inuit from Alaska, Canada, Greenland, and Chukotka. It operates through a governing body known as the General Assembly, which consists of delegates from each of the Inuit regions it represents. The elected leadership works collectively to advance the interests of Inuit communities and ensure their perspectives are heard.

References Anderson, B. (2006). Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. Verso Books. Arnaut, J. L. (2021). The political economy of Greenland: From colonialism to a mixed economy. In L. Høgedahl (ed.), Greenland's economy and labour markets (pp. 30-47). Routledge. Bach-Kreutzmann, Maria. (2018). Bestiarium Groenlandica. Milik Publishing. Bauder, H., & Mueller, R. (2021). Westphalian Vs. Indigenous sovereignty: Challenging colonial territorial governance. Geopolitics, 1-18. Bhambra, G. K. (2018). The state: Postcolonial histories of the concept. In Routledge Handbook of Postcolonial Politics (pp. 200-209). Routledge. Chatterjee, P. (1993). The nation and its fragments: Colonial and postcolonial histories (Vol. 4). Princeton University Press. Giddens, A. (1985). The Nation State and Violence. Volume Two of a Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism. Cambridge: Polity. de Guevara, Berit Bliesemann, and Philipp Lottholz (2015). State Formation. Oxford University Press. ICC declaration on Sovereignty in the Arctic, 2009, https://iccalaska.org/wp-icc/wpcontent/uploads/2016/01/Signed-Inuit-Sovereignty-Declaration-11x17.pdf ICC

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Harrop, E., Hyde, S. and Ronan, O. (2022) How integrated conceptions of earth rights and human rights in indigenous traditions can teach the Global North about true sustainability. In Pathak, Y.V. and Adityanjee, A. (eds) Human Rights, Spirituality and Religious Freedom: Perspectives from the Dharmic and Indigenous Cultures. Kovidnam Vani, Delaware, USA.

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Hopson, E. (1978). Address on the Role of Regional Government in Arctic Resource Development. Presented at Inuit Circumpolar Conference Consultation on Oil and Gas Exploration and Development in the Arctic. Eben Hopson Memorial Archives. Hoydal, H. (14. May 2006) Neo-Colonialism with a Human Face – the Cosy Self-Colonization in Danish Home Rule by Høgni Hoydal. Krasner, S. D. (2004). Sharing sovereignty: New institutions for collapsed and failing states. International security, 29(2), 85-120. Kuokkanen, R. (2019). Restructuring relations: Indigenous Self-determination, Governance, and Gender. Oxford University Press. Kuokkanen, R. (2021). Indigenous Westphalian sovereignty? Decolonization, secession, and Indigenous rights in Greenland. In The Inuit World (pp. 307-320). Routledge. Langgård, K. (1998). An examination of Greenlandic awareness of ethnicity and national selfconsciousness through texts produced by Greenlanders 1860s-1920s. Études/Inuit/Studies, 83-107. Lee, S. (1996). A puzzle of sovereignty. Cal. W. Int'l LJ, 27, 241. Lynge, A. E. (2006, April). The Best Colony in the World. Rethinking Nordic Colonialism. Act 2: Greenland. Retrieved April 30, 2009, from http://www.rethinking-nordiccolonialism.org/files/pdf/ACT2/ESSAYS/Lynge.pdf Mann, M. (2012). The sources of social power: a history of power from the beginning to AD 1760 (Vol. 1). Cambridge University Press. Mignolo, W. D. (2007). Delinking: The rhetoric of modernity, the logic of coloniality and the grammar of de-coloniality. Cultural Studies, 21(2-3), 449-514. Mignolo, W. D. (2017). Coloniality is far from over, and so must be decoloniality. Afterall: A Journal of Art, Context and Enquiry, 43(1), 38-45. Olsvig, S. (2022). Greenland’s ambiguous action space: testing internal and external limitations between US and Danish Arctic interests. The Polar Journal, 12(2), 215-239. Opello, W. C., & Rosow, S. J. (2004). The nation-state and global order: A historical introduction to contemporary politics (No. 320.1 O6.). Boulder, Co.: Lynne Rienner. Petersen, R. (1995). Colonialism as seen from a former colonized area. Arctic Anthropology, 118-126. Petterson, C. (2016). Colonialism, racism and exceptionalism. In Whiteness and postcolonialism in the Nordic region (pp. 41-54). Routledge. Rud, S. (2017). Colonialism in Greenland: Tradition, Governance and Legacy. Springer Rud, S. (2018). Mod bedre vidende: Grønland og Politisk-Ideologisk Historieskrivning: Historie, 9(17), 145-152. Sermitsiaq (2022, May 12). Qivioq Løvstrøm: Vi må afdække krænkelser af menneskerettigheder https://sermitsiaq.ag/node/237252

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Shadian, J. (2006). Reconceptualizing sovereignty through Indigenous autonomy: A case study of Arctic governance and the Inuit circumpolar conference. University of Delaware. Shadian, J. (2010). From states to polities: Reconceptualizing sovereignty through Inuit governance. European Journal of International Relations, 16(3), 485-510. Sonne, B. (2017). Worldviews of the Greenlanders: An Inuit Arctic Perspective. University of Alaska Press. Stenbaek, M. (1985). Arctic policy—blueprint for an Inuit homeland. Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 9(2), 514. Thisted, K. (2022). Blame, Shame, and Atonement: Greenlandic Responses to Racialized Discourses about Greenlanders and Danes. Journal of Critical Mixed Race Studies, 1(2). https://doi.org/10.5070/C81258339 Tilly, C. (1990). Coercion, capital, and European states, AD 990–1990. In: Collective Violence, Contentious Politics, and Social Change (pp. 140-154). Routledge. Tsang, M. (2021). Decolonial? Postcolonial? What does it mean to “decolonise ourselves”?. LSEblog. https://blogs.ncl.ac.uk/decolonisesml/2021/01/21/decolonial-postcolonialwhat-does-it-mean-to-decolonise-ourselves/ US Legal (2022). Accessed May 2022: https://definitions.uslegal.com/c/colony/ Wallace, R. M., & Martin-Ortega, O. (2020). International law. Sweet and Maxwell. Weber, M. (2004). The vocation lectures. Hackett Publishing. Werner, W. G., & De Wilde, J. H. (2001). The endurance of sovereignty. European Journal of International Relations, 7(3), 283-313. Williamson, K. J. (2011). Inherit my heaven: Kalaallit gender relations. Government of Greenland.

Østergaard & Arnaut


Embracing Indigenous Knowledge in Arctic Economic Development: A Pathway towards ESG and Indigenous Sustainable Finance Integration

Alexandra Middleton

As industrial activities in the Arctic intensify with more players and capital prospects from international players, it is important to have rules on how to conduct business and make investments which prioritise optimal environmental, social, and governance (ESG) factors or outcomes. This article focuses on voluntary sustainability and ESG compliance and reporting initiatives related to the Arctic context. In 2015, the Arctic Investment Protocol was introduced as an initial endeavour to tackle this issue by establishing a framework that promotes sustainable investment in the Arctic, in alignment with global Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) principles. In June 2022, the Inuit Circumpolar Council published eight protocols in the document “Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement (EEE)”. The shift appears to be in the role Indigenous Peoples take in the formation of rules for conducting business and investment in the Arctic. Protocols released by the Inuit Circumpolar Council build on holistic and collaborative co-production of knowledge and recognise that people are integral parts of the environment, prioritising the importance of Indigenous Knowledge (IK). This article aims to elaborate on the requirement for a paradigm shift that values the collaboration of diverse perspectives for sustainable solutions, where Arctic Indigenous Peoples’ knowledge is viewed as part of the solution for achieving Arctic economic development by integrating environmental, social, and governance (ESG) principles along with Indigenous Sustainable Finance. In the context of ESG investment principles and Indigenous Sustainable Finance, it has become increasingly crucial to recognise and incorporate the wisdom and traditional practices of Arctic Indigenous Peoples. This article traces the development of sustainability frameworks in the Arctic, examines the Inuit Circumpolar Council’s eight protocols, and proposes solutions for the future development of sustainability frameworks in the Arctic.

Introduction While the Arctic is portrayed as a new frontier for economic development in extractive industries, logistics, and services such as tourism (Conley, 2013), the region presents unique challenges for business development and investment flows (Larsen & Huskey, 2015; Larsen & Petrov, 2020). Factors such as a declining population, decreased youth demographics in the Nordic Arctic (Bullvåg, 2017), and inadequate physical and digital infrastructure (Delaunay & Landriault, 2020)

Alexandra Middleton is a Postdoctoral Researcher at the Oulu Business School University of Oulu.


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impact investment in the Arctic region. Additionally, the vulnerability of the Arctic to the impact of climate change further complicates the investment landscape. The Arctic region has experienced some of the most pronounced effects of climate change, including rising temperatures, melting ice, and changing ecosystems (Previdi et al. 2021). These changes not only pose significant environmental challenges but also introduce uncertainties and risks for potential investments. The geographical remoteness of Arctic areas from consumption centres results in increased transportation times and higher costs (Egorova & Delakhova, 2019), making development in the region more expensive. Moreover, Arctic investment is subject to uncertainties driven by fluctuations in commodity prices, shifting geopolitical forces, and the limited legal framework pertaining to sustainable business development and investment (Middleton, 2022). The Arctic region has sparked concerns among multiple stakeholders who seek to enhance the alignment of Arctic operations with sustainability goals, while concurrently addressing the delicate balance between defense, economic objectives, and potential environmental degradation (Trump et al. 2018). To attract international investment, it is essential to address the gap between the need for investment and the lack of clear rules and sustainability guidelines tailored for the Arctic region. For instance, growing economic activity in the Arctic has sparked conflicts over land use and the inclusion of Arctic Indigenous Peoples in decision-making processes (Hanaček et al.,2022; Bielawski, 2020; Cambou & Poelzer 2021). It is important to notice that in the context of Arctic development, it is notable that each of the eight Arctic states has established its own set of hard laws, which govern various aspects of business development and investment in the region. The current international investment framework in the Arctic states, comprised of hard investment laws and international treaties, is fragmented and does not adequately align with ESG and sustainability principles (Middleton, 2022a). This study explores available soft law mechanisms1 governing sustainable business development and investment in the Arctic states, with a focus on Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) principles. Balancing economic interests with the rights of Indigenous communities requires inclusive approaches that respect traditional knowledge, land rights, and self-determination. Involving Indigenous communities in decision making enables the preservation of the Arctic's unique social, cultural, and environmental fabric. In the Arctic, Indigenous Knowledge (IK) is of paramount importance in comprehending and addressing environmental challenges. Scholars have argued for the critical recognition of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) as a distinct knowledge system characterised by its unique methodologies, validation processes, and scope. They emphasise that IK surpasses traditional activities and embodies an adaptive process of understanding and interpreting observations and experiences. Nonetheless, integrating IK into decision-making processes presents several challenges. These include a lack of respect for or understanding IK, inequities between IK holders and other partners, and attempts to impose scientific frameworks for the validation of IK (Wheeler et al. 2020). In scientific research, the challenges of effectively integrating Indigenous perspectives into Arctic conservation efforts have been recognised. These challenges stem from the misalignment between conventional conservation approaches and Indigenous values as well as the historical 1 Soft law refers to non-binding legal instruments or guidelines that lack enforceability through traditional legal

mechanisms

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marginalisation of Indigenous communities. Additionally, overcoming colonial pressure and recognising the obstacles faced by Indigenous communities in achieving their conservation objectives are essential (Buschman & Sudlovenick, 2022). Working with Indigenous Peoples entails challenges including trust issues, research fatigue, and communication limitations between scientists and communities. Funding constraints, limited recognition of non-academic work, and delays in scientific publishing due to community review processes are viewed as additional hurdles (Sjöberg et al. 2019). Despite the growing importance of Indigenous perspectives in promoting sustainable economic development, a significant knowledge gap remains regarding the extent to which these perspectives have been incorporated into existing regulations and guidelines. Investment regulation in the Arctic is characterised by two distinct approaches. On the one hand, the international investment framework, encompassing national investment laws and international investment agreements, is legally binding but lacks specific provisions addressing Arctic conditions. On the other hand, guidelines and soft laws tailored for the Arctic are available; however, they operate on a voluntary basis without international enforcement or arbitrage mechanisms (Middleton, 2022). Indigenous Sustainable Finance (ISF) involves the application of Indigenous perspectives, values, and approaches to environmental, social, and governance (ESG) issues as well as the impact and implications for investment decision-making and asset management within Indigenous communities. The ISF incorporates Indigenous Knowledge and practices into financial decisionmaking processes to promote sustainable development and to address the unique needs and challenges of Indigenous communities (Daugaard et al. 2023). To date, the exploration of Indigenous Sustainable Finance (ISF) in the Arctic region remains limited. The Arctic region presents a unique context with distinct environmental, social, and economic factors that necessitate specific examination of the ISF. This study explores how Indigenous perspectives and IK are integrated into sustainable economic development or sustainable investment guidelines or frameworks available in the Arctic. The focus is on the Arctic Investment Protocol, Responsibility Standard for the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation, and Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement. Content analysis was employed as a methodological tool to examine and analyse text data, specifically focusing on the inclusion of Indigenous People in framework development and Indigenous Knowledge in documents, providing valuable insights and enabling the quantitative and qualitative study of historical trends. The remainder of this paper is organised as follows. Section 1 introduces the role of Indigenous Knowledge in the context of sustainable business development in the Arctic, followed by the data and methods. Section 2 reviews the role of Indigenous Peoples’ voices in sustainable business development. Section 3 focuses on Inuit Protocols for EEE. Section 5 discusses the challenges regarding the role of Arctic Indigenous Peoples and IK in sustainable economic guidelines. Section 6 concludes.

Role of Indigenous Knowledge Indigenous knowledge (IK) should be distinguished from Indigenous Science (IS) and Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) (Snively & Corsiglia,2016). Indigenous Knowledge (IK) is the local knowledge held by Indigenous Peoples or local knowledge unique to a particular culture or society (Warren et al. 1993). IS represents scientific knowledge shaped by cultural worldviews and interests (Snively & Willimans, 2018), while TEK is a body of knowledge derived from direct experiences Middleton


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with the biophysical environment, developed by Indigenous Peoples over generations (Kim & Dionne, 2014). TEK has proven valuable for sustainable natural resource management and has contributed to ecological and evolutionary understanding (da Silva et al. 2023). Scholars such as Cajete (2000) have explored the incorporation of traditional universal concepts into Indigenous Science frameworks, emphasising self-knowledge, wholeness, reciprocity, spirituality, and interconnectedness. The practice of science is influenced by natural and environmental resources within a specific cultural and socio-economic context. However, many textbooks worldwide tend to overlook or limit the cultural aspect of science, often presenting a predominantly Western perspective on history (Ideland, 2018). Research has highlighted the diversity of Indigenous views on nature and IK in science, which varies globally across societies and cultures. IK is rooted in a deep respect for nature, driven by Indigenous Peoples' relationships and responsibilities towards the natural world (Suzuki & Knudtson, 1992). Despite the rich diversity and intricate nature of IK, it frequently receives neglect in knowledge production settings, often characterised by derogatory terms such as 'primitive’, ‘backward’, and 'unscientific' (Ezeanya-Esiobu, 2019: 7). The distinct knowledge and interpretations of reality generated by Indigenous communities through a complex cultural construction process are rendered invisible, marginalised, and perceived as an inferior social experience. This marginalisation occurs within a dominant epistemological model that perpetuates and legitimises a singular monoculture of knowledge (Santos, 2015). IK enhances the sustainability of development efforts through the mutual learning, adaptation, and empowerment of local communities. Its integration contributes to the efficiency, effectiveness, and overall quality of development work. IK finds applications in diverse sectors, such as agriculture, health, education, and natural resource management. However, the utilisation of IK should be context specific, aligning with the needs and priorities of the communities involved. Involving communities to identify, validate, and adapt IK practices ensures relevance, ownership, and longterm sustainability (Gorjestani 2001). Recognising and utilising IK for development faces challenges, including a lack of recognition, validation, and misappropriation by mainstream institutions. Inadequate resources, conflicts, and rapid changes pose challenges to the contribution and relevance of IK in research, education, advocacy, and decision-making. Addressing these obstacles is vital for integrating diverse knowledge systems and fostering sustainable development (Gorjestani 2001). Within the sustainability discourse, such as sustainability standards and sustainability reporting, emphasis has been placed on the three-pillar approach: social, economic, and environmental issues (Richardson, 2013; Purvis et al. 2019). Savelyeva (2017) asserted that the prevailing sustainability discourse in the Western context is grounded in an anthropocentric perspective, stressing the need to manage nature within the framework of ecological, economic, and societal sustainability pillars. This perspective on the relationship between humans and nature focuses primarily on cultivating sustainable individuals. However, this discourse does not allow Indigenous perspectives to be included in guidelines. In the Arctic context, Buschman and Sudlovenick (2022) stressed the need to incorporate Indigenous perspectives into Arctic conservation, considering their sustainable practices and addressing historical exclusion. IK and community initiatives should be valued alongside the Embracing Indigenous Knowledge in Arctic Economic Development


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recognition of sovereignty and self-determination. The integration of IK into Arctic sustainable economic development guidelines offers the potential to enhance sustainable resource management, cultural sustainability, and Indigenous Sustainable Financing.

Indigenous Sustainable Finance Indigenous Sustainable Finance (ISF) is defined as the use of indigenous perspectives, values, and approaches to address environmental, social, and governance issues (ESG) in investment decision making and asset management within Indigenous communities (Daugaard et al. 2023). Indigenous Sustainable Finance (ISF) encompasses various approaches that enable indigenous communities to integrate their perspectives and values into their financial decision-making processes. Community-based investment models prioritise a community's specific needs and values, fostering local businesses, sustainable land management, and cultural preservation. Impact investing directs financial resources towards projects that generate positive social and environmental outcomes, alongside financial returns (Ormiston et al. 2025; Poyser et al., 2021). The integration of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) ensures sustainable resource use and promotes environmental stewardship within the ISF (Higgins,1998). Indigenous-led financial institutions empower communities by establishing governance and management structures (Nengah et al., 2016). Lastly, socially responsible investing strategies align investments with Indigenous values, avoiding industries that harm the environment or violate human rights (Richardson, 2007; Nikolakis et al., 2014). Together, these approaches form the foundation of the ISF, allowing Indigenous communities to actively engage in sustainable development and align financial decisions with their cultural priorities.

Data and method Data were obtained from publicly available publications by the Arctic Council, Arctic Economic Council, Permanent Participants of the Arctic Council, and other materials produced by Arcticrelated organizations and stakeholders. Content analysis was employed as a methodological tool to examine and analyse qualitative data in the form of text (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). This approach facilitates the identification and evaluation of specific words, themes, or concepts present within the data. Specifically, the focus is on the presence of Indigenous People in document formulation and the inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge in the documents. By quantifying and examining the prevalence, meanings, and relationships of these elements, valuable insights were gained into the subject matter. Additionally, content analysis proved to be particularly useful in studying historical materials, enabling documentation and analysis of trends that occurred over time.

Arctic Indigenous Peoples There is no universally accepted circumpolar definition of “Indigenous,” resulting in variations in the national definitions used to determine Indigenous status. Consequently, official statistics may not consistently recognise indigenous populations as separate entities. For instance, Russia and Canada have different approaches to recognising Indigenous rights. Although international law acknowledges indigenous rights, Russia and Canada have different legal frameworks. In Canada, most Arctic residents are recognised as Indigenous, whereas in Russia, only smaller populations receive legal recognition. These differences affect indigenous participation in Arctic governance, including that within the Arctic Council and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Sharapova et al. 2022). Middleton


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Figure 1 illustrates the distribution of Indigenous populations in relation to the total Arctic population. The data reveal that approximately one million individuals, constituting 9% of the Arctic's total population, are identified as indigenous. These indigenous populations encompass more than 40 distinct ethnic groups. Notably, the prevalence of the indigenous population is highest in the Canadian Arctic and Greenland, where it constitutes more than 75% of the total population. Conversely, Yukon, southern Northern Quebec, Labrador, and Newfoundland in Canada had the lowest proportions of indigenous inhabitants. In the remaining Arctic regions, indigenous peoples make up less than half of the total population, except for Sakha (Russian Federation), the Southwest Region, and Northern Region (Alaska, USA), where the indigenous population ranges from 50% to 75%. Iceland, the Faroe Islands, and Svalbard have no indigenous populations.

Figure 1. Indigenous Populations in the Arctic. Source: Nordregio (2019). Indigenous Populations in the Arctic. Cartographer/GIS Analyst: Shinan Wang and Johanna Roto

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Permanent Participants to Arctic Council The Arctic Council, an intergovernmental forum addressing Arctic regional issues, involves the participation of Permanent Participants. These Permanent Participants, representing Indigenous Peoples with deep roots in the Arctic, possess a distinctive perspective on the region's challenges and opportunities (Arctic Council 2023). They provide advice and input on a wide range of issues including climate change, sustainable development, and economic cooperation. They also help ensure that the Arctic Council's work is inclusive and reflects the interests of all Arctic people. Table 1 lists the six Permanent Participants of the Arctic Council. The table shows the territory where each Permanent Participant lives, the Indigenous Peoples they represent, and the estimated size of their population. The total population of the six Permanent Participants was over 600,000 people, with the largest group being represented by RAIPON (250,000 people) and Inuit Circumpolar Council (180,000 people). Table 1. Permanent Participants to Arctic Council (Source: Arctic Council, compiled by the author). Permanent Participant

Territory

Indigenous Peoples

Indigenous Population

Aleut International Association

Alaska (United States), Russian Federation, Pribilof Islands (United States) and Commander Islands (Russian Federation)

Russian and American Aleut (Unangan)

Approximately 15,000 Aleuts in the United States and 350 Aleuts in the Russian Federation

Arctic Athabaskan Council

Alaska (United States), Yukon and Northwest Territories in Canada

Athabaskan

45,000

The Gwich’in Council International

Alaska, United States and the Yukon and Northwest Territories in Canada.

