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Featuring Prabhat Kumar BG Deshmukh MC Gupta Kripa Narayan Srivastava V Selvaraj Sushil Chandra Tripathi Romesh Bhandari Devi Dayal Reva Nayyar VP Sawhney SK Mishra Dr G Sundaram KC Sivaramakrishnan Nitish Sengupta Vishnu Bhagwan Gen Noble Thamburaj Baleshwar Rai

Arun Bongirwar Arvind S Inamdar Madhav Godbole Ved Marwah Trinath Mishra Vineeta Rai Arun Kumar Rath Ajit Nimbalkar TR Kakkar Najeeb Jung MS Gill Shovana Narayan Lt Gen JFR Jacob Brijesh Kumar Surrinder Lal Kapur Yogendra Narain and many more...

From the Editor

vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018 Anil Tyagi | editor GS Sood | business editor Sheshadri Chari | roving editor Alam Srinivas | contributing editor Anish Gandhi | consultant, foreign affairs Rakesh Bhardwaj | editorial consultant Ramesh Sharma | bureau chief (north india) Durvesh Singh | bureau chief (Lucknow) Mayank Awasthi | sub editor Pawan Kumar | production coordinator Nipun Jain | finance Gautam Das | legal consultant Bushchat Media | edit & design Madan Lal | webmaster Abhisshek Tyagi | director advertising & marketing Anil Sood | vice president, marketing +919811639632 PS Sural | vice president, marketing +919873243950 e-mail: asps@gfilesindia.com delhi: e-mail: adv@gfilesindia.com mumbai: 48/C-1, Areshwar, Mhada, S.V.P. Nagar, Andheri(W), Mumbai 400 053 Chandigarh: SCO 5- First Floor, Zirakpur-Shimla Highway, Zirakpur, District Mohali Punjab Contact — 0172-509368 e-mail: rameshsharmaemail@gmail.com Anil Tyagi, Printer & Publisher 118, 2nd floor, dda site 1, new rajinder nagar, new delhi – 110 060 +All information in gfiles is obtained from sources that the management considers reliable, and is disseminated to readers without any responsibility on our part. Any opinions or views on any contemporary or past topics, issues or developments expressed by third parties, whether in abstract or in interviews, are not necessarily shared by us. Copyright exclusively with Sarvashrestha Media Pvt. Ltd. All rights reserved throughout the world. Reproduction of any material of this magazine in whole, or in part(s), in any manner, without prior permission, is totally prohibited. The publisher accepts no responsibility for any material lost or damaged in transit. The publisher reserves the right to refuse, withdraw or otherwise deal with any advertisement without explanation. All advertisements must comply with the Indian Advertisements Code. Published and printed by Anil Tyagi on behalf of Sarvashrestha Media Pvt. Ltd at Polykam Offset, C-138, Naraina Industrial Area, Phase I, New Delhi 110028. All disputes are subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of competent courts in New Delhi only

