Vol. 57, No. 2 MAY-JUNE 1971
Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc.
BROTHER WHITNEY M. YOU1 1921-1971
Some of the pages in this issue have sections cut out of them The best copy available was scanned
ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. National Headquarters / 4432 Dr. Martin Luther King Drive / Chicago, Illinois
ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. DIRECTORY FOR 1970-1971 Jewel
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Officers General President — Ernest N. Morial General Treasurer — Leven C. Weiss Comptroller — Isidor J . LaMothe, Jr General Counsel — Morris M. Hatchett Editor, " T h e Sphinx" — J . Herbert King Executive Secretary — Laurence T. Young
Vice Presidents Eastern W. Decker Clarke Midwestern — James R. Williams Southern — Bennie J . Harris Southwestern — Oell Sutton Western Thadeaus H. Hobbs
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Assistant Vice Presidents f£ aS (ern David A. Wright Midwestern — Eugene Shelton, Southern Larry L. Earvin Southwestern — Delbert O. DeWitty Western — Fritzic A l l e n . .
Editorial Advisory Committee Malvin R. Goode, Marshall Harris, John H. Johnson, Moss H. Kendrix, Belford V. Lawson, Samuel A. Madden, J. E. Martin, Lionel H. Newsom, Gus T. Ridgel.
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Contributing Editors Malvin R. Goode, Martin L. Harvey, Eddie L. Madison, Frank L. Stanley, Sr., L. H. Stanton, Charles Wesley, Randolph White, O. Wilson Winters, Laurence T. Young.
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REGIONAL DIRECTORS Eastern Region
NATIONAL COLLEGE EDITOR MICHEL V. BROWN Texas Southern University The Sphinx is the official magazine of the Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc., 4432 Dr. Martin Luther King Dr., Chicago, III., with editorial offices at 4728 Drexel Blvd., Chicago, III. 60615. Published four times a year: February, May, October and December. Address all editorial mail to 4728 Drexel Blvd., Chicago, III. 60615. Change of Address: Send both addresses to Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, 4432 Dr. Martin Luther King Drive, Chicago, III. Manuscripts or art submitted to The Sphinx should be accompanied by addressed envelopes and return postage. Editor assumes no responsibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts or art. Opinions expressed in columns and articles do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc., and use of any person's name in fiction, semi-fiction articles or humorous features is to be regarded as a coincidence and not as the responsibility of The Sphinx. It is never done knowingly. Copyright 1970 by The Sphinx, Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. Reproduction or use, without written permission, of the editorial or pictorial content in any manner is prohibited.
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ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, INC. Volume 57 THERE GOES AN ALPHA MAN There goes a man of high impulse Of princely mien and grace There goes a man of humble faith A credit to his race There goes a man of conscience vast with will to reach his goal There goes a man of lordly rank Of heroes' stock and soul— There goes a man of noble caste Whom hardship cannot break There goes a man in merit clad Whom duty won't forsake There goes a man in cultured verse Who holds a sportsman's creed There goes a man too vigilant To bow to lust or greed There goes a man whose life is spent in service not in scorn There goes a man whose majesty Shines like a May time
There goes a man who is a friend To love and duty truth There goes a man to help uplift The lives of wholesome youth There goes a man with industry and faith at his command. There goes the best man in and out Ear he is an Alpha Man.
J. HERBERT KING Editor-in-Chief 4728 DREXEL BOULEVARD CHICAGO,
CONTENTS General President Speaks Resolution — Brother Whitney Moore Yoirag, Jr My Son Whitney M. Young, Jr Excerpts — Speeches By Brother Young Career Highlights Home From Vietnam — Whitney M. Young, Jr The Black Power Of Whitney Young A Black Point of View — Brother Floyd B. McKissick Separatism — Whitney M. Young, Jr White House Conference Ghetto Investment — Whitney M. Young, Jr Whitney Young Dies In Nigeria Messages of Sorrow A Giant Walked Among Us Funeral Services Eulogy — Hon. Richard M. Nixon Legacy and Time of Whitney Moore Young, Jr. — Brother Harold Sims The Whitney I Knew — Brother Dunbar McLaurin Leadership For Black America — Roy Wilkins The Loss of a Leader — Bayard Rustin Brothers of Alpha — National Urban League 65th Anniversary Convention Omega Chapter Alpha Work-shop
We are especially grateful to: Johnson Publishing Company, New York Amsterdam News, The White House Press Secretary, The Louisiana Weekly, Dr. Whitney M. Young, Sr., Brothers Dunbar McLaurin and Harold R. Sims and the staff of the National Urban League, for their splendid cooperation. Without their assistance, this memorial issue would not have been possible.
2 3 4 7 8 9 13 17 20 23 27 29 30 31 33 38 39 42 45 46 49 52 62 64
COMMITTEE ON PUBLICATIONS:
THE GENERAL PRESIDENT SPEAKS... G e n e r a l P r e s i d e n t E r n e s t N. M o r i a l CONVENTION CALL:
Bro. Moses General Miles, Chmn. 1329 Abraham Street Tallahassee, Florida 32304 Bro. J. Herbert King, Vice Chmn. 4432 South King Drive Chicago, III. 60653 COMMITTEE ON PERSONNEL:
The General President of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. by virtue of constitutional provision, hereby summons the Jewel, the General Officers, Committee Chairmen and Brothers in college and alumni chapters to the 65th ANNIVERSARY CONVENTION — to be held ; n Milwaukee, Wisconsin, July 31-August 4, 1971 at the Sheraton-Schroeder Hotel. This General Convention will afford us, once more, an opportunity to examine ourselves, our structure and the program of the Fraternity, and to note once more our assets and our losses and accept the challenge to build a better Alpha Phi Alpha.
Bro. M. G. Ferguson, Chmn. 1701 21st Avenue, North Nashville, Tenn. 37208
GENERAL CONVENTION COMMITTEES
APPOINTMENTS 1971-1972 Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. GENERAL COUNSEL:
Bro. Barton W. Morris 17342 San Juan Drive Detroit, Mich. 48238
Bro. Isidore J. LaMothe, Jr. 1407 University Avenue Marshall, Texas 75670
COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTION: Bro. John D. Buckner, Chmn. 4246 W. North Market Street St. Louis, Mo. 63113
Bro. Marshall E. Williams, Vice Chmn. 1270 5th Avenue New York City, New York 10029
COMMITTEE ON BUDGET AND FINANCE: Bro Isidore J. LaMothe, Jr. Chmn. 1407 University Avenue Marshall, Texas 75670 COMMITTEE ON ELECTIONS: Bro. Emmett W. Bashful, Chmn. 6400 Press Drive New Orleans, La. 70126
Bro. Clifton E. Bailey, Vice Chmn. 3338 Aubert Avenue St. Louis, Mo. 63115
COMMITTEE ON STANDARDS A N D EXTENSION: Bro. Leonard R. Ballou, Chmn.
RULES A N D CREDENTIALS: Bro. Andrew J. Lewis, Chmn. 2861 Engle Road, NW Atlanta, Ga. 30318 PARLIAMENTARIAN: Bro. O. Wilson Winters Chmn. 6666 Lincoln Drive Philadelphia, Pa. 19119 Bro. Billy Jones, Vice Chmn. (Asst. Parliamentarian) 342-A East Broadway East St. Louis, III. 62201 PAN HELLENIC COUNCIL Bro. Walter Washington Alcorn A & M College Lorman, Miss. 39096
Eliz. City State College Eliz. City, N.C. 27909
COMMITTEE ON HOUSING:
Bro. William M. Alexander, Chmn., 4272 Washington Blvd. St. Louis, Mo. 63108 (MEMBERS TO BE APPOINTED BY T H E CHAIRMAN)
ON CIVIL RIGHTS
SGT. AT ARMS:
Bro. Belford V. Lawson, Jr. 4402 29th Street, NW Washington, D.C. 20008
Bro. Fred D. Atwater—2181 Madison Ave., New York, New York 10037 Bro. Frank A. Dee—485 Lenox Avenue, New York, New York 10037 PUBLICITY-PUBLIC RELATIONS: Just received the sad news of the passing of Brother Whitney M. Young, Jr. in Nigeria. Brother Young was the Executive Director of the National Urban League. This issue of our SPHINX is dedicated to Brother Young. May his soul and the souls of all the faithful departed, rest in peace.
Bro. Marcus Newstadter, Chmn. 2745 Prentiss Avenue New Orleans, La. 70122
Ikstolutton And now, in the presence of this world, let the word go forth that Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity is hereby Resolved: t.i
THAT WHEREAS, Brother Whitney M. Young. Jr., Scholar, Humanatarian, Son, Husband, Father, Christian. Alpha Man Extraordinary, did live and did die with a nobility of purpose; THAT WHEREAS, We do in fact recognize that his strength and his power was grounded in his profound belief that God is the supreme source of all things; THAT WHEREAS, His dependability provided the foundation for his magnificent leadership to Alpha and this country; THAT WHEREAS, His capacity for impartiality was the splendor that dispelled at all times the darkness of misunderstanding; THAT WHEREAS, His character was the governing power of his life, and was more significant than the possession of tremendous talent or genius; THAT WHEREAS, He was indeed our model, our mentor, our friend and our brother. And his death diminishes us because we were so involved in him; THAT WHEREAS, We truly believe that in his great transition from Alpha to Omega he did in fact pause, looked back and said, "That those of us who still live, must do a harder thing than dying is. For we must think and his ghost will drive us on." BE IT THEREFORE RESOLVED, that Brother Whitney M. Young, Jr. be and become enshrined in history of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity now and forever; BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that a copy of this resolution be communicated to his family, the National Urban League and to be spread of record in those bodies as a permanent memorial to a brother whose whole life was such that he forgot himself into immortality. J. Herbert King, Editor SPHINX Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity May 28, 1971 General President
MY SON WHITNEY M. YOUNG, JR. By Whitney M. Young, Sr. Family of Whitney Young, Jr.
Left to right: Eleanor Young (sister), Whitney Young, Jr., Arnita Young (sister), Mrs. Laura Ray Young (mother). Standing: Dr. Whitney Young, Sr.
Whitney Young, Jr., at about age 6, with his two sisters Eleanor and Arnita.
"Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends." From all my conversations with my son over the past nine years he clearly indicated his mind, body and soul to achieving even life, to bring a greater measure of hope, additional educational and economic opportunities for the forgotten man, regardless of race, creed or color. With no claim to perfection, he dedicated his mind, body and soul to achiving absolute honesty, absolute unselfishness, absolute purity and absolute love in race relations and building a truly democratic country. At an early age he showed signs of potential for leadership in my group he was chairman or Co-Chairman. In High School and part of his college years being too small to make some of the teams he was student manager. He never had any difficulty finding followers, ready to carry out his commands. If he ever had any enemies in high school or college I never knew them.
(Continued on page 5) 4
Whitney Young, Jr. (left) and a friend.
MY SON WHITNEY (Continued from page 4) He never skirted around responsibility but drove full speed ahead giving and taking without complaining. His mother and I marveled at his personality, his devotion to his sisters Arnita and Eleanor and his parents. Anger was foreign to his nature. He could smile through any conflict and his sense of humor would win you over to his point of view. I taught him basic engineering for four years and discovered quite early I had to prove every statement to his satisfaction in the class room or later at home. He always wanted the facts. In late years his mind seemed to be working so fast he might not be listening. He was so involved in so many things even his volcanic brain could not keep pace with all the demands made upon it. He stated on several occasions, "White racists are not afraid of our fire power but they are afraid of our brain, our political and economic power." He never wanted the Black Man to end up like the Indian. He believed we had to work within the system. As much as we loved him and hated to see him work himself beyond endurance, we know he chose the wisest course.
Whitney Young's graduation in 1937 from Lincoln Institute High School. Also in the graduation class is his sister Arnita Young Boswell.
(Continued on page 6)
Dr. and Mrs. Whitney Young, Sr.'s 40th ANNIVERSARY
Whitney Young, Jr. after college Arnita.
with his sisters
Crossing stage — daughter of Whitney Young, Jr. — Mrs. Marcia Young Boles; daughter of Whitney s sister — Bonnie Boswell; Whitney Young, Jr. getting ready to speak as a son.
MY SON WHITNEY
In the home of his father, Dr. Whitney Young, Sr., Whitney, Jr. is holding his niece Laura Alsbrook.
Whitney Young Jr.'s Dr. Whitney Young,
Left to right: Whitney Young, Jr., Miss Lauren Young (daughter), Mrs. Margaret Young (wife). Standing: Mrs. Marcia Young Boles (daughter).
The late Mrs. Laura Young and
Whitney Young, Jr. and child
(Continued from page 5) He was a loving father and husband. His home was his castle. He would say: "While one child starves upon earth I have not found success, It matters not his lowly birth, In far off Wilderness." To this I could only reply: "Listen my son, You be the one, Who gets things done! It's lots of fun, It makes the Mon. You be the one, Who gets things done!" The tears will flow and our hearts will bleed but we shall overcome all knowing full well we gave to the world a son who counted it more blessed to give than to receive.
Whitney Young, Jr. at his sister (Eleanor's) ville, and his other sister Arnita.
He gave his life that millions of others might have life live more abundantly. Farewell, my Prince! May you rest in peace in the bosom of God.
EXCERPTS EXCERPTS FROM SPEECHES MADE BY BROTHER YOUNG B L A C K
P E O P L E
"Black people are not the violent people in our society. They have never been, or else we have the longest time fuse known to man. It is not black people who have been violent. Lest you forget, we have been the people who have been in this society for four hundred years. We have been the people who for two hundred and fifty years were forced to give free labor to this society. We are the people who have given America our blood and our sweat and our tears. We have been the hewers of the wood and the tillers of the soil, the workers in the vineyards of America, at the lowest wages. We have fought in every war, dying in disproportionate numbers now in Vietnam, and also the first to die in the American Revolution. We have been the people who have said more than anybody else that we believe in America, we have faith. We have no Benedict Arnold. We did not kill John Kennedy or Robert Kennedy, or Abraham Lincoln, or Martin Luther King. We did not lynch people as we have been lynched as a people by the hundreds. We did not castrate and literally bury people alive. "We have been brutalized, not by disruptive vulgar language like some black people have done, but our lives have been disrupted not by our buildings being taken over by temporary disruptive activity by a handful, but the destruction of our manhood and our people and of our families. And if Black America can put up with this for four hundred years and still not lose faith in America and in white people, then it seems to me that any decent reasonable, intelligent white person ought to be able to stop generalizing about all black people based on the actions of a few."—71st Annual Dinner of the Pennsylvania Society, December 13, 1969. LAW A N D O R D E R "Law and order is often linked to violent crime, but if it is not to be perverted into an instrument of racial repression, there must be the same concern for the law in other areas. What about the crimes committed against black people — crimes like discriminatory hiring and promotion, crimes like housing discrimination and ghetto exploitation? These are the crimes that are tearing our cities apart and injuring millions of black people whose only offense is the color of their skin. And the legal profession is deeply implicated in such crimes. Lawyers advise corporations on how to avoid the law, and lawyers advise home-owners on how to keep neighborhoods lily-white. They sit on zoning boards and local housing commissions. So the legal profession has a special responsibility to use its power to correct these abuses and to fight for enforcement of civil-rights laws." — American Bar Association, August 13, 1969. "The ultimate security of all Americans is dependent upon the success of our efforts to end poverty. The poor have placed their faith in the American dream. They have died in our wars — they are bleeding now in Vietnam. But the promise of America has not yet been fulfilled. It is time for that promise to be delivered. It is time for the adoption
of a universal system of social security directed at the prevention of poverty. It is time to hear the cries of the poor — both black and white — and to bring our county together again." — Committee on Ways and Means, United State House of Representatives, November 3, 1969. D I G N I T Y " . . . that all people want to be self-sufficient and independent; . . . that no man basically wants a handout; . . . that every man, wherever you find him, whether he is a poor white in Appalachia, or a coolie in China, a native in Africa, or a dweller in a Harlem slum, has beneath his skin the same desire and hope for freedom, for dignity, for self-sufficiency as anybody else." National Citizens Conference on Rehabilitation of the Disabled and Disadvantaged, June 25, 1969. E D U C A T I O N "Our street academies are well-known. They have taken young people whom the schools said could not be educated, young people who had been claimed by the life of the streets, and given them basic and prep school education. Now street academy graduates are in Harvard, Princeton, and in other top colleges all over the country. "But we don't seek to create a parallel school system. The true purpose of the street academies is to teach the minddestroying institutions our successful concepts so that the public schools themselves can be relevant to ghetto youngsters." — National Urban League Conference, July 28, 1969. FAITH A N D A M E R I C A "I do have faith in America — not so much in a sudden upsurge of morality nor in a new surge toward a greater patriotism — but I believe in the intrinsic intelligence of Americans and of the business community. I do not believe that Americans are fools. I don't believe that we forever need to be confronted by tragedy or crisis in order to act. I believe that the evidence is clear. I believe that we, as a people, will not wait to be embarrassed, or to be pushed by events, into a posture of decency. I believe that America has the strength to do what is right because it is right. I'm convinced that given a kind of collective wisdom and sensitivity, Americans today can be persuaded to act creatively and imaginatively to make democracy work. This is my hope. This is my dream. This is my faith." — American Iron and Steel Institute, Waldorf-Astoria, May 22, 1968. A F R I C A "Africa needs Black Americans, to be sure — as political and economic allies, mobilizing all of our strengths and resources in the pursuit of an American foreign policy (including economic and technical assistance) that will do for Africa what our tax dollars (both black and white) have done for Europe." —Congress of African Peoples Conference, September 5, 1970 (Continued on page 50)
Brother Whitney M. Young, Jr. Executive Director of the National Urban League 1961-1971 1961 Brother Whitney M. Young, Jr. became Executive Director of the National Urban League on October 1st. At the time of his appointment, he was Dean of Atlanta University School of Social Work, a post he had held since 1954. Mr. Young had been an industrial relations secretary of the St. Paul Urban League from 1948-1950, and Executive Director of the Omaha Urban League from 1950-1954. 1962 Brother Young met with President F. Kennedy, as a result of which the Federal Government hosted a precedentbreaking three-day Conference of 89 League professionals and volunteers in Washington. Under Brother Young's leadership the League's Washington Bureau was established as liaison between the League and governmental agencies, in furtherance of League programs. 1963 Brother Young was responsible for development of the much-publicized Domestic Marshall Plan, calling for federal expenditure of $145 billion over ten years to eradicate the "discrimination gap" caused by "three centuries of abuse, humiliation, segregation and bias" against Blacks. Mr. Young was also one of the principal organizers of the August March on Washington for jobs and freedom, at which 250,000 gave vivid testimony of their total commitment to the cause of civil rights. Also this year, Brother Young began "To Be Equal," a syndicated column intended originally for the Black press and community, but today appearing in over 100 newspapers and heard on over 40 radio stations across the country. Brother Young created the League's National Skills Bank to upgrade under-employed Blacks and match them with jobs equal to their skills in cities across the nation — the first program of its kind in the country. 18,085 Blacks were upgraded to better jobs as a result. The League's Secretarial Training Program was also established. 1964 In April, Brother Young undertook major reorganization of the League, establishing five Regional Offices for improved liaison with the League's growing number of local Affiliates. Establishing new Leagues especially in the South, and expanding operations at all levels throughout the Movement. Brother Young saw the League grow from 63 to 98 Affiliates in as many cities, its professional staff increase from 300 to over 1,200, its budget increase tenfold. Brother Young also brought the League's resources to bear on the problems of the hard-core unemployed, creating the On-the-Job Training Program which to date has brought over 50,000 minorities into paid training slots in the skilled trades and white-collar jobs. Brother Young's book To Be Equal was published this year; and this year, also, Mr. Young organized and led the Community Action Assembly, convening for the first time in American history 500 Black leaders, the President, Cabinet and Congressmen in symposiums to discuss the Black com8
munity's needs, and directions the country could take to solve them. 1965 Under Brother Young's leadership, the National Leadership Development Program was established in several cities, to involve Black leaders in broad community action. 1966 Young joined the 25 top corporate leaders of the country in a Time sponsored tour of Europe. In private talks with them, Brother Young urged employment and upgrading of Blacks — and over the next year an estimated 50,000 new jobs were opened to minorities. Brother Young also travelled to Vietnam to talk with minority GI's. The needs he discovered among them resulted in 1967 in the League's Veterans Affairs Program, which has since helped 35,000 servicemen and veterans register complaints through effective channels, and find answers to their education, housing, employment, health and welfare needs. Under Brother Young's leadership, the League initiated Project Enable, a joint effort with the Child Study Association of America and the Family Service Association of America, to help individuals and families break the poverty cycle by improving home environments and community attitudes. Brother Young was especially proud of the League's gains in education: programs like the Street Academy Program begun in 1966, now a national model for an alternative education system, highly successful in sending former drop-outs back to school and higher education. 1967 Brother Young was a principal originator and implementor of the concept of a businessman's coalition responding to the needs of minorities in an increasingly urban nation. The result was the Urban Coalition, established in August with Mr. Young as its founding member. 1968 New Thrust was established as the League's philosophy and modus operandum under Brother Young — a direct move into ghettos and grass roots communities across the nation, developing and organizing local leadership to identify and solve its own problems with the League's technical assistance. Now basic to all League problem-solving, New Thrust attacks the root causes of minority deprivation in the institutions affecting Black people's lives, rather than focusing on the symptomatic statistics of joblessness, inadequate housing, health and educational disadvantage. Under Brother Young's leadership also, the League's Black Students Summer Program was launched, bringing members of Black Student Associations from 25 colleges into ghettos to work and live. This year also Brother Young spoke before the Congress of Racial Equality in an endorsement of Black Power, interpreting it to mean Black pride and self-respect, and the desire of Blacks for participation and control over their own destiny as Americans. (Continued on page 51)
of World War II Vets, Urban
seeks ways to aid Negro GPs
HOME from Vietnam By BRO. WHITNEY M. YOUNG
Photograph of Brother Young in Vietnam as it appeared on the Cover of February 1967 Issue of the Sphinx.
To more fully appreciate the facts and facets of a given situation, nothing compares with traveling to 'where the action is.' My recent trip to Vietnam is a case in point. For the experiences are forever etched in my mind. I did not make the 24,000-mile round trip to that strife-torn Asian country to assess the whys and wherefores of the war but to make a humane, personal contact with our Negro fighting men and to tell them of our concern for them. I wanted to find out what we in the Urban League could do for them when they returned home and to civilian life. And meet them I did â€” on a flat, lonely stretch of delta in the south of Vietnam, where a cow pasture serves as a landing strip, I talked with them; from the decks of an aircraft carrier at Yankee Station (code name for location of the craft in International waters north of the 17th Parallel) I talked to others; along streets and in restaurants in Saigon I met still others. In faraway Danang, in Pleiku, in An Khe, in Nha Trang, and in many more
places there of which you have no doubt read about, I met and talked with Negro personnel and others. 1 visited our men in such places as the 3rd Field Hospital, near Saigon, where I saw those mending from various injuries and wounds, being aided back to health, or comforted in their last hours, by a Negro surgeon and Negro nurses, among others, who worked deftly and with dedication. There were heart-swelling moments spent talking to Negro and white buddies who manned outer barricade defense towers near lush green, beautiful but dangerous tree-covered mountains; where these boys of 18 and 19 had suddenly become men and accepted their hard lot with a fierce pride and with deep awareness of the awing responsibilities placed on their shoulders. I met a handful of disgruntled Negro Gl's who wanted "out" and to come home, but even they went about their jobs with apparent awareness that they had a job to do and were doing it nonetheless.
I also met and talked with Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge who made us welcome upon our arrival at a luncheon which he held for us. There was the remembered hour spent with General W. C. Westmoreland, head of the Military Assistance Command in Vietnam (MACV), who displayed a sensitivity to our mission which was admirable. General Westmoreland readily admitted that he did not know how many Negro officers he had in his command, without excuse. But quietly, while we visited troops in other sections of Vietnam, he had our requested information compiled and waiting upon our return to Saigon. And there was Lt. Col. Samuel V. Wilson. a hero of the famed Merrill's Marauders who fought deep behind enemy Japanese lines during World War II. Col. Wilson, a native of Virginia, was my host. He also gave a farewell reception for us and displayed an easygoing friendship and eagerness to make our stay memorable. There were many others who aided us, who made available records and informa9
tion we requested. They made their troops and other personnel available and then silently left so that we might talk with the dozens of Negroes we wanted to meet in private. We saw many other Negro personnel working in the Embassy and in outposts and villages deep in the interior of South Vietnam. The latter were civilians working with the Agency for International Development (AID) and the U.S. Information Agency (USIA). They were helping them to get more yield from their rice, teaching them about sanitation and working side-by-side with the South Vietnamese in other positive, meaningful ways. Another happy experience in Vietnam was the fact that Negro personnel were indeed happy to know that for the first time a Negro leader had come to Vietnam primarily to meet them and to see what his organization could do for them. I think
the soldier I met on a street in Saigon typified this feeling when he rushed up and asserted: "Don't tell me! Don't tell me! I know who you are! Urban League! Urban League! Yeah! Whitney Young! Whitney Young! I sure am glad to see you."