The Gwich’in people

9,000

Inuit Circumpolar Council

Alaska, Canada, Greenland and Chukotka

Inuit

180,000

RAIPON Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North

Russian Federation

40 Indigenous Peoples that live in the Russian Federation

250,000

Saami Council

Finland, the Russian Federation, Norway and Sweden

Sámi

over 100,000

The definition of indigeneity differs among circumpolar nations, with Russia excluding the larger Indigenous groups of the Far North. For historical reasons, not all Indigenous Peoples are represented in the Arctic Council. It has been argued that the Arctic Council should incorporate a greater number of Indigenous groups as Permanent Participants to achieve equal representation and ensure that all Indigenous groups in the Arctic have a voice (Sidorova, 2019).

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Frameworks for sustainable Arctic development This article focuses on voluntary sustainable development frameworks in the Arctic, including the Arctic Investment Protocol (AIP), Responsibility Standard for Arctic Zone of Russian Federation (AZRF) residents, and The Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement (see Table 2). These frameworks are central to ESG investment and promoting responsible and ethical engagement in Arctic business development and investment. It is noteworthy that these frameworks do not possess the status of hard law mechanisms. Companies engaged in or planning operations within the Arctic are encouraged to adhere to these frameworks, yet they do not carry mandatory legal obligations. Table 2. Frameworks for sustainable Arctic development. Name

Year introduced

Issuing organization

Arctic Investment Protocol (AIP)

2015

Global Agenda Council on the Arctic (GACA) as part of World Economic Forum

Responsibility Standard for Arctic 2020 Zone of Russian Federation (AZRF) residents

Ministry of the Russian Federation for the Development of the Far East in consultation with Public Council of the Arctic Zone, Federal Agency for Nationalities, Arctic Regions, as well as the Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East

The Circumpolar Inuit Protocols 2022 for Equitable and Ethical Engagement

The Inuit Circumpolar Council

Arctic Investment Protocol (AIP) The Arctic Investment Protocol (AIP) was created by the Global Agenda Council on the Arctic (GACA) as part of World Economic Forum during the 2014-2016 term and released in 2015. The composition of experts on GACA included stakeholders from academia, states, media, business, and Indigenous Peoples’ organisations. The AIP falls under the category of soft law as it is not legally binding and is advisory. The AIP is specifically designed for the Arctic region and aims to provide a framework for sustainable investment in the Arctic that can support sustainable business development. The Arctic Economic Council (AEC) actively promotes the AIP at conferences, public events, and high-level meetings with stakeholders. The Arctic Investment Protocol provides six principles that lay the foundation for responsible Arctic development (Arctic Economic Council 2023). These principles are: 1. Building resilient societies through economic development 2. Respecting and including local communities and indigenous peoples 3. Promoting environmental responsibility and stewardship 4. Encouraging innovation and technology development 5. Ensuring responsible resource development Embracing Indigenous Knowledge in Arctic Economic Development


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6. Fostering sustainable economic growth and diversification. The AIP represents a set of guidelines similar to the Sustainable Development Goals, and lacks some essential elements, such as a definition of Arctic investments, objectives, definitions, and the parties to whom the AIP applies. The principle that specifically mentions Indigenous Peoples is the second principle: "Respect and Include Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples." This principle emphasises the importance of respecting the rights of indigenous and local people; mitigating any adverse impacts on their traditional practices; and consulting with local authorities, Indigenous governance structures, and relevant community authorities. During the proceedings of the Global Arctic Council Assessment (GACA) project, the representation of Arctic Indigenous Peoples was limited to the Sami Reindeer Herders' Association of Norway and the National Union of the Swedish Sami People. This situation presents challenges in terms of adequately including the voices of Arctic Indigenous Peoples as Permanent Participants to Arctic Council (refer to Table 1). It is noteworthy that certain key corporate social responsibility (CSR) standards and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples do not mention the AIP itself or its corresponding Appendix. Furthermore, the absence of Russian representatives in the team of experts who drafted the AIP is worrisome, given Russia's abstention from voting for the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. This raises concerns about whether the perspectives and rights of Indigenous Peoples in the Arctic are adequately represented within the AIP (Middleton, 2022a). The AEC strives to encourage stakeholders to adopt the AIP voluntarily, recognising its significance in shaping responsible economic practices in the Arctic and its broader implications for global governance. The extent of the potential influence of AIP on investments by large global firms remains uncertain (Lim, 2020).

Responsibility standard for Arctic Zone of Russian Federation (AZRF) residents The Russian Arctic has been designated a Special Economic Zone that aims to foster economic growth in this region. To incentivise investment, the government has introduced initiatives such as the Arctic Hectare and Resident of the AZRF programs. These programmes offer land and tax advantages to individuals and businesses interested in Arctic development. In 2019, the Arctic zone expanded and, in 2020, the passage of Federal Law further broadened the scope of the Special Economic Zone (Middleton, 2022b). In 2020, the Federal Law on the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation introduced a responsibility standard. This standard serves as a set of advisory principles guiding interactions between residents of the Arctic zone and Indigenous Peoples in their traditional habitats and economic endeavours. It aims to promote sustainable development, improve the quality of life of Indigenous people, and preserve their original habitats. This standard emphasises the participation of Indigenous representatives in decision-making processes related to the development of natural resources in traditional areas. It also encourages cooperation in improving the socio-economic situation in these areas and calls for openness and transparency in the activities of Arctic zone residents. Additionally, the standard emphasises the need to minimise the negative impact of economic activities on Indigenous Peoples and the vulnerable Arctic environment. The responsibility standard, a list of principles recommended for use by Arctic residents when interacting with Indigenous Peoples in their traditional residences and economic activities, was approved by Order of the Ministry for the Development of the Russian Far East No. 181.

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The Responsibility standard includes the following principles. •

Promoting the sustainable development of indigenous peoples, improving their quality of life, and preserving their original habitat.

Participation of representatives of indigenous peoples in decision-making on issues affecting the rights and interests of indigenous peoples in the development of natural resources in places of traditional residence and economic activity.

Cooperation in improving the socio-economic situation in the places of traditional residence and in the territories of traditional nature management of indigenous peoples when a resident of the Arctic zone carries out his activities.

Openness of the activities of a resident of the Arctic zone for indigenous peoples and their organizations, state authorities, and local self-government in all environmental and socioeconomic issues affecting the interests of indigenous small peoples;

Minimising the negative impact of the economic activities of residents of the Arctic zone, considering the social, environmental, and natural vulnerability of indigenous peoples and the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation as a whole.

An important aspect of the responsibility standard entails the engagement of AZRF residents in conducting environmental impact assessments that consider the Arctic's vulnerability and the traditional utilisation of natural resources by Indigenous Peoples (Ivanova & Litvinov, 2022). Furthermore, the standard incorporates provisions for compensating Indigenous communities in cases where residents’ economic activities adversely affect their habitats. Additionally, the standard emphasises the active participation of indigenous peoples in decision-making processes concerning the development of natural resources in traditional residences and economic activities. This requires prior coordination between residents and indigenous communities as well as consultations before initiating industrial development projects in areas of traditional residence and economic activity (Ivanova & Litvinov, 2022). However, criticism has been directed toward responsibility standards. Some provisions that were initially included in the draft order, such as the principle of free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) for Indigenous Peoples, were ultimately excluded when the document was finalised. Instead, the final standard replaced the FPIC principle with the principle of Indigenous representatives’ participation in decision-making processes concerning their rights and interests in resource development (Ivanova & Litvinov, 2022). Furthermore, the draft document had unique features, including the requirement of companies (residents) to sign an agreement on compliance with the standard with the federal authority responsible for corporate social responsibility (CSR). In addition, approved methods for monitoring compliance were outlined. However, these provisions were not included in the final standard (Murashko, 2021). Despite these shortcomings, some researchers have suggested that the responsibility standard, although advisory, can have a positive impact. This may help strike a balance between the interests of businesses involved in Arctic resource development and the aspirations of Indigenous communities to preserve their traditional habitats and improve their quality of life (Samonchik, 2022). The standard emphasises the active participation of Indigenous representatives in decisionmaking processes concerning natural resource development in their traditional areas, while also

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encouraging cooperation to enhance the socioeconomic situation in these regions and promote transparency in the activities of Arctic zone residents. However, it is important to note that the responsibility standard does not explicitly include the recognition and integration of Indigenous Knowledge, which is crucial for effectively addressing the unique perspectives and needs of Indigenous Peoples in the Arctic.

The Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement (EEE) were introduced in 2022. However, these Protocols marked long-lasting work by the Inuit Circumpolar Council, as reflected in the following analysis:

Inuit Arctic Policy 2009 The Inuit Arctic Policy was adopted by the Inuit Circumpolar Council in April 2009. The Inuit Arctic Policy was created by the Inuit Circumpolar Council, with contributions from various Inuit organisations and individuals. The goal of Inuit Arctic Policy is to establish a comprehensive policy in Inuit circumpolar regions with regard to economic, social, cultural, environmental, and political concerns. It aimed to achieve a broad consensus on the priorities, policies, and principles to be advanced in the Inuit circumpolar regions, considering the significance of the Arctic and its resources for both present and future generations of northern peoples. The policy also sought to encourage coordination of policy-making and decision-making in the international community, particularly in and among states with Arctic jurisdictions and interests. According to the Inuit Arctic Policy, economic development plays a crucial role in the future of Inuit society and culture. The lack of economic opportunities and development can have critical implications for the well-being of the Inuit communities. Therefore, the policy emphasised that Inuit should be involved in all aspects of economic development to enjoy fundamental human rights, such as the right to work and the right to an adequate standard of living. This policy also suggests that initiatives to attain economic goals and aspirations in the Inuit circumpolar homeland can be significantly enhanced through regional, national, and international cooperation (Inuit Arctic Policy 2009: 80).

Circumpolar Inuit Declaration on Sovereignty in the Arctic 2009 The Circumpolar Inuit Declaration on Sovereignty in the Arctic was adopted by the Inuit Circumpolar Council in April 2009 to affirm the rights and interests of the Inuit people in the Arctic region, including their right to self-determination, unique knowledge of the Arctic environment, and commitment to protecting their home. The declaration also calls for greater recognition of Inuit sovereignty and participation in decision-making processes related to Arctic governance (Circumpolar Inuit Declaration on Sovereignty in the Arctic, 2009: 1). The declaration called for economic activity in the Arctic to be put on a sustainable footing, which could include business activities that are conducted in an environmentally responsible and socially beneficial manner, specifically: economic activity in the Arctic to be put on a sustainable footing and for harmful resource exploitation to be avoided. We emphasize the need to achieve standards of living for Inuit that meet national and international norms and minimums, while deflecting sudden and far-reaching demographic shifts that would overwhelm and marginalize indigenous peoples where they are rooted and have endured.

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Utqiaġvik Declaration 2018 The Utqiaġvik Declaration is a strategic document that outlined the shared priorities of the Inuit communities in Alaska, Canada, Greenland, and Chukotka. It was declared at the 13th General Assembly of the Inuit Circumpolar Council in Utqiaġvik, Alaska in 2018. This declaration is important because it provided a framework for Inuit-led action on issues such as access to healthcare and education, cultural preservation, and environmental protection. The Declaration emphasised the importance of involving every Inuk in implementing its goals. This can be achieved through community engagement and consultation, as well as by providing resources and support to Inuit-led organizations and initiatives. It outlined several specific actions that could be taken to achieve these goals. These include promoting the Inuit language and culture, improving access to healthcare and mental health services, supporting sustainable economic development in Inuit communities, advocating for the rights of Indigenous Peoples at the national and international levels, and addressing climate change through mitigation and adaptation measures (The Utqiaġvik Declaration, 2018). The Utqiaġvik Declaration acknowledged the importance of equitable and sustainable economic development and employment as the building blocks for autonomy. It emphasises the need for a long-term, sustained, and well-funded employment training effort that must be linked to coordinated efforts with the education system, employment and training system, and employers. This declaration also highlights the importance of supporting sustainable economic development in Inuit communities as one of the specific actions that can be taken to achieve its goals. For example: “Economic development is central to the sustainability of Inuit communities. As noted in the 2011 ICC Circumpolar Inuit Declaration on Resource Development Principles in Inuit Nunaat, healthy communities and households require a healthy environment and a healthy economy. We know economic development and social and cultural development must go hand-in-hand, resulting in self-sufficiency, which is an essential part of greater political self- determination”(Utqiaġvik Declaration, 2018: 9) “It is important to continue this work and furthermore focus on advocating for Inuit driven research and monitoring, equitable partnerships in all aspects of research, information sovereignty, and working to increase intellectual and political space for Inuit across scales”(Utqiaġvik Declaration, 2018: 6) The declaration directed the Inuit Circumpolar Council (ICC) to facilitate the development of protocols for EEE and engage appropriate international fora, such as the Arctic Council, to provide guidance on Indigenous Knowledge. The goal of these protocols was to ensure that Indigenous Knowledge is respected, protected, and utilised in a way that benefits Inuit communities and respects their rights.

Analysis of Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement (EEE) 2022 The Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement (EEE) were developed by the ICC Workshop on EEE and attended by 35 nominated Inuit Delegates from Inuit Nunaat. These delegates represented the Inuit communities in Alaska, Canada, Greenland and Chukotka. Embracing Indigenous Knowledge in Arctic Economic Development


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The workshops were held over the course of three months in the fall of 2021. The purpose of the workshops was to develop ICC protocols for EEE of Inuit Communities and Indigenous Knowledge. These protocols are intended to ensure that Inuit knowledge is respected and used ethically by decision makers, researchers, and others operating in the Arctic (ICC, 2021). The workshops were organised with the goal of aiding the development of the Inuit Circumpolar Council's international protocols on the ethical and equitable engagement of Inuit communities and IK. The workshops provided a platform for participants to share their personal perspectives and experiences on these issues, with the aim of strengthening dialogue among the Inuit across their homeland. To ensure that Inuit communities and IK were respected and included in the discussions, participants emphasised the importance of focusing on Inuit voices and perspectives throughout the workshop series. They also stressed the need for active listening, open dialogue, and mutual respect among all the participants. (Inuit Circumpolar Council, 2021). The ICC EEE Drafting Team prepared, Inuit-values-grounded international engagement protocols that incorporated discussions from workshops and previous ICC initiatives: The guidance found here on the development of circumpolar protocols/guidelines is intended to transcend national borders, politics, and policies, and situate us as an Inuit in a broader world. These protocols/guidelines bring us together on the international stage, not to eliminate our differences, but to provide a united voice that captures the spirit of our people and our communities (ICC Ethical and Equitable Engagement Synthesis Report 2021; 8. These protocols have been widely disseminated and implemented at the international level. The workshops highlighted various potential next steps, which involved developing specific protocols for engaging with Inuit communities and integrating IK into international forums, such as the Arctic Council and United Nations. The Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for EEE outline several key principles, including the importance of respecting Inuit rights and self-determination, recognizing and valuing Inuit knowledge and perspectives, engaging in meaningful consultation and collaboration with Inuit communities, ensuring equitable benefits from any activities or projects that impact Inuit lands or resources, and promoting environmental sustainability. These principles are intended to guide fair and respectful engagement between the Inuit community and others seeking work with them. This document outlines the eight protocols for equitable and ethical engagement. These protocols are: 1. 'Nothing About Us Without Us' – Always Engage with Inuit 2. Recognize Indigenous Knowledge in its Own Right 3. Practice Good Governance 4. Communication with Intent 5. Exercising Accountability - Building Trust 6. Building Meaningful Partnerships 7. Information, Data Sharing, Ownership and Permissions 8. Equitably Fund Inuit Representation and Knowledge

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Individuals and organizations seeking to engage with the Inuit community can apply the Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for EEE by respecting cultural differences, accommodating Inuit preferred communication and decision-making styles, prioritising relationship building, including reciprocity and giving back, and working to build reciprocal relationships. They should also recognise and value Inuit knowledge and perspectives, engage in meaningful consultation and collaboration with Inuit communities, ensure equitable benefits from any activities or projects that impact Inuit lands or resources, promote environmental sustainability, and respect Inuit rights and self-determination. By following these principles, individuals and organisations can establish fair and respectful engagement with the Inuit community. Protocol 2 of the document specifically calls for the recognition of Indigenous Knowledge in its own right and emphasises that it is directly connected to Inuit sovereignty, past, and future. It recognises that Indigenous Knowledge (IK) is a systematic way of thinking applied to phenomena across biological, physical, cultural, and spiritual systems. IK includes insights based on evidence acquired through direct and long-term experiences, and extensive and multigenerational observations, lessons, and skills. The protocols for EEE describe Indigenous Knowledge as a systematic way of thinking that goes beyond observations and ecological knowledge, offering a unique way of identifying research needs and applying it to research, monitoring, assessments, decision-making, policy, and the overall understanding of the Arctic. It also emphasises that Indigenous Knowledge cannot be separated from the identity, values, spirituality, and worldviews of Indigenous peoples.

Discussion This article examined three frameworks, namely the Arctic Investment Protocol, Responsibility Standard for AZRF residents, and Circumpolar Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement, which are all categorised as soft law. Soft law refers to non-binding legal instruments or guidelines that lack enforceability through traditional legal mechanisms such as courts. It encompasses norms, principles, and standards developed and agreed upon by states, international organisations, or other actors, but without the same legal force as treaties or domestic laws. Soft law instruments can take the form of declarations, resolutions, codes of conduct, guidelines, and recommendations (Guzman & Meyer, 2010). Although soft law does not create legally binding obligations, it can still exert significant influence and impact on the behaviour and practices of states and other actors. The development of the Arctic Investment Protocol (AIP) engaged multiple stakeholders, including observer countries such as the UK, China, Japan, and South Korea. Nonetheless, certain countries, such as Iceland, Denmark, Finland, and Sweden, were not represented in the AIP drafting process, and the participation of Permanent Participants to the Arctic Council was not fully realised. The AIP was created to address the needs of the business community in order to promote sustainable business development in the Arctic. The Arctic Economic Council (AEC), which represents business community stakeholders, took ownership of and actively promoted the AIP. The AIP aims to provide a framework for investment in the Arctic region, which suggests that it addresses the needs of businesses seeking to invest in the Arctic and navigates the unique challenges and opportunities of the region. The Arctic Investment Protocol exemplifies a streamlined and investor-friendly framework that aligns with the global Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) discourse; however, it may lack specificity related to the Arctic and does not

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have guidelines for the integration of Indigenous Knowledge and Indigenous Sustainable Finance in the Arctic. The Russian Arctic responsibility standard was introduced into Federal Law in 2020. However, it is important to note its voluntary nature. The responsibility standard aims to promote sustainable development, enhance the well-being of Indigenous peoples, preserve their habitats, encourage their participation in decision-making processes, foster socio-economic improvement, ensure transparency, and minimise the adverse effects of economic activities on Indigenous communities and the fragile Arctic environment. While the standard emphasises sustainable development, improving Indigenous quality of life, and preserving habitat, it falls short of recognising and incorporating Indigenous Knowledge and principles of Indigenous Sustainable Finance. The Inuit Circumpolar Council has been active in making Inuit voices heard, including their participation in the Arctic economic development. The Inuit Arctic Policy, adopted in 2009, aimed to establish a comprehensive policy for economic, social, cultural, environmental, and political matters in Inuit circumpolar regions. Economic development was highlighted as crucial for the well-being of Inuit communities, emphasising their involvement in all aspects of economic development to ensure fundamental human rights. The Circumpolar Inuit Declaration on Sovereignty 2009 in the Arctic affirmed Inuit rights and interests in the region, while calling for sustainable economic activity and adherence to international norms. The Utqiaġvik Declaration 2018 outlined shared priorities of Inuit communities, including sustainable economic development, employment training, and full Inuit partnership in economic ventures. It also emphasises the importance of respecting and utilising Indigenous Knowledge for the benefit of Inuit communities. These initiatives demonstrate Inuit's commitment to economic and business development, while safeguarding their rights, culture, and environment. The resulting Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for EEE 2022 created by rightsholders emphasise respecting Inuit rights, recognising Inuit knowledge, meaningful consultation, equitable benefits, and environmental sustainability. The protocols consist of eight principles for engagement. The Protocols highlight the importance of recognising Indigenous Knowledge as a systematic way of thinking connected to Inuit sovereignty. Indigenous Knowledge is viewed as holistic with its integral connection to the identity, values, spirituality, and worldviews of indigenous peoples. The protocols aimed to guide fair and respectful engagement with the Inuit community, while promoting Inuit self-determination. The protocols align with the principles of ESG and Indigenous Sustainable Finance Integration. However, these protocols represent Inuit-based perspective not an approach that would incorporate worldviews of both Indigenous Peoples and investors. According to Savelyeva (2017), the dominant sustainability discourse in Western societies is centered on an anthropocentric perspective that prioritizes ecological, economic, and societal sustainability pillars for managing nature. However, this perspective does not include Indigenous perspectives in the guidelines. In the Arctic context, Buschman and Sudlovenick (2022) highlighted the importance of incorporating Indigenous perspectives in Arctic conservation efforts. This entails recognising the sustainable practices and historical exclusion experienced by Indigenous communities. It is crucial to value IK and community initiatives, while respecting sovereignty and self-determination. Additionally, integrating IK into sustainable business frameworks and guidelines presents an opportunity to promote sustainable resource utilisation. By incorporating

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Indigenous perspectives and valuing indigenous knowledge, a more comprehensive and inclusive approach to sustainability could be developed. Of the analysed guidelines for sustainable business development, the Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement (EEE) and Arctic Investment Protocol (AIP), if combined, can be viewed as a bridge between IK and the Western perspective, addressing the existing divide. The Protocols for EEE recognise the significance of incorporating Indigenous perspectives and valuing IK in guiding decision-making processes (Cajete, 2000; Gorjestani, 2001), whereas AIP is targeted at investors in general. The progress of the Arctic economic development requires guidelines. However, a thorough examination of existing Arctic-specific sustainable development frameworks and guidelines highlights the urgent requirement for the increased involvement of Arctic Indigenous communities in the creation of sustainable economic development and investment guidelines. Simultaneously, it is crucial to consider the needs and expectations of global investors to align the Arctic sustainable economic guidelines with global ESG requirements. To develop effective guidelines, it is crucial to consider multiple aspects. First, these guidelines should align with the principles of Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) discourse, ensuring that they meet the expectations and requirements of sustainable and responsible investment practices. Second, it is important to make these guidelines investor-friendly, taking inspiration from the Arctic Investment Protocol (AIP). Additionally, the guidelines should incorporate specificity comparable to that of the Protocols for EEE. Finally, the inclusion of Indigenous Knowledge (IK) and principles of Indigenous Sustainable Finance (ISF) is essential, recognising the unique perspectives, values, and practices of Indigenous communities and their role in promoting sustainable development. This inclusion is crucial to ensure the integration of IK, which reflects the unique worldviews and values of Indigenous Peoples and should be respected during developmental processes. Currently, it remains unclear who can undertake such an initiative, especially when the work of the Arctic Council is paused. Moreover, the level at which these guidelines should be established remains challenging. Should there be separate guidelines tailored to each Arctic Indigenous population represented by Permanent Participants to the Arctic Council or a unified protocol on a pan-Arctic scale? These are essential questions that demand answers given the growing attention paid to incorporating IK into decision-making processes. Addressing these challenges is vital to promoting inclusive and culturally sensitive sustainable business development in the Arctic region.