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he Government of India can earn Rs. 1.8 lakh crore by imposing a GST of 18 per cent on sports ‘gambling and betting’ if they make it a legalised vocation. If 28 per cent tax is imposed as it is at present on cars, then the government will earn Rs 2.8 lakh crore. Business lobbyist body FICCI in its 2016 report estimated the size of the illegal betting economy at Rs 10 lakh crore. It’s somewhat enticing for any government in the world. The Law Commission of India recently submitted it’s report, ‘Legal Framework: gambling and sports betting including cricket in India’. gfiles cover story this time is analysing ‘gambling and betting in sports’, the most dreaded trade war of the world. Broadband has literally opened a Pandora’s Box, as one does not know whether the fellow walker on the road busy on mobile is gambling or betting. The technology has made it a herculean task to keep track. Gambling and betting is as old as the world, and there is an ongoing debate on whether it should be given a legalised framework. The PublicMind’s 2010 national survey found that 67 per cent of Americans did not support the legalisation of Internet betting websites in the United States whereas 21 per cent said they would support legalisation. Australia is a nation of gamblers and it is reported that per capita they lose more money to gambling than any other nation in the world. Sports betting has resulted in a number of scandals as well, affecting the integrity of sports events through various acts including point shaving (players affecting the score by missing shots), spot-fixing (a player action is fixed), bad calls from officials at key moments, and overall match fixing (the result of the event is fixed). Our writer Vivek Mukherji analysing this passionate business, writes, “Given the enormous sums of money that grease the wheels and cogs of the underground betting networks, controlled exclusively by the mafia and criminal syndicates, it comes as little surprise that the Law Commission report that was submitted to the Ministry of Law and Justice on July 5, makes a helpless pitch to legalise “gambling and sports betting including cricket.” Former Cabinet Secretary Prabhat Kumar, who wrote the cover story in gfiles June 2018 on civil services reform, again reaffirms his conviction stating, “My answer to the weaknesses of the bureaucratic system is not to tinker with the induction process but to reform the whole system. You cannot achieve much by bringing people from outside when the leadership remains unchanged. Merely to say that the top leader works for 18 hours a day without taking a day’s leave is not enough. Enlightened leadership should be displayed at every politicobureaucratic level in the government. There are areas crying for reforms.” I would like to also draw your attention to the Bric-a-brac section, where there is an item regarding Elections 2019. It is going to be a fierce political battle fought on the mobile platform. It may not seem so as yet but the BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi are miles ahead of their political rivals. The BJP’s plan is to reach approximately 85 crore voters by all means. Wi-fi chaupals are being introduced. Expansion of transmission towers is on in full throttle. The cheapest smart phones are being introduced, which will support live video streaming. Every voter is going to be mesmerised by the onslaught of video streams on their mobiles. Elections 2019 is going to be the biggest gamble for all political parties, especially for Modi. Anil Tyagi editor@gfilesindia.com

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CONTENTS Governance: Governance by fear, signs of failing State!

Even without a formal proclamation of Emergency, the record of BJP government in preserving democracy is equally bad, if not worse. Like during Emergency, even now institutions and individuals are running in panic. Power is centralised and institutions of democratic governance are trivialised pg 14

Governance: Gandhian dilemma in military leadership

Can the Gandhian way of handling crisis situations help in running an army unit? pg 28

Cover Story

No Ball

Governance: Black elephant

With thousands of crores at stake that grease the wheels and cogs of the underground betting networks, controlled exclusively by the mafia, there is a compelling case for legalising gambling and sports betting in India. After the Supreme Court accepted the recommendations of the Lodha Committee that was set up to clean up cricket in the wake of the 2013 IPL match fixing scandal, the apex court directed the Law Commission to explore the legislative and legal framework that would be needed to legalise sports betting.

pg 20

What has the Supreme Court mandated SIT on black money done for four years? The public has a right to know. pg 32

Governance: Doubling farm income

The focus has to be on how the land can be made more productive and how the farmer can achieve more crop per drop pg 34

Statescan: Modi fails in Kashmir

Narendra Modi has belied hopes that he raised among Kashmiri Pandits in 2014. He failed to put the plight of the Pandits at the top of his political agenda pg 36

Bric-a-brac

Rahul at sea, Elections on the go, Priyanka writing a book, More work for Ram Madhav pg 7

Eyes Wide Shut: Lateral entry needs a new perspective

It cannot be disputed that there is a severe lack of the spirit of service in the government as well as in the private sector. Searching for persons with proven record of public service should be at the top of governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s agenda to induct new energy in the system pg 10

Book Review: Classified reality

pg 40

Book Extract: Addressing gender discrimination by enhancing womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s worth

Addressing gender discrimination through conditional cash transfer schemes needs to be critically assessed through the theoretical framework of a syncretic feminist perspective and an intersectionality approach. pg 42

By the Way

Pawn or puppet, Insurance evaluator, DGP appointments, Retire (retd) pg 61

Plus... Birthdays of MPs, Civil Servants Tracking: Transfers & Postings

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

pg 53 pg 57

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

LETTERS editor@gfilesindia.com

MASHELKAR: RE-ASSURED p40

DULAT-DURRANI: SPY vs SPY p10

MAHARASHTRA: GENDER-BENDER p32

June 2018 ` VOL. 12, ISSUE 3

IATA AGM OPEN BORDERS

p46

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Proposals

Proposed rules to tinker with Civil Services are trivial, knee-jerk reactions. Will they deliver good governance?