One sees a tough Negro master sergeant. or lesser sergeant, all spit 'n' polish and bursting with pride and esprit de corps, barking orders and letting the fellows under him know who's in command. He looks fine and he's doing a bang-up job. His white officers are the first to tell you so.
Lack Negro Officers
The Navy, of course, was the last of the services to break down its color bar against Negro officers. On a 3,000-man crew aircraft carrier, on which we stayed overnight, there was one lieutenant junior grade, the ranking Negro officer. There are some 240 officers on the carrier. It was quite a contrast to see, early the next morning, several hundred enlisted men rushing around, working feverishly readying jets and other aircraft for takeoff. There were white and Negroes and other minorities working, doing the jobs they had to do. It was a beautiful picture
The terrible lack of Negro officers, which I found to be the case among the United States military forces in Vietnam, was depressing. Here we are in Vietnam, I thought — Negroes again giving our all in the cause of our country, and yet, still practically non-entities in positions of top command and responsibility. Oh, don't get me wrong. For one can't actually go a literal half-mile in Vietnam without seeing a Negro in command. But they're only non-commissioned officers.
Brother Young gets explanation of small cannon use from Green Beret M/Sgt. Frederick Robinson, near Cambodian
border in South. Photo by Art Sears, Jr.
of racial harmony, teamwork in action. The previous evening we had dined with the ship's officers and the only brown faces present were ours, the hordes of Filipino waiters and one Negro who appeared to have charge of the water glasses. Lest I mislead in my thoughts, when I speak, of the lack of Negro officers in Vietnam, I am not suggesting that they should pack over as fast as possible Negro officers from other parts of the world. But I do feel that there should be much up-grading of those who are there and the creation of others, some of the noncoms, who are already there and who have proven themselves on the field of battle. A most disturbing element of the talk with the white commanding officers wherever we traveled, was their apparent concerted effort to try to impress upon us that they had no idea how many Negroes they had in their outfits. Some of the regimental officers even had no idea, they said, of how many Negro officers they had on their staffs. Another point of concern which I noted was that a number of lower grade Negro GI's complained that they had trouble getting promotions. They said they could not attribute it to discrimination, however, they also did not know what else to attribute it to. Finally, a big point of concern I found was that the officers also have little knowledge of what the Negro GI's and their other troops do on their off-duty time. We visited bars, for example, to check reports that there is bias at some of them. We found that a number of them, across the Saigon River, were frequented solely by Negroes and others solely by whites. From all indications, this was due to de facto segregation, primarily by choice. Many of the Negroes in one of the clubs told us that when "I'm off duty, I like to be with my friends. And so I come here where I can find them." Even at that rate, the commanding officers, it seems to me, should encourage their men to break it up, because it isn't healthy. In a land where the Negro or white guy in the trench next to you may be the one to save your life from the enemy, in the next moment, the signs of separation one
spots every now and then, between these men is deplorable and depressing. The things which disturbed me about the trip I relayed to President Johnson, along with the good things, when I returned from my trip. The President indicated that he would immediately order an investigation of the officer situation and other conditions existing in Vietnam that mar the teamwork of Negroes and whites fighting in that tragic land. Welcome Mat Was Out What sort of Negro GI is the Vietnam military conflict spawning? What are this GI's aims? His hopes? His ambitions? His skills? Does he know why he's in Vietnam? These were some of the questions which churned through my mind as I rode the planes, the highways and the back-alleys criss-crossing Vietnam villages and towns in search of Negro military personnel with whom I could talk. I was looking for Negro GI's with whom I could shake hands and let them know that we back home had them on our minds, are deeply interested in them and want to know what's happening to them. With warm smiles, pride in showing us what they're doing, and with pleasant surprise to see a Negro leader from the States in their midst, they displayed all the charm which only one genuine friend can show another. Once they got the feeling that we were not representing the government, but a private organization, the welcome mat was out. And this "mat" was laid in all sorts of places — in an enlisted men's mess hall, where we ate with them instead of in the officers' mess as had been prearranged; in a tiny storeroom where a GI was stacking supplies. In another location, we stood atop a tower, on an outer defense barricade, while the GI stood guard at his machine gun. Another time I recall jumping on a high running board of a fuel truck to speak to a driver who hails from Portsmouth, Va. And I talked to many GI's in clubs where their dates and the dancing and the rock 'n' roll music made me think that I was in a stateside dancing spa. Fairly typical of a wide selection of these men is one whom I shall never forget — Master Sgt. Frederick Robinson,
36, of Memphis, Tenn. Sgt. Robinson heads an outfit of the famed, precise and effective Special Forces — The Green Berets. Tough, brilliant, knowledgeable Master Sgt. Robinson makes one want to stand up and shout "hooray for our side!" He made no bones about telling us, as his white Southern commanding officer stood by silently and beamed on him with pride, that, "We don't keep a man who's prejudiced in the Green Berets. We're a close-knit fighting team and we don't stand for any nonsense! When every other member of the team's life is dependent upon the other, we can't afford that type of person. We get rid of him quickly." At a later briefing session in his headquarters, at an undisclosed forward fighting location near the Cambodian border, Sgt. Robinson proceeded to untangle a TV-weatherman-type map of confusion of lines and curves and numbers into a meaningful dialogue, which fairly took one's breath away. Methodically and professionally he explained their setup, the land they had secured and now had to control, and what it meant to the overall effort. I thought as 1 sat there, and basked in this Negro's efficiency and in his effervescent pride of job, that here is an uncommon man. From all appearances, even his officers stood back and let him operate things — at least to a point.I talked to many, many other Negro GI's who displayed similar dedication and knowledge of their tasks. Master Sgt. Robinson, a 17-year veteran of military services, was on his second tour of duty in Vietnam. He completed high school before he joined the Army. He took additional courses after joining the services. As a member of the Green Berets he, of course, also had to qualify as a paratrooper and go through the most rigorous, highly-specialized training possible for a member of the military. It is men such as he who are most firm when they say that after the service they have given to their country they will expect no less than equal treatment when they return to their homeland and to civilian life. He is soon to do just that, and also to marry and to settle down.
"I'll take care of myself when I get back home," he says with assuredness. "There's no reason why the Negro can't have what everyone else has in the United States," he declared, "if he's qualified." And this man, like the others with whom I talked, has a world of experience and disciplined training which can be a boon for this nation in business, in industry, in any area of endeavor he chooses. If he gets the opportunity. Otherwise, all of his experiences and discipline, if not given this opportunity to be used for good, in the face of expanding conflict between the races here at home, can be used as sources of creating further conflict and chaos in this land for which he has given so much. Help to Readjust Certainly, these veterans are not to be permitted to journey from New York or San Francisco, when they return for discharge, back to their hometowns of Pittsburgh or Phoenix or Chicago or Celeveland or maybe Waycross of Little Hope or Strawberry Plains, wherever they live, with nothing more than a "hello" and a "good luck." At that point, as the veteran disembarks from his ship or his plane, after having placed his life at death's door in defense of the nation, it will be our job to ask him what we can do for him. It is then that we must not only sing out our praises of him but also to begin to work diligently to assure him that he knows that we are there to help him journey home, even, if necessary, to make sure that he is comfortably returned to his loved ones and friends. Above everything else, we must be sure that the returning GI is helped to readjust to his place in the community, home-wise and opportunitywise. And so, for example, the National League, at its recent Annual Conference, established a Veterans Affairs Department designed to contact the GI shortly before he is to be discharged, to see if we can help him in his readjustment to civilian life. Basically, our plan will be to find out more specifically what skills the GI has, if he had some military job which, through retraining, can be adapted for civilian use.
Photo by Art Sears, Jr.
". . . they are spit 'ri pdlish and bursting with pride and esprit de corps . . ."
We want to know, and to help him, if he desires, to return to school for further education for u better job. Or even to help him find better housing. Already government agencies, businesses and industries have responded affirmatively in their desires to assist in this newly established program by making available jobs, giving helpful advice in the creation and in the carrying out of the program. Nobody gave a tinker's damn about how Negro GI's of former wars felt, what they hoped to do, or even how they were feeling, when they returned home. Except his family and close friends who couldn't do much to help him get a job or to better
his condition. And so, thousands of them returned to the same old communities, to the same old discriminatory conditions, to the same or worse nondescript, little-paying jobs, and to the same old depressing, dismal and hopeless second-class citizenship status they left. Thus, our reason for launching the plan to aid the Vietnam Negro and other minority GI's. With all the troubles currently besetting the country, here at home, these Vietnam vets will be a force the nation can ill-afford to have embittered. Besides, the Negro GI's of Vietnam are among the best, of our communities. They deserve the best treatment.
THE BLACK POWER OF WHITNEY YOUNG by Irwin Ross Equally persuasive in the ghetto and the corporate board room, he is considered by many to be this country's most effective advocate of the Negro cause. Two recent episodes in the career of Whitney M. Young, Jr., typify the unusual quality of his leadership in the civilrights movement today. First we have Young, the jovial executive director of the National Urban League, accompanying a group of 25 prominent businessmen on a 1966 tour of Eastern Europe. The businessmen were seeking enlightenment about political and economic conditions in the communist bloc. Young shared that interest, but he also wanted to get to know these executives, whose companies employed 1,400,000 people and did $40 billion worth of business a year. At the outset of the tour, Young announced pleasantly that he had dossiers on the Negro employment records of all 25 companies, and that he was planning to give everybody the "treatment." During the course of the 12-day trip, he managed to chat privately with each of the corporation bosses, urging increased employment and upgrading of Negroes in American Business. Many of the executives later described Young as the most persuasive advocate of the Negro cause they had ever met. The upshot, over the next year or so, was an estimated 50,000 new jobs for Negroes. Now shift the scene to July 1968. The commanding figure of Whitney Young appears before a convention of the Congress of Racial Equality, one of the more militant civilrights groups. Surprisingly, Young endorses "black power," CORE'S favorite slogan. He defines it, however, in a positive fashion, denouncing both violence and separatism. What he favors, Young says, is "that interpretation of black power which emphasizes pride, self-respect, participation and control of one's destiny and community affairs." Young receives a standing ovation amid shouts of "The brother has come home." Into the Vacuum. The assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., last April created a dangerous vacuum in the leadership of the Negro community. None of King's colleagues has been able to capture his enormous following among poor blacks, and other responsible Negro leaders have failed to seize the imagination of the young activists. Whitney Young, by contrast, is emerging as the new leader for a new era: he plays a unique role in America today, advancing the Negro cause on the highest levels of business and government while striking a responsive chord in the black ghetto. Although Young disdains labels, he can be described as the activist in the gray-flannel suit. "It isn't a question of militant versus moderate," he has said, "but of responsibility versus irresponsibility, effectiveness versus ineffectiveness." As he told the National Urban League conference last July, "Too many people believe we can shout or shoot our way into power. Let me assure you that the real enemy of the black man welcomes such behavior as a justification for further suppression."
With whites, Young "tells it like it is." He can on occasion be acerbic, but he is never hostile. And he never overlooks a point that can be scored. A white reporter, in conversation with Young, recently deplored the fact that he could no longer walk through the streets of Harlem without a measure of anxiety. "You mean you feel the way I would if I walked through a town in Mississippi," Young shot back, "Now you know the fear that Negroes feel." "Green Power." Under Young's leadership, the National Urban League, founded in 1910 with headquarters in New York, has done more than any other civil-rights group to improve the economic conditions of Negroes. " 'Green power' is important for the Negro," says Young. "Pride and dignity come when you reach into your pocket and find money, not a hole." In the year ending last June 30, League affiliates secured 50,000 new jobs through contact with local business firms. A total of 18,085 individuals, registered in the League's National Skills Bank, were upgraded to better jobs — 2331 in professional categories and 800 in sales jobs. Training the hard-core unemployed is another priority activity of the League. From 1964 through June 30, 1968, League officials handled Labor Department contracts which provided on-the-job training for 26,000 individuals, 87 percent of them "hard-core" jobless; 89.4 percent of the trainees got permanent jobs. Housing, veterans' assistance, apprenticeship training, educational counseling also engage the League. For example, a program known as "Operation Equality" is working in the cities and suburbs to create a climate in which Negro residents will be accepted, and in New York City great success has been achieved by a pioneering project which persuades high-school dropouts to resume their education. Late last April, the Urban League announced that, in addition to its traditional programs, it would now seek to help segregated Negro communities throughout the nation achieve a measure of control over their own destinies. Said Young: "We expect to give the poor a voice in the community, by working with them on a street-to-street, block-by-block basis. We will give them the technical knowledge, the know-how to mobilize local resources." Unrealistic Fantasy? In his contacts with top business leaders over the past few years, Young has argued elequently that the problem of unemployed — and underemployed — Negroes would never be solved by businesses merely advertising that they were "equal-opportunity employers. Energetic efforts were required to recruit Negroes who failed to apply for jobs because of a long pattern of prior discrimination. Negro workers had to be sought in their ghetto haunts; it was necessary to overcome their distrust and to offer them training opportunities. Moreover, traditional employment standards needed to be revised; there was no hope of putting the ghetto to work if the rules said that a highschool dropout or anyone with a police record could not be hired. (Continued on page 15)
A N ALPHA M A N
Whitney was the first Black to throw out the first ball at the Yankee Stadium. His wife, Margaret and his Dad seem elated.
Brother Whitney Young, Jr. receiving an Tonorary Doctorate from Morgan State College in Baltimore, Maryland, 1965.
Brother Young shown autographing ism" tor admiring fans. 14
his last book "Beyong
Brother Young joins Life Scout Samuel Lawrence in congratulating Phillip B. Hoffman, Chairman of the Board of Johnson & Johnson, on receiving the Distinguished Eagle Scout Award. Brother Young was main speaker for this affair.
Meets in Atlanta, Georgia with the late Mayor Ivan Allen, Ji. Industry, City Hall and the Urban League sponsored an equal opportunity Dinner.
BLACK POWER (Continued from page 13) When Young began to advance these ideas, they seemed unrealistic fantasy. Today they are widely accepted by many of the largest corporations in the land. Henry Ford II, who heads the National Alliance of Businessmen in its campaign to salvage the hard-core jobless, credits much of his concern to the influence of Whitney Young. Young is 47, a tall, hulking figure of a man, who retains the hard musculature of the youthful athlete. He has a large, round head, close-cropped gray hair, a thin strip of mustache that seems a bit incongruous on his massive face. In serious moments, a brooding solemnity, even a faint hint of pugnacity, settles over his strong features, but his voice remains quiet, relaxed, soothing in its soft Southern tones. Then he smiles — he smiles easily and often — and he radiates geniality and good humor. There is a sturdy calm about him, an apparent equanimity and security at the core of his being. He is clearly a man of immense self-confidence, and close friends speak with awe of the powerful thrust of ego behind his modest, friendly demeanor. A few years ago, Young was addressing a meeting of top government officials when the chairman passed him a note saying that President Johnson wanted to speak with him on the telephone. Young promptly told the throng of the President's call, and said that he would have to shorten his remarks. He then continued talking for another ten minutes before taking his leave. Another man might have made no reference to the President — and at the same time might not have kept him waiting. Young has the distinction among civil-rights leaders of never having walked a picket line or suffered arrest. He has on occasion marched in civil-rights parades, but refuses to wear the blue jeans currently favored by many militant leaders. "My grandfather was not allowed to wear much else but blue jeans," he says. "Would it be progress for me to wear them?" Indeed, Whitney Young's personal history sheds considerable light on his present effectiveness with whites. He was never traumatized by race: he had no shattering experiences of prejudice, and he did not grow up as a hater. His father, Whitney Young, Sr., was first a faculty member and then the head of Lincoln Institute, a boarding school for Negroes in Lincoln Ridge, Ky. "I never heard my father utter a word of hatred toward white people," says Whitney, Jr. "His attitude toward bigots was a combination of pity and bitterness. He used to say you should never acquire those qualities of which you are the victim." The Young home was infused with an atmosphere of religion and uncomplicated moral idealism. Grace was said at meals. Both parents laid great stress on the old-fashioned virtues: study, hard work, and endless quest for excellence. Education was the road not only to personal advancement but to racial liberation. Whitney, Jr., attended all-Negro Kentucky State College, where he took a pre-med course and was elected president of his class two of his four years. During that time he met his future wife, Margaret Buckner, a brilliant young woman from Illinois. They now have two daughters. Power Broker. Young graduated from Kentucky State in June 1941, but his plans for medical school ended when
a bout of double pneumonia consumed all the money he had saved to finance his studies. After Pearl Harbor, he entered the Army's Specialized Training Program, and was sent to Massachusetts Institute of Technilogy to study electrical engineering. There he was given a room with a white lad from Mississippi. For the first two weeks, his roommate wouldn't talk to him. Young's irrepressible friendliness finally prevailed, however. Six months later, Young was best man at his roommate's wedding. The groom even joked that he would not mind having Whitney as a brother-in-law. "I told him that was the ultimate gesture," Young recalls, "but that if his sister looked anything like him, I wasn't remotely interested." In 1944, Young went to Europe with a construction unit that built roads and bridges. The officers were white, all the enlisted men Negro; Young was first sergeant. It was a fractious outfit, with the men sullen and resentful and the inexperienced officers having great difficulty maintaining discipline. Young found himself becoming a kind of power broker, mediating between both sides. By the time his military experience was over, he had decided that he wanted to work in the field of race relations. In 1947, Young received a master's degree from the University of Minnesota's School of Social Work, and took a job as industrial-relations director of the St. Paul Urban League. In that post, he opened up the city's streetcar lines, the cab company and the department-store sales counters to their first Negro employes. After three years in St. Paul, he was hired by the Omaha Urban League as its executive director, then in- 1953 accepted the deanship of Atlanta University's School of Social Work. During the six years of his tenure there, the school's enrollment and budget almost doubled, and the faculty became truly bi-racial. Young also became active in the civil-rights movement in Atlanta, and served for a time as vice president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People unit in Georgia. The Big League In 1961, his reputation made, he left Atlanta University to become head of the National Urban League. At that time, the League was a relatively modest operation with a headquarters staff of only 38. Funds were so short that many local groups never received a visit from the national staff. Young welded the scattered operation into a national movement, increased the budget from $325,000 to $6,100,000, opened five regional offices plus a Washington office. He also made the League a far more activist organization, bringing it into the forefront of the civil-rights movement. Today the League has 93 local affiliates, 1600 employes throughout the country and a bi-racial board of trustees that includes some of the most prominent men in American business. The measure of its burgeoning influence may be seen in the fact that last year some 600,000 individuals availed themselves of its varied services. But the achievements of Whitney Young and the League have a far broader impact than can be measured by specific programs. For with his emphasis on the contructive aspect of black consciousness, Young has won the support of both blacks and whites and thus become a healing force in a nation divided by racial strife. A Reader's Digest REPRINT
NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE 15
THERE GOES A MAN OF HIGH IMPULSE . . .
Brother Whitney Young's friendship with Henry Ford open up thousands of jobs for Black Americans.
Brother Whitney Young, Jr. with eight Black Mayors who received Equal Opportunity Day Awards at the nation Urban League EOD Dinner in 1970.
Joseph L. Block (2nd from left) and actor Fred O'Neal (right) flank Brother Young. The National Urban League cited the two in recognition of their work in furthering equality of opportunity. (1965)
Brother Young was one of the honorees at the 25th Anniversary of the United Insurance Broker's Association, Inc.
The problems of Israeli distrubed Brother Young, He is shown being welcomed by Prime minister Golda Meir. After inspecting housing developments, schools and immigrant absorptions Centers, he presented a paper, "Technology and Dispossess."
OF PRINCELY MIEN AND GRACE... THREE n
A SINGLE MISSION
Brother Whitney Young
A BLACK POINT OF VIEW Brother Floyd Bixler McKissick
Whitney Young will be missed. He was one of the most important influences for sanity in American society — and his loss will be felt in many sectors. Whitney was one of those rare individuals who could communicate on almost all levels. He was as respected and heeded in the boaid rooms of corporate America as he was among the nation's young. Whitney Young was responsible, more than any other single man, for making the Urban League into a major civil rights organization. He had the kind of force and personality that enabled him to lead — to change the direction of an entire organization, and to make that organization responsive to the needs of Black people. His most unique and valuable asset was his ability to make himself heard, and to translate his words into measurable action. His commitment to job and educational opportunities for Blacks has made it possible for many young Black people to achieve what would otherwise have been impossible. Many of these young people have become more militant than Whitney, and have chosen different courses to Black liberation, but without Whitney's help and hard work, their opportunities would have been missed and their present agitation impossible. I first met Whitney Young in the 40's, when he came to the Atlanta School of Social Work. We were introduced by another great Kentuckian, the late Rufus Clement, who was then President of Atlanta University. Whitney was already on his way to a position of national prominence, and even then he had the ability to override human differences and to deal on a number of levels. Even then Whitney was almost as comfortable and assured with powerful whites as he was with his own people. But he never forgot his primary objective. Even when he died in Africa he was working for Black unity, for understanding and cooperation between Black Africans and their brothers in America. Whitneys's career and accomplishments were greatly helped by his wonderful wife, Margaret. She was always an asset to him, working hard by his side for the same purposes, dedicating her efforts to the same goals. The quality and substance of Whitney's leadership was, of course, very different from that of Dr. King or Malcolm X. But all of these men have made great contributions to Black people in America. Each of them followed his own
Brothers Young, McKissick and Martin Luther King huddle the single mission, "Servants to all mankind."
Brother Young sought the help of the wealthy and they responded in a positive manner. He is seen chatting with Mrs. Winthrop Rockefeller.
conscience and each contributed an element necessary to the liberation of Blacks. For although Black people must be unified and must protect each other's rights, we cannot always agree on the means to the end we all desire. Whitney's contribution to our liberation was among the greatest modern American Blacks — and it is for that that he will be remembered.
THERE GOES A MAN OF HUMBLE FAITH ...
Brother Young chats with Orville E. Beal, President of the Prudential Institute of Life Insurance.
1970 photo of E. T. DiCorcia, Manager for Humble Oil and Refining Company, $60,000 to Brother Young. Also present left, National Coordinator of Community Oil Company.
of Employee Relations presenting check for was James E. Queen, Relations for Humble
The Cardinal Commends Brother Whitney Young, Jr.
Brother Whitney Young with James A. Linen, National Urban League Board President and Chairman of the Executive Committee, Time, Inc., teaming up at a press conference.
Dr. John Slawson of the American Jewish Committee is shown here with Brother Whitney Young, Jr.
Brother Whitney Young, as a Parade Grand Marshall, is shown here with William K. DeFossett, and Dr. Ralph Bunche.
A CREDIT TO HIS RACE . . .
Bro. Whitney M. Young, Jr. and (left to right) NAACP Executive Director Roy Wilkins, CORE National Director James Farmer, and the Bro. Martin Luther King, Jr. SCLC head, meet with President Johnson in January, 1964, to discuss the President's War on Poverty
Brother Young accepts NUL leadership role from Brother Lester B. Granger.
He was elected to the Camp Fire Girls National Board in 1967.
THERE GOES A MAN OF CONSCIENCE VAST... Separatism ? 'WE ARE Separated — and That's the Cause of ALL Our Woes'
by Whitney M. Young, Jr. Ghetto has failed the black man, says author — 'and I'm not ready to let the whites off so easily1 There is in us all a stronger tendency toward isolation than we may be aware of," wrote James Weldon Johnson. "There come times when the most persistent integrationist becomes an isolationist, when he curses the white world and consigns it to hell. This tendency toward isolation is strong because it springs from a deep-seated, natural desire— a desire for respite from the unremitting, grueling struggle; for a place in which refuge may be taken." The "tendency toward isolation" of which Johnson wrote, we now see in calls for separatism; and for all its posturings about racial pride and power, its roots are sunk deep in negativism, in the desire for relief from the "grueling struggle" with American racism. It is a tendency that his always surfaced when the going got tough; when the oppression of white racism was at its strongest, or when, as happens now, black hopes for justice are encouraged, then defeated. The era of Black Reconstruction was followed by a Back-to-Africa movement. Garveyism rose from the ashes of the post-World War I anti-Negro riots. Calls for all-black states grew out of Depression poverty.