Conclusion This study investigated the integration of Indigenous perspectives and Indigenous Knowledge (IK) within existing guidelines for sustainable economic development or investment in the Arctic. Specifically, the Arctic Investment Protocol, Responsibility Standard for the Arctic Zone of the Russian Federation, and Circumpolar Inuit Protocols for Equitable and Ethical Engagement were analysed. Using content analysis as a methodological approach, this study examined text data to quantitatively and qualitatively analyse the presence of Indigenous Peoples’ views and the incorporation of IK in these documents. The analysis of the current guidelines reveals the necessity for greater involvement of Arctic Indigenous communities in formulating inclusive and respectful sustainable economic development and investment guidelines that integrate IK and reflect indigenous worldviews and values. Developing effective guidelines requires aligning them with ESG principles, making them Embracing Indigenous Knowledge in Arctic Economic Development


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investor-friendly; for example, inspired by the Arctic Investment Protocol. Specificity comparable to EEE Protocols is crucial, and incorporating Indigenous Knowledge and principles of Indigenous Sustainable Finance is essential for promoting sustainable development in the Arctic. This study highlights the pressing need for increased participation of Arctic Indigenous communities in formulating sustainable economic development and investment guidelines to ensure the integration of IK and respect for indigenous worldviews and values. Establishing inclusive guidelines on either a pan-Arctic scale or tailored to individual Arctic Indigenous groups presents a significant challenge, requiring attention and resolution to promote culturally sensitive and inclusive sustainable business development in the region. In conclusion, incorporating the best practices from the three frameworks can guide the development of a new sustainable economic development protocol that effectively integrates IK. Both the Arctic Council and Arctic Economic Council can play key roles as facilitators to ensure the meaningful participation of Indigenous Peoples in the creation of this protocol. However, the current pause in the Arctic Council’s work poses a challenge, requiring alternative mechanisms or temporary arrangements to continue progress in this regard.

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Satellite dependency in Nunavut: a barrier to the territory's political realization

Célestine Rabouam

Officially created in 1999, Nunavut is Canada's youngest, largest and northernmost territory and no road network connects the 25 communities scattered across the territory. It is also the only Canadian territory to rely entirely on satellites for its communications and this situation contributes significantly to the isolation of the population, 85% of which is Inuit, and hinders the economic development and political governance of the territory. However, the development of telecommunications in Nunavut raises a major issue for the territorial government and the nunavummiut communities. Inuit organizations have been quick to take up the issue of Internet access, but despite these initial assertions, Nunavut remains the Canadian territory with the least access to the Internet. Two cable projects are currently being studied and/or developed, but the distances between the communities will not allow all 25 communities to be terrestrially connected in the short or medium term. To mitigate this problem, operators of low earth orbit satellite constellations such as Starlink have been deploying their services in Nunavut for several months and aim to compete with the players traditionally responsible for telecommunications in this territory. While Inuit associations are at the heart of the decision-making process for the development of cables (in the Qikiqtaaluk and Kivalliq regions), Starlink's takeover of a part of this market reinforces the geographic concentration of decision-making and organizational power in the South, whereas Inuit associations aspire to relocate these skills locally.

Introduction Telecommunications in Canada are seen as essential tools for uniting the population, given the vastness of the territory and the distance between population centers (Charland, 1986). This representation is even stronger in northern territories, where the vastness of territorial entities combines with the weakness of road infrastructures, or even their absence in some communities. Since December 21, 2016, the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) has defined access to high-speed Internet without data volume limits and with a minimum speed of 50-10 Mb/s as a basic universal service to be provided to every Canadian, recognizing at the same time that the Internet is an essential tool for the economic development of a territory1. Reinforced by the COVID-19 pandemic and the resulting widespread use of distance learning and working, the CRTC's statement acknowledges that Internet access must be seen as a vector of Célestine Rabouam, PhD candidate at the French Institute of Geopolitics (University Paris 8) and at the GEODE research center (Geopolitics of the datasphere)


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social and economic equality, as well as political equality, since it enables democratic participation in debates that are increasingly held online. This CRTC statement follows the telecommunications services review process announced by the regulator in April 2015. The review specifically aimed to identify the technical and financial challenges and difficulties in serving remote communities in northern regions through consultations with users, service providers, and aboriginal organizations. In recent years, there have been significant developments in telecommunications regulation in Canada, with an increasing focus on equal and equitable access to broadband services and the promotion of competition. The CRTC has introduced new measures to ensure affordable prime rates for telecommunications services, monitor quality of service, and require investment in infrastructure to improve connectivity, particularly in rural and remote areas. Measures have also been taken to promote competition in the telecommunications market, especially by allowing the introduction of new players, such as mobile virtual network operators (MVNOs)2. Officially created in 1999, Nunavut is Canada's youngest, largest and northernmost territory and no road network connects the 25 communities scattered across the territory. It is also the only Canadian territory to depend entirely on satellites for communications, and this situation significantly reinforces the digital inequalities that mainly affect the Inuit, who make up 85% of Nunavut's population. Dependence on satellites also represents a challenge for the territory's economic development and political governance as all services rely on satellite operation, which is both very costly and congested due to the number of users. The issue of access to the Internet has been part of the Nunavut Implementation Commission's (NIC) work since 1994, with a first report entitled "Footprints in New Snow", which addresses the issue of information highways by including the Internet and asserting the importance of this resource to ensure the effective decentralized governance of the territory (Delaunay, 2021:239). The role of the NIC was fundamental in the establishment of the Territory and played a central role in the negotiation and implementation of the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement. In its two reports - Footprints in New Snow and Footprints 2 - the Commission recommended strong decentralization of territorial government to provide programs and services at the regional and community levels to the extent possible. The decision to decentralize government services as much as possible also reflects a desire to provide employment and training opportunities to communities while enabling them to develop their capacity and strengthen and diversify their local economies (Millenium Partners, 2002). To achieve these objectives, the NIC reports emphasize the need for the Government of Nunavut to benefit from a solid telecommunications infrastructure. In this context, telecommunications systems are seen as political tools for economic and social integration, whose primary objective is to compensate for the geographic dispersion of economic, political and population centers across the country. However, this objective is largely hampered by the fact that satellites provide all the bandwidth available for the territory. Despite these early goals, Nunavut remains the Canadian territory with the least access to the Internet. Two fiber-optic cable projects are currently being studied and/or developed, but the distances between the communities will not allow all 25 communities to be connected in the short or medium term. To mitigate this problem, operators of low earth orbit satellite constellations such

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as Starlink have been deploying their services in Nunavut for several months and aim to compete with the players traditionally responsible for telecommunications in this territory. Focusing on the case study of Nunavut, the paper aims to question the impact of the arrival of LEO satellite constellations on the Arctic telecommunications market in a context of Inuit organizations' reappropriation of digital-related decisions. The objective of this paper is also to understand the role of telecommunications in Nunavut's political project and to analyze the evolution of power relations between the actors traditionally responsible for telecommunications in Nunavut, the operators of satellite constellations dedicated to broadband (Starlink - OneWeb) and the regional Inuit associations that aspire to a better understanding of the specific needs of the population in terms of access to digital resources.

Digital development in Nunavut: a complex but necessary undertaking for the territory The creation of Nunavut in 1999 was a turning point in relations between the Inuit of the Canadian Arctic and the federal government, but it also underlined the precociousness of the population's claims for digital inclusion. While access to the Internet and digital technologies has become essential to many aspects of modern life, Nunavut communities face major connectivity challenges. As early as 1994, the issue of Internet access became part of the work of the Nunavut Implementation Commission (NIC), with the first report "Our Footprints in Fresh Snow". In particular, the report emphasized the importance of information and communication technologies for effective decentralized governance of the territory (CEN, 1995:57). Two years later, in Volume 2, the importance of a modern communications network to ensure territorial governance is emphasized once again: "The rationale is quite simple: the proper functioning of a decentralized public administration in 11 localities located in one of the world's highest transportation cost regions will only be possible through an efficient telecommunication system" (CEN, 1996:71). The establishment of a decentralized system of governance is of prime importance to Nunavummiut communities, as it enables the creation of skilled jobs throughout the territory and the inclusion of communities in its governance. To connect the remote and isolated communities of the Canadian Arctic, the federal government has always relied on geostationary satellites operated by the Telesat company, because they enable it to bypass the constraints associated with the distances between communities and the development of terrestrial digital infrastructures in rural and sparsely populated areas. However, this technological choice has left many communities dependent on an expensive system that offers only limited bandwidth. With the spread of Internet use and the progressive digitization of society, satellite telecommunications systems in geostationary orbit no longer meet the needs of the population, businesses and scientists, who have been calling for federal investment in fiber-optic cable for several years (Delaunay, 2021: 290). Today, the federal government is the only stakeholder with the resources to financially support the development of new telecommunications systems (subsea or terrestrial fiber-optic cable) in Nunavut, where each project requires a very high level of commitment, both logistically and financially. The CRTC is responsible for regulating telecommunications in Canada, including the northern territories. The regulatory authority also supports funding programs such as the Broadband Fund, which was launched in 2019 in conjunction with a consultation on potential barriers to broadband

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deployment in underserved areas of Canada. In 2020 and again in June 2022, the CRTC also launched a series of consultations to find solutions to improve telecommunications services in the Far North3. In terms of telecommunications, the three Arctic territories (Yukon, Northwest Territories and Nunavut4) share a common history of regulated monopolies granted to BCE (formerly Bell Canada) and then NorthwesTel in the Yukon, Northwest Territories (NWT) and Nunavut. Prior to the deregulation of telecommunications in 1992 and the introduction of competition in the marketplace, the government had assigned monopolies to Canada's major telecommunications companies to provide all services in the territories covered by the monopolies (Poitras, 2000). In 1992, Bell's monopoly over the Eastern Canadian Arctic ended, but its subsidiary NorthwesTel, created in 1979, obtained an extension of its monopoly in the Yukon, NWT and Nunavut until 2012 (Delaunay, 2020: 255). However, these three territories do not have access to the same technologies for their telecommunications, and this difference fuels inequalities between populations. In some communities, access to local radio is inconsistent, and many households do not have reliable Internet access because the cost of residential packages is too high. The poorest households therefore have the least access not only to digital resources but also to information in general5. NorthwesTel is subject to regulation of its services by the CRTC due to its monopoly position in the provision of telecommunications services in the Northwest Territories, Yukon and Nunavut. As the main provider of telecommunications services, NorthwesTel is critical to ensuring connectivity in local communities. The regulations issued by the CRTC are designed to ensure that NorthwesTel provides affordable rates, adequate quality of service and investment in infrastructure required to meet the unique needs of these regions, while promoting competition to drive innovation and provide consumer choice. These regulations aim to balance the interests of consumers, communities and businesses while ensuring that northern residents have access to essential telecommunications services (CRTC, 2020:40). While the Yukon's telecommunications infrastructure relies almost exclusively on terrestrial fiber optic cables operated by NorthwesTel, the NWT relies on a combination of several technologies (GEO satellites, cables and microwave tower networks) and Nunavut is totally dependent on satellite telecommunications systems (Delaunay, 2014). In 2005, SSi Canada – formerly SSi Micro – was the first company to connect the 25 Nunavummiut communities to the Internet with its Qiniq network, but the provider quickly faced competition from NorthwesTel. The Bell subsidiary initially set up in the most populous communities before launching its Tamarmiik Nunaliit network in 2019, financed by a $49.9 million grant from the federal Broadband Fund. Both ISPs relied on Telesat's geostationary satellites until 2021, when SSi chose to partner with SES Networks to offer new GEO satellite capacity on its residential and mobile networks. Although the Yukon and NWT are better served than Nunavut, these two territories face similar issues regarding the improvement of Internet connectivity in their most isolated and remote communities. Firstly, NorthwesTel's monopolistic position in the telecommunications market of the three territories hinders the emergence of competitive players in the telecommunications market. As a result, users have a limited choice of Internet providers, which reinforces the

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inequality of Internet access not only compared to southern populations, but also between social classes at local level. In Nunavut, the cost of living is much higher than in the rest of Canada, and the most precarious households usually cannot afford an internet package. In addition, poverty mainly affects the territory's Indigenous peoples. The 2022 report by the National Collaborating Centre for Indigenous Health indicates that the poverty rate among Inuit in Nunavut is estimated at 62%, compared to 29% among the territory's non-aboriginal population. According to the 2017 Indigenous Peoples Survey, 68% of Inuit households in Inuit Nunangat have access to the internet at home, compared to 91% of Inuit households outside Inuit Nunangat. Of Inuit households in Inuit Nunangat that do not have internet access at home, 54.5% cite cost, 10.2% cite lack of equipment, and 2.9% cite unavailability of service as reasons for lack of access. The federal government's preference for satellite-based systems to connect its Arctic populations subsequently had a major impact on the allocation of funding, as terrestrial infrastructure projects were considered too risky and costly compared with the satellite infrastructures already present in these territories and operated by traditional telecommunications companies. This trend can be seen above all in Nunavut, where the road network is limited and the development of terrestrial cables would require a complex layout in terms of logistics (Coelho, 2018: 141). The low population density of the communities and the technical challenges posed by the installation of terrestrial and submarine cables in Nunavut partly explain why satellite was chosen to connect the rural populations of the Canadian Arctic. Firstly, terrestrial cables are subject to extreme climatic conditions and unstable permafrost, which complicates infrastructure layout and maintenance. The NWT government did support the installation of a terrestrial fiber-opric cable in the Mackenzie Valley to connect several communities that still relied on satellites. However, the project has taken a few twists and turns since it was announced in 2014. Costs have risen dramatically (from $81 million to $194 million), forcing the NWT government to pay an additional $28 million (Carroll, 2017). Ledcor, the company laying the cable, also faced significant geological challenges caused by permafrost along the cable route (Thurton, 2016). And secondly, laying submarine cables in the Northwest Passage requires a major effort in terms of feasibility studies and environmental impact, as this sea passage is covered with ice for part of the year. In addition, ice masses gradually breaking away from the continent can cause damage near the coastal section of a cable if it is not adequately protected. The Quintillion cable project is a good example of the logistical and technical difficulties of laying submarine cables in the Northwest Passage. In 2016, the Alaskan company Quintillion bought the assets of the Canadian Arctic Fibre project, which would connect Asia and Europe via the Northwest Passage, because the Canadian company was unable to secure federal funding for its project. Since 2017, Quintillion has laid the first part of its cable in Alaska and plans to continue its efforts, first to Asia, then to the Canadian Arctic and finally to Europe. While the project has succeeded in its first phase, the company has also faced significant financial challenges – Quintillion's former CEO has since been put on trial for fraud within the company – as well as technical challenges in installing and protecting the cable (Delaunay, 2021: 291). During the construction of the first segments of the Quintillion cable in 2017, concrete was even laid to reinforce the installation and further protect the branch (Green et al., 2018).

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The constraints associated with the vastness of the territory, the distances between communities, the absence of a road network and the demographic distribution of the area make Nunavut a particularly challenging place to build infrastructure, where federal investment is essential.

OneWeb and Starlink satellite constellations: two contrasting models for polar connectivity Throughout Nunavut and Canada's remote Arctic communities, the choice of operators and Internet service providers is very limited, and competition is almost non-existent. This situation has led to considerable frustration among the local population, who are calling for more choice (Environics Research, 2020). Since the aim of these satellite constellations is to bring broadband to the most remote and isolated areas, their launch in the Canadian Arctic has been eagerly awaited by users. Both constellations are now available. Starlink's offer has been operational in Nunavut since November 2022 and OneWeb's services have been available to commercial entities and organizations in Nunavut since March 2023. Canadian operator Telesat has also launched its own satellite constellation project, Lightspeed, but has experienced significant delays compared with Oneweb and Starlink. The constellation was due to be operational in 2024, but Telesat announced in March 2022 that commissioning could be delayed until 2026 (De Selding, 2022). Since then, the Canadian operator has changed its plans, announcing in August 2023 that its Lightspeed constellation was now fully funded. The company announced that it had replaced Thales Alenia Space with Canadian company MDA Ltd for the construction of the 198 satellites needed for its constellation. The satellites are now scheduled to launch in mid-2026, with polar and global services launching in late 20276. Major constellation projects bet on inter-satellite optical links because they enable data to travel at the speed of light from one satellite to another, reaching the ground station that connects to the Internet backbone and then to the user's terminal as quickly as possible. This system reduces latency and the need for ground stations, forming an interconnected mesh network that gives users access to the network wherever they are. Users' data packets travel from satellite to satellite to the nearest ground station, back up to the satellite and transit again between satellites in the constellation to reach the one closest to the user (Rodriguez-Perez et al, 2011). Currently, the second generation of Starlink satellites – including those launched into polar orbit – are the only ones equipped with this technology, enabling SpaceX to bypass the costs of building and operating ground stations in the Arctic (Foust, 2021). The use of inter-satellite optical links therefore gives the Starlink constellation an advantage in polar coverage, both in terms of operating costs and services. To offer satellite telecommunications services in Canada, operators can adopt either a direct-tohome model – which means that the operator sells and delivers its services directly to users – or a community aggregator model, which enables the operator to aggregate traffic at a central point and redistribute it to the local network. In the latter case, operators must generally partner with local service providers to manage distribution on the local network7. Starlink's business model enables it to bypass traditional ISPs by selling Internet access directly to users, unlike OneWeb, which in August 2021 signed a Memorandum of Understanding with NorthwesTel to extend connectivity solutions for the population, businesses, governments and mining. Initially, NorthwesTel planned to rely exclusively on the Telesat constellation, but the

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company has not ruled out OneWeb to meet its objectives as part of the "every community" project8. In May, OneWeb signed a new ground station agreement with Swedish Space Corporation (SSC) and NorthwesTel to build and manage a new OneWeb satellite network portal in Yellowknife, the capital of the Northwest Territories (Swinhoe, 2023). Starlink's rapid deployment and uptake by northern consumers seems to have caught Internet service providers – limited in the Canadian Arctic – off guard, and they now fear losing market share. This is particularly true for NorthwesTel, which called on the CRTC even before the service became available in the Arctic, to help it counter the competitive threat posed by this new player. In 2021, the company asked the regulator to modify the rate filing process for retail Internet services so that it could prepare for Starlink's arrival on the Arctic telecommunications market9. Although Starlink has not yet completed its polar coverage, the constellation has been a great success in Nunavut, and has even led to an outcry against the Northview Housing Corporation, which does not allow its tenants to install Starlink antennas in their homes. A petition was launched on December 04, 2022 to force Northview to allow its tenants access to Starlink service (Cohen, 2022). For the moment, SpaceX's direct competitors who aspire to connect the Arctic territories are acting only as wholesale satellite operators, selling their bandwidth to ISPs already present in the territory. Oneweb and the Canadian Lightspeed project developed by Telesat have signed agreements for the Yukon and NWT with NorthwesTel, the incumbent Internet provider in the Canadian Arctic, and Pacific Dataport, a Microcom subsidiary serving part of rural Alaska10. In Alaska, Pacific Dataport strongly opposed Starlink at the FCC, and followed up its efforts with a white paper entitled "Clearing the LEO fog in Alaska", in which the Oneweb constellation is presented as the safest and fastest option for rural populations in the Arctic, while the Starlink project is accused of trying to influence regulatory agencies and of relying on populist campaigns (Pacific Dataport, 2021). SpaceX's authorization to launch its satellites into polar orbit has thus given rise to incumbent service providers protests from the constellation's competitors in the Arctic while the service was eagerly awaited by northern residents. In particular, Amazon objected to the FCC's request to modify the orbital plans of the second-generation Starlink satellites, arguing that this modification doubled the technical effort that operators like Amazon face in examining interference and orbital debris issues vis-à-vis Starlink (Brodkin, 2021). Criticism of Starlink has also focused on the service's supposed benefits for local populations. Indeed, although Starlink's availability in remote and isolated Arctic communities allows users to choose a new, more efficient service, the company is not physically present in the territory, which raises a number of issues. For example, SpaceX doesn't participate in the economy of these territories, and unlike traditional access providers, it doesn't employ a local workforce. Furthermore, users located in remote communities have no access to a dedicated customer service to report problems. However, it is important to note that during phase 2 of the CRTC's call for comments on telecommunications in the Far North, ISP NorthwesTel's practices in terms of customer service, local employment and monthly data overage billing were highlighted as major issues for respondents. Indigenous parties participating in the call for comments also raised concerns about the way NorthwesTel engages in dialogue with local Indigenous communities (CRTC, 2022-147).

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One of SpaceX's main arguments for launching its satellites into polar orbit is the public interest of this service for the world's least connected populations, particularly in the Arctic11. Unlike Starlink, its main competitor OneWeb completed its polar coverage several months ago, but its satellites do not integrate inter-satellite optical links, which appears to have an impact on the quality of its Arctic services. In December 2022, lobby group Alaska Telecom Association filed a document with the FCC, citing unsatisfactory connectivity levels and excessively high operating costs for a residential network aimed at rural Alaskans (Swinhoe , 2023).