ISSN 0976-2906

M KA ADH M YA AL P R p1 vs K AD 4 AM ES AL H:

Indecent

Reforms in bureaucracy It is no secret that the civil services in India need to be reformed. The articles (gfiles June 2018) rightly emphasise that administrative procedures, rules and regulations need to be simplified so that red tapism can be reduced. But more important, a new work culture is needed to encourage creativity and eliminate corruption. Proper training of civil servants should be able to bring about both behavioural and attitudinal changes. In this regard, I think the adoption of modern management techniques would go a long way in improving both efficiency and outcomes while ensuring greater work satisfaction. R Negi via email

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Rapid and fundamental changes are taking place in the country in terms of rapid economic growth, urbanization, environmental degradation, technological change and increased local awareness and identity. The response time to adapt to these changes is much shorter than it used to be. As instruments of public service, civil servants have to be ready to manage such change. They cannot be stuck in outdated file systems and red tapism. Nor can they hide behind hierarchy to explain their lack of decision-making. One way out could be collegiate decision making where advice is taken from all stakeholders before making decisions in the interests of reaching the goal. A Chatterjee via blog The current selection process of civil services, unmatched by any other in the public sector, is known for its integrity and fairness. It is untainted by nepotism, by subjective bias and prejudice, by individual likes and dislikes. The proposed reform would change all this profoundly. The fate of the 1,000-odd officers who are selected for the wide range of public services would now lie in the hands of a few officers appointed to the Lal Bahadur National Academy of Administration

who would be empowered to give them scores that would dramatically determine their future lives and work. Do not throw out the baby with the bathwater. Sapna Kumar via blog SEBI decision The article ‘One step forward, two steps backwards’ (gfiles, June 2018) was very timely and apt. The SEBI decision to keep the equity derivate market open for almost 15 hours will take a toll on traders and is unlikely to benefit investors. Traders would undoubtedly be tempted to take positions around the time when the US market is about to open and also around midnight. The move comes after the regulator on 28 December announced a universal exchange concept which will trade in all segments—equity, currency and commodities. Before this, trading in equity derivatives stopped at 3.30pm. According to SEBI, longer market hours for equity derivatives will enable further integration as the commodities derivatives segment is already open for trading till 11.55pm. Further, small and medium-sized brokerages may find it difficult as for them the resource requirement for the transition would be just double. Rajesh Singh via blog

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Bric-a-brac more and less

Rahul at sea? as sonia still calls the shots

ahul Gandhi is still dependent on the advice of his mother Sonia Gandhi. Insiders reveal that Sonia’s team controls all decision-making and continues to exercise authority. During the Rajya Sabha elections a few months ago, the Congress president had asked one of the selected nominees who called to thank him whether his name had been officially announced. Rahul was obviously unaware that the list had already been declared. His own recommendation of electing Sam Pitroda to the Rajya Sabha from Karnataka was rejected by the then Chief Minister, Siddaramaiah. Similarly, while deciding on names for the expansion of the Punjab Cabinet, Rahul had to accept Sonia’s advice in clearing the candidacy of a four-time MLA whose name figured on the Chief Minister’s list, though it had been initially turned

down. No wonder, party insiders feel that there is lack of a fresh approach in decision-making, and there appears to be little urgency in determining the course and strategy of the party. In Haryana, the party is divided into three prominent camps viz., Bhupinder Hooda and son Deepender Hooda, Congress Spokesperson Randeep Surjewala, and Bhajan Lal’s son Kuldeep Bishnoi. In Himachal Pradesh, Virbhadra Singh is distinctly in a defiant mood. Former Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav has ditched the Congress in the state. The Congress is yet to make up its mind on whether to go to polls in Rajasthan with Ashok Gehlot or Sachin Pilot as the spearhead. In Maharashtra, the leadership is disgruntled and in Karnataka, the appointment of Dinesh Gundu Rao as the Pradesh Congress Committee chief does not have many takers. g