And now, with the civil rights movement in temporary eclipse because of white resistance to our demands for complete equality and because Washington is more deeply committed to spending American blood and wealth on a futile war in Asia than it is committed to practicing democracy at home, black frustration with a morally bankrupt society has led to a resurgence of separatist ideas. Like past movements committed to group isolationism, this one operates outside of the mainstream of Black thinking, and, however attractive its rhetoric and anger may be, it bears about as little real relevance to the solution of the black man's problems as it did when Booker T. Washington advised black people not to contend with whites in the arena of political power. 20
The fact is that there are no virtues to be found in segregation, whether imposed by white racists or sought out by ourselves. We already have a separatist society. Black people, given the choice, may decide to stay in allblack neighborhoods. But we haven't ever had the choice. The ghetto has been imposed upon us, the slum has been forced down our throats and other men's heels press us to the bottom of the economic ladder. The black man was segregated on Southern plantations; he's segregated now in urban ghettos. Separatism is not some goal we ought to aspire to. It's here. Now. We are as separate in every real sense as the most convinced isolationist could hope for — and the result has been powerlessness,, not power; poverty, not riches; discrimination, not equality. The very fact of our segregation has been the tool with which the white society has kept us in an inferior position. The geographically cohesive black community has only made it easier for white institutions to control black people and deny us our equal rights. The black ghetto is proof of this. The schools, the hospitals, the police protection, even the quality of food and goods available, are not as good as those found in white neighborhoods. And we need not go any further to see the reason for this than W. E. B. Du Bois's comment about white society: "Just as soon as they get a group of black folk segregated, they use it as a point of attack and discrimination." The abuses so widespread in the ghetto are allowed to exist because only black people live there. If whites sent their children to schools in the black ghetto, those schools would improve, if only because white society would not tolerate decaying school buildings and shortages of textbooks for their kids the way they accept it for blacks. Police in Scarsdale, N. Y., or in other white suburbs, arrest dope pushers; they don't just share their loot the way some policemen do in the ghetto. Hospitals in white neighborhoods don't stick beds in corridors the way ghetto hospitals do — they know white administrators won't allow it. Supermarkets don't overcharge for spoiled food in white neighborhoods, either. Their managers know that white people, not blacks, would be victims. It's all well and good to say that black power and control in the black community would end these abuses. To a degree thay would. But no neighborhood is an island unto itself. The black ghetto, like any white neighborhood, would be dependent upon funds and services provided by the city, by the state, and by the federal government. And unless 88 per cent of the population of this country packs up and moves elsewhere, those governments will be dominated by white people. And there has never been any sign, in our whole history, that white institutions are disposed to treat blacks on the same basis that they treat whites. (Continued on page 21)
WITH A WILL TO REACH HIS GOAL... SEPARATISM (Continued from page 20) Separatism as a strategy for equality has never worked and it never will. The South is dotted with all-black towns. They've got all the symbols and trapping of power-black mayors, black police, black schools. But they don't have sidewalks, money or jobs. And they don't number among their citizens any of those very vocal advocates of separatism. These seem to be concentrated in integrated neighborhoods or in predominantly white colleges. Political separatism—as in all-black towns—has failed. Economic separatism doesn't have a much better chance of succeeding. We don't hear so much about "black capitalism" any more. That's because its white supporters knew it was a fraud from the start. They knew it was a way to keep blacks from demanding the jobs and the managerial positions in the mainstream. So they tossed us a bone called black capitalism" which, while it has resulted in a modest growth of black businesses, and in some added economic activity in the ghetto, has not resulted in the massive job hiring, training, and economic opportunities to which we are entitled. And in the coming months, as the Administration-engineered economic slowdown develops into a deep recession, it will become obvious that a separate economy is a marginal, insecure substitute for the wealth and power that come with full participation in the now-predominantly white mainstream. I'm all for building the economic and political strength of the black community through group solidarity and cohesiveness. But the strengths we develop, if they are to mean anything for the black masses, must be used to force our way into full participation in the larger society. There is always a handful of people who will benefit from a segregated situation, but the rest of us wind up fighting for the scraps the white society throws us. I believe in the need for an integrated society, not because associating with whites is, of itself, a good thing, but because it is only through participation in the mainstream that full equality can be won. Integration does not imply a rejection of black values or a desire to imitate white society. If anything, belief in an open society affirms a belief that black people can compete on an equal basis with whites. Whenever blacks have had the opportunity, we have demonstrated the ability to compete successfully, whether it's been on the Supreme Court or on the basketball court. Those who wish to retreat from this competition, to create out of the least attractive parts of the city and the country a permanent enclave of blacks separate from the rest of society, are only exhibiting a lack of faith in the ability of black people and a refusal to fight for the power and opportunities that are right fully ours. And the whites would like nothing better than to have blacks let them off the hook by retreating from the goal of equality. Patronizing white would-be-revolutionaries are anxious to have blacks retreat to "do their own thing." Why not? It's much easier to pursue romatic visions of revolution than to dig in and work with blacks as equals in the real fight to change our society. Even self-styled liberals rush to cop-out by taking the wildest black demands as if they were serious. What blacks
are often saying when they insist on certain "non-negotiable" demands is: "Look, you whites have been making decisions for us for 400 years. When do we get to make decisions for ourselves?" Rather than negotiate seriously and bring blacks into a real dialogue as equals, such whites figuratively pat black militants on the head and say: "There, there, if that's what you want, we'll give it to you." And what they give is, of course, inconsequential — the illusion, rather than the reality, of decision-making. So whites are trying to cop-out from the struggle just as much as some blacks are. I could take the easy way out, too. I could raise the flag of retreat and abandon the fight for a share of the wealth and power of this society in return for the myths of self-segregation. But that's a cop-out, and I'm not anxious to let whites off the hook so easily. We've got a claim on this society. For 400 years we tilled the soil, hewed the wood, and drew the water. America grew fat and rich on our blood, sweat and tears. Now we've got some back pay coming to us, and I'm not about to tell the man to put the check back into his pocket and just toss me some change. No minority can afford to encourage that slave mentality that is willing to accept less than complete equality. And no minority can afford to isolate itself away from the sources of power and into a vulnerable position. Black strategy must be based upon the firm determination to create group pride and group solidarity with the goal of developing the inner strengths to compete. And it must be flexible enough to use all the resources it can command, including the time, money and skills of white people. The integrated organization is a a vital part of the black man's struggle for equal rights. There is no reason why we should deny ourselves access to whites committed to our cause. Of course, there is no place in the movement for whites who cling to missionary attitudes, whites who want to uplift the downtrodden, inferior race. But there is an important place for whites who are willing to accept peer relationships with blacks; for whites capable of providing the resources black people can use constructively; for whites who can communicate with other white people, and who have the influence and power to help white enlightened whites; to educate them, and to open cracks in the walls surrounding the ghetto, cracks through which we can open doors. The problem has been created by whites and is perpetuated by them — and it will be solved not only by black unity, but also by the inroads our white allies make among their own people and institutions. I know of no civil rights organization that has been able to survive without using committed whites to further its aims. Sure, some fly-by-night outfits have come to prominence, picked up some cash from whites who were either frightened, or who couldn't care less, and then disappeared when that feeble, uncommitted white support melted away. Our fight is one for the long, haul, and we need organizations run by blacks, but with the lasting support of whites capable of working as equals to change the system that oppresses whites and blacks alike. (Continued on page 22)
THERE GOES A MAN OF LORDLY RANK... SEPARATISM (Continued from page 21) The notion that a civil rights organization must be allblack is a symptom of the insecurity some people show. They would prefer to wallow with others in their common bitterness and commiserate with one another. But they won't have a vehicle for change. They'll have a caucus, but not an organization capable of making breakthroughs for black people. Welcoming whites as partners in the common struggle to build an open society does not mean that whites will ever again control blacks or speak for blacks. Those days are dead and gone, and the determination never to return to them is a basic reason for the drive toward community control of ghetto institutions. There is nothing in the concept of community control that differs with the belief in an integrated, open society based on pluralism. The failure of white institutions to provide equal services for the ghetto means that the black community itself must control its institutions. Ghetto schools responsible to the black community will improve education for black kids, and community participation in local sanitation, police and other service institutions will insure that they function as well for blacks as they do for whites. Community control is a means to an end. It is a way to make life in the ghetto bearable while at the same time allowing black people the chance to make decisions and exercise control over their own destiny. But these are tactical questions within the overall strategy of winning an equal place in the larger society. Freedom comes from being able to exercise options; from having the ability to choose from among alternative. Real freedom for black people will come not from the limited choices available within the ghetto, but from the possession of the economic and political strength that determines the options to live and work where we wish. We need not accept the restrictions forced upon us by the evil intentions of racists or by the misguided romanticism of advocates of self-segregation. And we shouldn't be limited by restrictions forced on us by racial suspicion and mistrust. Malcolm X, in his last years, saw that blind hatred serves no purpose. 'Tn the past, yes, I have made sweeping indictments of all white people," he wrote. "I never will be guilty of that again â€” as I now know that some white people are truly sincere, that some white people truly are capable of being brotherly toward a black man . . . a blanket indictment of all white people is as wrong as when whites makes blanket indictments against blacks." Modern communications have made a neighborhood of the whole world. Blacks, no less than whites, who grow up in racial isolation will be ill-equipped to function in a world of diversity and change. The example of much of white America should warn us against the provincialism of seeking refuge in sameness. The bland, antiseptic all-white suburban gilded ghettos force many whites to grow up in an atmosphere of cultural incest and a sameness that compounds mediocrity. It is defeatist to hide behind ghetto walls and to reject the challenges and open competition with other groups that
Showing concern for the residents of Washington's ghetto
characterize people confident in their own abilities and their own culture. The black man's best hope lies not in a narrow separatism or in the cultural suicide of assimilationism, but in an Open Society; a society founded on mutual respect and cooperation, and pluralistic group self-consciousness and pride. The Open Society toward which we must strive is a society in which black people have their fair share of the power, the wealth, and the comforts of the total society. It is a society in which blacks have the options to live in a black neighborhood or to live in an integrated one; in which blacks have control over decisions affecting their lives to the same degree that other groups have. It is a society based on mutual respect and complete equality. There isn't a reason in the world why we should settle for anything less. The struggle may be long and difficult, but nothing worthwhile has ever been achieved without a struggle.
Never to busy to take time out for the little ones
OF HEROES' STOCK AND SOUL TRANSCRIPT
Brother WHITNEY M . YOUNG, JR. s Press Conference at the White House Tuesday, December 22, 1970 RONALD ZIEGLER: (White House Press Secretary) Mr. Whitney Young met with the President and members of the President's Cabinet and other officials in the Administration this morning for an hour and 15 minutes. He is here with us this morning to discuss with you the meeting and also to take your questions briefly. (PLEASE NOTE: IN THIS INSTANCE. MR. ZIEGLER IS ADDRESSING PRESS CORRESPONDENTS). Mr. Young? MR. YOUNG: Thank you, Mr. Ziegler. As Mr. Ziegler said, at my request to the President, this meeting was arranged with himself and about all of the Cabinet officers except the Attorney-General, who as you know is away on vacation; along with some Assistant Secretaries whose concerns are in the area we were discussing. The meeting was asked for so that we could discuss the urban problems and try to work toward some resolution. As I described it to the President, there existed both a crisis and, I thought, an opportunity. We talked about the problems of unemployment as they relate to black and other minorities, problems of housing and problems of education and health and welfare. The President showed a great deal of interest. He was with it all the way, asking many questions, offering suggestions; indicated a real concern. Specifically I discussed with the President and the Cabinet members the possibility of increased cooperation between the private, nonprofit social planning agencies and the Federal Government, to what extent could we make maximum use of the private agencies, including the Urban League. The President pointed out he was familiar with the Urban League, as did other Cabinet members, and welcomed this offer of assistance and to take advantage of our 60 years of experience, our 100 Urban Leagues around the country, our full-time staff of almost 2,500 people and some 25,000 volunteers who serves on our boards and committees. I would say it was a very sober analysis of the total problem and the current mood and attitudes. The President, I think, showed his concern by immediately appointing a followup mechanism. Leonard Garment was appointed immediately by the President along with Mr. Shultz as a followup contact from the White House. And he asked each Secretary to designate a top person in their own Department who would follow up the suggestions made about to what extent could we expand the Government's activity through cooperation with the private groups. I would like to make it clear that neither did I indicate nor do I feel now that I was speaking for all black people or for all black organizations. I do feel that I was speaking for the aspirations of black people.
One of the things we talked specifically here about was this whole question of youth and unemployment problems, which, as you know, according to the Labor Department, between the ages of 18 and 25 are around 35 percent. The other was a problem of veterans, particularly returning Vietnam veterans and how we might take advantage of their skills and their energies and use them constructively for the benefit of the country. I see this meeting today as a new start, a new day and we are looking ahead to cooperation of an unprecedented nature. I think you ought to know, this meeting, according to the President and Cabinet members, was unprecedented. He ended the meeting by paraphrasing, he said, a former Secretary of Defense, by saying, "What's good for the Urban League is good for the country." And I certainly feel that is about as great a compliment as an organization can receive. Q: Mr. Young, you say you talked about the mood of the country. How do you see that mood? YOUNG: I see it in the hard-core disadvantaged areas as one of frustration and a certain amount of feeling of alienation and hopelessness and despair; as far as the negatives are concerned. As far as the positives are concerned, I think there is a greater willingness to try the political route. I think also there is a greater sense of pride and a sense of dignity within the black community and other minorities today than ever before. (Continued on page 24)
THERE GOES A MAN OF NOBLE CASTE... WHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE (Continued from page 23) Q: Mr. Young, did you suggest that the President or did he indicate that he might deliver some kind of address to the American people on the whole race question in the coming year? YOUNG: No, this was not discussed at all. Hopefully some of what I said will find its way into the State of the Union Message. Q: Mr. Young, what specifically do you want done? Cooperation how, where, when? YOUNG: There are Government programs with the money already appropriated — it doesn't require legislation — that we identified we feel could be more more effectively implemented if some of the private, non-profit agencies were to be contracted with to do these jobs. I am thinking of the matter of recruitment and job orientation, I am thinking of mobilizing the community for Model Cities programs, for community participation. I am thinking of an expansion of our Street Academy Program that we have already in New York, the Storefront, the Harlem Prep, where we have taken the uneducable, according to the school system and sent them off to Harvard and Yale and to Princeton after they have gone through our street academies. But in every Department, we identified areas where we feel the private sector could be more effectively utilized. Q: Mr. Young, do you feel that the Administration is doing all that it should to desegregate the suburbs? YOUNG: I don't know that any Administration ever completely pleased me on this score. I think whenever a civil rights leader becomes satisfied, he is no longer a leader. I am a victim of "divine discontent" in this area. And I suppose I will not settle for anything short of the time when I can come to a meeting like this and announce that there is no more need for an Urban League. But we did not discuss the past. We talked about the future. And that is what I am going to restrict my comments to today. Q: Mr. Young, early in this Administration there was a great deal of talk and presumable some action with regard to what was called "volunteerisb," which was a program by which private, nonprofit agencies, and groups around the country would be enlisted to help the Federal Government. Two years after that was first announced, you seem to be telling us that one of the largest and most visible organization in the country has never been contacted? YOUNG: No, we have been contacted. But those are two different things. Volunteerism means exactly what it says. These are nonpaid people who serve on boards of agencies, what-haveyou. I am talking about a professional-staffed agency whose people are experts and who are paid, who represent the nonprofit, private sector of the health and welfare field. I am not talking about our board members. We are involved in that and have worked as it attempted to get off the ground.
Q: Mr. Young, when you mentioned the 18-to-25 yearold age group and the unemployment rate of some 35 percent a moment ago, you also said that there was a greater willingness to go a political route. Do you see any signs of that particular age group where that high unemployment rate is going any particular route or showing a willingness to and in what way? YOUNG: My reading of the political mood of the black community, analysis just from this last election and just going around, is that there is probably a more independent black voter today than ever before and that people will respond to the candidate and not the party — the man. And I think that is the direction that it is going. I don't think that the black voter can any longer be considered in anybody's pocket. I think we are as concerned about being taken for granted by the Democrats as we have been in the past concerned about being ignored by the Republicans. And I think we are going to now look to the man and respond to what they, do, the programs that they institute. I think we are up for grabs, I really do. Q: Mr. Young, there was some talk some months ajo about a top black leader joining the White House advisory staff. And since you talked about the future this morning with the President, was that mentioned? YOUNG: No, there was no discussion of any appointments to be made. I think you ought to know that a number of Assistant Secretaries present this morning were black, like Sam Simmons, Sam Jackson, and Art Fletcher. I think the issue today is the first complete utilization of these very talented black people who are already in Government, many of whom I think are deeply committed and are in a difficult situation because they are both government officials and they are black and they have to remember that they are both. But I think that these are some talented people and I got the impression from the President this morning as he directed questions at them that precisely what we are asking for is going to be done, and that is probably the upgrading and grade utilization of some of the black talent that he already has on board. Q: Mr. Young, you say that the black vote is up for grabs at the present time. What in your estimation would this Administration have to do to win the black vote in 1972? YOUNG: I think both locally and nationally what will have to be done are concrete, tangible things, the delivery of those things that the black community needs most desperately, and that is housing, food, quality education, jobs. I think whoever comes the "firstest with the mostest" — I don't think the black community is going to respond to rhetoric. They are going to respond only to tangible concrete things. (Continued on page 25)
WHOM HARDSHIP DID NOT BREAK WHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE (Continued from page 24) Q: Do you think this Administration could win the black vote in 1972? YOUNG: If they did what I am talking about. Certainly it could, if it actually launched out in a visible, tangible, concrete way these programs — I think the black community would go with them. Q: Mr. Young, you talked about despair and alienation in the hardcore disadvantaged areas. Do you relate that to or you share the view of at least one commission that charged the President with the failure to exert moral leadership? YOUNG: As I said, I wanted to look forward. I think leadership is called for on all levels. Certainly this was an example of leadership this morning. This was in response to my request and pulled together all of the Cabinet members and he provided real leadership this morning before I could even get to make my appeal. He grabbed the ball and ran with it and said he really called this meeting because he, first, respected the organization, he respected me, and that he really meant business about it. I think that is leadership. That is the kind of leadership that I think a President should exercise and he did exercise this morning. Q: Above and beyond the leadership he exercised this morning, what tangible hard nuts and bolts evidence on programs for blacks do you see coming from this Administration? YOUNG: We brought to the President and shared with the Cabinet, all of the Cabinet members, some material that we had developed that identified in every Department anywhere from three to five programs, more in Education, in HEW and Labor than in some of the others, but we even identified ongoing, existing programs in the Department of Transportation, what-have-you, specifically. We didn't come in with an application or anything like that. But we said, "These are areas" and we would be happy to get a few to make them available. I am sure they are not going to be a secret if too many people received them. But we said, in effect, that these are areas if you really want to develop this kind of cooperation between the private and Federal Government that would have to be done. So we were very specific. Q: How much would these programs cost? YOUNG: We haven't really costed them out. We talked more about the areas than we did the actual cost. I am sure we are talking about millions of dollars. There is no question about it. But I think one of the major points is that as the Government has cut back, it must do more effectively and efficiently than it does. It doesn't always follow that because you cut back, that you are going to do less. Sometimes you do more because you have to be a little more cautious. Q: How are they being run inefficiently?
YOUNG: I am not making that charge. I think it is generally known that in every area, especially where there have been new programs or poverty programs, just like when the Government first started passing out transportation money years ago, that you will run into inefficiencies and in some cases mismanagement because of the newness of the thing and because you suddently staff up, oftentimes with people who are not experienced. I think that there has been this resource out here in the private sector with experience, not just the Urban League, but other organizations, that ought to be used. What I would like to see developed, and frankly I am not worried about duplication in this area. We have had an excess of callousness in America historically. I am not worried if there is going to be an excess in caring. In fact, I think it would be good to have some competitive programs going, say, that the Labor Department in looking at its State Employment Service could sort of measure their effectiveness against another organization which they financed to do some of the same things. This has already happened. The Urban League has been running on-the-job training programs, Labor-Education advancement programs, veterans programs, and we have done so well that it has sort of stimulated the Government agencies to do better. In the meantime, they have sought consultant services to teach them how we were doing it. But I am not worried about the question of duplication. I am worried about effectiveness, efficiency. Q: Mr. Young, did you discuss the District program with the President and the fact that it might be curtailed? YOUNG: No, this didn't come up. Q: Mr. Young, as a result of your meeting this morning, do you think that this Administration in the future will act in the best interests of blacks? YOUNG: I have no reason to believe that the President was anything other than, one, concerned; and, two, sincere, first in calling the meeting — he didn't have to do that — and, secondly, in directing the Cabinet people to get moving in these areas that we identified. Not only that, the President said, "Whitney, you call me next month." So our staff people will be talking and others will be identified to talk with whomever is designated. We will be happy to report it as we move along. Q: What will you look for in the way of progress? Did anybody indicate to you that there was any money to be around to be provided? YOUNG: We will look for progress in terms of the identification of programs that can be funded by nonprofit, private agencies to the extent that these programs are identified and opportunities given to make application and then they are funded. (Continued on page 26)
THERE GOES A MAN OF MERIT CLAD... WHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE (Continued from page 25) One of the areas that the President feels and the Cabinet members feel that private agencies can be helpful in is this whole area of evaluation. This business of the Federal Government monitoring and evaluating its own programs is beginning to raise some questions in the minds of the Administration. They think an outside agency might do a little better job in evaluating some of their own programs. Q: What sort of financial condition is the Urban League in? YOUNG: I suppose like everybody else, we are feeling the crunch. Our financial problems stem not so much from a lessening of income as it does from a quadrupling of demand. In other words, there are four times as many people coming in to the Urban League office today seeking assistance. Part of that is due to the general economic condition of the country. The other is that the Urban League has developed a track record, a delivery system that is known, a credibility in the black community that now makes people turn to it, where in the past a lot of people thought the Urban League was middle-class and only placing Ph.D.'s. Today we are dealing wih the hard-core. Growing out of that new thrust, I don't know how many of you remember, but two years ago with special monies we instituted a new thrust program and an out-reach into the ghetto and all the Urban Leagues around the country set up their outposts, their offices right in the heart of the ghetto. We developed a number of things out of this. All of this has driven more people into our offices. So from the standpoint of having enough money to meet that demand, we are hurting. Q: Is your income down? YOUNG: Our income is about the same as it was last year. We have some problems. People give the same amount of stock, but the stock isn't worth as much. So from that standpoint, we are hurting a little bit. The foundations, the investment programs haven't been too good. So the Ford Foundation doesn't have as much money and the Rockefeller Foundation doesn't have as much money. But if we look at our income this year and the income last year, it is about the same. But if we look at our income in relation to what we budgeted this year, we are down about $400,000. Q: We were talking before about specifics, but we still haven't gotten to specifics. You talked about housing, improved quality education and jobs as areas where the Administration could do something. What specifically could they do in these areas? What did you talk about in concrete tangible sorts of things? YOUNG: We didn't go much beyond that. The question of acceptance of the principle of cooperation and the possibility of funding of private groups, and we identified some of the program areas. I have mentioned some to you. Let me mention two or three others that we did talk about.
For example, Model Cities. Secretary Romney was talking about, unlike Urban Renewal, this time they really wanted community participation. And he thought that the Urban League and some other groups would be ideal toward mobilizing community people to sit down and to participate in the planning before the fact. The point I made to the President and others was that the excellence of a program sometimes was secondary to ;he opportunity of people today to participate in it. The black community feels very strongly today on this issue of community control. And that is an opportunity to participate in those things that affect their dignity, their destiny, their youngsters. So what we are really saying is the only way you are going to get this kind of participation at the outset and utilization of, say, black engineers and electricians and Negro personnel is to have this kind of contact with organizations that can give it. That was one area. Then Art Fletcher, from the Labor Department, was talking about how helpful we could be when it comes to this construction business, these hometown plans, in Philadelphia and other places. There are 100 today, but the real test is going to come when the construction industry starts moving. It was pointed out today that as of today 1.7 million housing starts have been made, a little higher than I thought. We talked about where the job is going to be in the future with the service industry. What are our special problems with the service industry? The name itself â€” to the black community, it is thought that this, in the past, has been the only place that they could work, it carried a certain stigma. We even talked about how we might change the name, instead of calling a person a cook, you call them a culinary expert; or instead of calling them a gardener, you call them a landscape engineer, because the reality of the thing is that it is going to be an escalation of jobs in that area. The black community and other minorities need to be fully aware of the working conditions today, the kind of wages that people get, and are going to get in these jobs, the kind of dignity that one can have in all of these different things. We are concerned about all the jobs that are going to come out of the whole environmental business. Here is a chance for the black community to get in on the ground floor and not have to worry about all of those seniorities built up in these other occupations. Q: Mr. Young, with regard to jobs, would you have preferred that the President sign the Manpower Bill? YOUNG: I really haven't looked into that. The President, as he was leaving, said that the Administration was going to propose immediately after this Congress convenes a manpower bill that would be an improvement over the one he vetoed and an improvement over the one he original proposed. Q: Did the President, Mr. Young, explain to you why he was stimulated at this time to have this new beginning, I guess, you called it? In other words, it suggests there has been some inadequacy before, I guess. (Continued on page 45)
WHOM DUTY DID NOT FORSAKE (This Article, The Last Written by Brother Whitney M. Young, Appeared . . . in The New York Times of Saturday, March 13, 1971.)
Presidents Were No Strangers
The Ghetto Investment The statements of concern and the rhetoric of "involvement in the community" that emanated from so many public relations departments of major corporations a few years ago seem to have given way, if not to a retreat, then to an orderly withdrawal, from the problems of society. In many quarters, the "great involvement" in the social arena is beginning to look like the "great cop-out." In fact, our business leaders sometimes act like restless college kids, flirting first with civil-rights action, then speaking up against the war, and now, clutching the new-found environment issue to their collective bosoms. That sound, hard-headed businessmen are reflecting the same qualities they find so reprehensible in others — lack of staying power and dilettantism — is a rough charge, but a very deserving one for some inhabitants of executive suites. The period of corporate activism in social concerns coincided with two phenomena of great importance — a booming economy and the spread of urban rioting. On the one hand, companies were rolling in record-high profits; on the other, they perceived civil disorders as harming the good climate for business and as demanding responsible civic action from the corporate citizen. Corporations that had never put their toes in the muddy waters of urban problems plunged in, not nearly as deep as they should have, but at least enough to get their feet wet. Now, crying that the water is too hot, many are clambering back to shore. The result of this unseemly dash to the beach is that the motives of many corporations are called into question, and their pullback has endangered worthwhile programs, increasing the frustrations of the ghetto. A good case in point is what happened in the New York Urban League's Street Academy Program. This program, which has taken high school dropouts and, through intensive innovative educational (Continued on page 28)
Brother Young is shown with the late President John Fitzgerald Kennedy.