Increasing involvement of Inuit organizations in telecommunications development across Nunavut Inuit claims concerning access to digital resources and infrastructures were particularly precocious and testify to the population's genuine concern that their specific needs regarding ownership and control over the organization of the networks be taken into account. An initial Broadband Task Force was set up by the Nunavut government in January 2001, and was replaced in 2002 by the Nunavut Broadband Development Corporation (NBDC), a group of members from the Government of Nunavut, Inuit organizations and SSi Canada, created to meet the requirements of Industry Canada's BRAND program to build the Qiniq network and improve telecommunications services in the territory (Mignone et al., 2008:20). The early creation of these two organizations illustrates the importance of telecommunications in the process of Nunavut's creation, but also reaffirms the central role of the federal government in their funding. The context of reconciliation with Indigenous populations also plays an important role in the discourse around digital equity in Canada. Access to digital resources is seen not only as a universal need, but also as a political tool to meet the specific needs of Indigenous communities. Reconciliation with Canada's Indigenous populations does indeed rely on economic and political levers. In terms of telecommunications, initiatives that are part of this reconciliation logic must enable Indigenous communities to achieve digital sovereignty by giving them the possibility of owning and deciding on the organization and management of their data and digital infrastructures. Digital infrastructures are thus seen as tools of emancipation that communities want to seize in order to control the uses and effects of digital technologies and ensure that they meet their specific needs (McMahon, 2013). Since 2007, the Kuhkenah Network (KO-KNET) developed in Northern Ontario has been a good example of the reconciliation approach in the field of telecommunications. KO-KNET is a nonprofit association that has adopted a self-controlled, autonomous community model for digital infrastructure and services. This initiative has connected 26 ISPs in First Nations communities, and each First Nation served by KO-KNET owns and controls its own local network infrastructure, and is its own Internet service provider. The value of this initiative is that the First Nations control and maintain the telecommunications infrastructure “according to their own politics and policies, but in dependency of non-Indigenous funding bodies and partners and in the wider context of governmental policies” (Budka, 2015:37). In Nunavut, Inuit organizations are also actively involved in projects designed to improve access to digital resources. For example, the Inuit company CanArctic Inuit Networks has for several years been working on a project that would bring high-speed Internet via a submarine cable to the capital Iqaluit. In March 2023, the company signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Alaskan

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company Quintillion to help build a fiber-optic network from Happy Valley-Goose Bay, Labrador to Iqaluit (Wright, 2023). The Kivalliq Hydro Fibre link project also aims to bring both a new energy source and a fiber-optic connection to several communities and a mining site in the southern Kivalliq region from Manitoba. The development of the project and the active search for funding were largely managed by the Kivalliq Inuit Association, which will also own the entire infrastructure once it is built (Canadian Northern Economic Development Agency, 2021). This will be the first fiber-optic cable in Nunavut and will provide a new source of revenue for the Association, which will be able to sell wholesale bandwidth to NorthwesTel and SSi. Inuit organizations involved in fiber-optic cable projects focus on regional projects that will connect only one or a few communities. The Sednalink project is currently focused on the capital Iqaluit, and the Kivalliq Hydro Fiber Link will connect only 5 communities in southern Nunavut. These projects will therefore not solve the problem of satellite dependency throughout the territory. They will, however, connect two major population centers, Iqaluit and Arviat, thereby freeing up bandwidth for other communities that will remain satellite-dependent. One of the main challenges in improving connectivity in Nunavut is to free up satellite bandwidth by connecting the largest population centers to fiber-optic cable12. Cable projects are therefore at the heart of Inuit demands for access to broadband services in Nunavut, but Inuit organizations have also been interested and invested in the opportunities presented by the arrival of LEO satellite constellations in the Canadian telecommunications market. The telecommunications arm of Qikiqtaaluk Corporation – the for-profit development arm of the Qikiqtani Inuit Association (QIA) – PanArctic Communication, has seized this opportunity to create Inuknet, a company 51% owned by PanArctic and the result of a partnership with OneWeb and Galaxy Broadband (Lipscombe, 2023). Inuknet, formed in 2023, currently serves only one customer in Iqaluit, but plans to offer residential services in all Nunavut communities in the coming months. It will then be the only operational service provider in Nunavut that is Inuit-owned.

Conclusion Inuit organizations have a long-standing understanding of the technical challenges posed by the territory, by the lack of competition in the telecommunications market and by the dependence on federal investment induced by the cost of infrastructure in the North. While the first cable will not connect all 25 Nunavummiut communities to fiber optics, these initiatives will gradually free up bandwidth for satellite-dependent communities, improving the overall situation across the territory. Similarly, the introduction of LEO satellite constellations and the availability of new networks based on new bandwidth sources will diversify digital opportunities for users while strengthening the resilience of information systems in the territory. Therefore, although new infrastructure development in Nunavut is extremely slow and costly, the complementarity of terrestrial and spacebased telecommunications infrastructures is therefore essential to achieving broadband in the territory. Although Inuit involvement in projects dedicated to improving connectivity in Nunavut has long been a mere façade, the context of reconciliation with Indigenous populations on a national scale has made it possible in recent years to confirm the central role of Inuit players in the territory's

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digital development. While Indigenous organizations criticized NorthwesTel during recent CRTC public consultations primarily for its weak services and approach to Indigenous communities, recent federal government and regulatory public policies aimed at bridging the digital divide have primarily targeted rural Indigenous communities (McMahon, 2020). In addition, the CRTC has made clear that it seeks reconciliation in the context of telecommunications regulation in the Far North and recognizes that Indigenous voices are essential and indispensable in conversations about telecommunications services in the Far North. In the second phase of consultation, in response to complaints received in Phase 1, the CRTC took steps to allow for broader participation by Indigenous organizations (CRTC, 2022-147). Despite these efforts, no Nunavut organizations attended the CRTC hearings in Whitehorse. They argued that the discussion with the CRTC would be more meaningful if it took place in Nunavut (Tranter, 2023). The aim of low-earth orbit constellations is to bridge the global digital divide and universalize Internet access. However, they serve governmental and private interests far removed from the concerns of communities still dependent on limited and costly Internet services. With Starlink, the amount of data consumed per month is five times greater than the volume of data allocated to the largest NorthwesTel package. Moreover, Starlink does not charge users for data overage unlike NorthwesTel. Starlink's improvements in service quality and the availability of consumable data will therefore enhance users' digital capabilities. The arrival of competitive players such as Starlink nevertheless raises certain risks, as pointed out by Inuit organizations and competitors of the American constellation in the Canadian Arctic. Firstly, SpaceX does not participate in any way in the economy of the Arctic territories, nor does it contribute to initiatives aimed at strengthening reconciliation with Indigenous populations. And secondly, by taking over part of the users in Nunavut, the Yukon and the NWT, Starlink increases the dependence of remote communities, and of Canada in general, on American telecommunications infrastructures. Starlink's capture of part of the market also has the effect of strengthening the geographical concentration of digital organizational decision-making power in the South, while Indigenous populations aspire to relocate these skills locally. The intensification of debate on the opportunities and challenges raised by the arrival of broadband constellations in remote Arctic communities underlines the ongoing tension between the societal, economic and political vocation of digital resources and infrastructures.

Notes 1. Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission. (2016, December 21) « Le CRTC établit un fonds pour atteindre de nouvelles cibles en matière de service Internet haute vitesse », Communiqué de Presse du Conseil de la radiodiffusion et des télécommunications canadiennes (CRTC), from, https://www.canada.ca/fr/radiodiffusion-telecommunications/nouvelles/2016/12/crtcetablit-fonds-atteindre-nouvelles-cibles-matiere-service-internet-haute-vitesse.html 2. Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission. (2023, May 9). “CRTC takes action to ensure Canadians have more choice of cellphone services” CRTC Press Release, from, https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-television-

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telecommunications/news/2023/05/crtc-takes-action-to-ensure-canadians-have-morechoice-of-cellphone-services.html 3. Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission. (2022, June 8). “CRTC invites Canadians to help find solutions to improve telecommunications services in the Far North”. CRTC Press Release, from, https://www.canada.ca/en/radio-televisiontelecommunications/news/2022/06/crtc-invites-canadians-to-help-find-solutions-toimprove-telecommunications-services-in-the-far-north.html 4. The administrative boundaries of the Canadian Arctic include the Yukon, Northwest Territories and Nunavut, but it can also be defined by the four Inuit regions known by the Inuktitut name Inuit Nunangat: Inuvialuit in the Yukon, Nunavut, Nunavik in Northern Quebec and Nunatsiavut in Labrador. 5. Nunavut Roundtable for Poverty Reduction. (2017, April 11). “The Makimaniq Plan 2017-2022, A Shared Approach to Poverty Reduction”, from, https://gov.nu.ca/sites/default/files/makimaniq_2_final.pdf 6.

(2023, August 11). “Telesat Contracts MDA as Prime Satellite Manufacturer for Its Advanced Telesat Lightspeed Low Earth Orbit Constellation” Telesat Press Release, from, https://www.telesat.com/press/press-releases/telesat-contracts-mda-as-prime-satellitemanufacturer-for-its-advanced-telesat-lightspeed-low-earth-orbit-constellation/

7. Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission. (2014, October). “Satellite Inquiry”, CRTC Report, from, https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/publications/reports/rp150409/rp150409.htm#h12_3 8. (2020, October 16). Every Community project. NorthwesTel Press Release, from, https://www.nwtel.ca/community/every-community-project 9. (2021, December 10). Northwestel tells CRTC it’s in “urgent” need of ability to respond to Starlink’s competitive threat. CARTT.CA, from, https://cartt.ca/northwestel-tellscrtc-its-in-urgent-need-of-ability-to-respond-to-starlinks-competitive-threat/ 10. (2021, August 11). OneWeb and Northwestel sign Memorandum of Understanding to expand connectivity solutions for business, governments and mining across northern Canada. Oneweb Press Release, from, https://oneweb.net/resources/oneweb-andnorthwestel-sign-memorandum-understanding-expand-connectivity-solutions 11. FCC 21-48. (2021, April 23) Space Exploration Holdings, Request for Modification of the Authorization for the SpaceX NGSO Satellite System. Federal Communications Commission, Adopted: April 23, 2021, from https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/FCC-21-48A1_Rcd.pdf 12. (2022, November 14). Telecom - Commission Letter addressed to Imran Khan (Northwestel Inc.), CRTC, from, https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/archive/2022/lt221114.htm

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References Brodkin, J. (2021 September 01). Amazon asked FCC to reject Starlink plan because it can’t compete, SpaceX says. Ars Technica, from, https://arstechnica.com/techpolicy/2021/09/spacex-slams-amazons-obstructionist-ploy-to-block-starlink-upgradeplan/#:~:text=Amazon%20last%20week%20urged%20the,SpaceX%20request%20violat es%20a%20rule Budka, P. (2015). From marginalization to self-determined participation. Journal des anthropologues, 142-143, from, https://journals.openedition.org/jda/6243 Canadian Northern Economic Development Agency. (2021 May 04). Government of Canada Continues to Support Kivalliq Hydro-fibre Link. Newswire, from, https://www.newswire.ca/news-releases/government-of-canada-continues-to-supportkivalliq-hydro-fibre-link-communities-throughout-ManitobaCharland, M. (1986). Technological Nationalism. Revue canadienne de théorie politique et sociale, X(1-2), 196-220, from, https://journals.uvic.ca/index.php/ctheory/article/view/14083 Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission. (2020, February 4). Telecom Regulatory Policy CRTC 2020-40. From, https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/archive/2020/202040.htm Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission. (2016, December 21) « Le CRTC établit un fonds pour atteindre de nouvelles cibles en matière de service Internet haute vitesse », Communiqué de Presse du Conseil de la radiodiffusion et des télécommunications canadiennes (CRTC), from, https://www.canada.ca/fr/radiodiffusiontelecommunications/nouvelles/2016/12/crtc-etablit-fonds-atteindre-nouvelles-ciblesmatiere-service-internet-haute-vitesse.html Carroll, L. (April 17, 2023). “N.W.T. pays $28M extra in cost overruns for Mackenzie Valley Fibre Link”, CBC News, from, https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/n-w-t-paying-28million-mackenzie-valley-fibre-link-1.6811377 CEN. (1995). L’empreinte de nos pas dans la neige fraîche. Commission d’établissement du Nunavut. Société Nunavut Tunngavik. CEN. (1996). L'empreinte de nos pas dans la neige fraîche vol 2. Commission d'Établissement du Nunavut. Société Nunavut Tunngavik, from, https://assembly.nu.ca/library/Edocs/1996/000664-f.pdf Coelho, K. (2018). Frozen Screens: Discourses of Nunavummiut Internet. PhD in communications studies, Goldsmiths, University of London. Cohen, S. (2022, December 1st). Nunavut Housing Corporation, other landlords getting in the way of Starlink access. CBC, from, https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/nunavutlandlords-obstruct-starlink-access-1.6670166 Crawford, L. (2022, May 11). First Nation development corporations buy fibre assets from NorthwesTel. Toronto Star, from, https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2022/05/11/first-nation-developmentcorporations-buy-fibre-assets-from-northwestel.html

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Delaunay, M. (2014). The Arctic: A New Internet Highway?. The Arctic Yearbook 2014, from, https://arcticyearbook.com/images/yearbook/2014/Briefing_Notes/2.Delaunay.pdf Delaunay, M. (2021). Internet dans l'Arctique canadien, enjeu de Soft Power pour l'État fédéral et les Inuit. PhD in political sciences, Université de Paris-Saclay. De Selding, P. (2022 March 18). Telesat may trim Lightspeed constellation size to counteract inflation; estimated in-service date now ~ 2026. Space Intel Report, from, https://www.spaceintelreport.com/telesat-may-trim-lightspeed-constellation-size-tocounteract-inflation-estimated-in-service-date-now-2026/ Environics Research. (2020). Recherche sur les services de télécommunication dans le Nord canadien. Conseil de la radiodiffusion et des télécommunications canadiennes (CRTC), from, http://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2021/crtc/BC92-110-2020-fra.pdf FCC 21-48. (2021, April 23) Space Exploration Holdings, Request for Modification of the Authorization for the SpaceX NGSO Satellite System. Federal Communications Commission, Adopted: April 23, 2021, from https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/FCC-2148A1_Rcd.pdf Foust, J. (2021, January 26). SpaceX adds laser crosslinks to polar Starlink satellites. SpaceNews, from, https://spacenews.com/spacex-adds-laser-crosslinks-to-polar-starlink-satellites/ Green G. et al. (2018 January). Marine mammal monitoring and mitigation 90-day report: quintillion 2017 subsea cable system phase 1 installation program. From, https://media.fisheries.noaa.gov/dam-migration/quintillion_2017iha_monitoringrep.pdf Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (2021, August). The Digital Divide: Broadband Connectivity in Inuit Nunangat. From, https://www.itk.ca/wpcontent/uploads/2021/08/ITK_Telecomms_English_08.pdf Lipscombe, P. (2023 April 28). Inuit-owned telco InukNet launches in Nunavut, Canada. Data Center Dynamics, from, https://www.datacenterdynamics.com/en/news/inuit-ownedtelco-inuknet-launches-in-nunavut-canada/ McMahon, R. (2020). Co-developing digital inclusion policy and programming with Indigenous partners: interventions from Canada. Internet Policy Review, 9(2), from, https://policyreview.info/articles/analysis/co-developing-digital-inclusion-policy-andprogramming-indigenous-partners McMahon, R. (2013). Digital self-determination: Aboriginal peoples and the network society in Canada. PhD, Simon Fraser University, from, https://summit.sfu.ca/item/13532 Mignone, J. et al. (2008). Information and Communication Technology in Aboriginal Communities in Canada: Increasing Aboriginal Social Capital. The University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, from, http://www.kta.on.ca/pdf/IASCFinalReport.pdf Millenium Partners. (2002, February). Building Nunavut Through Decentralization: Evaluation Report. Prepared for Evaluation and Statistics Division Dep’t of Executive and Intergovernmental Affairs Government of Nunavut, from, https://assembly.nu.ca/library/GNedocs/2002/000099-e.pdf

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Pacific Dataport. (2021 February 15). White Paper: Clearing the LEO fog in Alaska. PDI Blog, from https://www.auroraiv.com/news/blog/ Poitras, C. (2000). La constitution du monopole de Bell. In : Poitras C (dir.) La cité au bout du fil. Presses de l’Université de Montréal, Montréal : 71-85. Rodriguez-Perez, I. et al. (2011). Inter-Satellite Links for Satellite Autonomous Integrity Monitoring. Advances in Space Research, 47 (2): 197-212. Swinhoe, D. (2023 January 09). OneWeb shuts down trial site in Alaska, deemed “too costly” for residential broadband. Data Center Dynamics, from, https://www.datacenterdynamics.com/en/news/oneweb-shuts-down-trial-site-in-alaskadeemed-too-costly-for-residential-broadband/ Swinhoe, D. (2023 May 18). OneWeb signs Canadian ground station deal with SSC. Data Center Dynamics, from, https://www.datacenterdynamics.com/en/news/oneweb-signs-canadianground-station-deal-with-ssc/ Thurton, D. (February 1st, 2016). “Inspection reports cite environmental concerns with Mackenzie Valley fibre optic project”. CBC News, from, https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/mackenzie-valley-fibre-inspection-1.3428012 Tranter, E. (2023, April 21). No one from Nunavut at Far North CRTC hearings in Whitehorse. CBC News, from, https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/north/no-one-from-nunavut-at-farnorth-telecommunication-hearing1.6818590#:~:text=A%20hearing%20held%20in%20Whitehorse,hear%20directly%20fro m%20its%20residents Wright, T. (2023 April 17). CanArctic signs MOU with Alaskan company to bring fibre to Iqaluit. Nunavut News, from, https://www.nunavutnews.com/news/canarctic-signs-mou-withalaskan-company-to-bring-fibre-to-iqaluit/ (2023, April 17). Telecom Notice of Consultation CRTC 2022-147, Notice of Hearing in Whitehorse, Yukon, from, https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/archive/2022/2022-147.htm (2023, August 11). Telesat Contracts MDA as Prime Satellite Manufacturer for Its Advanced Telesat Lightspeed Low Earth Orbit Constellation. Telesat Press Release, from, https://www.telesat.com/press/press-releases/telesat-contracts-mda-as-prime-satellitemanufacturer-for-its-advanced-telesat-lightspeed-low-earth-orbit-constellation/ (2022, November 14). Telecom - Commission Letter addressed to Imran Khan (Northwestel Inc.), CRTC, from, https://crtc.gc.ca/eng/archive/2022/lt221114.htm (2021, January 05) CanArctic Inuit Networks’ SednaLink Fibre to eliminate Nunavut and Nunatsiavut Connectivity Crisis by November 2022. CanArctic Inuit Networks Press Release, from, https://subtelforum.com/fibre-o,ptic-network-between-iqaluit-nu-and-clarenvillenl-which-will-dramatically-improve-connectivity-in-to-inuit-nunangat-by-november2022/ (2021, August 11). OneWeb and Northwestel sign Memorandum of Understanding to expand connectivity solutions for business, governments and mining across northern Canada. Satellite dependency in Nunavut: a barrier to the territory's political realization


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Oneweb Press Release. from, https://oneweb.net/resources/oneweb-and-northwestel-signmemorandum-understanding-expand-connectivity-solutions (2021, December 10). Northwestel tells CRTC it’s in “urgent” need of ability to respond to Starlink’s competitive threat. CARTT.CA, from, https://cartt.ca/northwestel-tells-crtc-itsin-urgent-need-of-ability-to-respond-to-starlinks-competitive-threat/ (2020,

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Working with and for Arctic communities on resilience enhancement

Anna Karlsdóttir, Jean-Michel Huctin, Jeanne-Marie Gherardi, Tanguy Sandré & Jean-Paul Vanderlinden

Concepts like knowledge co-production and narrative-centred approaches have become more prominent in place-based research in the Arctic. This article will share experiences from the Belmont Arctic II program’s project “Sense Making, Place attachment, and Extended networks, as sources of Resilience in the Arctic” (SeMPER-Arctic, 2019-2023). Rooting our work in the Arctic, with and for Arctic communities, we collected local stories of changes, shocks, upheavals, and their aftermaths in three communities: Uummannaq and Ittoqqortoormiit (Greenland) and Tiksi (Sakha Republic, Russia). However, this article is primarily about our research in Greenland. We investigated the interactions between the local narratives of resilience and two broad categories of external narratives: environmental science, and public policy and regional development. We developed a narrative-centered, locally rooted, place-based understanding of resilience. This calls for developing tools and strategies to increase community resilience in other communities and for sharing the lessons learned with regional planners and policymakers. We contribute to the framing of global environmental change through respectful, non-prejudiced enquiry, deciphering what it means to be a resilient community. Therefore, the results of this analysis are meant to be translated into options for actions, at the local, regional, national and circumpolar levels. Working towards maximizing impacts or enhancing resilience from research conducted for the benefit of communities involved in the research requires reflexivity and relationship building. How did this commitment emerge in our research practices? How do we meet ethical considerations? How do we contribute to decolonizing research whose imperative is towards culturally responsive research? This article will discuss experiences, questions and tensions emerging from circumpolar fieldwork-grounded research.

Anna Karlsdóttir, Geography and Tourism Studies. Life & Environmental Sciences, SENS. University of Iceland & Nordregio, Stockholm, Sweden; ORCID ID: 0000-0001-6025-6380 Jean-Michel Huctin, CEARC, Université Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, Université Paris-Saclay, Guyancourt, France; Jeanne-Marie Gherardi, LSCE, Université Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, Université Paris-Saclay, Gifsur-Yvette, France; ORCID ID: 0000-0001-8985-2848 Tanguy Sandré, CEARC, Université Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, Université Paris-Saclay, Guyancourt, France; ORCID ID : 0000 0002 8077 2443 Jean-Paul Vanderlinden, CEARC, Université Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines, Université Paris-Saclay, Guyancourt, France, and SVT, University of Bergen, Bergen Norway.