Elections on Mobile targetting voters

elieve it or not, the next parliamentary election in 2019 will be fought on the mobile screen. The government is in top gear to provide electricity to every home and install broadcast towers to reach every mobile user. The posters, sound bites, live speeches, discussions, TV coverage, all will be on mobile phones. PM, Chief Ministers, Ministers, MP, MLAs, Corporators, all will be planning to reach mobile phone users. It is going to be a completely technology-driven election. The ruling BJP is way ahead of their competitors. There are about 65 crore mobile phone users in India, and just over 30 crore of them have a smart phone, according to technology consultancy Counterpoint Research. Prime Minister Narendra Modi who is tech savvy himself has drawn up a long plan. Sources disclosed that his plan is to reach every village of India before the announcement of elections. And, voila, an expansion in relay towers. According

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to a Deloitte India report, India currently has around 400,000 telecom towers and the growth is expected at around 3 per cent annually over the next four-five years to take the numbers to 511,000 by 2020. Indus Towers (a conglomerate of mobile operators) is the market leader with 31 per cent share, followed by BSNL with 18.1 per cent. Now, BSNL has been instructed via a cabinet note to launch a new company to build towers as fast they can. BSNL is the only company with towers in all the difficult and strategic areas like the northeast, Jammu and Kashmir and the so-called Naxal belt. But BSNL is not taking any chance; they are tying up with Tikona and other tower service providers to reach all smart phone users. Given the mood, Reliance has taken the opportunity to launch Jio Phone 2. Reliance Industries chairman Mukesh Ambani unveiled the plans for a fibre-based home broadband service which will be rolled out across 1,100 cities and target 5 crore homes. g

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Bric-a-brac more and less

Priyanka writing a book remembering rajiv

here’s a little buzz in social media. Congress supported WhatsApp groups are flashing Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s pictures and lectures in Amethi. Something is brewing in the Congress but as per the norms of the party, nobody can dare to ask questions openly. It’s no secret in the party that Priyanka is the main advisor of her brother and looks after the party work behind the curtains. Family sources say that she is busy penning a digest on her father, the late Rajiv Gandhi. Family insiders inform that Priyanka was deeply attached to her father and has many memories to draw upon. Sources reveal that many publishers have already queued up for what will definitely be a bestseller. It is learnt that Priyanka has decided to publish it with Penguin India. The book may hit the market just ahead of the 2019 polls and will be released by Sonia Gandhi. Gandhi family well-wishers confide that the emotional content of the book is likely to have some impact on the 2019 polls. g

RSS deputes Ram Madhav focusing on andhra and media

SS leader Ram Madhav’s political career is taking new shape. He has reportedly been assigned two critical jobs. One is to handle Andhra Pradesh and the other the RSS’ propaganda machinery. Ram Madhav belongs to Andhra Pradesh and is close to VicePresident M Venkiah Naidu and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Till now, MG Vaid was the only spokesperson of the RSS. Now Ram Madhav is pushing that dialogue. The RSS has reportedly launched a full-fledged ‘Vishwa Samvad Kendra’. To streamline the propaganda machinery, spokespersons have been appointed in all major cities. They are slated to gather news and information, make dossiers and issue photographs of Sangh activity. The Sangh’s new head office is being built in New Delhi and it will be a hi-tech centre. Another important work assigned to Ram Madhav and the newly elected Rajya Sabha member GVL Narasimha Rao by BJP chief Amit Shah is to keep a watch on Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu. Thereafter, the two have made Vijaywada their base and are, in fact, in touch with local journalists. It is also learnt that GVL has recently visited the US and met influential Andhra Association leaders but Naidu continues to have a strong grip on the powerful non-resident Andhra Association. g

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gfiles inside the government vol. 7, issue 5 | August 2013 gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