Deep concern is shown in the faces of both President Johnson and Brother Young.
THERE GOES A MAN IN CULTURED VERSE SCHOLARSHIP
IN MEMORY OF YOUNG
Sets up Young Memorial Fund
A $2,500 annual scholarship grant in memory of Whitney M. Young Jr., executive director of the National Urban League, is being given to the University of Minnesota by 3M Company.
DETROIT — The Detroit Urban League, shocked by the death of Whitney Young, the executive director of the National Urban League today (March 11) established the Detroit Whitney Young Memorial Fund.
The grant will be used to assist two or more undergraduate minority students as the University decides, said Lyle H. Fisher, 3M vice president of public affairs and personnel relations. The 3M Whitney M. Young Memorial Scholarships will be available in the fall. Young, one of the University's most distinguished alumni, died earlier this month in Nigeria. He was 49. Knew Young "A number of us here at 3M knew Mr. Young when he lived and worked in Minnesota. Because he devoted his life to helping others, it is most fitting that these scholarships will help students further their education," Fisher said.
Give Hotel In Name of Young A leader of the Jewish community of Miami has contributed a hotel he owns in Kansas City to the Urban League in memory of Whitney M. Young Jr. Leon J. Ell donated the Boulevard Manor Hotel, which the Urban League will use for expanded community services, including youth and women's group activities and the Job Corps. News of Mr. Ell's action was broadcast over Black radio stations throughout the nation this week by Rabbi A. James Rudin, assistant director of the Interreligious Affairs Department of the American Jewish Committee. He noted that Mr. Ell spoke of the "spiritual satisfaction" he gained in donating the former hotel, which Lounneer Pemberton, executive director of the Kansas City Urban League, said will be called the Whitney M. Young, Jr. Memorial Building. 28
'Strategies for the 7 0 s '
Contributions may be made payable to the Detroit Urban League, 208 Mack Avenue, Detroit, Michigan 48201 and should be designed for the memorial fund. Deane Baker, president of the Detroit Urban League, released the following statement after learning of Mr. Young's death:
Brother Young is shown with Brother "Jake" Henderson in Atlanta, Georgia, after his historic speech, "Strategies For The Seventies."
"Our country has lost a great contemporary leader.
Oklahoma Legislature Expresses Sorrow NOW THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED BY T H E HOUSE O F REPRESENTATIVES O F T H E LAST SESESSION of T H E 33rd LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE O F OKLAHOMA: Section 1 — The Legislature of the State of Oklahoma expresses its sense of deep loss and great sorrow for the unfortunate death of Whitney M. Young, Jr., at a time when his courage, dedication and leadership were at zenith and most sorely needed by his fellow citizens of all colors. Section 2 — The Legislature of the State of Oklahoma particularly expresses its condolences to the family, friends and associates of the said Whitney M. Young, Jr., in the fervent hope that the expression itself will make their loss more bearable. Section 3—Copies of this Resolution under the seal of the Clerk of the House of Representatives shall be distributed to Mrs. Whitney M. Young, Jr., New Rochelle, N.Y.
(Continued from page 27) techniques, has placed many in the best colleges in the country, is having its troubles. Some of these are related to administrative and other causes, but the root cause of the problems is fiscal — not enough dollars. Some of the academics have had to close their dors because corporate sponsors dropped out, refusing to fund them for more than the initial year or two. One company blamed its pullout on the recession. "When the red ink shows," said an executive, "anything that is not of a direct business nature is the first to go." Another corporate official showed the complacency that drives so many critics of business up the walls: "We've done our share," he said. "We've put in $100,000." The same businessman will pour many millions into research and development of new products. He'll only expect a 5 per cent return, even though he's dealing with known chemical and physical properties. But when he's trying to help solve social problems 400 years in the making, created by the racialist attitudes of companies and unions like his own, he suddenly expects fast returns and instant successes. It is beginning to look like business, in its attempt to become part of the solution, is once again becoming part of the problem.
WHO HELD A SPORTSMAN CREED Whitney Young Dies in Nigeria LAGOS, Nigeriaâ€”Whitney M. Young Jr., executive director of the National Urban League, who focused his efforts in the civil rights movement on getting jobs for blacks, died Thursday while swimming. He was 49. Mr. Young was here for an African-American dialogue. He collapsed while swimming toward shore at Lighthouse Beach at Tarqua Bay. The cause of death was not immediately known, but a heart attack was considered a possibility. An autopsy was scheduled. The black leader had been swimming in the heavy surf with former U.S. Atty. Gen. Ramsey Clark, William W. Broom, the Washington bureau chief for Ridder Publications, and the wives of the two men. Also in the party was Thomas Wyman, Polaroid vice president. On arriving at the beach, notorious for its heavy surf, the party went straight into the water, Clark said. He said that as the group was coming out of the water, which "was not up to our bathing suits," he looked around and could not see Mr. Young, who was behind him. "But as I looked back I saw his arm turn over," Clark said, and Mr. Young was lying in the water. "I saw his head go under," Clark continued. "I pulled his arm and there was no response." Clark said he and his wife then "dragged him up onto the shore." Efforts to revive Mr. Young failed and a doctor later pronounced him dead. Local and national leaders pay tribute to Whitney Mr. Young Jr. Clark said Mr. Young was under the water for no more than "90 seconds" and it was unlikely he drowned.
Happily enjoying the cool waters in the Gulf of Guinea the day before the tragedy is Brother Whitney M. Young, left, cavorting with Senator Edmund Muskie. This is one of the last photographs taken of the late, great civil rights leader before he died.
Born and reared in Lincoln Ridge, Ky., where his father was president of Lincoln Institute, a Negro boarding high school, Mr. Young planned a career in medicine. He was graduated from Lincoln at the age of 14 and received a B.S. degree from Kentucky State College where he was first in his class and a basketball star at the age of 19. "I had hoped to be allowed in the Army to continue my premedical training but they sent me instead to train as an engineer," Mr. Young recalled. After two years at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology he went to Europe during World War II. There, he said, Southern officers appeared ready to treat him with disrespect until they saw his educational background. He was promised the first sergeant's job within two weeks, but spent most of the war in an all-black unit building roads. The war years were the first in which Mr. Young acted as an intermediary between whites and blacks. The white officers found it difficult to control the unit and sought Mr. Young's help. After his discharge, he enrolled in the University of Minnesota, obtained his master's degree, and joined the St. Paul Urban League. In 1954, he became dean of the School of Social Work at Atlanta University. In 1961 he was tapped to be executive director of the National Urban League, a bi-racial social work agency founded in 1910. Mr. Young resented being considered a moderate in the civil rights movement. "We're all militants in different ways," he contended. "I can't afford the luxury of a completely dogmatic position that says I won't make any compromise because I'm dealing with the real world." "There is no such thing as a moderate in the civil rights movement," he said at another time. "The difference is whether or not one is all rhetoric." Mr. Young served on seven presidential commissions and won the Medal of Freedom, the nation's highest civilian award. He was president of the National Assn. of Social Workers and turned down numerous offers of public office. He had decided to be a researcher and strategist, rather than merely a protester. As Urban League director, Mr. Young was particularly concerned about finding jobs for unemployed blacks. Once while on a train from his home in New Rochelle, N.Y., through Harlem, he mused: "Should I get off this train this morning and stand on 125th St. cussing Whitey to show I am tough? Or should I go downtown and talk to an executive of General Motors about 2,000 jobs for unemployed Negroes?" For him, the choice was relatively clear. Between 1964 and 1966 Young's league efforts gained 40,000 new jobs for unemployed blacks and 8,000 better jobs for black people.
THERE GOES A MAN TOO VIGILANT
Mayor John V. Lindsay of New York termed the death "a deep personal loss for me and a tragic loss for New York City and the nation." Lindsay called Mr. Young "a great and courageous leader in the struggle to make the promise of equality a reality for all Americans." Philip Hoffman, president of the American Jewish Committee, said Mr. Young's "compassionate heart and innovative mind, his struggle to improve the lot of all Americans — black, brown and white — will forever enshrine him in the memory of this nation and the world." James A. Linen, president of the Urban League and chairman of the executive committee of Time Inc., called Mr. Young's death a "great shock and tragedy." Mrs. Coretta Scott King, widow of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., said in Atlanta that Mr. Young's death "has created a void in the leadership, particularly black leadership, of this nation." James M. Roche, chairman of General Motors, said: "The death of Whitney Young is a great loss to the cause of human justice and racial equality." David Rockefeller, chairman of Chase Manhattan Bank, said Mr. Young's "untimely death cuts short a career of dedicated service which immeasurably benefited all Americans." Sen. Edward W. Brooke (R.Mass.) the only Negro in the U.S. Senate, announced to his colleagues in the Capitol "the sudden and tragic death of a great civil rights leader. Whitney Young proved that economic and social progress can result from intelligent, aggressive, and moderate leadership," Brooke said. Others who commented were: Former Sec. John W. Gardner of the Health Education and Welfare Department: "We have lost a natural resource." Sen. Edward M. Kennedy (D.Mass.): "Mr. Young has served the league and millions of oppressed people well. He showed white people the desperation of millions of black Americans." UAW President Leonard Woodcock: "A man much needed by his times, he fought continually with energy and imagination for the oppressed and the downtrodden." The Rev. Theodore M. Hesburgh, president of the University of Notre Dame and Chairman of the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, said: "Whitney Young will go down in history as one of the great American black leaders. He was moderate in his style of leadership, which was non-violent, but not in his goal, which was full and equal opportunity for blacks in this country. He was dedicated to his cause and he was effective. He will be hard to replace." Tribute by Daley Mayor Daley of Chicago. "The passing of Whitney Young has saddened all his friends in Chicago who knew him as a spirited leader for justice for all people. "I have long admired his humanity, his love for all people and his calm voice of reason. America has lost a good man."
of- S^c orrow John Cardinal Cody of the Chicago Roman Catholic Archdiocese said he sincerely mourns the death of Mr. Young "who has been a friend of mine for many years." "Mr. Young's knowledge of the American scene was extensive," the cardinal said." I very much admired his dedicated labors in the cause of equal justice and opportunity for all American citizens. He will be greatly missed by our nation." Said Gary Mayor Richard G. Hatcher: "His contributions to the human rights of all people and the economic development of all black people will stand as a memorial to the long and hard years of endeavor and leadership he gave the world. "I know that I speak for all the people of Gary when I say we shall miss him sorely on this Earth. All of us can be forever grateful that Whitney Young passed this way. His contributions to mankind remain ever with us." Another tribute came from the Rev. Calvin S. Morris, acting national director of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference's Operation Breadbasket. He said of Mr. Young: "His voice which spoke so clearly for justice for black and poor Americans, though it was not a searing, caustic voice, was a voice nevertheless that talked to the establishment on behalf of persons who could not speak. "And with the heightened polarization within the country — people not being able to hear one another or not wanting to hear one another — Mr. Young's loss is particularly painful. "We believe, however, that though this voice is stilled, there will be others to speak a word of calm in the midst of the storm." Rabbi's tribute Rabbi Robert J. Marx, director of the Chicago Federation of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, said: "Whitney Young fought not only for the rights of his own people but for the rights of all oppressed people everywhere. "His enemies were hunger, poverty, racism and fear, wherever they appeared. Like a colossus, he rose above pettiness and factionalism as well as the type of extremism that pitted men against one another in hatred. "He will be missed not only by the black community of the United States but by the freedom-loving people of the world. A prince and a great man has fallen this day." At the Chicago Urban League office, Laplois Ashford, executive director, and Mrs. Carey B. Preston, president stated that all members of their organization were "deeply shocked and saddened over the untimely death. His untiring work and his deep commitment to the cause of full freedom and equal opportunities for black Americans and other minorities have been a continuing source of inspiration to all of us. . . . He will be deeply missed." Their statement said Mr. Young's life of service is testimony "that it is not how long you live that is important but how much you are able to accomplish in the cause of social justice for all people."
TO BOW TO LUST OR GREED A Giant Walked Among Us All America and much of the world has suffered a tragic loss, with the passing of Whitney M. Young, Jr. In a little more than a decade this great leader, of just forty-nine years, streaked up from the hallowed halls of Atlanta University, where he had notably served as Dean of the School of Social Work, to the stately pillars of the White House and the palatial offices of Heads of States in Africa, Europe and Asia. When the terrible news came to us that the Executive Director of the National Urban League had suffered an apparent fatal heart attack, during a swim off the coast of Nigeria, we were stunned with disbelief. We refused to believe that one who had been part of us so long, and who had done so much for the disadvantaged and the repressed people everywhere, was now no more. His death was unbelievable, but awesomely true. His accomplishments were and are unbelievable, and when measured by time, incredibly true! The selection of the young, virile and energetic Dean was intended to transform the then battle scarred "opportunity oriented" organization, into a dynamic "action oriented" institution, capable of achieving massive change in the life styles of millions of people, in the land of his birth, and giving technical assistance and moral leadership to millions abroad. From the day of his installation, it was obvious that the National Urban League had entered a new epoch. Whitney M. Young, Jr. wore the mantle of this new image well. He commanded attention of "the establishment" in cities across the country. His demands for full freedom and equal access to all of the rights enjoyed by all Americans, for all Americans, though delivered in calm tones, vibrated with unequivocal logic and appeal. He refused to engage in meaningless rhetoric. He implored those who would abandon "the system," to remain with it. He denounced, with equal vigor, America's racists in white skins, as well as those of darker hue. When despair drove men to madness, and violent retribution for the cruelties heaped upon black people, he calmly urged reason.He spoke incessantly of the folly of violence, as a response to the evils of deprivation and denial. His was the strong voice for realistic avenues to overcome. He believed in confrontation, but his love for life held him firmly to the conviction that physical confrontation would be suicide for blacks. He believed in revolution, but his theories of revolution did not embrace the over-throw of our government, nor the complete destruction of our institutions. His revolution envisioned an absolute refusal of blacks, and other disadvantaged Americans to accept their status as "second class citizen," while embracing the constitution and laws of this nation. His revolution concerned itself with developing the mechanisms to attack these institutions which perpetrated inequality and injustice. His revolution urged change, even cataclysmic change, but with a view toward strengthening and preserving the system, not destroying it. He spoke reverently of the ideals of American Democracy while denouncing the
For A Little While
Body of Brother Whitney Young, Jr. being taken from the—airplane.
socio — economic system which permitted millions of Americans to be deprived while others feasted upon the fruits of affluence. Whitney M. Young, Jr. could call the leaders of big business into sessions, with an authority more prestigious than their respective "chairman of the board." He quoted statistics and described conditions with such exactitude that one could not help but be impressed and believe. He made realistic appraisals of the present conditions and suggested logical courses which would lead to meaningful change. He assigned goals that were attainable so that there could be visible victory, if not always exciting victory. Three Presidents, Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon, found his counsel desirable. In retrospect, it is now easy to understand why his advice to President Johnson was on a continuing basis. When the assessments of President Johnson and Whitney M. Young, Jr. are made, those five years of conferences and consultations, will become a meaningful history of social change in America. Reprint:
Louisiana Weekly — March 20, 1971
THERE GOES A MAN WHOSE LIFE WAS SPENT "His Life Is Over But His Life's Work Continues"... "Whitney Young died in the full bloom of life â€” and at the very height of his contribution to American society. His life is over but his life's work continues. "Of the many hours I have spent with him, the most recent and the most memorable were just last December 22, when he and several of his Urban League colleagues met with me and most of my Cabinet here in the White House. "This was not a meeting of pleasantries or a pro-forma occasion. Whitney Young came here to tell me and the Cabinet of his deep concern for the condition of Black people in America, especially of young Black people. He was eloquent, tough, and convincing: a great leader among his peers. â€”President Richard M. Nixon
As the Air Force plane which was sent by President Richard Nixon, settled to the ground, Brother Young's wife, Margaret (foreground, white mink coat) and their daughter, Lauren, 17, moved to receive the flag draped coffin of Brother Whitney Young, Jr. Also at the airport was Arnita Boswell, his sister.
DELEGATION This photo shows Mrs. Margaret Young, widow of the great man, as she was helped from a car before Riverside Church for funeral services. On Mrs. Young's right is her daughter Lauren Young.
Members of the United Nations headed by Edwin Ogbu, (far right) permanent delegate to the United Nations from Nigeria, stand in reverence as the body of the late Whitney Young Is carried from a United States Air Force jet after its arrival from Lagos, Nigeria. The plan was piloted by Brig. Daniel "Chappie" James, the highest ranking Black in the Air Force.
The funeral of Whitney M. Young, Jr. was held in Riverside Church in New York, Tuesday March 16th. Miss Leontyne Price sang "Climb Every Mountain."
IN SERVICE NOT IN SCORN Funeral Services at Riverside Church Funeral services for Brother Whitney M. Young, Jr., executive director of the National Urban League, were on Tuesday, March 16, 10:00 a.m. at the Riverside Church at 122nd Street and Riverside Drive. Participating were Dr. Benjamin E. Mays, President Emeritus of Morehouse College, Dr. Howard Thurman, Dean Emeritus of the Boston University Marsh Chapel and the Reverend Peter Samsom, Pastor of the White Plains Community Church Unitarian. The Air Force plane bearing Brother Young's body from Lagos, Nigeria arrived at the John F. Kennedy airport at approximately 8:45 p.m., Sunday, March 14th. The body lay in state at the Riverside Church beginning at 10:00 a.m. on Monday, March 15th. Following ;he services, Brother Young's body was flown to Louisville, Kentucky, where he lay in state at the A. D. Porter Funeral Home beginning at approximately 5:00 p.m. on Tuesday, March 16th. On Wednesday, March 17th, a motorcade left Louisville at approximately 9:00 a.m. for Lexington, Kentucky, where interment took place. The family requested that flowers not be sent. In lieu of this type of tribute, it has been suggested that contributions be made to the National Urban League.
Visitors file past the open coffin of National Urban League Executive Director Brother Whitney M. Young inside Riverside Church. The following day 2,500 mourners squeezed into the neo-Gothic church. They heard Dr. Benjamin E. Mays, President Emeritus of Morehouse College, eulogize the 49-year old civil rights leader.
THERE GOES A MAN WHOSE MAJESTY New York Alphas in Special Service for Brother Young By Brother W . Decker Clarke
Brother Wyatt T. Walker conducting Service.
Brother W. Decker
Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, paid a last tribute to their fraternal brother, Whitney Young Jr. with special memorial services held at Canaan Baptist Church, 132 W. 116th St., on March 15, 1971 at 8 p.m. The pastor is a fraternity brother, the Rev. Wyatt T. Walker. The services were composed of special music, invocation by Brother Walker, and Scripture lesson, special words of tribute by Brother Walker and chapter tribute by Alpha Gamma Lambda Chapter and Eta Zeta Lambda Chapter (Westchester County). The Litany was given by Brother Dick Campbell, and other special words of tribute came from Brother Malvin Goode from ABC News and Broadcasting Co. Brother W. Decker Clarke, Eastern Vice President, Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. WHITNEY M. YOUNG JR., was initiated into the Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity at BETA MU CHAPTER, KENTUCKY STATE COLLEGE, FRANKFORT, KENTUCKY in April of 1940. He has been actively affiliated with GAMMA XI LAMBDA CHAPTER, MINNEAPOLIS, MINN., ETA LAMBDA CHAPTER, ATLANTA GEORGIA, ALPHA GAMMA LAMBDA, NEW YORK CITY and currently ETA ZETA LAMBDA CHAPTER of WEST-
Alpha Phi Alpha
CHESTER COUNTY NEW YORK, holding pass card number 5889. We have not the time to recall and extoll the contributions made by Brother Young to Alpha. We need not recall the moments of Brotherhood and humorous companionship this great life brought. We must tonight, and in the years to come, reflect on his call to our Fraternity to continue to reinforce the ranks of our Black Brother with a consistent participation in the struggles for freedom and equal rights. Brother Young thought and said that with the resourceful talent within our ranks, we were obligated to be partners on the scene. In memoralizing this great
patriot, let us rededicate ourselves to the principles and precepts which he held aloft. We must now look to our Brother Harold Sims, who was named acting Executive Director of the Urban League. It is imperative that each of you convey to him your suupport and felicitations as he assumes the awesome task of filling the void. Remind him that we know that until justice is blind to color, until education is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcerned about the color of men's skins, emancipation will be a proclamation and not a fact. Let us here dedicate ourselves to join in with Brother Sims in an alliance for progress.
SHINES LIKE A MAYTIME MORN
Thousands upon thousands bid a solemn farewell to civil rights crusader Brother Whitney M. Young, Jr. They came to mourn the loss of the great man from all walks of life. A lover of everyone's children, Young would have enjoyed the children most. Above are pupils from Harlem's P.S. 92 with their teacher, Mrs. Prixcilla Webley. They watch as Young's cortege slowly inches down 125th Street.
Baltimore youths visited the Urban League Office, showing respect for the man who fought for them.
Brothers of Alpha Phi Alpha Louisville. Brother Thurgood Marshall accompanied tucky for the burial.
were among the pall bearers
President Nixon to Ken-
Members of the family mourn the passing of a devoted son, brother, husband and father.
THERE GOES A MAN WHO WAS A FRIEND
Race B®oaGD®oD§ &lndustry GOODBYE, LEADER... GOODBYE, FRIEND.
^ 3 P V VfM
WHITNEY M. YOUNG, pi. 1921 - 1971 The black and other non-white communities of America, the larger white community, and indeed the world has lost a leader and a friend. Whitney Young died in Lagos, Nigeria on March 11, 1971. The loss is more than just a loss to the people, however, it is a loss to Government and to American business and industry. Few men, let alone be he black or white, walked with the strides of Whitney Young. In just nine short years he undertook to make this a better world for everyone, not just the minorities, but to help make human relations and democracy just a little bit better. The 1960's will long be remembered as the years of social pressures and social change; the years of despair and the years of hope for millions. Whitney Young was one of the architects of this change. His road was not easy for his lot was to be criticized by both black and white, but he often saw the larger vision of human beings without color but living and working together in a free society. Whitney could walk the corporate carpeted floors of America's most prestigious corporations, the hallowed halls of the seat of Government, and yet, he could reach out his hand to his black and his brown brothers and try to be a bridge between all. The task was not an easy one, because as we know now, he was human. Whitney Young possessed the qualities of leadership, and friendship, and he was friendly to all. His voice, his pen ,and his books reached millions, and offered hope to all. He will be missed. The last letter he sent out over his signature was in behalf of the 1971 Urban League Conference, and addressed to previous exhibitors and potential exhibitors for this year's conference. What relationship could an exhibit and conference attendance mean to the spirit of Whitney Young? This would be the manner in which business and industry could say — We support the spirit of Whitney Young. The National Urban League is sixty years old, and it will continue. All of us, in business and industry, in government, in our communities should want to help support what Whitney Young has built, with the capable support of his associates. (Continued from page 45)
DEATH IN A HEAVY SURF Whitney Young died coming out of the heavy surf on a beach in Africa. His death is one of those tragedies that make life seem unbelievable. It is difficult for anyone to really "take in" the fact of death, but in the case of Whitney Young, it seemed, last Thursday, that time itself stopped, as a wave of disbelief swept over the nation. Whitney Young was only 49 years old — at a time in his life when he was, it seemed, beginning an appraisal of what had gone before, starting to come to grips with the meaning of years of wide-ranging experience. He had risen as one of the seven great leaders of the civil rights movement, a leader of international stature whose voice reached millions of people seeking reason in the chaos of racism in the United States. More than most, he chose to carry the burdens of tradition at the same time that he pushed for change. The path he chose to follow was in the framework of life as he saw it. He went to the top of the power structure in the United States, gaining support for the work of the National Urban League through the art of persuasion. He was a master of rhetoric, but, while many expound without fact, Whitney Young looked at the facts and used them to move the men in power, in business, industry and government. The National Urban League gained support in millions of dollars and jobs for Blacks under his leadership. His was a method of operation like the iron fist in the velvet glove. His success, doing it his way, is indisputable. In the mosaic represented by Black leadership in the last ten years, Whitney Young was the man closest to the powers controlling the destiny of hundreds of millions of people. In some ways, because of his approach, he was probably the least visible of the Black leaders. Many disagreed both ideologically and strategically with Young's approach, but none disputed the power he brought to the cause. A leader, they felt, should be at the head of the columns, a general brandishing a sword. But there are generals who win wars in the conference room, and Whitney Young was such a general. Surely his death at 49 in a heavy surf in Africa leaves a void in this time, when leadership is so desperately needed, that it will take a giant to fill his place. One wonders immediately where the giants are, and how many years it will take for anyone to be able to have the overview of power that Whitney Young had. Whitney Young rode the heavy surf of life with strength, perhaps under heavier strain than anyone will know.