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Introduction Research in Arctic indigenous communities focusing on the effects of climate change is less than thirty years old (Folke et.al, 2002; Cruikshank, 2001, Gunn, 1994). Although natural science research on climate change is based on a tradition that goes back well over a century (Arrhenius, 1893), it is only in the last two decades that the wider world has become convinced that the Arctic is one of the regions of the world where the effects of climate change are visible to the naked eye, resulting in an unprecedented level of international interest. However, research that focuses on and works with communities has until not long ago been at the margins, especially related to knowledge co-production or transdisciplinary research (Vanderlinden et al., 2020). Grossly a decade ago, community adaptation to climate change had accelerated and concepts such as resilience and sustainability had come to the forefront (i.e., Folke et.al., 2002; Einarsson et.al., 2004; Rasmussen, 2011, Petrov et.al., 2016). Since then, a large body of literature focusing on Arctic communities has emerged. Until recently there was little research on how co-production research works in practice and what its implications are, especially regarding how data collection and analysis can be developed to increase the quality and reliability of research. However, we currently need to foster our understanding on how Indigenous partners can be more deeply involved in other stages of research such as project design and dissemination of results, and more generally the roles that researchers themselves play in shaping research. A recent surge in this literature demonstrates co-productions’ relevance to social science research. This is especially true to sustainability issues, which are characterized by extensive uncertainty and complexity (for example Wibeck, Eliasson & Neset, 2022; Yua et.al., 2022). In addition to this experience, in many cases, new demands from public administration on registering time reduce creativity and open repeated dialogues with communities, sometimes driven by financial resource constraints. Increased demands for ethical contracts when working in Indigenous communities have arisen from bitter experience of strong exploitation practices in the past among academics and other scholars. These demands have developed in different parts of the world over the past 15 years, although they appeared later in the Arctic (see for example among Inuit Nunaat: Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, 2018; Inuit Circumpolar Council, 2021, Inuit Circumpolar Council, 2022). This article presents important practical lessons drawn from the co-authors' experiences in several research projects in Inuit communities in Greenland, particularly during the SeMPER-Arctic2 project. Many articles promote the co-production of knowledge, but at the level of principle, without always proposing concrete answers to the problems faced by researchers. The three focus communities are quite different, but they share some common challenges due to adverse conditions related to remoteness. Remoteness from regional and national political centers reduces the power of local people to make decisions about their own present and future. Some of them have problems with dilapidated housing (whether due to weathering or lack of resources for maintenance); increased uncertainty about weather forecasts and ice conditions; and changing ecosystems due to challenging climate conditions. Towns are also losing population (with the exception of the population of Uummannaq, which has stopped decreasing due to the relocation of residents from two settlements that were evacuated after their definitive closure following a tsunami in 2017). The level of development of social infrastructure is a constant challenge. While 2 Sense Making, Place attachment and Extended network as sources of Resilience in the Arctic

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hunting is still a livelihood, commercial fisheries are of greater economic importance. These three communities are emblematic of the challenges of adapting to climate, economic, political, and cultural changes. While the weather has become warmer and more erratic, sea ice has tended to decrease in thickness and extent, at least over the past two decades. These three communities are striving to find ways to remain sustainable and attractive despite their remoteness at a time when urbanization is a megatrend (Rasmussen, 2011). Initiation of Research Project and the Inclusion Process The first challenge facing scientific projects is the search for funding, which raises the question of the possible involvement of local Indigenous partners in the preliminary co-design of projects. To avoid asking too much of them without any guarantee of success, or to avoid disappointing or fatiguing them in the event of repeated failure, it is often easier for researchers to involve them little or not at all in the writing phase of the application file intended to respond to the call for projects. However, if the application is selected, the lack of input from the local partner (or at least without validation of the project as written in the application) means that researchers run a great risk of having designed a project that is partly unfeasible, or of no real use to the community studied, or even not really wanted by the local partner. To avoid this often-unavoidable pitfall of most foreign projects, researchers need to have acquired some local knowledge and, of course, to have built up a solid relationship of trust with their partners. This is not a given for all teams of foreign researchers, especially those who are new to the field and have no previous experience of working in the community under study. In the case of our SeMPER-Arctic project, we relied on letters of support from local partners with whom we had previously discussed and agreed on the project's objectives. Our first Greenlandic partner, accustomed to working with researchers, had worked with one of us for many years, while the second partner had been met by a team member during an initial reconnaissance trip; as for the Yakut partner, we worked together into several projects (ARTisticc, Belmont Forum funding, and Nunataryuk, H2020 funding), this for now almost 10 years. Without these established professional relationships, some of which were also personal friendships, it would have been impossible to design a project that was in any way connected to the local community. Like many other international projects focusing on the Arctic, we were funded through a large global or interregional initiative, in this case the Belmont Forum Arctic II initiative, which was supported by ten national research councils, for three years. The call aimed at bringing together researchers and other expertise across the globe to develop proposals from integrated teams of scientists and stakeholders to address key areas of Arctic resilience, from understanding to action. This collaboration of academic and non-academic knowledge systems constituted a transdisciplinary approach that would advance not only understanding of the fundamentals of Arctic resilience but also spur action, inform decision-making, and translate into solutions for resilience (Belmont Forum, 2019). The consortia had to address at least two of seven interconnected elements of resilience as described in the Arctic Resilience Report of the Arctic Council (2016): natural, social, financial, cultural, and human capitals; infrastructure; and knowledge. SeMPER-Arctic was one of eight proposals awarded funding, which is provided through the national research councils of partners (Belmont Forum 2020). Many of us had experience from conducting prior research within the circumpolar Arctic as human geographers, engineers, Working with and for Arctic communities on resilience enhancement


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anthropologists, economists, and climatologists, to mention few of our disciplinary backgrounds. The integration across scientific disciplines enables us to consider multiple worldviews present in contemporary science (Mauser et.al., 2013). This interdisciplinary group was needed as the purpose of the project was to analyze how the two external narratives (environmental science and regional development policy ones) interact with local narratives of resilience to assess their impacts. The objective was to develop a narrative centered, locally rooted, place-based understanding of resilience within Arctic communities. As such resilience and narrative analysis were the central framework in SeMPER-Arctic, which was meant to contribute to the knowledge base on global environmental change through locally guided enquiry of what it means to be a resilient Arctic community in the 21st century. As put forward in the Arctic Resilience Report synthesis (Arctic Council 2016, Arctic Council 2017), decisive action is needed to effectively navigate emerging conditions to avoid potentially negative social and ecological changes already emerging. One of the major statements not only in this report, but also echoed by various politicians and representatives in the Arctic Council, is that “responses will be most effective if they build on a well-integrated, evidence based interdisciplinary understanding of Arctic social-ecological systems and their relationships with global processes and draw on Indigenous knowledge wellgrounded in practical experience” (Arctic Council, 2017; 2). Research evidence shows that scientific representations and interpretations have emerged as dominating worldviews (Bremer et.al., 2017). While sciences are necessary, their research objectives and measurement tools can often be too abstract, and their metrics can be very unfamiliar to human populations in general. This domination of "western" science has created a significant undervaluing of the traditional knowledge perspective, which has demonstrated its effectiveness in assessing weather, climate, and navigating natural environments for human communities. Therefore, it has to be our common enterprise as researchers and population to rediscover the places we inhabit; it is not the responsibility of the expert community alone to reinterpret our places under a changing climate (Ibid, 2017).

The Way Knowledge Co-production has been Conceptualized Many of the problems that societies around the world are currently facing need to be tackled with a different mindset from the ones that created them. Thus, there is an urgent need for new ways of thinking that go beyond dominant disciplines and paradigms, exploring contemporary issues, insights, and responses. In policy discussions as well as in research, there are increasing calls for societal transformations, which are systemic, long-term, non-linear change that spans the different sectors of societies. Formal conventional knowledge systems like those practiced by universities and research institutes may be failing humanity. Especially when the impact of the research is measured against the level of progress in stimulating the societal changes needed to address challenges like climate change (Fazey, 2019, Fazey et.al, 2020). This urges researchers to have an integrity when conducting research to secure their work is relevant to the communities involved.

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Expert system Knowledge Spiral

SSSystemSy

Social construction

Dialogue Practioners research

Reflexive Practitioner

Community of Practice

Action Research Praxis research

Co-generation Praxis/Research

Research and praxis take part in the same discourse

De-connected Research discourse Praxis discourse

Figure 1. Degrees of Integration: Research & Praxis (Johnson, 2013).

Ideally, knowledge co-production is a demanding approach in conducting research that involves deep collaboration between researchers and stakeholders who have different types of knowledge, expertise, and perspectives. It recognizes that multiple forms of knowledge, including scientific, local, Indigenous, experiential, and contextual knowledge, can contribute to all stages of the research process, and aims to integrate these diverse forms of knowledge to generate more relevant, robust, and actionable research outcomes (Mauser et.al., 2013). In knowledge co-production, researchers and stakeholders work together as equal partners, engaging in a process of co-design, co-implementation, and co-interpretation of research (Wibeck, Eliason & Neset, 2022). It may involve collaborative activities such as joint problem identification, research design, data collection, analysis, and interpretation of findings. This approach emphasizes the importance of mutual respect, shared decision-making, and open communication among all participants throughout the research process. It recognizes that stakeholders, who may include community members, policymakers, practitioners, or other end-users of research, are not just passive subjects or recipients of research findings, but active contributors who bring their own insights, experiences, and expertise to the table. It often includes iterative feedback loops, where stakeholders provide ongoing input and guidance to researchers, and researchers respond by adjusting their research questions, refining their methods and their data analysis. It also includes their participation in field work, by helping researchers access observation situations or by facilitating the collection of oral data, sometimes by carrying out the collection itself as for example during the COVID-19 period in 2020-2021 in which researchers could hardly travel. The process aims to generate research outcomes that are contextually relevant, applicable, and useful for addressing real-world problems, and that reflect the perspectives and needs of diverse stakeholders. Given the need for co-creation, surprisingly little discussion has evolved around its implications for research practices and knowledge co-production i.e., what challenges you meet in fulfilling the promise of co-creation (Ren, Johannesson & van der Duim, 2018). As mentioned before, Working with and for Arctic communities on resilience enhancement


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unnecessarily burdening local partners, and raising the expectations of research funding during proposal design and submission can lead to disappointment and deteriorate trust with the researchers if funding is not approved. The question then is how can researchers contribute and impact the processes of, for example, enhancing resilience? One may expect that researchers wanting to increase impacts in or for communities need to become “insiders” to a higher degree (Hjemdal & Aas, 2018). However, this is complicated when international research teams are involved. This may also mean that knowledge transfer is more complex if researchers want to contribute with impacts which would require skills far beyond their disciplines. This also implies the more or less long time to build relationships of trust and the possibility or reciprocal desire to take time together, which is not given to everyone. A major challenge with implementing Co-Production of Knowledge is mischaracterization (i.e. referring to collaborative work as CPK). For example, a researcher may identify a problem, develop research questions, and then invite Indigenous participation in the project. The project may result in Indigenous participation through collaboration on information collection or other aspects of the research process, or there may be a capacity building aspect to the work. This theoretical type of relationship, through the lens of our framework, would not be considered co-production because involvement or equity at all stages of the process was not the aim, methodology, or the outcome. The mischaracterization of CPK does not advance equity for Indigenous Peoples and their communities in research relationships, project outcomes and limits a fuller understanding of the world (Yua et.al., 2022). Despite good intentions, the climate change knowledge co-production literature is a complex meeting place of several academic traditions and practices, introducing both ambiguity and creativity as scholars’ appropriate perspectives from neighboring disciplines. Scholars have thus used several ways in applying and understanding the term co-production. Of the eight ways identified by Bremer et al. (2018), our project includes perspectives to facilitate extended modes of science that integrate societal knowledge and values, building adaptive capacity in institutions and to empower traditional knowledge systems. Hence, we would ideally like the results of the work to find its way into a structured science-policy interface, but this is yet to be seen.

Ethics towards Community-Focused Research Several different approaches stress the inclusion of local communities in research development and in dealing with the rapid environmental and social changes ongoing in the Arctic. Various methods may relate to climate change research (i.e. Hansen & Larsen, 2015) and seek to assess cross-regional societal development (i.e. Karlsdóttir et.al, 2017). Participatory scenario approaches have been credited with many positive outcomes that include identifying important benefits like social learning across different stakeholder groups, promoting community-owned solutions, and facilitating the sharing of experiences in a creative and collaborative way (Oteros-Rozas et al., 2015, Nilsson et.al, 2019). We have, as an interdisciplinary team, varied experience of working in knowledge co-creation research. One of us has worked for three years with participatory foresight analysis in 12 communities in the Nordic Arctic where collected results were shared with local communities in citizen meetings, with regional and national authority representatives and with interregional bodies in special workshops (Karlsdóttir et.al, 2017). This methodology does not enhance a co-creative

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knowledge approach and includes certain weaknesses, such as the research may lack diversity among the participants and lack follow-up on whether the process led to any action (Nilsson et.al, 2019). However, this form of action research was a collaborative process which required partnerships, dialogue, and cooperation with various actors on multiple local, regional, national, and inter-regional levels, and where results had the potential of being mobilized into policy actions. We were challenged in the first 18 months of the three-year process due to consequences of the global pandemic and related sanitary policies and travel restrictions. For the most part, we could not visit the communities that were the focus. However, the partners doing fieldwork in Tiksi (Sakha Republic) collected instances of events that the local population found important, and gathered explanations that local people and authorities gave to these events, their origin, their management and their short- and long-term consequences (Nikulkina, Shadrova & Antonova, 2020, Nikulkina et.al., 2020). Then another shock hit us: we lost contact with our Russian partners after the war against Ukraine started in 2022. Yet we have proceeded with processing the data already collected in the Sakha republic (Doloisio, 2022), but it has truly affected reciprocity relations between the communities, and therefore knowledge co-production as well. Thus, our account in this article is primarily focusing on the Greenlandic research sites and communities. Involved researchers and partners focusing on Greenland had to come up with alternative ways of conducting research in the first phases (luckily, we were granted an extension to 2024 due to the pandemic). This required, as all research endeavors, reflexive ways of conducting research. The consortium communicated for the first two years through TEAMS or Zoom and made a serious effort to build up collective reflexivity (Palaganas et.al., 2017) but also collected data (interviews conducted by local partners). One important point of departure was that you cannot do research only to benefit your own merit as a researcher if you engage with a community. This felt even more urgent since the focus of the project was on resilience in the wake of shocks, upheavals or incidences related to climate change driven effects. SeMPER-Arctic works across disciplines and analytical levels in that it examines narratives driven by a natural science perspective, the political scene (manifesting in national and regional strategies and policies), and with three local communities in combination (Uummannaq, Ittoqqortoormiit and Tiksi). In all the research locations we had key local partners who proved crucial in making field research possible and without whom we would not have been able to do the work. Acknowledging their role is an important ethical aspect of community focused research. We stress an approach that fosters wellbeing and inclusive societies in an era of climate change and uncertainty; our project is fundamentally about the process of spatialization and becoming space as we adapt “a thinking that one cannot write sufficiently in the name of an outsider” (Deleuse & Guatarri 1987, in Huijbens, 2021). Thus, researching and understanding the process of the ongoing changes in the communities reveals how manifold the community is as well as the entities in it. By revealing how entities emerge from the relations that compose them, they are not to be pulled apart but seen in connection, which involves understanding and making sense of the community while recognizing how power relations are entangled into power geometries inherent in the transformation process (Huijbens, 2021). Environmental changes make up space for stories. Our narrative-based research requires that it is grounded in the lived experience of communities.

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Long term Relationships and Trust One major factor in enabling participatory or co-production of knowledge in practice is to build trust through long-term relationships. Relationships are crucial for co-production (Kielsen Holm, 2016; UNESCO, 2009) and Indigenous research (Smith, 2021: 137). Building trust means sustaining long-term relationships that exceeds the demarcated period of funding for a research project, both prior and post research activity (Gearheard et.al., 2006; Mahoney et.al., 2009; Mahoney et.al., 2013). Relationships and trust are needed in encounters with the community, especially to bridge the work with the community and for the community. One of the researchers had 18 years of research experience over 26 years of traveling to the community of Uummannaq and in Greenland which secured firm relationships with the key partners who conducted part of the data collection. With their deep insights and knowledge, we were better equipped to understand and mediate what stories of upheavals, shocks and transition were more important than others. Engaging with key partners who have 37 and 30 years of experience working with young people and children on empowering them in meaningful activities intersecting nature and culture helps to enable trust. Working with children and youth has also been important (Huctin & Andreasen, 2007; Huctin, 2016; Huctin et.al, 2021; Gregersen, 2010; Karlsdóttir & Jungsberg, 2015; Karlsdóttir et.al., 2019). “A key strategy for navigating the inevitable tensions that can arise in projects where research on resilience is in focus with natives is paying continual attention to relationship building and mutual acknowledgement of the value added by all the invested members” (Wexler et.al., 2020). The relevance of addressing and acting upon decolonizing approaches to social science research with communities is important and relevant for Greenland. A prominent and vivid discussion expressed in music and arts, in public and social media forums and among contemporary Greenlanders is focused on the ails of colonialization implications and post-colonialism. With many Greenlanders being of mixed ethnicity, the discussion becomes even more complex (Thisted, 2022). When it comes to the need for political agency, it is evident that the majority looking for self-rule are of Greenlandic origin. However, the leading positions within society are still occupied by Danes, who thereby have a strong influence on the decision-making processes (Björklund, 2011, Grydehøj, 2016). Colonial identity forming of lived and imagined experience plays a role on many levels, but also breaking out of it, is both an important signifier and mindset for many young adult Greenlanders (i.e., Uyarakq’s “Move I’m Indigenous” provocative lyrics: “Like a fire make your demands… we manifest your tears because we are the true pioneers…” (Uyarakq, 2020). Greenlanders are well aware that they belong to a small community and self-determination is important for them, in being recognized as such and as people (Kleist in Björklund, 2011). They are proud of their heritage and have many reasons to be (Bjørst, 2018). In some cases, Greenlanders in power have struggled holding influence over the climate change debate touching Greenland in international settings. Thus, they have blamed global discourses as too academically constructed, leaving their role as limited to acting as victims of global climate change effects (Bjørst, 2012). This starkly contradicts many Greenlanders self-perceived role, as they express certain autonomy in their relationship to nature built on centuries long heritage of coping and adapting to a harsh climate (Abelsen in Bjørst, 2012). Mastering the environment may in some cases display Greenlanders' character (Beyer Broch, 2020). One of the critiques that have been linked with research conduct is that Greenland has been seen through Danish eyes. It is claimed that they see it to a greater extent as an empty terrain than

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a populated nation when it comes to scientific research. Furthermore, that it is more important for Denmark, what they as a nation can get out of researching the ice sheet than thinking about involving the population to whom the ice belongs (Plank Sommer, 2016). This underpins the importance of recognizing multiple forms of knowledge in research conduct. What do the Ethical Guidelines Require? Epistemologies that have Changed! One of the papers guiding the ICC Ethical and Equitable Engagement Synthesis Report (2021) states that past inequities persist in the form of inequitable research processes and relationships across the Arctic (Yua et.al, 2022). These inequitable processes and relationships, which prioritize non-Indigenous ways of being and knowing, feed a structure of decision making that does not fully account for Indigenous Peoples’ knowledge, perspectives, or needs (Yua et. al., 2022). From our point of view, scientific conduct needs to adapt to changing epistemologies where embedded practical experience is recognized as an important element in the knowledge generation.