19 9

Eyes Wide Shut civil services prabhat kumar

Lateral entry

needs a new perspective It cannot be disputed that there is a severe lack of the spirit of service in the government as well as in the private sector. Searching for persons with proven record of public service should be at the top of governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s agenda to induct new energy in the system

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

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hat started as a proposed idea has now emerged in a concrete form with the Department Of Personnel and Training issuing an advertisement for induction of ten persons from outside the government to man joint secretary level posts in the Union government. I had then welcomed the ideas of opening windows to let fresh air in the corridors of power invigorate the much abused civil service, IAS in particular. In my piece in gfiles one year ago, I had suggested that “…the issue should be given a careful consideration before an irreversible decision is taken, since a decision of disturbing the precarious administrative equilibrium could lead to serious implications. Perhaps an initial pilot programme involving technical and infrastructural ministries is indicated. There are places where the government can use these lateral entrants more gainfully; for instance, they can be engaged in organisations like NHAI and DGFT. The process of inducting lateral entrants into senior positions of Civil Service should also be subjected to the same high quality of recruitment process as UPSC selection, so that unscrupulous decision makers do not take advantage and recruit people of their choice”. The idea of lateral induction is not new. It was recommended by the 2nd Administrative Reform Commission, high level committees appointed by different governments and a number of think tanks. In fact, this approach has been adopted in the past with distinctive success. Nandan Nilekani did a credible job of creating a platform for unique identity for a nation of a billion people. Vijay Kelkar spearheaded the ministries of Petroleum and Finance with distinction. Mantosh Sondhi and DV Kapoor are still remembered for their signal contribution to industrial development. Loveraj Kumar is fondly remembered by dozens of IAS officers who worked with him and is

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celebrated through an annual LK Memorial Lecture. It is reported that with a view to bring fresh thinking and dynamism in the Whitehall, the UK government tried inducting people from the private sector during Tony Blair’s tenure. However, according to the British government, the experiment did not work well and most of the appointees left or their contracts were not renewed after initial two years. The reasons for the failure were their frustration with the pace of decision making and enacting laws; absence of a clear-cut boss like In private companies; their inability to grasp the nuances of government functioning; a feeling that vested interests created hurdles in policy formulation; noncooperation from career bureaucrats; nonrecognition of outstanding work and no faster promotions like the private sector. I think that after three years, the 10

Accountability is a genuine concern with short tenures in any organised system as they are not conducive to authentic accountability. If something goes wrong on account of the outof-the-box thinking after the incumbent leaves the government, it would be difficult to fix responsibility

joint secretaries would be giving us similar reasons/excuses of why they, despite their best efforts, could not improve the working to their respective ministries. They would, in all probability, be blaming the system or bureaucratic non-cooperation to explain their failure. This, therefore, is not the best way to bring new energy in the working of the government. I believe that there are some issues that must be considered before a mature decision on the problem of sustained inertia in government can be taken. Accountability is a genuine concern with short tenures in any organised system as short temporary short tenures are not conducive to authentic accountability. If something goes wrong on account of the out-of-the-box thinking after the incumbent leaves the government, it would be difficult to fix responsibility. One should not forget that joint secretary in government is a vital level in policy making. Similarly, the importance of an unassailable recruitment procedure cannot be overestimated. Caesar’s wife should appear beyond reproach in addition to being incorruptible is the old adage. How will we prevent the perception that everything is not well with the selection. One would not be surprised if fingers are raised. Adopting a fool proof procedure like recruitment through UPSC like the civil service recruitment could obviate such questioning. UPSC could easily formulate necessary selection criteria based on the requirements of the government. In the present case, this aspect has been completely overlooked by resorting to an ad-hoc process of selection. It is often forgotten that there is specialisation in the IAS too, and not as an exception to the norm. I know of scores of IAS officers who have worked in the same sector for 15-20 years. Besides, IAS officers specialise in understanding the problems of the people living in the hinterland, in the countryside, in forests and hills, in