—Gertrude Wilson — N. Y. Amsterdam News
TO LOVE AND DUTY TRUTH Official Memorial Service in the Motherland... A f r i c a . . . Ambassador Samuel Z. Westerfield, Jr. Tribute
Moore Young, Jr.
March 14, 1971 — Ambassador Samuel Z. Westerfield, Jr. Whitney Moore Young, Jr., Executive Director of the National Urban League, was born in Lincoln Ridge, Kentucky July 1, 1921. His death came in Lagos last week on March 11 while swimming with former Attorney General Ramsey Clark. President Nixon said "With the death of Whitney Young, the United States has lost one of the most compassionate and principled leaders it has had in all the long centuries since whites from Europe and blacks from Africa began building together the American dream. "Whitney Young died in the full bloom of life and at the very height of his contribution to American society. His life is over but his life's work continues. Of the many hours I have spent with him, the most recent and the most memorable were just last December 22 when he and several of his Urban League colleagues met with me and most of my cabinet here in the White House. This was not a meeting of pleasantries or a proforma occasion. Whitney Young came here to tell me and the cabinet of his deep concern for the condition of black people in America, especially of young black people. He was eloquent, tough and convincing: a great leader among his peers. "From that meeting, I sent out instructions to all my cabinet to find ways to enlist the unique capabilities of the Urban League and other private social service agencies in advancing and evaluating the nation's human resources programs. The last time I talked with Whitney Young was when he called me to report on the rapid progress the Urban League is making in mounting such a joint effort with the several departments. This effort launched so ably by Whitney Young will go forward as will all of the enterprises which have benefitted from his vision and energies — and which are now his legacy. That the great work of equal justice and human dignity must continue without him is a tragedy that weighs heavily upon the nation; but continue we must, more than ever because of the example he set." President Nixon ordered an Air Force plane to fly to Lagos to carry Mr. Young's body to the United States. Before joining the National Urban League as executive director in 1961, Whitney Young had served as Dean of the Atlanta University School of Social Work from 1954-1960. In earlier years he had been executive secretary of the Urban League in Omaha, Nebraska, and industrial relations director of the Urban League in St. Paul, Minnesota. Mr. Young served on numerous Presidential Commissions and had received many awards and citations. He was the recipient of some 30 honorary degrees from leading American Universities, including Harvard and Howard. He graduated from Kentucky State College, where he was an outstanding athlete and scholar. Young earned a master's degree in social work at the University of Minnesota. In addition he was a visiting scholar at Harvard University and also studied at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Whitney was a tireless and articulate proponent of the cause of freedom, dignity and eqaulity for all men. He was committed to the achievement of these goals within the framework of the American system. He never eased his constant pressure upon the political and industrial leaders of America to lend their cooperation in the achievement of these objectives. This great man appealed to the hearts and minds of people to bring about change. He was a most persuasive individual. His support came from almost every spectrum of the American society. Although he was considered moderate, in recent years he had established a successful dialogue with young black militants and won their respect and support. He was an organizer of the March on Washington movement which took place in America's capital city in August 1963. In this effort he worked closely with Phillip Randolph, Martin Luther
Expression of Sorrow
A consoling Richard M.
hug of condolence Nixon.
to Mrs. Young from
The Final Journey King, Bayard Rustin, James Farmer, Walter Reuther and many others. Because of his unusual organization and leadership abilities he was called upon for service and advice by four Presidents — President Eisenhower, President Kennedy, President Johnson and President Nixon. However, whatever is written about Whitney Young's life and work, it remains difficult to capture him completely. He was a free spirit. He loved all people, without regard to race, creed, or color, and was completely at home with them, whether he was at the White House, with industrial leaders, with black leaders, with the man on the street, with university professors and students, or in Africa, Europe or Asia. Whitney seemed to relate to everyone. It was almost impossible not to like him, even if you disagreed with him. He had a tremendous sense of humor, he was always the life of the party — or any other group of which he was a part. He was devoted to his family and enjoyed the love and comfort of a wonderful wife and two daughters during 27 years of marriage. He was a loyal and concerned friend. America and the world have lost one of their noblest sons. I doubt that we will see his like again. Whitney Young died while trying to strengthen the friendship between America and Africa, especially the ties between black Americans and the continent of their origin.
THERE GOES A MAN TO HELP UPLIFT EULOGY...
Hon. Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States
Mrs. Young, friends of Whitney Young: It is customary on such occasions for the one who has the honor to deliver the eulogy to say that we are gathered here to pay our last respects to the deceased. I do not say that today. I say, rather, that today a grateful nation will pay its respect to Whitney Young by continuing the work for which he dedicated his entire life. We consider that life, these are some of the things we find:
In an age when we see so many people who want to be for the right thing, we also find that it is very difficult to accomplish the right thing. It is really easy to be for what is right. What is more difficult is to accomplish what is right. And Whitney Young's genious was that he knew how to accomplish what other people were merely for. He was a very complex man, and he understood the complexities of the society in which he lived and the goals which ne sought to achieve. He was not a patient man but he understood the uses of patience. And he was not a moderate man in terms of his goals, but he knew the uses of moderation in achieving those goals. All of us who have heard him speak recognize him as one of the most eloquent speakers of our time and, yet, Whitney Young will be remembered as a doer, not a talker. What monument do we build for him? He leaves his own monument, not one, but thousands, thousands of men and women in his own race who have a chance, and an equal chance, that they otherwise might never have had except for what he did: and thousands of others not of his own race who have an understanding in their hearts which they would not have had except for what he thought. What message does he leave for us? I recall the conversation I had with him right after the election of 1968 before the inauguration when we discussed the possibilities of his becoming a member of the cabinet. He was honored by the suggestion and, after consideration, he told me that he felt that he could do more for those things he believed in outside of government than inside of government. And in that is a message for all of us. At a time when it is so often the custom whenever we have a problem to throw up our hands and say "what is the government going to do?"
This man said "What can I do?" And that is the challenge he gives to each of us. Government has its responsibilities, but he says what can I do? What can I do in my life to make the American dream come true?" , Because you must remember we want the American dream to come true, but the American dream cannot come true until the American dream can be achieved by each one who is an American. jm„„ Dr. Lon Fuller, in his lecturing at Yale in 1963, spoke of two kinds of morality. He spoke of the morality of duty and the morality of aspiration. The morality of duty is one that requires every individual to do what the law calls upon him to do. The morality of aspiration does not require, but it inspires a man or a woman to go beyond that and do what the better angels of his nature would call upon him to do. And it is in that spirit that I speak of Whitney Young today. I remember the last meeting we had in the Cabinet Room three days before Christmas. You remember, all of you who knew him, he always had a little button, "Equal" on his lapel. He iust didn't wear that on his lapel. He wore it in his heart.
What he says to us and what his message to us is, is this: every man and woman in this country is equal before God, and every man and woman in this country now-we-trust is equal before the law. But to have true equality, it is not just what the law requires, but what we individually can do, because that respect which can only come from the heart of one person to another, a respect for his dignity, for his individuality, for his morality, that is something that must come from each of us. And so today Whitney Young's message to America — the country that he loved with all of its faults, loved it because he realized that this was a country in which we had the power to change what was wrong and change it peacefully — Whitney Young's message was this: "What can I do: What can I do to make this a better country? What can I do through helping others, through recognizing their equality, their dignity, their individuality, to realize the American dream?" His dream, if I may paraphrase, was one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice and opportunity for all. To fulfill his dream is the responsibility of each of us. It is a commitment that each of us makes in his heart on this day.
THE LIVES OF WHOLESOME YOUTH The Legacy and Time of Brother Whitney Moore Young, Jr. by Brother Harold R. Sims And lo, we say unto you, all men that tremble shall be afraid; and all men that do battle shall die in battle; but only those that love shall reap of this earth and lay seeds for the legacy of times to come (From the Greeks) "brTthe eve of winter, 71 years past the 19th century A.D., Brother Whitney Moore Young Jr. died — died on a lonely, turbulent, Nigerian beach in the heart of our history taproot — Mother Africa. At the ascending apex of his astounding and unbounded career, he passed into the Omega chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity. "Death ain't nothin but a robber Lawd! Death ain't nothin but a thief." With swift currents and deoxidation, that ominous and frightened world, from which no traveler save Christ has returned, removed one of the greatest batders for human dignity in our time from this earthly scene. With cruel logic and pain beyond empathy, a treasured husband, father, brother and son was taken from his family and loved ones into the eternal dust of lost form, blunted purpose and all ending. "Oh grave, where is thy victory, oh death where is thy sting!" Yet, though another humanized King, a mighty black prince of love and peace, is no longer among us; is no longer where our eyes can see and our hands can touch — he still lives, inspires, he still moves. For at the dawn of spring in the year that Whitney died, he was reborn, resurrected, he overcame — overcame with the long black line, the lineage of those great and unknown bards, those many thousands gone. You sang far better than you knew; the songs That your listeners' hungry hearts sufficed Still live — but more than this to you belongs; You sang a race from wood and stone to Christ. For to those of us who knew him as trusted colleague, confidante and friend, Whitney was one of the greatest teacher of his age — a Socrates rebourn, a Frederick Douglas recreated. From his endless patience and understanding a thousand Plato's went forth, a thousand Aristocle's remain to write, a thousand disciples stand ready to sacrifice. This is his monument — this is his life renewed. Yet, in spite of his awesome power, the sheer magnetism of his presence and the platonic heights of his creative and inquiring mind, one never seemed to work for Whitney, but rather with him. And though he always appeared to be larger than life, the size of his courageous ego was still dwarfed by the size of his gigantic humility and endless self-sacrifice. Whitney was always in a meteoric rush towards freedom for the least of all our people. Somehow, however, he always took the time to simultaneously pause to bring the less learned, or the less able or the lesser less of us along. Down speeded elevators, in cluttered airports, at hectic conferences; in speeding cars or rapidly walking down crowdladen streets,
he readily gave us his counsel, anytime, day or night, weekend, weekout, at home or on the road. An intensely humane, witty, and sensitive man, he knew how to listen to all voices in all places, all classes and all races. For Brother Whitney was a man who transcended the boundaries of race, nationality, and ideology. He was a man who formed a human bridge between the rich and the poor, the white and the black, the conservative and the liberal, between the young and the old. Labels simply don't apply to such a universal man. The great outpouring of emotion and the multitude of tributes to him, including an unprecedented graveside eulogy by the President, serve to indicate how much he meant to people in all walks of life. There were critics who said he was too moderate; who said he didn't reach the people in the ghetto. They were proved wrong. As the funeral cortege made its mournful way down 125th Street, the heart of Harlem, one could see the profound grief on people's faces; one could see how terribly moved and hurt the ordinary man in the street was at his passing. Whitney was fond of saying that there are no moderates in the civil rights movement, that all were militantly fighting for justice. But his measure of militancy was not rhetoric but results; not promises but performance. Tragically, too many frustrated, arrogant white liberals and would be friends, especially in much of the media, were often too hung up on their own hang ups to see the real impact of his deeds. Tragically also, many of his fellow black brothers and suffers often missed the real nature of his meaning. "There is no stronger strength than gendeness" said a character from a famous novel. "It is easy to be for oneself; it is hard to really be for the less fortunate others." His goal was to be effective, and he was that. Hundreds of thousands of black people are in jobs today because of this man. The Urban Coalition, OEO and the Urban Affairs Council exist largely because of him also. Through Urban League training programs he devised and expanded, through his influence on federal and state legislators, and through his influence on labor and business leaders, he made green power a reality for black people who had been shut out of the economic system. He was probably the most influential private citizen in the field of human resources in the past century. Not since Frederick Douglass has there been such a mighty power, so effective a bridge between the black and white, the rich and the poor, the arrogant and the humble. The famous and the powerful beat a path to his door seeking advice and counsel. And he always gave it — clearheaded, logical, demanding. He often told me that his greatest wish was to be remembered as "one who gave voice to the voiceless, hope to the hopeless, and power to the powerless." This wish is fact now. It is the greatest monument to his results. (Continued on page 40)
THERE GOES A MAN WITH INDUSTRY... A Mark for the Ages of Man (Continued from page 39) In his timeless struggle for these human rights for mankind's neglected and forgotten kind, he quietly and sacrificially gave them his voice, his hope and his power — gave it to them through unprecedented programming, unprecedented persuasion and unprecedented organizing for unprecedented results. Because of Whitney, for example, voiceless and forgotten black veterans were given resources, tools and techniques through a new concept in outreach which enabled them to mobilize, gain life supports and speak forcefully in their own behalf. In the process, the Veterans Administration was moved from downtown to the ghetto, from the come-seeme-I-will?refer-you?station to the one-stop service center. New, trained and proven leadership was brought into the urban area and new strength was given to the inner support of the extended black family. Because of Whitney, hopeless, alienated and disillusioned black youth were rescued from the drop-out, the walk-out, the cop-out and the talk-out and given tangible and effective hope through Urban League Street Academies, Youth action coalitions, and the Black Student Summer program. Because of Whitney, powerless people, despairing legislators and ignored black politicians and public administrators were given the political power, support and resources to influence their own destiny and those things in their communities which affected their lives — indeed their very survival — from Hancock County, Alabama to Cleveland, Ohio — from Augusta, Ga. to Gary, Indiana — from the Mississippi Delta to Los Angeles, California, from Miami, Florida to Newark, New Jersey and beyond. Voice, Power, Hope — the list is endless — he gave it every day of his life; to maligned welfare mothers, intimidated tenant farmers, estranged black intellectuals, undermined black colleges, ostracized black-thought developers, insensitive white leaders —, under-utilized black executives, un-utilized black workers, superficial white liberals, callous white conservatives, disenchanted young radicals, self-destructive black professionals, Sister Susy, brother Jones, Mose, Mosetta, so forth and so on. Never has there been Under earth and sky, So much power for good; So much good to die. Whitney was especially known for his great contacts with government leaders and business barons, and he was effective in his dealings with them. But when he went into their offices to win concessions and forward-looking programs from them, he always left with his integrity intact. He never compromised his values or his beliefs — and still he got what he wanted. Yet, this fact was least of all understood by the people whom he tried to help the most. And when the agonizing suspicions and deceptions from the painful black past provoked some of the more disillusioned nubians among us to call him "Whitney" Young, it pained him deeply but it did not lessen his resolve, his efforts, and his commitment — nor did he ever berbally counter-attack the brothers who unjustly attacked him — even though he had the power to destroy them. 40
For Whitney was an enormously complex man who operated at a level of power and sophistication never before shared by any black and therefore alien to most blacks. People tend to attack that which they do not understand even though Douglass or Whitney be the standard for the man. Yet, such is the price of leadership — as lived by Whitney — not to march to the tune of the latest fad or threat but to lead the band into the next age of culture and true civilization. Whitney understood this as few men have understood in our time. He had great personal disgust for opportunists and racist bandits, saber rattlers and bully pickers. Yet he gave up on no man with potential and on no system with hope. As such, it was not uncommon for Whitney to promote his unjust enemies and critics to heights of greater opportunity, nor was it uncommon for him to go, with dignity and unchanged conviction, competitively among those who, physically and rhetorically, were the greatest threat to his own being and philosophy or to the survival of their very selves. In essence, leadership to Whitney was equivalent with statesmanship-not with politicmanship. And Whitney was a statesman — the greatest Ambassador to all the racial warring camps of our times. He believed that a "statesman saw the next generation and a politician saw only the next election." He also believed that courage was not necessarily present in those who chose to attack their friends but mainly in those who stood firm in their resolve and marched straight to the front in the camp or face of the enemy. Whitney's favorite tactic, be it with black, brown, or white, was to tell it like it is but only in order to achieve a major result — for words without action and complaints without suggestion were not only alien to him, he considered such tactics suicidal. His favorite strategy was: to think his message through thoroughly and carefully, state it with candor and then send it straight to the top. Whitney also understood that the enemies of freedom in America feared the "rhetoric of violence' from non-white people more than they did the "fact of violence." He therefore knew that the aspirations of black people in America must be met with impunity, must be achieved without harm to themselves as a people. He also knew that in the process we as a people must not be consumed by a black activism, which, in the name of power would actually make us more powerless; which, advocated or enabled us to move from an age where we served as built-in-scapegoats for European castoffs to an age of uncritical service as scapegoats for castoff copying blacks. They would represent in Whitney's mind a journey from nowhere to the someplace. To Whitney then, the black account with America must be settled in such a way that the black masses are improved and black power is reinforced by the increased control of its resource actualities. He believed that anger, rage, suffering and militancy must somehow translate themselves into racial relevance, that enlightened black interest must be pursued in a way which offers programmatic alternatives, which uses black resources better, which creates a strategy or environment for human liberation world-wide around programs rather than philosophy, which improves understanding and communication between blacks, browns, reds, and yellows (Continued on page 41)
AND FAITH AT HIS COMMAND... A Mark for the Ages of Man (Continued from page 40) and which persuades those with real power in America that unless they share it, they will lose it. He believed that violence must be channeled into intellectual excellence as otherwise it is self destructive. Aggressiveness must assert itself in economic growth and control. Militancy must express itself in the successful fighting for political control. He felt that a people subjected most gravely to America's institutionalized violence and greed cannot in the act of over-coming it, become that which they struggled to escape. Whitney knew that bloody horror often transcended freedom's promise in America's past, precisely because its white immigrants sought to recreate in the new world the feudalism and despotism they left the old world to escape. And in attempting to build two certuries of good upon five overlapping centuries of bad, we have and are paying a a terrible price. In this, he agreed with Marcus Garvey that "There is no sense in hate;" "It only comes back to you; therefore, make your history so laudable, magnificent and untarnished, that another generation will not seek to repay your seeds for the sins inflicted upon their fathers. The bones of injustice have a peculiar way of rising from the tombs to plague and mock the iniquitous." Perhaps the most unique thing about Whitney is that he always placed personal ambition far below his job of winning a place in the American sun for black people. He turned down innumerable black "first," including corporate jobs paying fabulous salaries, and he refused Cabinet appointments from two Presidents, saying he felt he could be more effective as head of the National Urban League. And this totally unselfish man never turned down an opportunity without actively promoting other blacks to replace him. Another unique feature, one that will be sorely missed in the coming years, was his ability to strike roots with angry militants. Ghetto-based militants trooped in and out of his office and he made the business and foundation connections that kept many such groups alive. For he knew that there is no single path, no one right way. He recognized the need for the struggle to be carried on by many groups using a variety of methods. President Nixon, in his eulogy, put his finger on some basic attributes of this great Alpha brother-this great historic figure. "He was not a patient man," said the President, "but he understood the uses of patience. And he was not a moderate man in terms of his goals, but he knew the uses of moderation in achieving those goals . . .Whitney Young will be remembered as a doer, not a talker." Yet, we of Alpha Phi Alpha will also remember Whitney as the epitome of the Alpha spirit â€” a treasured example of all that our great brothers have lived for and died for â€” from Brother Frederick Douglass to brother Martin Luther King Jr., from brother W.E.B. Dubois to bother Charles H. Houston, from brother Eugene Kinckle Jones to brother Lester Granger, now retired. Whitney's "manly deeds" took him from the rural reaches of the Mid-South to the councils of three U.S. Presidents, Religious leaders and innumerable Corporate Giants. His
"scholarship" took him from the humble circumstances of Kentucky State to the forefront of world thought and opinion on Civil, Human and Social Rights and his "love of all mankind" has taken him from the boundaries of his earthly form into the spirit and legacy of the times to come. Yet his legacy to us all will be-as he would have wanted it to be-not sympathy for his death but action for those still living-not tributes to the past but deeds for the presentfuture. Whitney would not want us to take any satisfaction in all the great eulogies for him when the justice long sought by his people in his country and around the world is still tragically, only a dream. His last written wish confirmed this. "Don't send flowers" he wrote in a personal note for his treasured wife Margaret, send contributions to the Urban League." Thus the legacy and times of Brother Whitney Moore Young, Jr. did not die near the ides of March 71, it was rejuvenated and then reborn. We laid to rest his dirt-bound shell but the spirit of Whitney is alive and well and nis movement is marching on!
Brother Sims and Young in a planning
Perhaps that living legacy to Whitney's spirit was best expressed through the Black Coalition of Waterbury, Connecticut, when they challenged me in their tribute to Brother Young on March 23, 1971. First, we think you should tell the politicians, that kind words for the dead are not enough, and that verbal commitment to black dreams is not enough; and that a wrath on the grave of a dead black man is not the same as a loaf of bread on the table of his live brother. We don't need the white man to teach us how to grieve for our dead. We have had planty of practice. Second, we think you ought to make it clear to the black community that the struggle has not been won just because the President comes to our funerals. When he comes to our birth, to our weddings, to our graduations. When he starts to share our life, not just our death, then we may be able to say things are changing. Whitney would have accepted this challenge for it is the core of the open society he fought so valiantly to achieve. In his spirit, we accept it as the only fitting tribute to his memory. His legacy is our deeds. His times are our future. Quo Vadis, America? Which Way?
THERE GOES THE BEST MAN IN AND OUT...
THE W H I T N E Y I K N E W By Brother Dunbar S. McLaurin, Ph.D. "He burned his candle at both ends, It did not last all night. But oh, my brothers, and ah, my friends, It gave a wondrous light!" The Whitney I knew, gave a light wherever he went. A big, strapping, jovial, good-looking man, he was inevitably the center of attention by sight. But it was the magnetism of his personality which drew you to him.
Brother and Mrs. Young pose with Brother
The world has lost a leader, the Blacks and oppressed have lost a champion, the Alphas have lost a brother. But I have lost a friend. For oddly enough, I knew Whitney best as a personal friend. My acquaintance with him was not nearly as long as that of many of his college mates and other friends. My relationship with him cannot have been as deep or as intimate as others. But I knew him best as a relaxed friend, simply discussing trivial matters, joking, enjoying himself, and forgetting that he was "Whitney Young." There was no particular reason for our close friendship, other than a mutual respect for each other's brains, and what we were trying to do. That was how it started. But it grew into more of a personal relationship. One of the earliest times I remember, was in the midst of my deep thoughts about attempting to organize Freedom National Bank of New York, now the largest Black bank in the United States. It was one of those dark days, in which I began to believe like almost everyone else, that I was crazy to think that a group of Blacks, none of whom was a millianaire, could actually organize and go after a charter. There were serious doubts even among my co-organizers, and it was after one of the many "explanatory meetings," at which the other organizers listened, but refused to sign their names at that time to the application, which required a minimum of five signatures. The founders whom I had selected were well recognized men, brilliant, and known in their fields. And they had serious doubts at first about putting their names to such a venture. It was one one of these dark days, that I called Whit on the phone, told him I wanted to talk with him about a prob-
lem, and asked when could we get together. It was a Sunday morning, and he said something to the effect that he was going out to pick up the paper or mail a letter, and he would drop by my house in Mount Vernon, which was relatively near his home in New Rochelle. As we sat in my backyard on a sunny day, I drew great strength from this man, whom even then I had known only a relatively short while. Without his encouragement then, and later, as well as his wise counsel, I am quite certain I would have given up. I remember we were sipping ice tea, and as he had some difficulty getting out of the chair, I said, "Whit you're getting fat," you'd better get rid of that weight." Like all of us who are overweight, he made the usual promises that he was going to start doing something about it. Few people realized that without the encouragement. privately and quietly given by Whitney, I could not have gone on, and that particular bank would not be in existence (although I am certain that someone would have organized another one later). That was in the summer of 1963. One of the last promises made to me by Whit was that he would lend the full weight of the Urban League and do all he could to help me with the success of the new Universal National Bank of New York, for which I was recently able to get approval, and which would be the second Black controlled bank in New York. The other promise that Whit made to me, was more of a "threat" than a promise. The threat was that all sorts of dire things would happen to me if he were not "invited" again this year to my birthday party. On April 6th of last year my wife had a small gathering of friends. When I told him of our plans a few weeks earlier, he took out his date book, marked the date down, and said it would be a great relief, "to eat without having to make a speech!" When Whit and his charming, pixyish wife Margaret arrived, and he looked around and saw so many of his old friends from Kentucky, Atlanta, and other places, including Brother Raymond Scruggs, the Harvey Russells, Ursa and Ted Poston, and many other "just friends," I could see the big man physically relax. Towards the end of the evening, as he was eating buffet-style off a piano stool with my wife Liz (who was even then giving him hell for working so hard), I knew that he was enjoying himself. There was no pomposity about him. He was just Whitney with his friends, and he sought no special attention, nor was he given any. Although we had more than our share of Alphas, he got on quite well even with the Q's and Kappas! The next time I saw Whit in a small, relaxed situation, was when Brother and Mrs. Phil Beach and my wife and I gave a small bon voyage reception for (Brother, if he is a Brother, Herbert) the Ambassador to Liberia, Sam and Helene Westerfield, just before they left. Again, Whit was his usual relaxed self, enjoyed himself, and was simply "one of the gang." I got the impression that he enjoyed these sessions, where he was "nobody special" but (Continued on page 43)
FOR WHITNEY WAS AN ALPHA MAN THE WHITNEY I KNEW (Continued from page 42) was simply allowed to relax and enjoy himself with his friends of long standing. But I was not prepared, when Margaret remarked to the effect that "Do you know that within the past six months Whit and I have had only 3 free Sundays together on non-official occasions, and we have spent 2 of them with you all?" It is a measure of the grace and gentility of this beautiful person and Alpha wife, that her only thought was for the relaxation of Brother Young.