‘Nothing About Us Without Us’ – Always Engage with Inuit • Recognize Indigenous Knowledge in its Own Right • Prac\ce Good Governance • Communica\on with Intent • Exercising Accountability - Building Trust • Building Meaningful Partnerships • Informa\on, Data Sharing, Ownership and Permissions • Equitably Fund Inuit Representa\on and Knowledge (Inuit Circumpolar Council, Ethical and Equitable Engagement Synthesis Report, 2021)

In the EU context, one particularly important recent step towards anchoring decolonial research in the Arctic is the new Roadmap to Decolonial Arctic Research (Herrmann et.al., 2023). ICC encourages researchers to practice the co-production of knowledge and follow Inuit guided processes to successfully bring together Indigenous knowledge and science, while ensuring that our knowledge is trusted and respected as a unique knowledge system that comes with its own evaluating and validation processes. Of paramount importance in their guidelines is that research projects should avoid that results of their work burden the people in focus (ICC, 2021). ICC stresses eight ethical protocols for research conduct that they recommend as a good pathway, which we attempted to fulfill in our research practices (see text box above: Inuit Circumpolar Council, 2021). They warn about cherry-picking their protocols, but overall, they stress reciprocity in the cooperation process with Indigenous communities. ICC stresses that their guidelines should not overshadow national guidelines and that these protocols do not replace any local, regional, or national guidance provided by Inuit (Inuit Circumpolar Council, 2021: 13). The Greenland Research Council was established in 2013 and started to function in 2014. One of their primary roles besides allocating funding is to improve and strengthen Greenlandic research embedded in Greenland and to strengthen research relations internationally and within the commonwealth (Inatsisilorneq, 2013; Mercer et.al., 2022). They have been working on developing ethical guidelines and recently published their National Research Strategy towards 2030 (Ministry for Education, culture, sport & church, 2023). Their approach involves being open to the international scientific community while safeguarding their own interests and values (Greenland Research Council, 2020). Their view is that more than ever, there is a need for a joint research effort that can address questions related to global processes, climate change and the green transition, which contributes to sustainable development in Greenland: Working with and for Arctic communities on resilience enhancement


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Unfortunately, we see examples of Greenlandic research institutions and other stakeholders being involved far too late in foreign research projects. It undermines the possibilities for a genuine, equally dignified cooperation for the benefit of both parties. It is crucial for good cooperation that all involved parties are involved from the start of a project, where the basis for ownership is established – ownership of the knowledge that is created and influence on and participation in how it is used. Therefore, the Greenland Research Council works purposefully to develop Greenlandic research policy and support network formation and other mechanisms through which Greenlandic and outside researchers can exchange ideas and interests, jointly develop research questions, and become familiar with institutions and infrastructure (Greenland Research Council, 2022; 4). As described previously, we who are engaged in the SeMPER-Arctic project made the continuous effort to involve our local partners at an early stage and during the process of the work. We have also committed ourselves to the convening of discussions about emerging knowledge while we have been in the field. This has been our way of approaching equitable involvement and recognizing that people are part of the community and ecosystem. Being challenged by the pandemic made us even more reliant on our local partners who conducted part of the qualitative research. In our case, it was pivotal to have the support, cooperation, and network of the Uummannaq Polar Institute before the work began. We also consulted experts from Ilisimatusarfik/University of Greenland researchers at early stages in the literary work phase when collecting public reports, strategies, and plans, to analyze and assess political narratives in Greenland related to climate change and resilience (Jungsberg et.al., forthcoming). At later stages, we consulted Greenland Research Council and various other stakeholders of knowledge generation in Greenland, as well as fellow researchers within social science and Circumpolar Arctic research activities. In this process it has been very important to get back and forth to our key partners in the communities to hear their opinions. In Ittoqqortoormiit, which was a new community for the project researchers, seven fieldwork trips of three to nine weeks were implemented by three of the co-authors between September 2021 to July 2023. Building strong trust was crucial for our research team, formal interviews (over 30), participant observation, and informal discussions have been sustained remotely and locally from 2020. This considerably extended the involvement of stakeholders and community members over the time, allowing to build community-based research. Even if we acknowledge the limits of the involvement of community members in the project design and in the research conduct itself, an important step towards inclusive and fair research practices has been reached. Using an inductive approach, the research team identifies central invisibility of narratives regarding the essential importance of narwhals for the community and the threat to the future of narwhals hunting. In June 2023, a 22-minute short film was coproduced in the native language (Tunumisut, Ittoqqortoormiit). Various community members have been involved at different stages (production, edition, story-making, translation/transcription, voice-over, and video caption). A first projection was held throughout a culturally relevant event (“kaffemik” or celebration party with coffee/tea/cakes). Additionally, a diffusion throughout local Facebook page was implemented. We reached at least a third of the community (cumulation of attendance to “kaffemik” and reactions on Facebook), while opening to comment and opinion. Among the main reactions that were generated, people expressed gratefulness, desire for the film to be spread out, Karlsdóttir, Huctin, Gherardi, Sandré & Vanderlinden


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and happiness to see the story exposed. Ittoqqortoormiit’s born community members who live abroad also expressed feelings of homesickness, which strongly resonate with the expression of place-attachment we frequently encountered during our time in Ittoqqortoormiit. Important work is also carried out towards reframing sea ice changes in a salient perspective for community members (Sandré et.al., forthcoming).

The Dialogue that Nuances our Knowledge All these practices require dialogue with informants and partners in the community that in most cases is voluntary. So, we must respect their time and seasonal activities that may not correspond to our ideal needs, but we simply must adapt as researchers. Researchers who have been trained into certain terminologies and logics need to step up and widen their horizon and engage in meaningful partnerships for both parts. This can be challenging for some but liberating for others and requires skills beyond academic training. Intercultural competence in communication helps, as well as mastering the local language which in our case is only partly fulfilled (one researcher masters Greenlandic, two other master Danish, many master Norwegian and French, all including local partners communicate in English). The knowledge co-production approach goes beyond “participatory” or collaborative research that could be limited in terms of involvement of local populations. Adopted by a small minority of researchers around the world, the knowledge coproduction approach has recently been on the increase. In addition, to be more respectful to studied people and to research partnership requirements advocated by Indigenous leaders, it would offer new sources of data and better analyses. It would also foster a deeper public awareness and hopefully inspire more effective public policies (Baztan et al., 2017). We try to ensure that the knowledge gained is of value to the community – extending the meaning of research conduct to work with and for the communities. One aspect of that is being in contact with local and regional actors who make decisions or execute decisions and plans in the towns on behalf of the municipality in different fields. As the project has not been completed at the time of writing this article, we still have much to do, in particular to ensure the most complete restitution of this co-produced knowledge to the communities involved who are most interested in it.

Meaningfulness for Communities - Conclusion and Discussion In the early days of research on Indigenous communities, the rapid societal changes from huntergatherer lifestyles to modernity were prominent in the perspective of social scientists. The recognition of the power of traditional knowledge to understand the complex dynamics has been slow to emerge. While vulnerability to these changes was the forefront perspective to begin with, the focus shifted to trying to understand the adaptive capacities of communities and their ability to navigate and cope under changing circumstances. Pearce et.al. (2009), for example, have identified in a comprehensive review the importance of targeted vulnerability research that collaborates closely with community members and decision makers. This included understanding the interactions between current and projected climate change, as well as the factors which determine vulnerability and influence adaptation, identifying research gaps and making recommendations for advancing adaptation.

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The commitment to work not only with the communities but also for communities in producing research-based knowledge can be seen as our small step in research based decolonialization and culturally responsive research. As proposed by Sultana (2022), we mobilised a narrative-based approach whereby lived experiences can counterbalance hegemonic framings that structures climate coloniality. Maximizing impacts or enhancing resilience is something that we promised in the research proposal. Our good will, however, faces a dilemma. Do communities really benefit from our research? Translating results to business concepts may not necessarily be a useful outcome for the community. We should rather strive to translate these findings into a resilience enhancement framework where people with long-term knowledge from within the community are our best allies in interpreting what can be targeted and strengthened. It may be an emergency response framework, it may be social infrastructure, it may be improving port capacity and renovation of man-made structures, it may be recycling, it may be fair and environmentally friendly tourism, or it could be all of it. With increasing research on how co-creation research plays out in practice and what its implications are, there are still important gaps in terms of how to equitably fund a project, conduct data collection and analysis, and disseminate results in full collaboration with community partners. These gaps must be addressed to increase the quality and reliability of the research, and to change the roles that researchers themselves play in shaping the research and its findings. We do not claim to have navigated perfectly but rather to have tried to set some examples in reciprocal encounters with the communities in question. Our SeMPER-Arctic project comes to an end in 2024. We have therefore not reached the project completion and do not know if we will be able to translate our findings to something that can really be beneficial to communities in the long run. But we foresee that the relations with the communities will not be terminated by the formal termination date the research funders have set. Beyond co-producing knowledge and caring for local stories that we write in the accumulating literature on climate change and the impact on communities, time will tell how we succeed. The idea and practice of knowledge coproduction has become an important and new perspective for Arctic research as a response to the recent increase of research projects with ethical rules and participatory/collaborative approaches. Furthermore, it is required by Indigenous leaders and recommended by organizations such as the Arctic Council, UNESCO, IPCC, and others. The immensity, speed and complexity of the ongoing challenges require the best available knowledge for decision-making and there is growing recognition that this can revitalize local culture, empower the community and foster sustainability. There is a greater understanding that traditional and scientific knowledge are complementary, or rather that they can be complementary. We would like to argue that our work so far has been characterized as collaboration towards coproduction (which means it is not full knowledge co-production but a sincere attempt to achieve fair collaboration). We are not insiders and cannot be because we are not part of the Arctic communities. But as researchers, we can collaborate with our Indigenous partners by finding the best possible form for each according to the conditions of the place and time in order to address complex issues and try to lead to innovative solutions. We have in our own work seen how it becomes easier with the development of information and digital technologies (photo, video, audio, internet, and social networks). Science can benefit from Indigenous Peoples' experience of their Karlsdóttir, Huctin, Gherardi, Sandré & Vanderlinden


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own environment and in-depth understanding of the complexity and interconnected environmental systems. The collaboration provides another source of information and data: daily observations at the local scale all year round. It provides relevant information about livelihood, community concerns, needs and values. It offers the multiplication of perspectives. Research with knowledge co-production leads to information that meets users’ needs and is considered salient, legitimate, and credible by them. Through the confidence it inspires in the communities, the coproduction approach is more likely than other forms of research to have an impact on society. But it often remains more of an ideal towards which to strive throughout the entire research process than the form required at the start of this process. To improve the movement from collaboration to co-production, we still need to answer some questions on challenges and potential conflicts. Before the research is kicked off, researchers must reflect on how they perceive the inclusion of Indigenous knowledge in their research work, which is sometimes constrained by administrative rules, and, for their part, Indigenous partners must reflect on what scientific knowledge can support their community. What are the expectations of both parties? How can they concretely share knowledge for their mutual benefit? It also remains a question how western scientists may choose such an approach when they know so little about Indigenous knowledge. Furthermore, one may wonder how Indigenous Peoples can be interested in collaborating with researchers if they do not know them well enough, when they are not familiar with the functioning of sciences as practiced by Western researchers and when there is a distrust of their effectiveness or their desire to bring a benefit? On the other hand, researchers can do much to improve the trust placed in them during research. For example, what kind of relationships are needed to improve connections before and during fieldwork, as well as after? How can we connect the global scale (science knowledge and interest) with the local scale (Indigenous knowledge and needs)? We may also ask ourselves how to make sure that all partners respect all steps in the co-production process. When the research is completed, we need to ask ourselves how to involve and credit Indigenous partners in our dissemination work and what kind of knowledge should be returned to Indigenous communities. Finally, those essential questions remain food for thought to design better research in the future.

Acknowledgments This work was carried out as part of the SeMPER-Arctic (Sense Making, Place attachment and Extended Networks as sources of Resilience in the Arctic) project, funded by the Belmont Forum. The authors would like to warmly thank their local partners Ann Andreasen (Uummannaq) and Mette Pike Barselajsen (Ittoqqortoormiit) for their invaluable contribution to this research work and of course all members of the Arctic communities involved in the project.

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collaboration and climate change research in the Canadian Arctic, Polar Research, 28:1, 1027, DOI: 10.1111/j.1751-8369.2008.00094.x Pearce, T., Ford, J.D., Duerden, F., Smit, B., Andrachuk, M., Berrang Ford, L., & Smith, T. (2010). Advancing adaptation planning for climate change in the Inuvialuit Settlemetn Region (IS): a review and critique, Regional Environmental Change, DOI 10.1007/s10113-010-0126-4 Petrov, A.N., Burn Silver, S., Stuart Chapin, F., Fondahl, G., Graybill, J., Keil, K., Nilsson, A.E., Riedlsperger, R., & Schweitzer, P. (2016). Arctic Sustainability Research: Toward a New Agenda, Polar Geography, 39(3), 165-178. Plank Sommer, M., (2016). Danske forskere bør inddrage grønlændere i projekter i Grønland. Videnskab.dk, 10.Maj. 2016. https://videnskab.dk/kultur-samfund/danske-forskere-boerinddrage-groenlaendere-i-projekter-i-groenland/ Rasmussen, R.O. (ed.) (2011): Megatrends, TemaNord 2011:527. Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers, retrieved at http://library.arcticportal.org/1526/ Ren, C., Jóhannesson, G.T., & van der Duim, R. (Eds.)(2018). Co-Creating Tourism Research - Towards Collaborative Ways of Knowing. Contemporary Geographies of Leisure, Tourism and Mobility, London: Routledge. Sandré, T., Wardekker, A., and Gherardi, J., (Forthcoming). “While Waiting for the Sea Ice: Stories of Changes from Ittoqqortoormiit.” In Bremer, S. & Wardekker, A. (Forthcoming). Changing Seasonality: How Communities are Revising their Seasons. Berlin: De Gruyter. Smith, Linda Tuhiwai. 2021. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. Sultana, Farhana. 2022. ‘The Unbearable Heaviness of Climate Coloniality’. Political Geography, March, 102638. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2022.102638. Thisted, K. (2022). Blame, Shame, and Atonement: Greenlandic Responses to Racialized Discourses about Greenlanders and Danes, Journal of Critical Mixed Race Studies, 1(2), Mixed Race in Nordic Europe (2022), pp. 197-214. UNESCO (2009). Climate Change & Arctic Sustainable Development: Scientific, Social, Cultural & Educational Challenges. Paris: Unesco, retrieved at https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000186364 Uyarakq (2020). Move I'm Indigenous. https://open.spotify.com/track/15cfQlcwMWGWQZn7iyhPHO

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Vanderlinden, J.-P., Baztan, J., Chouinard, O., Cordier, M., Da Cunha, C., Huctin, J.-M., Kane, A., Kennedy, G., Nikulkina, I., Shadrin, V., Surette, C., Thiaw, D., & Thomson, K. T. (2020). Meaning in the face of changing climate risks: Connecting agency, sensemaking and narratives of change through transdisciplinary research. Climate Risk Management, 29, 100224. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.crm.2020.100224 Wibeck, V., Eliasson, K., Neset, T.S., (2022). Co-creation research for transformative times: Facilitating foresight capacity in view of global sustainability challenges, Environmental Science & Policy, 128, 2022, 290-298

Karlsdóttir, Huctin, Gherardi, Sandré & Vanderlinden


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Wexler L, Rasmus S, Ullrich J, Flaherty AA, Apok C, Amarok BQ, Black J, McEachern D, Murphrey C, Johnson R, Allen J., (2020). The Development of a Measure of Alaska Native Community Resilience Factors through Knowledge Co-production. Prog Community Health Partners. 2020;14(4):443-459. Yua, E., Raymond-Yakubian, J., Aluaq Daniel, R., & Behe, C.(2022). A framework for coproduction of knowledge in the context of Arctic research. Ecology and Society, 27(1), 34-58. Zurba, M., Petriello, M.A., Madge, C. et al. (2022) Learning from knowledge co-production research and practice in the twenty-first century: global lessons and what they mean for collaborative research in Nunatsiavut. Sustainable Science 17, 449–467.

Working with and for Arctic communities on resilience enhancement


Community-based co-creation for sustainability as an academic fourth mission: An exploration of Sustainability Practices of the Smallest Institutions of Higher Learning in the Arctic Martin Mohr Olsen

Prior research The following is a shortened version of a chapter recently produced for a PhD thesis. I adopted the current form to account for scope and clarity. It also builds on research previously completed on sustainability implementation in higher education within the Arctic. A 2018 study (Blaxekjær, et al. 2018) identified emerging trends in Arctic academia, including the demand for innovative skills, the establishment of a "co-creation of sustainability" mission statement, adoption of the SDGs, and increased interest in Arctic conferences and collaborations. A 2019 report (Lauritsen et al. 2019) emphasised the role of students in driving sustainable development in the Arctic. A study of the University of the Faroe Islands (Olsen, 2020) examines its historical and organisational structure and potential for improved sustainability engagement. I (Olsen, 2021) explore institutional implications of a fourth mission statement and helix-based engagement in Natcher & Jokela’s (2021) volume on Renewable Economies in the Arctic. A systematic literature review explores global SDG implementation within academia, highlighting a need for stakeholder engagement and civic involvement (Olsen and Rosati, forthcoming). The present article aims to bridge local and global perspectives within the context of a larger body of work by examining how Arctic universities integrate sustainability into their operations at the regional level.

Introduction and Methodology This article investigates how smaller Arctic institutions of higher learning employ sustainability in their operations. It initially used two surveys – one quantitative and one qualitative – to make sense of how sustainability is employed. The quantitative survey's findings were inconclusive in that they did not produce a clear enough picture of how sustainability should be understood and, therefore, Martin Mohr Olsen is a PhD-Candidate at the Technical University of Denmark and the University of the Faroe Islands. The author would like to thank all respondents and interviewees for their time and kind help.


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how institutions might better implement it. The qualitative follow-up of interviews (included herein), on the other hand, produced a much better insight into how these smaller Arctic institutions operate. They also reveal that the concept of sustainability within Arctic academia is contextual and poorly defined. To structure the formulation and subsequent analysis, I rely on an idealised framework for academic sustainability through co-creation put forward by Trencher et al. (2014), referred to as the 4th mission. Western academic teaching has its roots in mediaeval Europe, with universities emerging from monastic schools. Initially, universities taught only subjects related to the church. This singular focus was the first pillar or academic mission of what was to be academia as we know it today: teaching. As societies changed, new disciplines emerged. The Humboldtian Model emphasised academic autonomy and a holistic approach to education after the Napoleonic Wars– knowledge for the sake of knowledge. This addition takes on the ethos of the second pillar: research. Vannevar Bush's 1945 idea of linking university research with business to advance economic wellbeing led to the commodification of knowledge, culminating in the rise of the Entrepreneurial University in the 1980s after the Bayh-Dole Act allowed researchers to claim ownership of federally funded advancements. This development is often called “transferral of knowledge” but generally underpins the third pillar, or the third academic mission broadly known as dissemination. These pillars support the conventional roof of present-day academic institutional mission statements and agendas: teach, research and disseminate. Trencher et al. (2014) argue that these three pillars alone cannot solve the world's complex sustainability-based problems. Their proposal for a fourth mission of co-creation for sustainability aims to create socially embedded knowledge through stakeholder collaboration (I cover this in more detail in Olsen, 2021:130-132). Trencher et al. (2014: 4) introduce a framework containing eight emerging paradigms on display in highly co-creative universities around the world. These paradigms centre on highly active academic involvement and collaboration on sustainability issues within their communities. To gauge how small Arctic universities display parity with Trencher et al.’s paradigms for co-creation, the qualitative interviews were structured to accommodate a comparative analysis (see Table 1 in the Discussion). As noted, preceding work has compelled me to question how smaller higher education institutions in the Arctic implement sustainability. To this end, I used a mixed-method data triangulation approach in the form of a questionnaire sent to a subset of UArctic members, with additional interviews with staff at selected universities. The nature of the surveys is such that the number of respondents is below the threshold for conventional statistical analysis. The resulting data has been deemed acceptable for the intended purpose, but additional research is still highly recommended. What follows presents only the qualitative portion of that initial triangulation for clarity. Additionally, I lean on Flyvbjerg’s (2011) encouragement that even singular case studies can assist in producing valuable knowledge. The paper is informed by neo-institutionalist theory (Meyer & Jepperson, 2021) and relies on Bourdieu’s (1972) practice theory. As I am interested in the intersection of how institutions create meaning and how Arctic stakeholders reinforce or alter that meaning to further their local communities, these are well-suited for such a study. I conclude, firstly, that there is an unfortunate duality within the discourse surrounding the concept of sustainability and that smaller Arctic institutions of higher learning function as local stabilisers for the economy, culture and environment – all vital aspects of sustainability. Second, I conclude that Community-based co-creation for sustainability as an academic fourth mission


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these same institutions are in line with emerging social engagement paradigms to a surprising degree. In fact, they already follow the requirements stipulated as constituting a 4th academic mission statement (beyond teaching, researching and dissemination) as outlined by Trencher et al. (2014) in their call for new transformative universities based on “co-creation for sustainability”. Small Arctic institutions of higher learning: Hybrid-institutions The interviews, as are presented below, were completed as an extension of a previously completed quantitative survey that relied on institutional memberships of UArctic per January 1st 2021 (UArctic, nd) as respondents. Institutions list UArctic assembly representatives and points of contact. These contacts are rectors, academic administrators, deans or Arctic researchers with sufficient insights into local sustainability developments and similarly sufficient insights into developments at a local level. At that time, UArctic had 134 academic members. Of those, 57 were institutions with fewer than 5000 students, mostly comparable to the University of the Faroe Islands (the focus of study for my thesis). Most of these smaller institutions are relatively young, and more than half were established between the late 80s and mid-2000s. Surveying the entire membership base of the UArctic (Figure 1), we see that institutions were established in fairly distinct groupings. In the period before the 1810s, we see old Scandinavian and Russian national universities. In the first half of the 1800s, there was a proliferation of American and Canadian national (or large) universities. In the latter half of the 1800s and up until WW2, a number of smaller national universities (typically in second-largest cities) were established. During the war and some years following that, we mostly see an increase in highly specialised Russian technical universities. While some of the smaller institutions we will be concerning ourselves with in this article were established throughout the years presented in Figure 2, the majority came into being around the mid-60s and onward.

Figure 1: UArctic members’ establishment sorted by decade and grouped by period.

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Notably, these smaller Arctic institutions come in two distinct waves–one between 1960- and 1980, where many very local institutions on the periphery are established, especially in the far north of Russia, Canada, and Alaska. The later wave, the 1990s-2000s, consists of even smaller and more localised institutions best described as hybrid-institutions: part university, part vocational college, part indigenous or cultural institution. It bears noting that these smaller institutions of higher learning make up roughly half of the membership base of the UArctic–and half of those again were established in the 1980s or later.

Qualitative survey As noted above, the qualitative survey below is part of a larger PhD thesis. Constraints allowed for six interviews with representatives from the mentioned cohorts of smaller hybrid-institutions. The focus of these interviews was to explore further the concept of sustainability and how respondents, acting as institutional representatives, would contextually situate their institutions’ existence and operations in that regard. Data collection Respondents have been made anonymous. They are located in the following regions of the Arctic: Norway, Greenland, Sápmi, Iceland, Northern Alaska, and Western Canada3. Interviews were conducted online, each lasting 40-60 minutes. An open-ended interview guide was produced and followed throughout. While queried institutions were very similar, there were aspects that were different enough that not all questions were equally relevant. The interview guide consisted of five different lines of questioning: ● Question on motivations and objectives behind establishing the institution in question. ● Question on challenges and barriers facing the community around the institution. ● Question on community engagement (cultural, economic, environmental). ● Question on the institutional definitions of sustainability broadly. ● Question on how sustainability might be utilised to combat challenges within the community. Interviews were recorded and transcribed for analysis by myself.

Qualitative findings While only six interviews were conducted, I would argue, based on previous work and interactions with a fair number of institutions on the initial list of prospective respondents, that these interviews broadly represent the state of smaller Arctic institutions of higher learning. Further, the institutions interviewed exhibit striking parity with my own historical overview and institutional analysis of the University of the Faroe Islands (Olsen, 2020). Q1: Motivations and objectives behind establishing the institution Historically, the interviewed institutions exhibit striking similarities regarding the reasons behind their establishment. A few came about through mergers with similar institutions, either in terms of institutional focus or due to geographic proximity. Those resulting from an institutional merger were made up of smaller, struggling local institutions. A recurring theme for all of the institutions 3

Several attempts were made to reach out to Russian respondents. It seems that current geopolitical realities complicated matters.