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Eyes Wide Shut civil services prabhat kumar

the dessert and on the islands. You can see their aggregate performance in a negative light or in a positive light depending on the colour of your glasses you wear. My answer to the weaknesses of the bureaucratic system is not to tinker with the induction process but to reform the whole system. You cannot achieve much by bringing people from outside when the leadership remains unchanged. Merely to say that the top leader works for 18 hours a day without taking a day’s leave is not enough. Enlightened leadership should be displayed at every politico-bureaucratic level in the government. There are areas crying for reforms. Institutions are being battered despite an inspiring leadership at the top. But that is another story. Creative individuals can be brought in to infuse some dynamism in the hierarchical governmental structure even today without any resistance from anyone, but to institutionalise it in the form of a regular recruitment on the lines of civil service recruitment (that too through the proposed uneven selection process) is another thing altogether. We should do it with a lot of deliberation and preparation. What we are look-

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

You cannot achieve much by bringing people from outside when the leadership remains unchanged. Merely to say that the top leader works for 18 hours a day without taking a day’s leave is not enough. Enlightened leadership should be displayed at every politicobureaucratic level in the government ing for should be explicitly defined. Merely saying that, “...Qualifications: Graduate from a recognised University/ Institute. Higher qualifications would be an added advantage…” is not adequate.

Are we looking for individuals who have already displayed creativity elsewhere? Good, take them in, not only at the level of a joint secretary but much higher. Want to give IAS officers a run for their money? OK, give the new entrants separate areas of responsibility where IAS officers cannot thwart their efforts. Or better still, set up executive agencies with clear-cut objectives and give them the leadership of the agencies. Want to improve the delivery of public services? Create new institutions with leaders from the private sector rather than adopt a half way measure. Why stop at a half way house, go the whole hog. Don’t walk with a stone in your shoe. Another way to benefit from the experience of the private sector is to establish social businesses in collaboration with corporate houses (like Mohd Yunus of Bangladesh) and place the selected individuals at the head of the businesses.

inally, in my view, searching for persons with proven record of Public Service should be at the top of government’s agenda to induct new energy in the system. It cannot be disputed that there is a severe lack of the spirit of service in the government as well as in the private sector. This point is always missed in any discussion on governance that besides efficiency and creativity, a spirit of serving the people is absolutely essential for good governance. With proper selection and scrutiny, we can get scores of individuals whose total concern would be service to the people. Bring proven leaders from Non-governmental institutions like Sulabh International, Swami Vivekananda Youth Movement, Vikas Bharti, Tarun Bharat Sangh; Maharashtra Knowledge Corpora-tion, or Barefoot College, and no fingers would be raised. Endpoint: We do not see things as they are. We see them as we are told to see. g The writer is former Cabinet Secretary

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GOVERNANCE AWARDS 2018

Nominations are invited

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

GOVERNANCE

democracy mg devasahayam

Governance by

fear: signs of failing State! Even without a formal proclamation of Emergency, the record of BJP government in preserving democracy is equally bad, if not worse. Like during Emergency, even now institutions and individuals are running in panic. Power is centralised and institutions of democratic governance are trivialised

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ndia just observed the 43rd anniversary of Emergency. Civil Rights stalwart Rajni Kothari described the period thus: “It was a State off-limits, a government that hijacked the whole edifice of the State, a ruling party and leader who in effect treated the State as their personal estate. It was the imposition of a highly concentrated apparatus of power on a fundamentally federal society and the turning over of this centralised apparatus for personal survival and family aggrandisement. It was one big swoop overtaking the whole country spreading a psychosis of fear and terror.” Under such onslaught, India’s institutions and instruments of democratic governance—legislative, judicial, executive— were running in panic. Individuals were moving in hushed silence traumatised by what was going on. Though caused by an autocratic Congress Prime Minister, it had the backing of a Presidential mandate issued on June 25, 1975: “In exercise of the powers conferred by clause (1) of Article 352 of the Constitution, I, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, President of India, by this Proclamation declare that a grave emergency exists whereby the security of India

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is threatened by internal disturbances.” Irony is that even without a formal proclamation of Emergency, the record of BJP government in preserving democracy is equally bad, if not worse. Like during Emergency, even now institutions and individuals are running in panic. Parliament passes harsh laws as Money Bills; Reserve Bank ‘demonetises’ the currency throwing people on the streets; ‘voluntary’ Aadhaar is being rammed down people’s throats through executive