Time out for the repast . . .
Marg, Mac and Liz
I could go on with other anecdotes .including the time when he spoke at the American Bankers' Association, and I briefed him that Roy Innis had just demanded $6 billion of the bankers as "restitution" a la James Foreman's demands of the churches; and that the bankers were "shook-up", and he should be warned that he might not get such a good reception from the Blacks, but certainly would get a good reaction from the whites. Whit was seated on the dais. He whipped out his pencil and said, "How much did you say Roy asked them for?" I said "$6 billion and not $6 million." Without a flicker of an eyelash, Whit quickly wrote the figure down, and said to me, "I'm sure glad you told me that, because I'm going to tell these bankers that Roy Innis was a piker!" And from the official transcript of the conference, this is exactly what Whitney said: ". . . The total cost of what I want to propose to you as a way of a challenge makes Roy Innis look like a pennypiker. and 1 suppose the word is no longer chicken feed but mickey mouse programs. $6 billion is not about the amount that is necessary for you to do the kind of job that needs to be done, and I think Roy shows great restraint when he just talks in terms of $6 billion." This was the great moderate speaking. This was the man whose name was intentionally mispronounced by so-called militants as "Whitey." This was a man the breadth of whose ability spread not only to encompass and support militants like Roy Innis, but to enhance them. No one could call Whitney Young an Uncle Tom. I remember him therefore, gently, in personal situations as a friend. I also remember
him as a hard negotiator, and as a man who could bring differing elements together and bind them and make them work together. One of the most recent incidents was a follow-up of the Bankers' Conference on Urban Problems. Whitney called me in for the special assignment of going to Honolulu where the American Bankers' Association was having its coference, and where Roy Innis had threatened, and did raise hell. I was sent as an "observer" for the National Urban League. And although my mission had nothing to do with Roy Innis and CORE, Whitney smiled broadly when I made my report, and understood clearly that "Everytime Roy Innis and the militants raise hell, it means that the white structure comes running to me and I can provide another 10,000 jobs for Black people." Yet he never sought to take advantage of the militants, but rather to support them and to interpret them to the white power structure. Whitney had the unusual and unique ability to translate the frustrations of the militants into language that the white structure could understand. (Continued on page 44)
Whitney and Liz (Mrs.
THE WHITNEY I KNEW (Continued from page 43)
TO BE EQUAL By Brother Whitney M. Young, Jr. "As Americans find ourselves challenged and on trial," says Brother Whitney M. Young, Jr. in this eloquent and forceful book "To Be Equal" on the problems we face in the cities. "All the freedoms that have been written into the Bill of Rights, all the freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution and all of the slogans we toss around, all have life and meaning in our society and must be honored. Or we must frankly admit that America is not really guided by idealogical concepts in practice. The unhealthy gap between what we preach in America, and what we often practice creates a moral dry rot that eats at the foundation of our democratic ideals and values."
Caught by Surprise!
Few people know that among his long range plans was the bringing together of all of the national organizations involved in "economic development," whatever their range of their militancy, into a coalition which could form a nationwide program of "economic development" for Blacks the nation over. I was privileged to have helped to organize several of the planning sessions, in which Roy Innis and other militants were to be equal partners. Many people likewise do not know the closeness of the ties between himself and Imamu Baraka (Leroi Jones, the poet) in Newark, and were surprised to find Baraka as one of the honorary pallbearers. And yet, Whitney Young was able to walk among the kings of the finance world as well as of the political world. I remember that we were on a taping session for a television program, of which he was co-chairman. He asked me to sit next to him, because he had to leave early and he wanted me to come with him. "I've got somebody I want you to meet." We drove from the studio to his office, with just the normal chit-chat. You can imagine my surprise when we walked into his office, and there waiting for him was a big hulk of a man. "Henry," he said, "I want you to meet one of our nation's top economists, Black or White, and the guy who is always giving our other top economist Andy Brimmer of the Federal Reserve Board, hell. This is Dunbar McLaurin, Ph.D. and a whole lot of other degrees." The "Henry," he so casually introduced me to, was Henry Ford. I am sure there are hundreds, or even thousands of fraternity Brothers and others who could cite equal incidents and anecdotes about their own relationships with Whitney. Brother Young was a unique man. He had the ability to mix with any group, and to make you feel at home. I have sat with him privately, at small social receptions, at formal and large banquets, and I have seen him perform eloquently before such staid groups as the Bankers' Association, to sharing the meeting and soothing the group of young student militants who marched in to "take over" the 1969 National Convention at Washington.
With hard hitting, uncompromising realism, Brother Young proposed this country's first and most comprehensive program of special effort, in employment, education, housing, welfare and leadership, offering practical alternatives to a situation of continuous racial conflict. His theme is what is imperative in the United States today is not merely the elimination of injustices and inequities, but a special effort on the part of the entire white and Black population to help Blacks overcome the discrimination gap which results from 300 years of deprivation. Mr. Young contends that the gap must be closed now, and closed by intensive efforts on the part of our more favored people. Black equality will benefit all citizens, providing new markets for business, a new supply of manpower for industry, a decreasing need for welfare funds and accordingly, lower taxes for all Americans. Among the topics he discussed were hard core unemployment and ways and means of combating through education and retraining. He talks about the necessity of giving Black people political power, and more responsibility in educational and business positions. The inevitable Black breakthrough must not force inexperienced and untrained people into positions where they cannot function effectively. He proposes a massive Marshall Plan, that will reverse the economic and social deterioration of urban families and communities and that will help develop the tools and understanding that will prevent such deterioration in the future. In TO BE EQUAL, Brother Whitney M. Young made one of the most comprehensive statements of the whole civil rights movement. It was an urgent statement and a major contribution to understanding the disaster that threatens us today.
It has been a privilege for me to reminisce about this Brother with other Brothers in the fraternity, many of whom were much closer to him than I, and who shared his greatness much longer than I was privileged to do so. But I have loÂŤt a friend, and although he burned his candle at both ends, I am proud to say that I was privileged to be guided even for a short period, by its "wondrous light."
ALONG THE WAY WJ*i f^J
BLACK AMERICA M
^ ^ J
By ROY WD KINS Executive Director, NAACP
Negro America's favorite topic of discussion, Negro leadership, blossomed anew after the death of Whitney M. Young Jr. Most black groups in the United States don't need a death to start them debating their pet subject. They have been at it since 1619 when they argued whether to follow the black suicides who preferred death to slavery, or the few strong ones who took over a ship and sailed it away to freedom, or the thoughtful ones who bided their time and made plans for freedom. "Negro leaders" have been the whipping boys of the whole race. All have had divisions and no one method and no one man have had the elusive unity that some appear to think desirable. One thing is for sure: the day of the one leader for what is now 22 million people is definitely over. The last "Negro leader" was Booker T. Washington and he died in 1915. Even so, he did not lead the growing DuBois wing which went off and first formed the all-black Niagara Movement in 1905 and later merged it with the mixed NAACP in 1909. The National Urban League, of which Whitney Young was the executive director, was organized in 1910 for the purpose of aiding Negro Americans in the cities. It was active in employment, housing, health and public education. Its well baby clinics, for example, were an effective part of its national program. However, good jobs and promotions on the job were essential to urban life. This sent the League program into unrelenting pressure for more and better jobs for black workers. Whitney Young was a supersalesman of this idea. Because of tax problems with his organization's income, he had to pass up active and continuous lobbying for legislation. But there was no law against selling big employers a policy of equality of opportunity in employment. Whitney Young was a master at this endeavor. Others had done it before, but he ranged the nation and the world with his story. In corporation board rooms, in paneled and carpeted offices, in seaside and mountain resorts, here and abroad, in conferences with political leaders and in campus and community forums he persuasively pressed his points. He got not only jobs for his people, but changes in public opinion. Not in one Basket No people in a minority status in a country can afford to place all its eggs in one basket. Just as we threw out the "one leader" idea fifty-odd years ago, so today we should throw out the idea of following one philosophy, tossing all others into outer darkness. We can disagree as bitterly as Marcus Garvey disagreed with the followers of DuBois. Or as some of 1970's black
young people disagree with what they call "Uncle Toms," judging the older ones by the conditions of 1971 rather than by those of the years of their time. But on the basic goals of free men there ought to be agreement. There ought to be, as far as is possible, general agreement on effective methods, given the availability and the opportunity to exercise power in the Seventies. Young's untimely death reminds us that black America needs every skill of leadership on every level if it is to forge ahead. The alternatives are division and strife and a halt to progress —• very much like the old story of the crabs in a basket who were barred from freedom by the clawing of their fellow crabs.
Goodbye Leader, Goodbye Friend (Continued from page 36) Moreover, the National Urban League Conference has been a larger and larger assembly where the people, Government and Business and Industry had a forum to at least keep the dialogue going, and make promises into reality, despair into hope, and the exposure of the positive side of what is good about America, and what is being done to make it better. The National Urban League 1971 Conference will be held July 25-28 in Detroit, Michigan, where Conference Sessions and Exhibits will be in Detroit's Convention Center, Cobo Hall. For information on the Conference and Exhibits, write Conferences Division, National Urban League, 55 East 52nd Street, New York, New York 10022, or call, 212—751-0300. Working together can make this a better land, a better world for all. This is what Whitney Young wanted and we can commit ourselves to this goal. Helping to keep the National Urban League a viable, interracial organization is a tangible way. On March 11, 1971, we at D. Parke Gibson Associates lost a leader and a friend. Goodbye Leader, Goodbye Friend. WHITE HOUSE CONFERENCE . . . from page 26 YOUNG: I think this was the first time I asked him to call the meeting. So I don't know whether he would have done it a year ago, if I had called it or not. I don't have any test. I thought the emergency was such, the crisis was serious enough that it warrented this. And I have known the President for some time. He commented this morning that he had come by my offices and he told every Cabinet member, the next time they are in New York to go visit the Urban League offices so they could get a first-hand look at the quality of this mechanism. He talked about how we got together right after the election. So I requested it. He may have done it if I had asked last year. I don't know, But certainly it indicates he is concerned and the concern of the Cabinet members. THE PRESS: Thank you, Mr. Young.
BEYOND RACISM By Whitney M. Young, Jr.
The Loss Of \ Leader Bayard Rustin There is little that can be said about Whitney Young that has not already been said by the countless Americans of every race and creed who were his admirers. His loss grieves us immeasurably. Its suddenness startles us. His death created a sense of disorientation, an immediate need to make an adjustment to a new situation. Only the loss of someone who is important to us, who plays a vital role in our lives, can arouse these emotions. Whitney Young was important to us. He came to prominence during the brightest and most successful years of the civil rights movement. In the ten years that he was the Executive Director of the National Urban League, he brought the organization into the vanguard of the struggle for civil rights. He was an activist in the very best sense of the word. I worked closely with him during the organization of the March on Washington. He attended every meeting, gave unsparingly of his time and energy, and brought the full resources of his organization into the struggle for jobs and freedom. He did more than work on demonstrations. He understood the nature of power in American society, and also the process by which social change must be brought about. He pressed the fight in Washington for civil rights legislation and for laws that would improve the economic condition of Black Americans. Of equal importance was his unique talent for dealing with the white power structure without losing touch with the grass-roots movements in the Black community. At times he was attacked by people who did not understand the necessity for working on so many different fronts, but he weathered these attacks and continued to build the Urban League into an immensely influential and effective organization. Whitney Young was a public figure, an important leader. To appraise him, therefore, is to appraise the philosophy and ideals which he stood for. We are familiar with these ideals. Martin Luther King stood for them, and so do the overwhelming majority of Blacks who are fighting for equality. Among these ideals are the belief in a single society in which Black and White can live at peace with each other. Among them also is a commitment to the idea that social change can only come about democratically and nonviolently. There were some points at which Whitney Young and I disagreed over specific tactics and strategies. That is only normal. But there was complete and total agreement on the fundamentals of integration, democracy, and nonviolence, and it is the fundamental philosophy of a social movement which ultimately determines its character and fate. Whitney Young's loss comes at a time then his voice is more needed than ever. He profoundly believed in unity within the Black community and in racial reconciliation
In this trenchant and hard-hitting book, Whitney M. Young, Jr. stripped away the myths and misunderstandings that cloud our view of America's racial problems, and provides a program of action that would enable America to move beyond racism to an open society of justice and equality. "White racism is a disease that is tearing America apart," decried Brother Young, "and we have to study it and seek a cure for it, just as we do research on other diseases that kill." Whitney Young had the cure, as he clearly and succinctly explained what government and the private sector must, do to solve the racial crisis. He also pointed out the important role the individual can play in building an open society. Brother Young introduced his subject by stating the dimension of the American crisis, and in a persuasive argument; proves that the very existence of democracy and the future are in question. He went on to portray the effects of white racism on Black minorities, documenting the damage done to millions of people. But he also discussed the strengths within the Black community â€” strengths that centuries of struggling for survival have bred, and must now be recognized as a basis for change. He analyzed white America and proves how white racism has caused today's crisis, by examining each major institution, and revealing how they have fostered Black inequity through racist action. Brother Young called for an open society and presents concrete proposals and programs for action at local, state and national levels. And he closed his book with a compelling discussion pinpointing what every American can do, white or Black, to cure for all time the racist disease that is the weapon that is killing the American dream of freedom, justice and full equality for all.
within the society at large. He was extraordinarily skilled at bringing people together, at trying to find some way to resolve differences. At a time when sharp divisions persist within the Black community, his loss will be felt most deeply. He looked for common denominators among different groups of Blacks in the hope of welding together a sense of common purpose. We must continue to strive for this goal, even though the task is now made more difficult than ever by Whitney Young's death. He also tried to bring together Blacks and Whites. This remains the most pressing challenge facing the society, and again, it will be a challenge that is so much harder to meet because one of the most articulate voices calling for racial justice and racial peace is now silent. Whitney Young had the rare qualities of perserverance and total dedication. He knew that society could not be transformed overnight, that the struggle for justice is a long struggle â€” longer than a lifetime. He geared himself for the long fight and now, through some quirk of fate, his life has been cut short. The loss is ours. The grief is ours. And ours, also, must be the commitment to carry on the struggle and see it through to a successful conclusion.
TRIBUTES TO WHITNEY YOUNG, JR. Davis, Kidd of Kentucky
Oklahoma Rep. Atkins Bill
Read Young Resolution
Honors Whitney Young
The Kentucky State Legislature last Friday paid special tribute to Dr. Whitney Young Jr., in the House and the Senate through adoption of a resolution drafted by State Senator Georgia M. Davis and State Representative Mae Street Kidd of Louisville.
Rep. Hannah Atkins' resolution honoring the late Whitney Young passed the House of Representatives unanimously. The resolution as introduced: A resolution expressing the sense of loss and sorrow and the condolences of the Oklahoma Legislature on the occasion of the death of Whitney M. Young, Jr., executive director of the National Urban League and civil rights leader of world renown; and directing distribution. Co-authors of the bill were Rep. Ben Hill, Tulsa, and Rep. A. Visanio Johnson, Oklahoma City.
The Resolution was adopted unanimously by the General Assembly. The Resolution was presented to the assembly and read by Rep. Kidd:
Mrs. Carey B. Preston, Chicago Urban League Board President, Vice-President of Chicago's Board of Education, and AKA Executive, submitted this resoultion.
A man has and spoke for for his time. dedication to his people as
died who was of his time his time and lived in and He did all of this with his people, but he saw everyman.
He had the wisdom to see that hate brings a reaction of hate and rights are only won through the militancy inherent in the political process. His perspective was broad and his understanding of the Democratic process was deep. He was an articulate man- who expressed his sentiments in prose which was simple to read and a thing of beauty to hear. His life was given to the cause that all men are created equal and entitled by the Constitution to the opportunities of fulfilling their fate with dignity and respect. He was a man who in his time was praised and damned and accepted—each with equanimity. He realized that ;io man can seek justice for everyman without incurring the enmity of those who seek justice only for themselves. He had confidence in himself that his life was dedicated to truth and he had the humility to concede that there were others who saw truth in a different way. He continuously sought for reconciliation of truths.
"Mr. Speaker, ladies and gentlemen of this great assembly, Whereas on yesterday across this nation, and around the world, a message flashed. A message that saddened the hearts of all fellowman — the untimely death of a comparatively young man. A native son of Kentucky, Whitney M. Young Jr. was born just 28 miles from the state capital, at Lincoln Ridge. "Whitney M. Young Jr. was executive director of the National Urban League and was dedicated to the cause of seeing that his brothers had an equal opportunity in gaining employment. For if a man has employment all other things come about. "At the time of his death he was on a mission- in Nigeria for the Ford Foundation in the interest of AfricanAmerican dialogues. Whitney served his country in World War 11 and attained many accomplishments in his short-lived life. The state of Kentucky, the nation, and the world have lost a great champion for mankind. "We mourn his passing and ask that with the adjournment of this General Assembly, we do so in his memory by adopting this resolution."
Whitney Young was a man who was my friend and I mourn him — he was a man for all of us who serve others — and so I ask that you include this tribute in our Board proceedings. Respectfully submitted, Mrs. Carey B. Preston Vice President Board of Education City of Chicago
Whereas, the Legislature of the State of Oklahoma, along with the rest of the world and the nation, notes the untimely demise in a foreign land of Whitney M. Young, Jr., Executive Director of the National Urban League; and Whereas, the said Whitney M. Youn-g, Jr., was at the time of his demise on a mission related to his vigorous and ceaseless efforts to aid the black citizens of this nation in achieving their rightful party of status and parity of opportunity to participate in the political and economic life of America: and Whereas, the said Whitney M. Young, Jr., will be long remembered and venerated for his personal accomplishments as a writer, teacher and civil rights leader of world renown, and even more will be remembered for the personal leadership qualities he brought to his post with the National Urban League and which enabled the said League and its affiliated state leagues, including the Oklahoma Urban League, to score effective gains in the long and yet unended struggle for human rights; and Whereas, lastly but perhaps most significantly, the voice of the said Whitney M. Young, Jr., will no longer be heard in council with our President and other national leaders, both black and white, who listened and heeded because his was a voice of reason and not radicalism, a voice vigorous but not violent, and a voice dedicated to dealing with present commitments rather than future promises or past grievances.
COUNCIL ON POVERTY MEMORIAL ON YOUNG The following memorial to Whitney M. Young Jr. was offered by David J. Billings III, chairman of the Council Against Poverty at its Bi-Monthly Meeting held on March 11 at 51 Chambers St., New York, N.Y. "Ladies and Gentlemen: "Sometime before noon today this nation received a shock that was felt around the world. Whitney M. Young Jr., one of the great men of our time, died of a heart attack in Nigeria, West Africa, where he had gone many times before, trying to bring peace to a troubled world, trying to bring development to undeveloped lands, trying to bring order out of chaos, and trying to interpret the needs of the poor to those with plenty. "We all know that his organization, the National Urban League for which he served as Executive Director for the short space of only 10 years, reached unprecedented heights in its relationship with government and industry under his leadership. "At no time in the annals of the American economy, had this nation become so aware of its responsibilities to the poor as it did during the short space of time he headed the organization. "The Urban League under his supervision became the model of manpower training programs. Job opportunities became available for people who had never before known the privilege of decent employment at decent pay. "Integration into the top echelon of American business establishments became the order of the day for Black people, and indeed the advice and admonishments which he leveled at the power structure, though sometimes blunt and direct, was eagerly sought by many who only a short time before had conformed to the discriminatory unwritten laws of our so-called democratic employment policies. "His advocacy of 'preferential treatment' for Blacks on all levels of social activity including education, job placement, housing and qualifications for employment, which was considered revolutionary and ill-advised when first suggested, later became highly acceptable and approved by its former critics. "Foundations poured money into the League as Whitney Young taunted the consciousness of the lily-white industrial establishments, many of them trying desperately through contributions to his organization, to 'right' the 'wrongs'; of generations before while militant young Blacks stormed the citadels of racism. And Whitney Young was the only man who understood what both sides were saying. He was the antidote to fear that gripped American business, a Black Knight in Armor riding headlong into the American myth of democracy, ripping it apart at the seams and telling it off, long and loud, for all the world to hear. "In a quiet voice, sometimes dripping with satire, but more often with sarcasm and scorn, he rediculed a system
Mrs. Young Receives Honorary Degree for Her Husband
The follow institutions to Brother Young:
awarded Honorary degrees
Columbia University, University of Michigan, University of Denver, Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion, Northwestern University, Muskingum College, Bowdoin College, Bradley University, and Atlanta University.
that demeaned human beings . . . that took from them their pride, their manhood and their dignity. "Now . . . he's gone. This council mourns his loss, because he was our brother in battle. We were in the fight together. All the things he fought for we must now continue to fight for. All the wrongs he tried to correct must continue to be our target and we must maintain a daily vigil until the battle is won. This is the way this quiet and wonderful man would have wanted it. "We mourn with his family and close friends, and we share with them the terrible grief which they are undergoing at this time. "And so to Whitney M. Young Jr. whose voice was often heard in the Halls of Congress, who dined with the President of the United States and President of billion dollar corporations, who walked with the mighty but felt at home with the weak and poor, who understood the language of the ghetto and exchanged ideas with the militants, who was down to earth as any man, and yet found pleasure in the company of the great, we say Peace Brother. Peace be unto you, may God receive your soul." (At this point all Council Members were asked to stand and offer a minute of silent prayer for his soul). (A copy of this Memorial Resolution to be sent to his family).
BROTHERS OF ALPHA AT THEHELM . . . NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE
Jewel Eugene K. Jones
Brother George Edmund Haynes
Brother Harold Rudolph Sims Appointed Acting Executive Director National Urban teague Brother HAROLD R. SIMS was born on July 25, 1935, in Memphis, Tennessee. He graduated from Southern University with a B.A. in Political Science in- 1957, and pursued graduate study at John Hopkins University from 1961 to 1962, in Political Science. Following this, he was an exchange student at the University of Poona, in Poona, India, studying International Relations and won an Asian Lecturer and Fellow for the International Committee of the U.S. National Student Association. In 1968, Brother Sims received his Master's Degree from George Washington University in Government and Public Administration. During 1969, he attended Yale University, where he received a certificate as an Urban Fellow. He has been awarded many certificates and diplomas during his military service in the U.S. Army (1957-1967), where he attained the rank of Major. Brother Sims was the first Black officer to be assigned as Secretary to the General Staff. Brother Sims' honors, awards and decorations include: Cum Laude from Southern University, 1957; "Who's Who in American Colleges and Universities," 1956; WUS Scholarship to India, 1956. Brother Sims currently holds offices and memberships in many national organizations and associations. Among these are: American Society of Public Administration; Society for Personnel Administration Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity; American Academy of Political and Social Science; American Society of African Culture; and National Advisory Committee, Citizens for Justice with Order. He has also served on several national and regional commissions. Brother Sims is the author of several articles and publications written about the military and about Black experiences
Brother Lester B. Granger
in America. Prior to joining the Urban League, he was Executive Secretary, Office of Economic Opportunity, Washington, D.C., from 1967 to 1969. In December, 1969, Brother Sims toured Vietnam, as a follow-up of two previous trips taken by Brother Whitney M. Young, Executive Director of the National Urban League, to serve two purposes: The first was an attempt to study race relations â€” the Black man in the military. Secondly, to promote a major program aimed at encouraging Black Military personnel to take advantage of G.I. Benefits after discharge, to help further their education. Brother Sims is married to the former Joyce Lana Taylor and currently resides in Bayside, New York.
EXCERPTS (Continued from page 7)
W E L F A R E
"It is unconscionable that in so rich a country, only the rich can afford the quality medical care for which this country is justly proud. Because of the hard-working occupations in which blackmen predominate and the lack of adequate medical care, both before and after birth, the average black man cannot expect to live long enough to collect his social security benefits. Although he is more likely than the white man to pay social security taxes on all of his income, since he usually earns less than $7,800, his life expectancy is only 61 years, less than the 65 years at which he can begin collecting monthly social security checks. "If a man cannot expect to live long enough to collect social security benefits, he certainly should be entitled to an adequate wage and standard of living before death." â€”Citizens Congressional Hearings, May 14, 1970. O C I E T Y
SEND YOUR CONTRIBUTION The National Urban League announced the formation of a Whitney M. Young, Jr., Memorial Fund, to provide a channel for persons desiring to honor Brother Young's memory and his life's work. This special Fund has been created at the request of Brother Young's family, who had earlier urged that contributions be sent to the Urban League in lieu of flowers or other rememberances, in keeping with Mr. Young's own written instructions. Contributions to the Whitney M. Young, Jr., Memorial Fund will be used to support the programs and work initiated by Brother Young through the Urban League. This Fund is the only memorial vehicle authorized by Brother Young's family and by the Urban League. Brothers, organizations and individuals who desire to appropriately honor Brother Young's memory are urged to either contribute directly to their local Urban Leagues in Brother Young's name, or to send their contributions to: The Whitney M. Young, Jr., Memorial Fund
THE NATIONAL URBAN LEAGUE, INC. lies not in a narrow separatism ssimilationism, but in an Open nutual respect and cooperation, ;iousness and pride. which we must strive is a sove their fair share of the power, f the total society. It is a society )tions to live in a black neighrated one; in which blacks have g their lives to the same degree society based on mutual respect isn't a reason in the world why less. The struggle may be long thwhile has ever been achieved Magazine, June 5, 1970.