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is that they were launched through grass-roots efforts by their respective local communities. Where the majority of institutions of higher learning in the Arctic established up to around the 1950s were primarily initiated through top-down governmental efforts to ensure education, the smaller institutions that came about during the two waves seen in Figure 1 came about through bottomup efforts by communities in need of local options: “It started in the mid-to-late 1980's, there was a committee that formed and [...] they were promoting this idea. There is a pretty good story behind this…they had tables at shopping malls to promote this idea of a university, and people were encourage to give [small amount] to the university fund, right…to this day I still hear from people, this is 30 years later, of how they gave their [small amount], right? It was almost as if they were buying shares in the community–so it was a grass-roots movement, and they managed to convince the government to commit resources” (Olsen, MM. 2023a). “Historically, you look at the boarding-school era where our people had to leave the community to go to education, even [name of boarding school] had 8 or 9 years old students…even younger, so, having education here at home is something very important for our people and for our communities so they don't have to leave” (Olsen, MM. 2023b). Due to the often immense distances within the Arctic, governmental efforts to initiate institutions of higher learning tend to be centred around highly populated areas, and regions that are geographically cut off from accessible infrastructure are often overlooked. Local solutions, then, emerge through the efforts of local elders, municipal councils, cultural enthusiasts and other firebrands. Q2: Challenges and barriers facing the community around the institution Aware of the multitude of stigmatic social issues facing many of the remote communities within the Arctic region, I was wary of probing too far into the territory of socioeconomic maladies. All interviewees steered clear of any such discussions on their own accord. The institutions interviewed are all located geographically in areas or regions that tend to rely heavily on resource extraction: fisheries, mining, mills, farming or husbandry. For that reason, the communities they serve can be subject to economic booms and busts. For many communities, these fluctuations can severely impact social stability, an often overlooked variable that can be quite challenging for small institutions. The most general and obvious commonality for the institutions is remoteness and infrastructural challenges due to geography. All but one are located far away from urban centres, and the areas they serve tend to be isolated further, requiring air travel or lengthy trips by ship or busses. This type of isolation tends to be a challenge in attracting students and also staff interested in remaining in the community long-term. Geographic isolation tends to translate into a scarcity of resources, and bootstrapping an institution from the bottom up can often come with very practical challenges in terms of purely daily operations. A number of the institutions interviewed are not housed in conventional purpose-built campuses but have to make do with whatever local resources allow: “[O]ne main area is our physical infrastructure, we are operating out of a 1940's naval infrastructure, so we have 13 different buildings [...] and we are not connected to the main water and sewer utility from our town. It doesn't feel like a college, because it wasn't built to be a college...so our location and our facilities, we have out-grown it...it's, some of the areas are

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dilapidated, we can't work on it, because of the asbestos, so we are very much in need of new facilities” (Olsen, 2023b). Q3: Community engagement (cultural, economic, environmental) While the initial cut-off point for inclusion in the initial survey was 5000 students or fewer, most institutions dealt with here have substantially lower numbers of students. Some as low as 150. This naturally entails limited access to facilities and restrictions on offices and teaching spaces. An interesting commonality of these institutions is their ability to increase the scope of their activities by bleeding into the surrounding community in clever ways. For some, the community is used to secure vocational internships and off-site practical training. Most seek to establish long-term partnerships with local industries. Examples such as mutually beneficial collaborations with farmers, herders and hunters to extend teaching capabilities (veterinary sciences, biology and cultural studies) are common. There was little focus on environmental sustainability during the interviews, but some interviewees offered the occasional local perspective on how it figured into academic pursuits. “[B]ecause of our geographic location, the local environment around the school…it becomes a natural extension, or an obvious tool to use in our classes–drilling for ice-cores, temperature measurements and observations of local plants and animals. It’s natural for our researchers, and I think…I think it is also simply expected by our students…that when we can open the door and step outside to have classes there…that, that is something that we do…I guess, somewhat naturally…” (Olsen, 2023c). “Oh yeah, we do that. We purchased snow-machines and we have had people make sleds, so that our science classes are in the field, they do snow-samples, specific science studies that are related to the specific environment here, so they can utilise the land, we grow a lot of plants–medicinal plants, they are on the field and learning our local history and knowledge” (Olsen, 2023b). In many instances, environmental and cultural aspects very much rub up against each other. To a large extent, this is also something that is very much ingrained in being Faroese (referring to myself); the environment is culture, and it can be hard to separate the two in casual conversation. The subsistence way of life that is the norm within these communities is inextricably linked with nature and the environment. Food is the obvious example: [W]e had something called [cultural night], so having a cultural night…you cook soup and have traditional foods and you allow for staff who are new here to come be a part of the experience as well as our students, and they were such a hit that we had that responses from our students that they would like to have them once a month, and we can then bring in our cultural experts and utilise our space and opportunity to bring in our elders, so that they create a familiar atmosphere and be rooted in our cultural body…and I think that is something very different than a larger institution of education can offer (Olsen, MM. 2023b). Q4: Definitions of sustainability. After spending roughly an hour with each interviewee, a similar pattern of attempting to draw out definitions of sustainability emerged. In most cases, after several attempts to coax interviewees to see that generally, their answers were indeed circling types of sustainability, be it environmental, cultural, or economic, direct modes of questioning were often needed. Trying to get the point across without asking leading questions required some finagling persuasion. With the interviews Community-based co-creation for sustainability as an academic fourth mission


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completed, this fact had me puzzled. It took a while to understand that this classification of sustainable might be an apt way of conceptualising behaviour post-factum, as I will now attempt to do–but that, as it was relayed to me, these actions were likely understood by the interviewee as immediate and pragmatic solutions to very complex problems that would otherwise go underserved. Utilising the local environment and the stakeholders in the surrounding community wasn’t meant as a deliberate act of sustainability but rather as a matter-of-fact necessity. I feel this is the same reason that the topic of the environment only came up in conversations sparingly–in many ways, the culture is the environment and the environment is the culture. The environment is always assumed–not part of a sustainability equation needing solving. Soil erosion, changes in migratory patterns, warming oceans, disappearing hunting grounds– these are all lived and assumed complexities of operating a small Arctic institution of higher learning on the periphery. “[...] you can define sustainability however broadly you want to, right? I mean, often we focus on environmental sustainability. And I think that's been some, you know, somewhat of a focus [here] through our different programming. We have environmental studies, natural resources and environmental studies programs that focus a lot on that. But I think also, I mean, sustainability is about economic sustainability. It's about regional sustainability. It's about even the sustainability of the university itself. [We are] a standalone institution [...] and maintaining that independence is very important. In terms of sustainability, things like enrollment and [...] regional programming going back to those things, you know, we need to figure out those issues in order for us to be sustainable. These institutions are providing trained people who…who are often from the north. So they see their futures here and they want to give back to the communities where they live, whether that's indigenous communities or non-Indigenous communities. So, yeah, [...t]hat was one of the founding…, the reason why, [we] were created–to build that kind of capacity in the north” (Olsen, 2023a). “[We] would see it in a couple of different ways, sustainability I think of as self-sustainability of being a tribal college and of being who we are, we wanna maintain and continue who we are and being able to be a college that provides, we wanna sustain and we wanna be here with our culture. That can mean funding and diversifying our funding [...] I would look at that as operational– then you think of the cultural part, of language preservation, cultural learning and keeping our cultural knowledge and our subsistence way of life, hunting, the land, the language and...I see it in those two different ways...as a college financially and making sure we are in compliance with our accreditation and continue to exist as a college, but then being embedded in our culture and in being tribal” (Olsen, 2023b). Q5: How sustainability is used to combat challenges within the community Taken in aggregate, these interviews revealed an insight that I think is often overlooked, perhaps even by these institutions themselves–as one interviewee noted: “[W]hat the university does or has done is almost like act as an economic stabiliser, right? Because the university exists no matter what the resource economy is doing” (Olsen, 2023a). In regions experiencing booms and busts in the economy, a comparatively large local institution of learning absolutely can have a noticeable balancing effect on the local economy in that it not only offers salaries to the staff that re-enter the economy–but it can also readily function as an intermediary between the community and its industry. However, this stabilising effect is not limited to economic sustainability; it extends to cultural sustainability for all the interviewed institutions in many different ways. Without explicitly stating as much, all

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institutions had cultural sustainability as an inherent operational aim, focusing on language preservation, history, values and norms. For a number of institutions, this was made explicit through open-door policies that invite the community into the institution for cultural events and workshops. For some communities, these institutions provide access to facilities and larger venues able to host local gatherings and thus facilitate interactions between cultural experts, researchers and the community. “Since this is a very small place, and we have modern facilities, a lot of the cultural activities and other community-based activities come through our buildings…and, and we spend a lot of effort on being welcoming and inviting to the surrounding community” (Olsen, 2023c). For most institutions, operational continuation and financial survival is a key concern. This often intense focus that they have, as quoted above, on self-sustainability and perpetuation seems to be mirrored in the student body. As one source candidly revealed, as they were about to initiate a week-long workshop with students and staff on the Sustainable Development Goals, discussions concerning sustainability can sometimes complicate matters. While the world is large and its problems legion, focusing on home can often have a surprisingly large impact. “I think that our students, these young people, they really do care and they have a burning desire to make a difference. And, I think that they are going to be the ones to carry the torch, not only because they are young and idealistic, but also–don’t get me wrong–it’s their future…it doesn’t belong to old assholes like me and you. [...B]ut I do think that there might be a challenge in working with the Sustainable Development Goals and them being this very large diffuse, global and complex thing to take on–and then translating it into something local where they as students feel can make a real difference–that bridge, I feel, is all-important” (Olsen, 2023d). Especially one of the conversations crystalised a mismatch between what the idea of sustainability is perceived as, and how it actually fails to engage. A notion that sustainability is a concept that is defined externally and forced onto a community is a repeated sentiment in several interviews: “[We] are fed these ideas of sustainability from the media and social media…and I can get this sense of “bah!”...perhaps not fed-up with it, but at least that we as a school need to become part of making it familiar to us…to make sure that it is recognisable” (Olsen, 2023f). As we continue this discussion, we veer into how the Saami people are and have been at the centre of a prolonged debate on the construction of windmills in Northern Norway. While this will not be dealt with here (see Nilssen. 2019), our discussion is rather in relation to the often harsh discourse directed at the Saami and how that might impact Saami youth. We end up circling back to this idea of small Arctic schools and universities catering to indigenous or culturally distinct students functioning as stabilisers–in this case, as cultural stabilisers. Talking about what would happen if this particular school were to cease operations, we come back to the meaning of sustainability: “I mean, being young [Saami] today, there has been research done on this–the harshness of the discourse against Saami. I think this school is extremely important for them to get a sense of security in order to resist such treatment. [...] If you read comments online [i.e. discussing Saami rights and politics] it is extremely offensive, it is really quite serious stuff. So, I think…that it is important that the youth here have a safe and empathetic harbour here”. MMO: “...but, would you not call that sustainability?” Community-based co-creation for sustainability as an academic fourth mission


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“[laughs and pauses]...well, it probably is sustainability [laughs]. I never thought of it that way. But, yes, it is. It is…” (Olsen, 2023f).

Discussion and Conclusion This article focuses its attention on institutions of higher learning in the Arctic, particularly smaller institutions with fewer than 5000 students. It aims to take on as pragmatic an approach as possible without veering into the varied political histories within the multitude of Arctic communities– focusing on smallness. The main reason for this is the inclusion of the present research in the context of a larger research project, but certainly also that the severity and complexities of these histories would be far beyond the scope of the article. I am, by far, not the first to point out the complexities of defining the concept of sustainability. Robert O. Vos, writing in 2007 (Vos, 2007: 335), already notes that definitions of sustainability number in the hundreds. Nor am I breaking new ground in terms of pointing out complexities in defining sustainability within the context of the Arctic; Gad and Strandsbjerg, in their (2018) volume on the politics of sustainability in the Arctic, do so at length. Shorty (2022) expertly deals with this from an indigenous angle, and Huhmarniemi and Jokela (2020) do so regarding culture and arts. These definitional complexities within Arctic academia also seem very much present. Very few of the surveyed institutions have published definitions of sustainability (nor are the majority required to do so), making it difficult to zero in on any type of consensus in terms of how sustainability is defined regionally. The interviews conducted, to some degree, mirrored this lack of definition. None of the respondents interviewed, in clear terms, offered on their own accord that their institution was sustainable. Institutional operations were, in the context of economics, culture and environment, overwhelmingly referred to in terms of having a stabilising effect but not as being sustainable. Only when pressed that these were often interchangeable did respondents agree that their institution was acting sustainably. Clear definitions of academic sustainability, however, did not form. Based on the previous personal and professional experience, prior research (ex: Blaxekjær et al. 2018; Olsen, 2020; Olsen, 2021), the quantitative survey conducted before this qualitative study, and finally, the interview included herein – a picture is painted of smaller Arctic institutions of higher learning – often operating as hybrid-institutions, that are lacking in resources and removed from urban centres. They tend to service highly localised student bodies, often consisting of cultural minorities, and they generally function as facilitators or conduits for economic, cultural and ecological activities within their communities. Crucially, they also often connect conventional aspects of sustainability (environmental, social and economic) as a form of civic glue. The core reason the concept of sustainability is so elusive and difficult to discuss is primarily how diffuse and multi-faceted it is as a subject. The interviews presented here reveal a far more nuanced perspective on what constitutes sustainability–compared to any of the other research I have been involved in recently. Not only does it become clear that “sustainability” is so ingrained in the ethos of these smaller institutions that it is taken for granted and not necessarily considered sustainability–but, rather, a by-product of survival and continuation. Resilience, rather, would be a more fitting term to use in this context. The institutions surveyed are not sustainable because they have chosen to implement the SDGs or have produced strategic policies. They are sustainable, economically,

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culturally and environmentally because there is no other way for them to operate. The discourse on sustainability in academia is sidetracked or muddled by this duality of terms. Elsewhere (Olsen, and Rosati, forthcoming), based on a systematic literature review of publications from around the world, we point to evidence that there is an emerging movement within academia to restructure academic institutional operations in such a way as to better work with issues of sustainability. We argue that the current conventional organisational and institutional structures fall short of solving complex issues related to sustainability that require collaboration and varied stakeholder involvement. While drivers behind this change are based on the interests of students, educators and external spheres of interest such as NGOs and industry, we see that barriers to change can overwhelmingly be blamed on inflexible and rigid academic modes of operations. The educators and academic staff referenced in our review all go beyond what is generally considered conventional academic mission statements–teaching, researching and dissemination. There, we find that globally speaking, the most successful efforts to introduce sustainability within academia are based on what can best be described as community-based co-creation that is highly in line with the framework being put forward by Trencher et al. (2014). To combat academic inertia within the field of sustainability, they (ibid) insist that institutions of higher learning embark on restructuring towards becoming transformative universities. These would be universities that systematise their approach to the three academic pillars mentioned so that it is possible to go beyond teaching, researching, and disseminating–towards an all-encompassing ethos of co-creation. They similarly track these emerging trends and find that universities that are especially focused on this idea exhibit eight different paradigms of social engagement (Table 1 below), all centred around active community and stakeholder collaborative efforts. Paradigms for successful co-creation as listed by Trencher et al. (2014)

Survey findings: Operational activities smaller Arctic institutions of higher learning

LIVING LABORATORIES

Engagement of university research and expertise to establish, monitor and evaluate real-life experiments and social inventions. Use of urban environment as open collaboration area

Institutions tend to have small physical spaces or lack conventional campus areas. Operations spill over into the community and the surrounding urban and geographic environment.

TRANSDISCIPLINARITY

Joint problem-solving of real-world problems with multiple actors from society and academia. Practise-oriented approach.

Local experts and elders become part of teaching or overall coursework to address local issues, often related to cultural aspects.

SERVICE LEARNING

Application of educational programmes to extra- Due to the size of communities, courses tend to focus on curricular activities for tackling localised, real- local issues dealing with environmental issues, food world problems production, social issues and the like.

COOPERATIVE EXTENSION SYSTEM

Dating back to 1914 and the land-grant system, an outreach and technology transfer portal to drive local community and rural development.

Institutions become facilitators and act as conduits for civil society and industry interaction.

PARTICIPATORY AND ACTION RESEARCH

Collaborative problem defining, a fusion of researcher and subjects, empowerment of reflective social change

Researchers and educators use the community to practise their work, bringing students into the field and engaging local experts and industry.

REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Alignment of university functions with regional economic development goals. University plays active role in regional governance.

Institutions are a main actor that engages with local development practically. Research projects and courses are geared towards local development.

URBAN REFORM

Targeted economic revitalisation by directing Low on monetary resources, institutions tend to opt for university financial resources to the local facilitation and playing an active role in the development community and real-estate development. of the local community.

Teaching

Research

of

Dissemination

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TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER

4th mission

CO-CREATION SUSTAINABILITY

FOR

Commercialisation of research results, societal contribution through economic development

Transferral of research and educational results are mainly cultural or vocational.

Internal and external collaborative co-creation on local issues concerned with cultural, economic and environmental sustainability.

Due to their size, lack of resources or geographic placement, institutions are forced to engage with aspects of sustainability through co-creation.

Table 1: Adapted and expanded upon Figure 1 “Research & Social Engagement Paradigms in Trencher et al. (2014:4). They list the following eight constituent parts as, when combined, making up the 4th mission statement.

These eight paradigms listed by Trencher et al. (2014) all centre around activities that engage the local communities served by universities and institutions of higher learning. They focus on real-life solutions that can alleviate and solve societal problems. They are activist and transformative and acknowledge that co-creation is the best way for actors to engage with complex issues. For the institutions that Trencher et al. point to in their work, these paradigms are novel, and none encompass all eight principles. The Arctic institutions featured herein reveal themselves to come exceptionally close to embracing the full gamut of the listed paradigms–not as an active pursuit of sustainability in terms of the SDGs, but rather as a pragmatic solution to survival. Just as the economy, the environment and culture often fuse and can be hard to separate for most respondent institutions–so we see a similar melding between education, research and dissemination. Whereas the economic, cultural and environmental aspects of sustainability are taken to mean stability, the overlaps between institutional operations regarding education, research and dissemination produce a similar result through community-based co-creation. Interestingly, for these very small institutions, the sustainability components (economy, culture, environment) also fuse with institutional missions (teaching, researching, dissemination) due to a need for stability and how it is engaged through co-creation.

References Blaxekjær, L., Olsen, MM. et al. (2018) The Sustainable Development Goals and Student Entrepreneurship in the Arctic. Arctic Yearbook 2018, Akureyri: Northern Research Forum and UArctic Thematic Network on Geopolitics and Security. Bourdieu, Pierre ([1972] 1977) Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge University Press. Flyvbjerg (2011) Case Study. Chapter 17:301-316 in Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln (eds), The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research, 4th Edition. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2011. Gad and Strandsbjerg (2018) The Politics of Sustainability in the Arctic: Reconfiguring Identity, Space, and Time. Routledge. Huhmarniemi and Jokela (2020) Arctic Arts with Pride: Discourses on Arctic Arts, Culture and Sustainability. Sustainability 2020, 12(2), 604. Lauritsen, S. E., Olsen, MM. et al. (2019) Educating Arctic Entrepreneurs: The next generation of sustainable pioneers. Nordregio report on entrepreneurship in the Arctic. Published by the Nordic Council of Ministers.

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Meyer, J. and Jepperson, RL. (2021) Introduction: Cultural Institutionalism (pp. 3–24), in Institutional Theory: The Cultural Construction of Organizations, States, and Identities, Meyer, J. and Jepperson, RL. (eds.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nilssen, TR. (2019) South Saami Cultural Landscape Under Pressure. Ch. 9 in Hermanstrand, H. et al (2019) The Indigenous Identity of the South Saami: Historical and Political Perspectives on a Minority within a Minority. Springer Open; Springer International Publishing. Olsen, MM. (2020) University of the Faroe Islands: From Nation-building to Nation-branding. Økonomi & Samfund 93(4); Special issue on the Faroe Islands, Blaxekjær, LØ (ed). Djøf Forlag: Copenhagen [published in Danish]. Olsen, MM. (2021) An Academic Lead in Developing Sustainable Arctic Communities: Co-Creation, Quintuple Helix, and Open Social Innovation. Chapter 7 in: Natcher, D. and Jokela, T.: Renewable Economies in the Arctic. Routledge. Olsen, MM., Rosati, F., Li-Ying, J. (forthcoming) Universities as Agents for Entrepreneurship and Innovation for the Sustainable Development Goals: A Systematic Literature Review [Manuscript submitted for publication]. Olsen, MM. (2023a) Interview with a First Nations institution in Western Canada. Interview conducted March 30th, 2023. Interview conducted in English. Olsen, MM. (2023b) Interview with an Iñupiat institution in Northern Alaska. Interview conducted October 10th, 2022. Interview conducted in English. Olsen, MM. (2023c) Interview with an institution in Northern Norway. Interview conducted November 8th, 2022. Interview conducted in Danish and Norwegian, quotes translated. Olsen, MM. (2023d) Interview with an Inuit institution in Greenland. Interview conducted March 20th, 2023. Interview conducted in Danish, quotes translated. Olsen, MM. (2023e) Interview with a rural institution in Iceland. Interview conducted March 21th, 2023. Interview conducted in English. Olsen, MM. (2023f) Interview with a Saami institution in Norway/Sápmi. Interview conducted April 21th, 2023. Interview conducted in Danish and Norwegian, quotes translated. Shorty, N. (2021) Sustaining Indigenous Knowledge as Renewable “Resources”. Chapter 8 in: Natcher, D. and Jokela, T.: Renewable Economies in the Arctic. Routledge. Trencher, G. et al. (2014), Beyond the third mission: Exploring the emerging university function of co-creation for sustainability. Science and Public Policy, 41(2): 151–179. UArctic (nd) Members. University of the Arctic website: www.uarctic.org/member-profiles. Vos, RO. (2007) Perspective. Defining Sustainability: A Conceptual Orientation. Journal of Chemical Technology and Biotechnology, 82:334-339.