Democracy has shrunk and has been replaced by a creeping ‘kleptocracy’ marked by slavish flattery, autocratic arrogance, unbridled greed and criminalised corruption. In the event, the First Republic, so painstakingly constructed by our Founding Fathers, is falling apart and is on the precipice of collapse

diktats. Rapes, lynching and killings take place with abandon. Political rallies are held to rationalise these gruesome crimes. Predatory, nature-killing ‘development’ projects are being pushed through State terror. Those who oppose these are branded as extremists and anti-nationals and draconian laws, including Sedition and National Security Act, are invoked against them. Power is centralised and institutions of democratic governance are trivialised. As former BJP veteran Yashwant Sinha puts it: “While nobody has been put behind bars as in 1975, there is still an allpervasive atmosphere of fear and people are scared... Even cabinet ministers are not spared. The situation is far worse than it was in the declared Emergency of Indira Gandhi.” Tragedy is that his own son, Jayant Sinha, who is a Cabinet Minister, garlands and hugs those who have committed the horrendous crime of lynching and murder and swears his obescience to them! Can there be anything more shameful? I have been a strident critic of Emergency for subverting democracy which is India’s most precious asset. Yet I

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

GOVERNANCE

democracy mg devasahayam

believe that the present ruling establishment has no shouting rights against Emergency. Let us take a closer look at the declared Emergency of June 1975 and the undeclared Emergency prevailing in the country in the last few years. There was no lynching of Muslims, killing and assaults on Dalits, communal riots, political killings, Hindutva majoritarianism, targeted killing of left liberal intellectuals and journalists, political rally in support of gruesome rape, cow vigilantes roaming streets attacking and killing animal traders and meat eaters during Emergency as of now.

here was also no religion-based senas, dals, vahinis of goons, louts and street lumpens harassing, extorting, assaulting and killing defenceless citizens. There were no arms training to young innocent girls and boys in parks and institutions. There was no fear of majority community among minority communities. There were no hate crimes against fellow citizens. No pub attacks or private kitchen searches for beef. No restrictions on food and clothes of citizens. No moral policing in parks and public places. No forcible closure of NGOs. No fellow citizen was declared extremist

Though the character and contents are different, there is a common thread between Emergency and now— ‘Governance by Fear’. Only difference is that the method adopted then was ‘jhatka’ (single chop) and now it is ‘halal’ (slow killing). Effect on freedom and liberty is the same, probably a shade worse now!

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

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or anti-national or asked to go to Pakistan or Europe. Though the character and contents are different, there is a common thread between Emergency and now— ‘Governance by Fear’. Only difference is that the method adopted then was ‘jhatka’ (single chop) and now it is ‘halal’ (slow killing). Effect on freedom and liberty is the same, probably a shade worse now! Why is this happening in a country touted as world’s largest democracy? Answer is not far to seek—it is the deliberate wrecking of India’s Constitution and trying to ‘govern’ the country outside the ambit of this ‘charter of governance’.

escribing the Republic of USA, Joseph Story wrote: “The structure has been erected by architects of consummate skill and fidelity; its foundations are solid; its compartments are beautiful as well as useful; its arrangements are full of wisdom and order; and its defences are impregnable from without; It has been reared for immortality, if the work of man may justly aspire for such title…. Republics are created-these are the words, which I commend to you for your consideration— by the virtue, public spirit and intelligence of the citizens. They fall when the wise are banished from the public councils because they dare to be honest, and the profligate are rewarded because they flatter the people in order to betray them.” Republic of India was structured on similar lines. But seven decades in to its working, it is tottering and sinking because the virtue, public spirit and intelligence of India’s citizens is under assault and the “wise among her sons and daughters have been banished from the public councils for their honesty and integrity, and the profligates rewarded because they are venal, communal and servile”. Democracy has shrunk and has been replaced by a creeping ‘kleptocracy’ marked by slavish flattery, autocratic