POWER be seen, however, in its most tion of domination, or violence, or a call for exclusion, than it is a rejection of the results of white power over black people and their communities. Without exception one can document easily the negative consequences of white domination . . . educationally, in housing, economically, and socially. Black Power is a cry for dignity! It's a plea for recognition . . . that I'm somebody! That I have roots and pride. That I have rights! That I insist upon the opportunity to participate in my destiny, and the destiny of my children . . . and that I want a piece of the action! If I'm going to suffer the responsibilities, the horrors, and the dangers of this country, then I insist on enjoying some of the rewards." â€”National Conference on Social Welfare, May 31, 1968.
55 East 52nd Street New York, New York 10022 In keeping with the impact Brother Young made on people from all walks of life, special memorial contributions have been received by the Urban League from major corporations, memorial services, church collections and small sums from individuals and poor people to whom Brother Young devoted his life. Typical of the great outpouring of grass-roots support was a letter from a sixth-grade class of a public school in New York's Chinatown, which enclosed a check for $11 "in memory of the late Whitney M. Young, Jr., to continue the work of the Urban League." In a letter to Mrs. Young, accompanynig his company's memorial contribution to the National Urban League, Donald M. Kendall, President of Pepsico, Inc., wrote: "The total of this check represents double the contribution made by Pepsico, Inc., last year. We only hope that many of Whitney's friends, and other corporations, will follow suit." Brother Harold R. Sims, Acting Executive Director of the National Urban League, stated that the "the monies already received from concerned individuals in the past weeks honoring Mr. Young, will be placed in this special Memorial Fund. This money will be used to support those vitally important projects that were closest to his heart, and to enable the Urban League to carry on his important work." "I call on all Americans who desire to demonstrate their respect and appreciation for Whitney Young," he added, "to avail themselves of this opportunity to express their support for his goals. This Memorial Fund will serve as an appropriate vehicle for continuing Mr. Young's lifework of providing a voice for the voiceless, hope for the hopeless and power for the powerless."
Dr. Wade Takes Over \ASVV for Brother Whitney i\l. Young, Jr. NEW YORK — The National Association of Social Workers announced that Dr. Alan Wade, Dean of the School of Social Work, Sacramento State College, Calif, has succeeded the late Whitney M. Young Jr. as president of the 52,000-member organization. Dr. Wade called the 49-year-old civil rights leader's death, "tragic, a terrible loss for the social work profession and for the forces of racial and social peace in our nation. There is literally no one who can take his place as a builder of bridges between the factions that divide us." Young, executive director of the National Urban League, died while swimming off a beach in Lagos, Nigeria. He had been in Africa attending the third annual African-American Conference, sponsored by the Ford Foundation. In the official NASW announcement, Mr. Young was called a "special man." For years, he had served as a volunteer in many major social work organizations, including the presidency of the National Conference on Social Welfare and he was a member of the Board of the Council on Social Work Education. A social worker himself, he was a recipient of the master's degree in the field and a member o fthe NASW's Academy of Certified Social Workers. His term of office as NASW president was to have been completed on June 30 next. The NASW announcement — signed by NASW Executive Director, Chauncey A. Alexander — said of Mr. Young's death: "This is a great loss to the nation, NASW, the social welfare field, and black people of America for whom he labored throughout his life in their efforts toward freedom and social justice." Dr. Wade, a resident of Sacramento, is a charter member of NASW and has served in many important national offices and posts. Until his succession as president, he was first vice-president since 1969. From 1967 to 1969, he was a member of the NASW Division Cabinet of Social and Action, and from 1965 the 1967 chairman of the Chicago Area Chapter.
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CAREER HIGHLIGHTS (Continued from page 8) 1969 President Johnson awarded Brother Young the Medal of Freedom, the nation's highest civilian honor. Mr. Young published his second book, Beyond Racism, in 1969, and brought League support to the Poor People's Solidarity March on Washington. Brother Young also delivered to President Nixon on the day of his inauguration the League's Call to Action, a blueprint specifying what the Federal government should do to solve the urban-racial crisis.
6 5 t h ANNIVERSARY CONVENTION Tentative Program A l p h a Phi A l p h a Fraternity, Incorporated
July 30 • August 5, 1971
Theme: "Continuing To Eliminate the Ghettos in the Seventies" Pre-Convention Activities Friday, July 30, 1971 9:00 A.M. Registration and Information (Daily) Executive Press Office Convention Clerical Staff 10:00 A.M. Board of Directors Meeting Hospitality Centers Alpha Brothers Women Children Family Tours (See Schedule 1:00 P.M. Board of Directors Luncheon — Meeting Committee Meetings: Rules and Credentials Constitution and By-Laws Budget and Finance Election Commission Standard and Extension Committee on Publicitations Awards and Achievements Personnel 4:30 P.M. Building Foundation 6:00 P.M. Alpha Family Picnic Washington Park 10:00 P.M. Reception Saturday, July 31, 1971 9:00 A.M. Registration and
10:00 A.M. Committee Meetings Rules and Credentials Constitution and By-Laws Budget and Finance Election Commission Standards and Extension Publications Awards and Achievements Personnel
10:00 A.M. Children's Playtime Teens' Basketball Clinic 11:45 A.M.—KEYNOTE LUNCHEON Call to Order—Presentation . . . Brother Kermit J. Hall Convention Chairman Brother Hoyt H. Harper Invocation Greetings Bro. Carl Birks, President Delta Chi Lambda Brother Albert Thompson, President, Epsilon Tau INTRODUCTION O F G E N E R A L PRESIDENT Brother James R. Williams Midwestern Vice-President Response Brother Ernest N . Morial, General President 2:00 P.M.—FIRST BUSINESS SESSION . . Appointments (Reports from Board of Directors, Vice-Presidents, Assistant Vice-Presidents.) 2:00 P.M. Social Activities (Ladies and Children) Pre-teens Movies Teens Splash Party 4:30 P.M. Educational Foundation Meeting 7:00 P.M. Bait-A-Date Reception 10:00 P.M. Inter-Greek Dance Sunday, August 1, 1971 9:00 A.M. Registration and Information Golf Tournament (Playboy Golf Course, Lake Geneva, Wis.) (Bus Leaves Hotel at 7:00 A.M.) 9:30 A.M. Board of Directors, Standing Committee Chairman, Convention Committee Chairman 11:00 A.M. Ecumenical Church Service Brothers, Rev. Thomas W. S. Logan, Chaplain, Rev. C. A. Fisher, and Rev. Lee Benefee Other Church Services (See Directory) 1:00 P.M. Committee Meetings (Continued on page 53)
WE N E E D YOUR HELP! 65th Anniversary Convention Seminars — BROTHERS IN POLITICAL OFFICE, and POLITICS—BROTHERS IN AREAS O F EDUCATION, SOCIAL WELFARE, ECONOMICS and ENTREPRENEURSHIP. PANELIST, MODERATORS A N D RECORDERS If you can serve — immediately contact Brother Montague Oliver, 1111 East 19th Ave., Gary, Ind. 46407, Chairman of Seminars.
65th ANNIVERSARY CONVENTION (Continued from page 52) 3:30 P.M. Public Program (Bus Leaves Hotel at 3:00 P.M.) 8:00 P.M. ALPHA'S N I G H T AT T H E PLAYBOY CLUB, Lake Geneva, Wis. (Transportation Leaves Hotel at 8:00 P.M.) Fee Monday, August 2, 1971 8:00 A.M. Coffee Hour 9:00 A.M. Registration and Information 9:00 A.M. to 5:00 P.M. JOB INTERVIEW A N D RECRUITMENT (Daily) (Open to Public) 9:30 A.M. Education Workshop Administration Bldg. Milwaukee Public Schools 9:30 A.M. — S E C O N D BUSINESS SESSION Presiding Invocation Report of Officers: Executive Secretary Bro. Laurence T. Young General Treasurer Bro. Leven C. Weiss General Counsel Bro. Morris C. Hatchett Education Foundation Bro. T. D. Pawley, III Historian Bro. Charles H. Wesley Editor, The Sphinx Bro. J. Herbert King Nomination of Officers — (including General President) General President's Address . . . . Bro. Ernest N . Morial Alpha Hymn 10:00 A.M. Teens' Basketball Clinic** Pre-teens Playtime 11:45 A.M. EQUITABLE OPPORTUNITIES LUNCHEON Presiding Greetings Brother W. Decker Clarke Introductions Address Presentations Brother Ernest N. Morial Response 12:00 Noon LADIES' ACTIVITY 1:30 P.M. COMMITTEE MEETINGS JOB INTERVIEWS (Open to Delegates, guests and public) 6:00 P.M. COCKTAIL RECEPTION AND PROGRAM Milwaukee Art Museum 10:00 P.M. RECEPTION A N D ENTERTAINMENT (Free evening?) Tuesday, August 3, 1971 8:00 A.M. Life Members' Breakfast (Fee) Brother John D. Buckner, Presiding
8:30 A.M. Coffee Hour 9:00 A.M. Registration and Information 9:00 A.M. — T H I R D BUSINESS SESSION Presiding Committee Reports (Con't) Undergraduate Housing . . Bro. Wm. M. Alexander Personnel Bro. M. G. Ferguson Standards and Extension Bro. Publications Bro. Pan Hellenic Council . . . . Bro. Walter Washington Public Relations Bro. 10:00 A.M. MEMORIAL SERVICE Bro. Rev. Thomas W. S. Logan 10:30 A.M. PLENARY SESSION (Convention Theme) 10:30 A.M. Children's Activities 11:00 A.M. SEMINARS 11:30 A.M. LADIES LUNCHEON A N D FASHION SHOW 12:00 Noon FOUNDERS DAY LUNCHEON Presiding Invocation Brother Thomas W. S. Logan Convention Picture Founders' Address Awards Alpha Hymn (Continued on page 54)
SHERAT0N-SCHR0EDER HOTEL 53
65th ANNIVERSARY CONVENTION (Continued from page S3) 1:30 P.M. POLLS OPEN FOR VOTING 1:30 P.M. TIME A N D PLACE COMMITTEE (Special) 2:00 P.M. SEMINAR (Equitable Opportunities) 3:30 P.M. — F O U R T H BUSINESS SESSION Presiding Invocation Committee Reports Awards and Achievement Equal Employment Leadership Conference on Civil Rights 7:00 P.M. ALPHA N I G H T WITH THE BREWERS Milwaukee County Stadium (Fee includes transportation — Bus leaves Hotel at 7 P.M.) — Brewers vs 10:00 P.M. HOST CHAPTERS' DANCE (Semi-Formal) Wednesday, August 4, 1971
8:00 A.M. COLLEGE BROTHERS' BREAKFAST — (Fee) 9:00 A.M. Building Foundation Meeting (Application) Registration and Information 9:30 A.M. — F I F T H BUSINESS SESSION Presiding Invocation Committee Reports: Seminars and Recommendations Elections Commission Final Budge Report General Conventions and Time and Place Other Special Reports 10:00 A.M. Pre-teens, Teens, and Ladies Activities 12:00 Noon FRATERNAL LUNCHEON Presiding Invocation College Brothers' Address Fraternal Address 2:00 P.M. — F I N A L BUSINESS SESSION Presiding Committee Reports: Constitution and By-Laws Special Convention Reports Installation of Officers Closing Remarks Alpha Hymn and Prayer
6:00 P.M. Pre-teens and Teens Buffet Supper (to be followed by a Dance to 11 P.M.) 6:00 P.M. Alpha Formal Reception 7:30 P.M. Alpha Formal Banquet 9:30 P.M. After Dinner Dance Thursday, August 5, 1971 9:00 A.M. Board of Directors' Meeting 10:00 A.M. Building Foundation Meeting 12:00 Noon Education Foundation Meeting HOST COMMITTEE — CHAIRMEN AND OFFICERS Registration and Finance Brother Lionel L. James Public Program Brother Wm. E. Finlayson Publicity and Promotion Brothers Walter Jones, and Luther E. Golden Hospitality Brother L. B. Nutter Family Picnic Brother George Hughes Formal Reception and Banquet Bro. James Bell, and Peter C. Murrell Alpha-Bait-A-Date Brother Harold Maxwell, Larry Ray, and Arthur Sanders, III Entertainment Brother Etzer Chicaye Liaison — Women & Children Activity . Brother Carl Birks Inter-Greek Activity Brother Randle E. Pollard Playboy Club Night Bro. Ray Williams, and Myron Gibson Awards Brother Fred D. Bobo College Brothers' Entertainment Brother Ronald Oliver, and George Walker Golf Tournament Brother David E. Johnson Bowling Tournament Brother Horace Hobson Printing and Convention Signs Bro. Coleman O. Wells, and Monte F. Cahn Church Service Coordinators . Bro. Rev. C. A. Fisher, and Rev. Lee Benefee Educational Workshop Brother Job Interviews and Recruitment Brothers Curtiss Harris, Wesley L. Scott, Avery L. Goodwich Transportation Brother Jack Joyner HOST CHAPTERS: Delta Chi Lambda, and Epsilon Tau G E N E R A L PRESIDENT Brother Ernest N. Morial Executive Secretary Brother Laurence T. Young Convention Secretary Brother Joseph L. Grimes Convention Chairman Brother Hoyt H. Harper Parlimerrtarian Chaplain Brother Rev. Thomas W. S. Logan Sergeants-At-Arms Brothers Fred D. Atwater,, and Frank A. Dee Director of Conventions Brother Kermit J. Hall Jewel Brother Henry Arthur Callis
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ALPHA GROWS IN WISCONSIN 65th Anniversary Convention State
When Brother Hoyt H. Harper was appointed Regional Director of Wisconson in 1962 there was only one active chapter in the state, Delta Chi Lambda. The only other state chapter, Gamma Epsilon at the University of Wisconsin, had been inactive for two years. Gamma Epsilon was soon re-activated and Brother Harper, with able assistance from brothers of Delta Chi Lambda, set out to establish other chapters in the state. Epsilon Tau at the University of Wisconsin — Milwaukee was chartered in 1965; Zeta Iota at the Wisconsin State University — Whitewater in 1968; and Beta Eta at the Wisconsin State University—Platteville in 1969. An Alumni Chapter in Beloit and another college chapter at the Wisconsin State University — Oshkosh is pending. Delta Chi Lambda and Epsilon Tau Chapters are hosts for the 65th Anniversary Convention. Brother Harper is the Convention Chairman. Delta Chi Lambda The chapter is progressing under the leadership of Brother Carl Birks who is serving his second term as chapter president. While the chapter's major concern this year is the 65th Anniversary Convention, it continues to devote itself to its annual program of scholarship and service. The chapter usually begins it fiscal year in September with a reception tor returning college students. In October a smoker is held with Epsilon Tau for prospective members. Brother Coleman
O. Wells annually heads a committee that sponsors a scholarship dance in November. A Founders' Day Program is held in December, a special feature of which is the announcement of the "Milwaukee Man of the Year," the most recent recipient being Brother Fred D. Bobo who is presently in his 53rd year of Alphadom. In February a mid-winter social meeting was held with wives and sweethearts as guests. A gourmet delight of chitterlings and champagne are menu features. This year's meeting was held at the residence of Brother Earl V. Lucas in Brookfield, a fashionable Milwaukee suburb. In April or May apublic program on the annual education scholarship theme is presented. At this time our scholarship awards are announced. The annual Banquet-Dance is the social attraction of the year. Usually, the year's festivities are concluded with a family picnic in luly or early August. The contribution of Milwaukee brothers to Milwaukee community are numerous. Three brothers, Dr. William E. Finlayson, Attorney Roy Wilson, and Dr. Randle E. Pollard, are directors of the first black bank in the state, the North Milwaukee State Bank. Brother Finlayson and Brother Pollard, along with Brothers Drs. Fred Bobo, Charles Atkinson, and William Rose, have formed the Medical-Dental Group, Limited, a new medical service center. Brother Curtis Harris is the administrator of the Center. Apollo Village, housing project for middle and low-income families, was undertaken with the help of Brother Dr. Peter C. Murrell. Alpha brothers are prominent among the recent appointments of public school administrators. Of the six black principals in the Milwaukee Public Schools, two are Alpha men, Brothers lohn S. Davis and Avery L. Goodrich. Brothers George Hughes, Horace Hobson, Jack Gilmore, Marshall Bullock are assistant principals. Brother Lionel James was recently appointed Administrator, Milwaukee Boys' Club. "Mr. Insurance," Louis I. Flowers, continues to be an annual million dollars life-underwriter. Brothers V. E. Carter and Tyrone Carter attended the White House Conference on Children in December. Brothers Hoyt H. Harper and Dr. Arthur C. Sanders, Jr. are members of the Board of Direc-
Delta Chi Lambda's this year's Scholarship Awardees: Left to right: B. Williams, D. Kenner, L. James, B. Johnson, C. Lee and Brother Pollard.
Wendi Harper, University of WisconsinMilwaukee Freshman, an Alpha Angel.
tors of the newly formed Northside Counseling Service Center. The chapter is sparing no efforts to make the 65th Anniversary Convention a pleasurable adventure. Heading committees are: Brother L. B. Nutter, Hospitality; Brother George Hughes, family picnic; formal reception and banquet, Brothers Charles Malone, Peter C. Murrell; Bait-a-Date, Brothers Harold Maxwell and Larry Ray; entertainment, Brother Etzer Chicaye; Inter-Greek Activity, Brother Randle E. Pollard; Playboy Night, Raymond Williams; College Brothers' Entertainment, Brothers Ronald Oliver and George Walker; Golf Tournament, Brother David E. Johnson; Bowling Tournament, Brother Horace Hobson; Printing, Brothers Coleman O. Wells and Monte Chan; Church Service Coordinators Brothers Rev. C. A. Fisher and Rev. Lee Benefee; Educational Workshop, Brother William Pollard; Job Interviews and Recruitment, Brother Curtis E. Harris; Transportation, Brother Jack Joyner; Chairman of Ladies Activities, Mrs. Barbara Birks; and Chairman of Children's Activities, Mrs. Edith Finlayson.
Wisconsin — 65th Anniversary Convention State Zeta Iota Zeta Iota was chartered at the Wisconsin, State University — Whitewater April 22, 1968. The charter members (7) were: Alvin Hayes, Joseph Hill, Arthur Thomas, James McNeeley, Clayton Martin, Roderick Jones, and Paul Hereford. Since then twenty-two (22) brothers have been initiated. The chapter remains the only black fraternity on campus.
Brothers of Jeta lota Chapter, Wisconsin State University, Whitewater. Seated in front: Derek Surrat; left to right: Clifton Jones, Larry Simmons, Larry Ray, Robert Johnson, Lester Jones, Clayton Martin, Roderick Jones, Charles Robinson, John Spence.
Brothers of Eta Beta Chapter — Wisconsin State University, Platteville. Seated left to right: Brothers Robert Brooks, Paul Hall, Charles Grisham, Eddie Brooks. Back Row, left to right: Brothers Marshall Griffin, Willie Windom, William Hubbard, George Ballentine Andrew Hopgood, Regionald Jenkins.
Chapter members have distinguished themselves on the campus. Brother Clifton Jones serves as President of the Society for Afro-American Students; Brothers Lester Jones and Charles Robinson are outstanding members of the varsity football team; Brother Ronald Davis has been a student government representative; Brother Clarence Winston is a member of the track team; and Brother Larry Ray is well known to all black students as an assistant in the University's financial aids office.
Brother Danny Crooks, Star Back for the Wisconsin Badgers.
Eta Beta Another first for Alpha, Eta Beta Chapter was organized at the Wisconsin State University — Platteville, December 13, 1969. The charter banquet two months later was well attended by students and University officials. Brother Hoyt H. Harper, Regional Director, challenged the chapter to provide responsible leadership in the Alpha tradition.
The charter members of the chapters are: Brothers Charles Grisham (President); Willie Windom Hubbard, Andrew Hopgood (Vice President), Robert Brooks (Treasurer), Eddie Brooks (Secretary), George Balentine, Marshall Griffin, Pnul Hall, Reginald Jenkins, and Emery Patterson.
Brother Charles Robinson (22) Star Back tor the Warriors of Whitewater, Wisconsin.
Milwaukee Brothers Plan Finest Convention in Alpha History The Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity members in Milwaukee are making plans for the finest convention in the fraternity"s history, when brothers, wives, sweethearts, and children assemble in Milwaukee July 30 — August 5, 1971 for the 65th Anniversary Convention. The beautiful Sheraton — Schroeder Hotel is the convention headquarters. The hotel is conveniently located in Milwaukee's vital downtown area, the east tower section affords a breathtaking view of Lake Michigan. In addition to the lovely rooms, suites, banquet and meeting room, there are many attractive restaurants, coffee shops, cocktail lounges, and exotic dining rooms to meet every taste. Brothers registering for this convention will get one of the biggest entertainment and pleasure values they have ever received. A family picnic will be sponsored by the Schlitz Brewing Company, a gourmet dinner, cocktails and star-studded entertainment will be enjoyed at the luxurious Penthouse of the Playboy Club-Hotel, Lake Geneva, Wisconsin. The annual golf tournament will also be held at the Playboy. Other activities include a recital, featuring Milwaukee talent, at the new Art Museum, Bait-A-Date with Alpha Angels, Luncheons, Fashion Show, Bridge Party, Tours, and a full program for women and children, a basketball clinic for teens, and a variety of plays and a great many first-run movies. Day care facilities will be available. The convention is also designed to benefit the Milwaukee black community through its public program, seminars, and a workshop on Black History. The Milwaukee Brothers urge advance registration so they may best prepare for brothers and their guests' comfort and enjoyment. Brother Hoyt H. Harper, 5344 North 64th Street, Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53218, may be contacted for special information concerning the convention.
At the Wisconsin State University — Oshkosh, Brother Lonnie Woods, formerly of Epsilon Tau Chapter, is preparing a promising group of men for initiation and the fraternity's seventh chapter in Wisconsin. 58
EPSILON TAU CHAPTER University of Wisconsin Milwaukee
Epsilon Tau Chapter's Members of Convention Committee: Seated left to right: Bros. C. White and M. Cahn; Standing, left to right: Bros. R. Grider, A. Fambers, A. Thompson, G. Walker, G. Weatherby and L. Royal.
Epsilon Tau is the only black fraternity on the University of Wisconsin—Milwaukee campus. The chapter has fifteen aevtive members. It works with the Soul Place Board in providing activities at Soul Place (a black student house) of special interest to black students. Brother George Walker, chapter Vice President, is president of the Soul Place Board. Brother Albert Thompson, J. is in his second year as president of the chapter. The chapter is involved in the black community. Its "Alpha Pal" program provides educational, social, recreational, and economic guidance for the wholesome development of black youth in the community. A selected number of ninth grade youths are assigned to Alpha brothers who serve as "big brothers" to them through high school and college. Brother Daniel Burrell, Director of Afro-American Culture, serves as the faculty advisor to the chapter.
GAMMA EPSILON Gamma Epsilon Chapter was officially founded in 1946 and has experienced periods of inactiveness, primarily because of the varying number of Black Men at the U.W. Madison Campus. The most recent activation of Gamma Epsilon was initiated by Brothers Robert M. Davis and Ronald L. Williams who organized Brothers at Alpha at large. In the fall semester of 1969 and later during that academic year, a Sphinx club was formed which resulted in four new members being inducted in to Alpha. They are Brothers Daniel E. Crooks, Neovia Greyer, Jr., Gregory M. Johnson, and James Lee. Gamma Epsilon has continued to grow with the addition of brothers from other chapters, and recently brothers who have graduated from other universities and are now attending Graduate School at the University of Wisconsin. The Chapter is a dynamic one because of its dynamic members who are noted for other activities. Don "The Soulful Juan" Williams is radio big for a local radio station. Danny Crooks who was just drafted by the Atlanta Falcon Football Club after an outstanding career with the U. of W. Varsity . . . which includes such outstanding players as Neovia Greyer, Jr. (most pass interceptions in one season and one game) and Greg "Grape Juice" Johnson (who is also a record holder in the long jump). In its midst is an outstanding journalist, Michel V. Brown, National College Editor of the Sphinx Magazine, the official organ for Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. He is on an exchange program from Texas Southern University. Men like these make Alpha Phi Alpha the Fraternal Vanguard. The Brothers of Gamma Epsilon Chapter presented "All Our Love, Peace and Happiness" the First Annual "Alpha Playboy," honoring Konjos (Sweetheart) Court and Black Womanhood. The presentation of the "Alpha Playboy" is more than "The Social Event of the Academic Year" — it is an occasion when the men of Gamma Epsilon lead in paying tribute to Black womanhood and this year to pay special honor to Angela Davis.
Left to right kneeling: Bros. W. Brewer, C. Hunt, R. Brown. Standing: Middle: G. Walker, M. Gibson, R. Grider, J. Thomas, C. White, Baik Row: L. Royal, A. Kemp, G. Weathersby.