Community-based co-creation for sustainability as an academic fourth mission


Briefing Note

How Expert Communities Contribute to the Arctic Governance Systems as and beyond Knowledge Holders

Yang Jian

Introduction Arctic governance is structurally a complex mechanism, but fundamentally it is a political field that distributes social resources through some policy-option procedures. Expert communities have always played the role of innovators and guides in social development and human progress. Arctic affairs are a combination of global and local public affairs. The knowledge-based authority of experts has helped them to gain great influence in the Arctic international governance agenda. This influence is not only reflected in their contribution of knowledge but also in their role to form the rules in governance systems. The theme of the International Polar Year IPY Montreal Conference in 2012 is "from knowledge to action," which shows that expert communities are not satisfied with only publishing scientific facts and knowledge but are willing to take more active actions and inputs in influencing policy shaping and making. This article focuses on the power sources, mobilization capabilities, and institutional contributions of the expert communities in participating in the political process of global governance.

The needs for knowledge for the evolution of Arctic governance system The diffusion of knowledge is a process that moves from discovery by the few to common knowledge by the many. The dynamics of social acceptance of the diffusion of scientific knowledge are generally twofold: first, when knowledge becomes a necessity for members of society and, at the same time, an important tool for the development of productivity and international competitiveness of a country. This was evident in the early stages of industrialization. The second is when scientific knowledge reveals common challenges and crises faced by society and the public and when such crises require a concerted effort by members of society (or the international society)

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to address them. The second situation is more in line with the needs of governance in the era of globalization. The way of allocating resources by market forces or by a single national government is no longer able to solve some of the major problems that transcend national boundaries and affect the whole world, such as the environment, ecology, climate, infectious diseases, and so on. The capacity and role of Arctic expertise community in steering global governance in the era of globalization and information technology is beginning to expand. Knowledge has decisive significance for the evolution of governance systems. The lack of knowledge accumulation will limit the depth and breadth of institutional innovation, and the increase in knowledge stock will help improve human society's ability to discover institutional imbalances and to take a move to create some changes. Human exploration and research on the Arctic are still quite insufficient, especially the accumulation of knowledge on the relationship between Arctic changes and the entire Earth system. Many reports on Arctic governance emphasize the important role of knowledge. 1One of the main contradictions faced by Arctic governance is the contradiction between the increased human activities in the Arctic and the relative lack of systems of Arctic governance. One of the real reasons for the gap in governance is the lack of knowledge. Limited knowledge will affect the speed, depth, and breadth of the formation of Arctic governance systems. The demand for knowledge in Arctic governance is multifaceted. In summary, there are approximately four kinds of knowledge required, namely: the first kind of knowledge is about observing and the relevant facts. The second kind of knowledge is about technologies and means for ecological and environmental protection; The third kind of knowledge is about sustainable development knowledge and technology innovation; The fourth kind of knowledge is about the belief system that are helpful to form governance system. The above four kinds of knowledge are interrelated and jointly construct a knowledge-based support system for the Arctic governance system. The expert communities need to acquire these four kinds of knowledge and organize them into a social system with a professional and scientific spirit. The first kind of knowledge is the systematic integration of information on various changes in the Arctic natural environment, such as climate change, glacier retreat, sea ice melting, and other information that affects the natural and social ecosystems of the Arctic. These scientific data obtained through observation can reveal the causal relationships behind phenomena, and scientists can make predictions and confirm certain inferences based on data. The continuous improvement and enrichment of the database have promoted the accumulation of knowledge about Arctic changes, which is conducive to improving the predictive ability of the assessment system. The series of reports of the Arctic Council's Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Program (AMAP) play a fundamental role in ranking the urgency of the Arctic governance agenda in the formation of the Arctic governance system. 2 The second kind of knowledge is about technologies and means of ecological and environmental protection. The third kind of knowledge is about sustainable development knowledge and technology. The second kind of knowledge and the third kind of knowledge involve two aspects of the Arctic issue: one is to protect the Arctic, and the other is to pursue interests and development. The balance between the second kind of knowledge and the third kind of knowledge just reflects the sustainable concept of seeking development through effective protection. To achieve a balance between the two, knowledge-based technology applications and management

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solutions are needed. The scientific discoveries and knowledge accumulation of the Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna (CAFF) and the Protection of Arctic Marine Environment (PAME) help establish governance in various fields of the Arctic based on accurate scientific data and ecological logic. The expert groups have proposed systematic and coordinated principles for Arctic governance regulations from the top-level framework, providing a foundation for principle-based governance. The expert groups have completed various reports on the impact of climate change on Arctic flora and fauna, Arctic fish, and local communities through research, providing a basis for determining the goals and timelines in specific-functional Arctic governance. In terms of biodiversity, scientists have conducted a series of assessments in Arctic protected areas from the perspective of ecological and social significance. Based on depicting the internal connections of the Arctic ecosystem, they have provided a well-designed protected area division and protection measures for local governments. The third kind of knowledge requirements mainly come from the response of technology applications for business. The resources and waterways of the Arctic region will be further integrated into the global market. To achieve sustainable and moderate development, it is necessary to ensure that the speed and scale of development are within the range that the Arctic ecosystem can support and to innovate green technologies and production methods. Technological innovation and knowledge reserve regarding resource utilization in fragile environments are the technological foundation for improving the Arctic governance system. The fourth kind of knowledge is the belief system required for the social support of Arctic governance systems. Both political and economic arrangements in the system require extensive social support. Sharing the belief in knowledge, information, and governance objectives only among expert groups and decision-makers cannot enhance governance systems. Once a knowledge system is widely accepted by the public in a certain society, it will stimulate and accelerate the rearrangement of the political and economic system of that society. When the popularization of the knowledge system reaches a high level that can form a belief foundation for institutional change, it can provide a shared value and belief. Moreover, the popularization of these knowledge systems can actually reduce the cost of institutional change and promote rapid prototyping of governance institutions. Public support for Arctic governance goals largely stems from such a belief system. The fourth kind of knowledge is crucial for international cooperation in the Arctic. Arctic governance is a global governance that includes multinational cooperation. Due to the nature of the tele-coupling of some Arctic issues, such as climate change, glacier retreat, and protection of migratory animals, Arctic governance needs to be coordinated between Arctic and non-Arctic countries. The transnational governance system aims to maintain the normal order of the international community and achieve long-term coexistence between humans and nature. The international organizations tasked with Arctic governance need scientific knowledge and the community of experts to support their authority and rationality that helps to establish new international moral and ethical standards, as well as related evaluation standards centered on fairness and impartiality. The community of experts can mobilize social capital and, make positive international commitments related to governance from various major relevant governments, and establish international principles, norms, standards, policies, agreements, etc. The Arctic Council's inclusion of China, India, South Korea, Japan, and other non-Arctic countries as observers is actually meaningful for spreading Arctic knowledge to countries outside the region. The operations of the China Nordic Arctic Research Center (CNARC)3 and the North Pacific Arctic Conference Yang


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(NPAC)4 are also a kind of practice for the expert community to coordinate international action through knowledge dissemination platforms.

Knowledge is Power: How Expert Communities Gain the Influence on Governance Systems Power is the capability of an actor to lead or to constrain other actors in the actual political process, relying on a certain strength advantage, resource advantage or institutional advantage, in order to realize certain interests or principles. Arctic governance is an action that requires a series of changes in the way that members of society behave (e.g., how they produce, how they consume, how they allocate social resources). Experts on Arctic issues do not have the advantage of political resources, but only immaterial resource ----knowledge. So the first thing they can do is to influence decisionmakers and the public by taking advantage of their independent intellectual insights and sharing knowledge. Decision makers are the groups with the ability to allocate resources, and the public are the taxpayers and voters who are able to express their support for or opposition to the policy of reallocation of resources. According to Joseph Nye's concept, soft power is the ability to achieve a desired goal by attraction rather than coercion. 5 It can work by persuading others to conform, or by persuading them to agree to norms or institutions that produce the expected behavior. The intellectual soft power possessed by a community of experts can result in the formation of scientific ideas or cultural attractions, which in turn result in the formation of standards, institutions and values that can shape the preferences of others. If the concept of soft power is used to look at the roles of expert communities, it is clear that the systematic education of knowledge by expert communities is the use and exertion of this kind of soft power. Most of the individuals educated in this way are persuaded to follow the "laws of science" and to submit to a certain ethic based on knowledge. An examination of the process of shaping the Arctic governance system can tell us that Arctic governance is a democratic process of public policy. What role does the community of experts play in this process? The purpose of democratic decision-making on public affairs is to allocate the responsibilities, obligations and rights of members in a society in a sensible and reasonable manner, to allocate public resources available for governance, and to resolve problems appropriately, while maintaining shared values. It is difficult to strike a balance between efficiency and fairness. Because each individual has his or her own small in-group interests, in most cases people will accept the rulings of the social system and the results of the democratic process, but are unwilling to make concessions to other groups or majority group interests. The combination of scientific procedures and democratic decision-making makes political decisions much more rational and effective. After understanding the facts and evidences of science, a consensus on the policy options can reached, and the responsibilities, interests and resources are redistributed among the members accordingly. The professional training of scientists includes the advocation for the free flow of information and knowledge, which makes scientists relentlessly insist on their right to disseminate and interpret "facts" and "truths" globally. The exchange of information among scientists is also governed by the long-established rule of the game that one can oppose any assertion or conclusion, but not "the rationality of the free flow of information and the open debate of ideas", which is tantamount to giving scientists the morality and rationality to engage in social mobilization and political debates around the globe on international governance.

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Global governance is a public affair without a so-called world government to provide public goods. The original intention of scientists to participate in governance and demonstrate mobilization is driven by their social responsibility in the global context. When they find that the resources for governance are not allocated as they expected, they will think about fully playing the mobilization capacity for global governance. John G. Ruggie introduced the concept of epistemic community into the study of international organizations. 6 Epistemic communities are networks of experts and scholars in a given field who are recognized by the public for their professional authority and who use their transnational network platforms to influence or change the process and outcome of policymaking. Epistemic communities play an important role in the formation of shared values and the construction of transnational networks. The core of epistemic communities is the community of experts who hold the power of knowledge, and the authority of epistemic communities depends on the authority of experts' knowledge and information. Epistemic communities guide the rational allocation of social resources through the possession of knowledge, information and develop new modes of governance through the dissemination of new information and ideas, thus effectively achieving policy coordination and international governance. In the past half century, in the global protection of the ozone layer, the control of acid rain in Europe and the control of pollutants in the Mediterranean Sea, the epistemic communities centered on the community of experts have played a great role and promoted the development of international governance systems. Epistemic community members can institutionalize their knowledge in three ways: first, by setting development goals; second, by forming coalitions of opinion and action in support of knowledgebased policies; and third, by creating organizational entities for international governance based on their knowledge. 7 International governance activities are highly democratic, as there is no strong executive power on international governance platforms similar to that found in domestic politics within a country, and international governance activities enjoy more freedom of information dissemination with few restrictions similar to those found in domestic politics. In this context, expert communities enjoy a wider range of participation and have the opportunity to bring their modes of discussion and interaction to international governance platforms. At the level of international organizations, they are often in a position to shape the orientation and content of international law and agreements on the basis of scientific findings.

The role of experts in the negotiating process related to Arctic governance— —beyond the knowledge holders The public does not doubt the identity of expert groups as knowledge holders in Arctic governance. Nonprofessionals consider popular scientific conclusions as the whole of science. But scientific explorers know that these conclusions constitute "science" only when they are linked to the methods used to reach them.8 Knowledge has characteristics such as the authority of truth and the complexity of the system, which can have an impact on the way human society is organized and managed. When various expert communities enter the governance process, they are not satisfied with only informing the public and decision-makers of scientific conclusions, but are willing to make institutional contributions to the effectiveness of governance. They implant the logic of science into the ideology of governance in the name of scientific popularization, the methods of

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scientific decision-making into the governance system, and the evaluation methods of scientific indicators into the governance process. A set of institutional systems has been formed for the accumulation, acquisition and exchange of knowledge among experts. Transplanting this interactive mode of experts to the field of governance will have an impact on the negotiation of the governance system and the negotiation of governance goals. The larger the proportion of experts participating in a certain governance system, the easier it is for this system to become the mainstream system. Both scientific debate and democratic debate are a kind of discourse. The goal of a scientific debate is to reach a consensus on the "fact and truth" of some discipline. The goal of democratic debate is to reach a consensus on social public choices in a certain situation. The institutional formation process of Arctic governance is a combination of the above two consensus-building processes. They have something in common with the spirit of democratic co-governance. This commonality has a good ethical basis for the formation of corresponding institutional arrangements. At the negotiating table for the Arctic governance for a specific regime, many players emerge. There are power holders, such as governments. Governments have the power to redistribute social resources. There are capital holders, such as corporations, who have the capital to develop various projects and industries. There are right holders, such as indigenous people. The Arctic indigenous people have important rights over the disposal of local resources while preserving their own rights to subsistence, way of life and cultural traditions. In Arctic affairs, the manifestation of such rights helps to enhance the favorable position in negotiations. There is no doubt that, as analyzed earlier, expert communities are knowledge holders. In addition to being knowledge holders, expert communities may also play the role of right holders, competitors for policy options, pressurizers, and coordinators at the Arctic governance negotiation table. Playing the role of right holders When the expert community talks about "sustainability", it often makes the following statement: the Earth is the only home on which human beings depend for their survival, and cherishing and caring for the Earth is the only option for human beings. Instead of developing in a destructive way, we should seek the path of sustainable development. We have to be responsible for future generations, while at the same time thinking about the present generation. Here, the community of experts has become a spokesperson for the rights of future generations. When the expert community talks about "biodiversity conservation", it actually becomes a spokesperson for the rights of other species (e.g., polar bears) by presenting data from scientific monitoring. Playing the role of competitor and that of pressurizer The expert community can represent global interests in competing with governments on Arctic policy options. The community of experts could also propose some different governance programs with governments when the community of experts believes that the policies of certain governments are problematic.9 If governments are not willing to invest social resources in environmental protection, greenhouse gas emission reduction and environmental legislation, many governance ideas will remain on paper rather than being translated into action. Through the work of expert groups in international organizations or through the pressure of public opinion, the expert community has urged governments to enact laws, regulations and other mandatory measures to

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encourage enterprises to regulate their behavior, reduce or eliminate economic practices that do not guarantee environmental protection. Through media campaigns and international lobbying, the community of experts has led international organizations to adopt guidelines and declarations, thereby creating public pressure on Governments and enterprises. The role of the community of experts in helping international organizations to enhance their independence and authority. The development of international organizations reflects the trend towards democratization of international relations and the characteristics of science-based decision-making. The increased role of the community of experts in international organizations is a reflection of this trend. Members of international organizations, especially the major Powers, often have a real veto or a great deal of dominant power in the activities of international organizations. In such cases, the intellectual authority of the community of experts is an effective means for international organizations to increase their independence and enhance their negotiating power with member states. In the context of sustainable development and global governance, international organizations encourage scientists to engage in science diplomacy and professional forums, which provide an intermediary link for consensus-building in the dialogue between governments. Acting as a coordinator among multiple international governance systems The complex and overlapping layers of international organizations involved in Arctic governance create an expectation of coherent and organic linkages between the various international mechanisms. The expert community plays an important role as a coordinator. Scientists participate as experts or advisers in various fields of Arctic governance and in various international organizations. On the one hand, they can follow the track of the progress of various fields and organizations, and on the other hand, they can use their expert status to carry out coordination, promote discussion among various disciplines on important issues, and promote the consistency of goals in various governance fields. The expert community can utilize its professional strengths to organically combine various governance objectives.

Roles of expertise at different phases of the Arctic governance Arctic expert communities fit the characteristics of an epistemic community that has the ability to play a significant role in the process of Arctic governance such as setting the agenda or establishing rules and regulations. On the one hand, Arctic expert communities define the nature of Arctic issues through long-term scientific research and work to make policymakers aware of and address the challenges facing the Arctic; on the other hand, expert communities are important transnational actors who can use their transnational networks disseminate knowledge and consolidate established consensus, promoting fact-based governance policy and international cooperation. In the first phase, the main role of the expert community is to identify and raise issues. It should be noted that the Arctic issue’s emerging in international politics is largely related to climate and environmental changes in the Arctic region. The Working Group of the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme released a report "Snow, Water, Ice and Permafrost in the Arctic" in 2011.10 The fact that the temperature in the Arctic region is increasing has been confirmed, which has greatly affected the perception of the Arctic region by the public and decision-makers. The Arctic region regulates the global climate. Against the background of global climate change, all aspects of the Arctic system have undergone the fastest changes in the past 400 years, even

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exceeding scientists' expectations. Because of this, policymakers and the public are increasingly paying attention to the Arctic. The international scientific community refers to the intricate environmental changes taking place in the Arctic as the "unaami". This term, derived from the Inuit, indigenous people in the Arctic, means "unknowable tomorrow", which expresses the worries of scientists all over the world about the unpredictable and uncontrollable future of Arctic environmental changes. The "unaami" phenomenon mainly has the following characteristics: 1. The surface temperature of the Arctic land continues to rise. 2. Decrease in sea ice coverage in the Arctic Ocean. 3. The edge of the Greenland ice sheet is melting. 4. Continental snow cover and permafrost cover decreased, permafrost thawed, and river and lake ice decreased. 5. Increases in freshwater runoff, rainfall and snowmelt have reduced sea salinity in the Arctic Ocean, which has an impact on the cycle of the world's oceans. 6. Ocean warming. 7. A decline in sea level atmospheric pressure in the Arctic. The experts define Unaami as the ongoing decadal, pan-arctic complex of intertwined changes in the Arctic physical system. The physical changes, in turn, alter the ecosystem and living resources and impact the human population. Thus, these biological and societal consequences may also be considered part of Unaami. The scientific community's definition of the issue of natural changes in the Arctic is related to the future of the earth and mankind, which naturally raises the attention of the Arctic in international affairs.11 The experts have developed four working hypotheses to guide research: (1) Unaami is related to the Arctic Oscillation related to temperature and ocean circulation. (2) Unaami is a component of climate change. (3) Feedback among the ocean, land, ice, and the atmosphere is critical to Unaami. (4) The physical changes of Unaami have large impacts on the arctic ecosystems and society. The experts define their mission as follows: to find out whether the recent Unaami is tied to anthropogenic climate change or not, to describe (and ultimately attempt to predict) the ecosystem effects and societal impacts of Unaami, and to distinguish between the changes associated with the large-scale physical Unaami phenomenon and the changes due to human activities. In the second phase, the role of the expert community is to disseminate new ideas and form a social consensus to promote "knowledge-based policy." The Arctic epistemic community has been working to bring the conclusions of scientific research into public awareness, a similar process like Townhall meetings to bridge the communication gap between the elite and the public, get every member of the society well-informed about updated facts and truths and plans. Misinformation is costly for each governance objective. In this phase, it is essential for the efficient flow of information and communication, including the feedback from the public. Norwegian scientists hosted a three-year project called SciencePub under the initiative of the International Polar Year.12 That is to continuously improve the public's awareness of the Arctic natural environment through active publicity activities. These publicity activities include establishing an information-sharing network covering all partner institutions, training science journalists, and launching visualization and mobile exhibitions. It is worth noting that epistemic communities often collaborate with NGOs in the process of building consensus between the public and the policymakers. In fact, the most well-known role of NGOs is that of “advocacy networks,” which seek to influence policy by mobilizing public opinion to directly or indirectly put pressure on influential policy networks and groups and change policies. 12 For example, one of the important reasons why the issue of Arctic fisheries can quickly become a hot topic is the initiative of scientists

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and the lobbying of environmental NGOs. At the International Polar Year Conference held in Montreal, Canada in April 2012, The Pew Charitable Trusts of the United States distributed to the participants a letter of initiative signed by 2,000 scientists around the world, calling on governments to sign an international agreement on preventing uncontrolled commercial fishing in the central Arctic Ocean until a full scientific investigation is completed. 13 It shows that after the expert community reaches a consensus that is disseminated through the introduction of the media, enter the discourse system of decision makers and the public, a governance system begins to take its shape. In the third phase, the expert community can provide policymakers with various policy options and their scientific basis. For example, as the most important working platform in Arctic governance, the working groups of the Arctic Council released a number of assessment reports based on scientific research at the Eighth Ministerial Conference in 2013, such as the “Arctic Biodiversity Assessment”, the "Arctic Marine Assessment Report", etc., carried out a scientific assessment of the current situation of the Arctic environment, and put forward a series of followup measures and guidance suggestions. The Agreement on Cooperation on Marine Oil Pollution Preparedness and Response in the Arctic (MOSPA)" adopted in 2013 is the second legally binding agreement since the establishment of the Arctic Council after the Agreement on Cooperation on Aeronautical and Maritime Search and Rescue in the Arctic (SAR). The agreement is a precautionary measure by Arctic countries trying to curb large-scale oil and gas resource extraction in the Arctic in the future. It can also be regarded as a declaration that the Arctic Council will prioritize the protection of the environment and biodiversity in the Arctic region. Although policy choices cannot be entirely attributed to the expert community, it is clear that the highly specialized knowledge and information possessed by the expert community provide policymakers with a basis for policy choices, making it easier for policymakers to choose among existing policies to determine priority items on the agenda. In the fourth phase, the role of the expert community is to maintain policy continuity through institutional design. The fourth phase is the deepening and institutionalization of the first three phases. Advancing international governance will inevitably involve interest calculations and power games among all parties involved. Disputes between different countries and interest groups can also shake the governance consensus that has just been established. Some countries and industries will also adopt negative policies for international cooperation in governance due to changes in the economic and political environment. Therefore, establishing a solid system is the key to ensuring policy continuity. While assisting in the construction of the governance system, the expert community must also institutionalize its own influence. Taking the governance of Arctic high seas fisheries as an example again, scientists have cooperated with NGOs to not only complete petitions, and publicize them, but also exert pressure on governments. They spent about five years in extensive discussions with governments, fisheries leaders and Indigenous leaders to seek an international agreement