However the Brothers of Gamma Epsilon will not rest at paying tributes, but will continue to work relentlessly for the freedom of all Black People.
BETA THETA L A M B D A CHAPTER Durham, N. C.
Brother J. M. Schooler
Brother Ross E. Townes
Brother J. M. Schooler, recently retired principal in the Durham Public School System, has been appointed Director of Public Information for the Durham City Schools. He is presently serving as President of Beta Theta Lambda Chapter. Brother Schooler has shown once again the competency for which Alpha men are famous. Brother Lawrence E. Price, a newcomer to Durham, is Program Administrator of Management at IBM located in the famous Research Triangle Area. Brother Price comes to us from Virginia State College where he held a position in the Business and Economics Department. Brother Reverend Sylvester Lorenzo Shannon, a Duke University Divinity School Graduate of 1966, has been chosen to attend the Army's Command and General Staff College during the 19701971 term at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Brother Shannon is a paratrooper and a major in the Army Chaplains Corp. Brother Shannon affiliated with us while attending Duke University. Beta Theta Lambda is saddened to report the passing of Brother Emmett T. Browne. Pastor of the Mount Vernon Baptist Church. Space will not permit listing his many accomplishments and services to the Durham Community. Pastor Browne, as addressed by his flock, served as President of the Chapter at one time, and more recently as Chaplain. For our departed brother and servant, we can say, "he fought a good fight and finished the course."
Beta Theta Lambda is launching a "Guidance Assistance Program." This program is geared to work with junior and senior high school "drop-outs." The purpose is to get these young men back in school and headed to higher ground.
Brother Eddie L. Madison
With some degree of modesty, the Editor to the Sphinx would like to report that he serves on the Regional Commission on Christian Higher Education and Campus Ministry, the Commission on Christian Higher Education and Campus Ministry, and the Conference Board of Christian Social Concerns of the United Methodist Church. He serves as Vice-President of the Division of Human Relations of the latter Conference Board. Brother William A. Clement, Senior Vice President of the North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company, is serving as President of the Durham United Fund. Brother A. J. H. Clement. Claims Supervisor of the North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company, is Secretary to the Durham County Democratic Executive Committee, President of the Young Democrats Club of Durham County, and a member of the North Carolina State Democratic Executive Committee. Brother Ross E. Townes, Editor to the Sphinx Beta Theta Lambda Chapter Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity North Carolina Central University Durham, North Carolina 27707
Brother Eddie L. Madison, Jr., Director, Community Services, Evening Star Broadcasting Company, was one of three recipients of the 1971 Citation of Merit for Outstanding Performance in Journalism presented by Lincoln University, Jefferson City, Mo. He received a Bachelor of Journalism degree from the University in 1952. Brother Madison accepted the award at the 21st annual Headliner Awards Banquet held in Jefferson City, Mo. He also served as toastmaster for the banquet. The citation for the award reads as follows: "Io recognition of an imaginative public communicator of exemplary posture and unerring devotion to the profession of journalism, be it print or electronic; his unselfish guiding hand in youth, cultural and professional activities far beyond his own fireside, and his role as a self-motivated practitioner who by dint of sheer industry, fortitude and perserverance has fashioned a life course of high merit." This award was established by the Department of Journalism and the Curators in order to encourage and recognize achievement, high purpose, and exemplary practice in the field of communications and in order to further the pursuit of high ethical standards in the profession.
Named Assistant to UM President
Elected Who's Who
Eastern Airlines V. P.
Brother JamesO. Brother Ted Nirhols
Brother Ted Nichols, a member of Beta Beta Lambda, Miami, Florida has been named assistant to University of Miami President Henry King Stanford, effective October 1, 1970. "Mr. Nichols' responsibilities will include over-all assignments in the office of the President and the administration of the University's nondiscrimination policy," Dr. Stanford said. "I am delighted that we have been able to attract such an able administrator to this vitally important position. The experience Ted Nichols brings to the sensitive area of race relations will be invaluable to us." Brother Nichols will review University policy and implementation especially as it affects non-white student, faculty and administration to organizations and community programs; serve as liaison between the University and federal agencies regarding equal opportunity commitments; and advise members of the President's Cabinet, appropriate committees, and other administrators concerning affirmative action developments. Brother Nichols is president of the Florida Council of Human Relations; a member of the board of Opportunities Industrialization Center, Inc., of Miami; and has been chairman of the Florida State Advisory Committee to the U. S. Commission on Civil Rights since 1968. He was a City Commissioner for Melbourne, Florida, elected at large, and served two terms.
Brother Richard Jackson, president of The University of Toledo chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha, has been elected to Who's Who Among Students in American Colleges and Universities. He is the son of Mr. and Mrs. Wilford Jackson, 909 W. Woodruff Ave., Toledo. A senior in the University's College of Education, Brother Jackson currently is practice teaching in the fourth grade. He initiated three projects this year in connection with the fraternity, including bringing 75 black elementary school students to the University for a program; raising funds to buy 30, twenty-five pound turkeys for needy inner-city families at Thanksgiving; and, sponsoring an on-campus Christmas party for 73 elementary students from the inner city. Since fall, 1969, Brother Jackson has been involved in a program through which a group of boys is brought to University athletic events, and groups of girls are brought to the campus on tours, to eat with student athletes and to use recreational facilities.
At present a pro-doctoral student in the University of Miami School of Education, Nichols earned his Master of Education degree in educational administration at UM in 1969 and his Bachelor of Science cum laude in business education and administrataion at BethuneCookman College in 1962.
Eastern Airlines announced this week the appointment of Brother James O. Plinton, Jr. as division vice presidentspecial marketing affairs, a position extending the corporate interest across a wide spectrum of special interest, professional and racial groups. Brother Plinton, 54, a veteran pilot and airline official, fills a newly-created position at Eastern, after 14 years with Trans World Airlines. He will report to Thomas B. McFadden, senior vice president-marketing. Mr. McFadden said of Brother Plinton's election by the Board of Directors: "There is a tendency among many businesses — probably particularly so among the airlines — to think of our customers in limited ways. That is, we are apt to think of them as being vacation or business travelers, young or old, families or singles, first class or tourist. We don't believe this is very useful. All Combinations "The fact is, of course, that each of us is a bundle of special interests in terms of our clubs, our professional or trade organizations, our vocation, our hobbies, our racial background. We are hunters, fishermen, birdwatchers, sailors, golfers, tennis players and we are black, white, Jewish, Christian, Moslem — all the combinations of human variety.
"Jeff" Leaves Johnson Publishing Brother Leroy Jeffries Opens Agency in Los Angeles "Jeff"
After more than 21 years as advertising manager, vice president and seniorvice president of Johnson Publishing Co., Inc., LeRoy W. Jeffries is leaving the black-owned, Chicago-based publishing firm to establish his own company, the LeRoy W. Jeffries and Associates, Inc., in Los Angeles. The firm will specialize in marketing consulting, corporate and management counseling, public relations, market research, executive recruitment, minority advertising consultation and related fields, Brother Jeffries disclosed in Chicago. He declared: "The years with Johnson Publishing Co. have been the most fruitful of my life, particularly in the development of marketing, advertising and research techniques." Johnson Publishing Co. President Brother John H. Johnson said, "We have enjoyed a successful relationship over the years, and Brother Jeffries is a man of unquestioned integrity and loyalty. We hate to see him go and wish him the best of everything in his new endeavor." Brother Jeffries (known affectionately throughout the nation as "Jeff") was born in Washington, D. C , and attended public schools in New York City. He received a bachelor's degree from Wilberforce (Ohio) University and a master's degree from Columbia University. Brother Jeffries was an industrial relations official of the National Urban faculty at Teachers College, Columbia University. As an official of Johnson Publishing Co., he pioneered in helping develop techniques for selling and promoting advertising contracts for the company.
GAMMA UPSILON CHAPTER "Brothers of Gamma Upsilon Chapter, Tougaloo College, have completed their annual project of the year. In September 1970. the brothers noticed the tremendous need for Ambulance service on campus and decided to raise and solicit funds to purchase one. This project was completed January 1971 with the purchase of a 1970 Station-Wagon Ambulance fully equipped at $3,500. The brothers take pride in the completion of the project because it was an all out effort of the entire chapter and wish to thank all of the brothers, chapters, friends, parents, and business firms
that contributed to help make the project a success. The brothers are presently making plans for another big project with a number of good ideas being discussed. Projects in operation now are: A tutorial class for Jr.-Sr. High School students as well as fellow College students, 18-years old register-to-vote drive and a Spring Cleanup for the campus. Also the brothers are making plans for its annual Spring picnic and the selection of the chapter Miss APA for the next academic year.
mm Left to right, Bros. M. Linsey, M. James, Mrs. S. "Mom" Mayfield, Dormitory Matron, C. Henry, J. Jackson, and J. Thompson. 2nd row R. Williams, W. Lucas, L. Sutton, H. Glenn, Z. Johnson, I. Byrd, and G. Owens, President of College. Top row, H. Jones, K. Lambright, C. Winters, W. Rice and J. Davis. Ambulance
photo by R. Irons
Prairie View Commissions 6 U. S. Navy Officers; 2 For Marine Corps. â€” The Prairie View (Tex.) A & M College Navy Reserve Officers Training Corps (NROTC), the only predominately-Black unit of its kind in the nation, commissioned six Navy ensigns and two Marine Corps second lieutenants in a combination commencement-commissioning ceremony. â€” The Alphas commissioned ensign are: Brothers Henry T. Kemp Jr., Julius King and John M. Mathews Jr.
Mrs. Gladys Hampton, Wife of Brother Lionel Hampton Norman Francis, president, Xavier University and friends from Indianopolis, Minn., and other cities. Mrs. Loretta Harrison Bailey read a message from the Harlem Hospital Community Advisory Council, which Mrs. Hampton had helped through the years.
^ Mrs. Lionel
LOS ANGELES â€” President Nixon and Governor Rockfeller wired their condolences to bandleader Brother Lionel Hampton on the death of his wife and business manager, Gladys. Mrs. Hampton, 57, collapsed and died of a heart attack in the offices of Lionel Hampton Enterprises, 165 W. 46th St., New York City. A rosary was said at Benta's Funeral Parlor, 141st St. and St. Nicholas Ave., conducted by Archbishop Fulton Sheen. Funeral services were held at the same place with the Rev. John Hicks, pastor of St. Mark's Methodist Church conducting the services. Remarks were made by Boro President Percy Sutton, representing the City of New York; Joey Adams, Father Bernard L. Strange, a family friend from Indianapolis, Ind., and an obituary by Billy Rowe. Second Funeral On Wednesday, a second funeral was held in Los Angeles at the Angeles Funeral Home with Lou Rawls singing "A Closer Walk With Thee" and Sarah Vaughn singing "I'll Be Seeing You." Dr. Clayton Russell conducted the services with Dr. John Gary reading the obituary. Attending the services in New York, were Teddy Wilson, who played with Hampton in the Benny Goodman Band; Moms Mabley, Asst. Chief Inspector Eldridge Waith, now of the Virgin Islands; Ruble Blakey, Ruth Bowen, Joseph Goode, locality mayor of Amytiville L.I.; Honi Cole members of the Hampton band, Valerie Carr, its vocalist; Dr.
In Toronto Brother Hampton in Toronto at the time of his wife's death, cut short a concert tour to return to New York. Mrs. Hampton, the former Gladys Neal was married to the bandleader in 1936 and became his personal manager. They celebrated their 34th anniversary with friends this past November at a party at the 21 Club. The couple had no children. They lived in the Dorrence Brooks apartments at 138th Street and St. Nicholas Ave. for many years. They also maintained a home in Los Angeles. Mrs. Hampton was born in Lehigh, Oklahoma and reared in Dennison, Texas and Los Angeles Calif. She attended Fisk University. At the time she met Brother Hampton she was a modiste in Los Angeles, serving such movie stars as Joan Crawford who gave her her start; Rosalind Russell, Marian Davis and personalities such as Lady Mountbatten. Accompanying Brother Hampton to California was his friend Mr. Goode of Amytiville and Bill Titone, manager of his office here. President's message President Nixon's telegram was as follows: "Our long friendship and especially high regard for you further deepens the sadness Mrs. Nixon and I feel at the sudden and untimely death of your lovely wife. "We know what a source of strength she was for you throughout your career and how great a part she had in your tremendous success. Our thoughts are with you as we pray that God may give you strength and courage to bear this very heavy loss." Governor Rockefeller's telegram read: "We and Happy are saddened by the terrible sense of the tragic loss of Gladys. She was tremendous. You have our love. You have our and Happy's and our staff's devoted love always."
OMEGA CHAPTER Brother Tabb Passes
Brother Talmadge H. Tabb
Brother Talmadge Hawthorne Tabb, 41 principal of Booker T. Washington Elementary School in Newport News, died in the Medical College of Virginia Hospital in Richmond after a long illness. "His death is a tremendous loss to the school community," commented George J. Mcintosh, superintendent of Newport News schools. Mr. Tab had proved himself to be one of our most sincere and successful principals. He was completely dedicated to the task of working with youngsters." At Booker T. Washington and throughout the school system he became well known for innovative programs which heightened the desire of children to attend school regularly and strive for accomplishment. He encouraged fine arts programs, including dancing, backed the school's 4-H Club and stressed citizenship. He received his early education in the city's public schools, earned his bachelor's degree in sociology in 1952 at Virginia State College and his master's in personnel administration and guidance in 1964 at New York University. Further study was done at the College of William and Mary and through (Continued on page 63)
Brother C. S. Tocus Passed in California Brother C. Spencer Tocus passed away February 22, 1971 in Corona, California. Funeral services were held in St. John's Episcopal Church in Corona February 25, 1971, Brother C. Spencer Tocus was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, November 29, 1896. He received degrees from Ohio University, Athens, Ohio, where he majored in English and music. While a student at Ohio University he became a member of Phi Chapter of Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity. In 1926 Tocus, Mrs. Tocus and family moved to St. Louis, Missouri and Brother Tocus entered upon a teaching career teaching music in Sumner and Vashon High Schools of that city, and also at the former Stowe Teachers College. He directed the All Saints Episcopal Church Choir from 1929 to 1954. Under his direction the Choir became noted for its singing of Spirituals and performed many special concerts.
Mrs. Louise Tocus, wife of C. Spencer Tocus, passed away February 1st 1971 Brother Tocus conducted two oratorios at Kiel Auditorium, "Elijah" in 1937 and "The Ordering of Moses" in 1943. Eventually he became principal of Vashon High School. He directed the St. Louis Symphony Orchestra on a number of occasions. At the time of his retirement in 1965 Brother Tocus was principal of Hadley High School in St. Louis. He and his wife, Louise, came to Corona, California to live and acquired a new and very beautiful home in a select part of the city. They became very actively identified in community activities and Church work, and he served as organist for St. John's Episcopal Church in that City. They are survived by two sons, Gene. an engineer, and Edward a Ph.D. in chemistry. Nine grand children, two sisters, Mrs. Ruth Lampkins of Corona, and Mrs. Edith McClean of Pasadena.
T H E S P H I N X — P U B L I C A T I O N O F F I C E 4432 South Martin Luther King Drive, Chicago, 111. Return Postage Guaranteed. S T A T E M E N T R E Q U I R E D BY T H E ACT O F A U G U S T 24, 1912. AS A M E N D E D BY T H E ACTS O F MARCH 3, 1933, July 2. 1946 and June 11, 1960 (174 Stat. 208) S H O W I N G T H E O W N E R S H I P , M A N A G E M E N T AND C I R C U L A T I O N O F "The Sphinx" published four times a year at Chicago, Illinois for Feb., May, Oct. and December 1961 : 1. The name and address of the publisher-editor 4728 South Drexel Blvd., Chicago, Illinois.
is: J. Herbert King,
2. The owner is (if owned by a corporation, its name and address must be stated and also immediately thereunder the names and addresses of stockholders owning or holding 1% or more of total amount of stock. If not owned by a corporation, the names and addresses of the individual as well as that of each individual member must be given.) — ALPHA P H I ALPHA F R A T E R N I T Y , Inc., 4432 South Martin Luther King Drive, Chicago, Illinois: Ernest N. Morial, General President, 1821 Orleans Avenue, New Orleans, Louisiana; Laurence T. Young, General Secretary, 4432 South Martin Luther King Drive, Chicago, Illinois: Leven C. Weiss, General Treasurer, 4676 West Outer Drive, D'etroit, Michigan; Morris M. Hatchett, General Counsel, 1456 E. Adelaide, St. Louis, Missouri; Isidor J. LaMothe, Jr., Comptroller, 1407 University Avenue, Marshall, Texas. 3. The known bondholders, mortgages and other security holders owning or holding 1% or more of total amount of bonds, or other securities a r e : N O N E — Corporation not for profit. 4. Paragraphs 2 and 3 include in cases where the stockholder, or security holder appears upon the books of the company as trustees, or in any other fiduciary relation, the names of the person or corporation for whom such trustee is acting; also the statements in the two paragraphs show the affiant's full knowledge and belief as to the circumstances and conditions under which stockholders, and security holders who do not appear upon the books of the company as trustees, hold stock and securities in a capacity other than that of a bona fide owner. 5. The average number of copies of each issue of this publication sold or distributed through the mails or otherwise to paid subscribers during the 12 months preceding the date shown above was an average of 8,500 copies per issue, four issues, or approximately 34,000 copies for the year. (This information is required by the act of June 11, 1960 to be included in all statements regardless of frequency of issue.) J. H E R B E R T KING Publisher-Editor
SWORN TO A N D SUBSCRIBED before me this 4th day of June A.D. 1971 Shirley J. Evans, Notary Public My commission expires March 3, 1973
Brother Moses Newsome The Rev. Moses Newsome, pastor of the First Baptist Church on Lewis and Shrewsbury streets and a part-time instructor at West Virginia State College, died Thursday, February 25, 1971. A native of North Carolina, he received his bachelor of arts degree from Shaw University in North Carolina and his bachelor of divinity and master of sacred divinity degrees at Oberlin College in Ohio. Mr. Newsome had been pastor of the First Baptist Church for 30 years. Jn connection with last year's centennial observance by the church, the congregation presented Mr. and Mrs. Newsome with a world tour, including attendance at the World Baptist Alliance in Tokyo, Japan. He had been philosophy instructor at West Virginia State College since 1949. Mr. Newsome was chairman of the board of OIC and PEAD. Surviving are his widow, Ruth; sons, Moses Jr. of Minnesota, Frederick, a student at West Virginia University Medical School, and Ronald, a student in Arkansas; daughter, Mrs. Yvonne Alsup, a teacher at Fernbank Elementary School here; mother, Mrs. Marie Newsome of Ahoskie, North Carolina; and brothers, Dr. Cola K. Newsome of Evansville, Indiana, Ross W. Newsome of Petersburg, Virginia, and Fannin Newsome of Baltimore, Maryland.
(Continued from page 62) the University of Virginia extension department. 1st Lieutenant from 1952 to 1954 he served in the Army as a commissioned officer during the Korean War. While in Korea he served as officerin-charge of the Chung Duk Wong Orphanage which provided care and shelter for young war victims. After separation from mililtary service, he sang professionally for two years with the internationally known DePaur Infantry Chorus of New York City. His professional affiliations included membership in the National Education Association, Virginia Education Association, Newport News Education Association and the Newport News Elementary Principals Association. He was a member and past president of Zeta Lambda Chapter. 63
J. C. Smith Founder's Day Speaker
ALPHA WORKSHOP Laurence
Seeks Return to Spiritual Values
ALL GENERAL OFFICERS and CHAIRMEN OF STANDING COMMITTEES OF ALPHA PHI ALPHA FRATERNITY, Inc. PRE-CONVENTION REQUIREMENTS: 1. ALL GENERAL OFFICERS A N D CHAIRMEN OF STANDING COMMITTEES A R E TO PREPARE A N N U A L REPORTS FOR PRESENTATION AT T H E CONVENTION. 2. REPORTS OF OFFICERS AFORESAID WILL NOT BE PREPARED AT THE SLTE OF THE CONVENTION. 3. Reports of ALL OFFICERS, as stated above, are to be prepared by the specific officer (at least 300 copies) and dispatched to the General Convention site by July 20, 1971. Addressed as follows: Laurence T. Young, Executive Secretary (Hold for Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc.) Sheraton-Schroeder Hotel 509 West Wisconsin Avenue Milwaukee, Wis. 53203 GENERAL CONVENTION REQUIREMENTS: 1.
General Officers are to be at the site of the General Convention, SheratonSchroeder, Milwaukee, Wisconsin for an EXECUTIVE MEETING — on Friday July 30, 1971 at 10:00 o'clock A.M. — In the Fond-du-lac Room. a. The Board of Directors will immediately go into EXECUTIVE SESSION. 2. Summary reports of General Officers will be presented at the 1st meeting of the Board of Directors. 3. Announcements will be made from time to time as to subsequent meetings of the Board of Directors. 4. TRAVEL: It is directed that travel via AIR be at tourist rate whenever available. Travel via CAR, (8c per mile) charges not to exceed tourist air travel. 5. PER DIEM: This rate continues at twenty ($20.00) dollars for actual days in attendance. 6. ATTENDANCE: All officers are to be in attendance throughout the entire General Convention at EVERY BUSINESS SESSION from Friday, July 30th to and including Thursday, August 5th, 1971 — also to hold themselves in readiness, subject to call meetings during period aforesaid. Time is an element, therefore meeting time schedules will be adhered to strictly. Digest official brochure carefully, noting in particular when specific officers are scheduled to appear before the General Convention for any purpose. 7. COMPTROLLER: Officers, Standing Committee Chairmen, and designated Convention guests, will be supplied requisitions for warrant by the Comptroller. Itemized expenses listed thereon MUST BE DOCUMENTED and written approval of Comptroller obtained, — then same is presented to the Executive Secretary who will have WARRANTS issued, thence to the General Treasurer for payment. 8. SCHEDULED MEETINGS OF THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS: Friday, July 30, 1971 — 10:00 A.M., Fond-du-lac Room Friday, July 30, 1971 — 1:00 P.M. (Luncheon) El Paso Room Sunday, August 1, 1971 — 9:30 A.M., English Room (with Chmn & Director) Thurs., August 5, 1971 — 9:00 A.M., English Room (with Committee Chmn)
Brother Charles H. Wesley
Charlotte, N. C. — America's most outstanding Black historian delivered the 104th Founders' Day Address at Johnson C. Smith University Thursday and emphasized the return to spiritual values rather than materialistic accomplishments. Brother Wesley stated, "Education with its emphasis upon the material life is largely responsible for our world situation. It is people educated in our schools who bear this responsibility . . . It is not the man in the street who makes war in Vietnam, although he must fight it. It is the educated who planned it." The Harvard Ph.D. went on, "Our future depends upon the values to which we dedicate ourselves. The challenge before us is to decide whether our new science and technology can be controlled. The former president of both Wilberforce and Central State in Ohio, Brother Wesley, noted the split in the Negro's thinking over a name, "Let us not divide ourselves over a name — Negro, Black, Afro-American, African-American, Colored or what have you? A rose by any other name is just as sweet. "We should be worrying about our thinking, our actions, and our deeds." Past General President Lionel H. Newsom presided over the Black-gowned program that saw Mayor John M. Belk, General Alumni president Zoel S. Hargrave, Jr., Trustee Dr. Emery L. Rann, and Principal Gerson Stroud bring greetings.
upliftin SOLUTIONS TO EVER YDA Y PROBLEMS. In this instance, we've just removed a traffic-snarling casualty from a crowded expressway. Now, we'll concede that this might be considered a relatively modest contribution towards improving the human environment. But. . . this same Sikorsky® helicopter could have been effecting a rescue mission off a wallowing tanker in a North Sea gale. It could have been airlifting food and supplies to starving villagers in flood-ravaged Tunisia . . . or transporting equipment for on-the-spot control of off-shore oil pollution. Obviously, what we're pointing out is the impressive record and adaptability of our helicopters in solving important human problems. There's much more to come in our world of exciting, advanced VTOL aircraft systems. For example, Heavy-Lift Skycranes® and Tilt-Rotor Transports. And just around the corner are our High-Speed Commercial Transports—designed to ease short-haul mass-transportation headaches. Does this kind of engineering attitude stir your sense of responsibility and imagination? Then you should talk careers with us. There's ample opportunity for innovation in: aerodynamics • human factors engineering • automatic controls • structures engineering • weight prediction • systems analysis • operations research • reliability/ maintainability engineering • autonavigation systems • computer technology . . . and more. And your career advancement can be accelerated through our corporation-financed Graduate Study Programs—available at many outstanding schools within our area. Please submit your resume in confidence, stating salary requirements, to: MR. LEO J. SHALVOY Professional and Technical Employment
Sikorsky Aircraft DIVISION OF UNITEC
STRATFORD, CONNECTICUT 06602 An Equal Opportunity Employer
The Sphinx 4432 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Drive Chicago, Illinois 60653 /"S
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We rededicate ourselves to the goals for which he fought. Goal for the Seventies - "ELIMINATION OF THE GHETTO" Cover Design - J. Herbert King