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

GOVERNANCE

democracy mg devasahayam

arrogance, unbridled greed and criminalised corruption. In the event, the First Republic, so painstakingly constructed by our Founding Fathers, is falling apart and is on the precipice of collapse. Institutions of democratic governance built into the Constitution and other laws and legislations are being ravaged in order to destroy the democratic edifice and build an autocratic State. Instances are the sharp decline of the office of President of India, the Council of Ministers, Parliament, and Constitutional bodies like CAG and the Election Commission. In order to concentrate political and administrative power in few hands, instruments of public service are either demolished or made to self-destruct in order to snatch them away from the people and hand them over to a small coterie of oligarchs who own over 75 per cent of India’s wealth today. In recent years, wellorchestrated communal hatred and polarisation agenda has been unleashed to strengthen the hold of these oligarchs on India’s economy and polity. The higher judiciary, the last bastion of freedom and democracy is itself in deep distress. Four senior judges of the Supreme Court ‘paying their debt to the nation’

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were forced to place their case before ‘We, the People’ with this poignant statement by the senior most among them: “We are all…four of us are convinced that unless this institution is preserved and it maintains its equanimity, democracy will not survive in this country.” Since then things have gone from bad to worse affecting the very credibility of this highest court of the land!

ll-India Services, public sector banks, public sector undertakings, public broadcaster (Prasar Bharati), defence installations, telecommunication industry, port trusts, are all being deliberately enfeebled and sabotaged from within. ‘Development’ has become a farce to hand over massive amount of public money to private individuals through predatory ‘infrastructure’ projects while starving the critical agriculture and social sectors. This has made India the most non-inclusive and inequitable country in the world only next to Russia! Most of the mainstream media, owned or controlled by the oligarchs, have turned mercenary and are singing the paeans of those who are systematically devastating the Republic and the institutions of people’s power.

These are the opening words of the Constitution of India: “We, the People of India having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, Democratic Republic and to secure to all its citizens Justice, social, economic and political; Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; Equity of status and of opportunity and to promote among them all fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation….do hereby adopt, enact and give to ourselves this Constitution.” Sadly, over the years, these core objectives have been mingled in dust. Justice has become inaccessible, distant, costly and purchasable; Liberty is ravaged by a spate of freedom-killing preventive detention laws and gross abuse of the IPC provisions of sedition and ‘waging war against the State’ as well as Sections of the IT Act; Equity is evaporating with governments selling/mortgaging country’s assets to MNCs and big businesses in the garb of ‘Reforms’ and Fraternity is faltering with dignity of the individual and integrity of the Nation being severely compromised. Founding Fathers had called for a Constitution “wherein all power and

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In the past few years, demonetisation, Aadhaar and, to some extent, GST have been used to ‘terrorise’ the common man and make him run around like a headless chicken by destabilising his life and livelihood authority of the Sovereign Independent India, its constituent parts and organs of government, are derived from the people”. Their vision of ‘Swaraj’ envisaged a people-based governance with a bottom-up decision-making process that would give everyone ‘a place in the sun’. In Gandhian thoughts, India’s democratic governance structure would rise storey by storey from the foundation comprising of self-governing, self-sufficient, agro-industrial, urbo-rural local communities. These self-governing entities will control and regulate the use of natural resources for the good of the community and the nation. This was the trust reposed by the Founding Fathers on the Parliament. But the governance structure we have today is all-powerful Central and State governments controlling and mismanaging all financial and natural resources. There is no trace of grassroot democracy or Swaraj. ‘Fear’ seem to be the overarching tool of governance. For this purpose, most draconian and anti-people provisions of the Indian Penal Code-Section 121: “Waging, or attempting to wage war, or abetting waging of war, against the Government of India” and Section 124A: Sedition, both

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prescribing life imprisonment-are being liberally misused by the state. Parliament has been busy with enacting legislations to facilitate the State and banking institutions to let loose police and financial terrorism (Maintenance of Internal Security Act; Unlawful Activities Prevention Act; Prevention of Terrorism Act; National Security Act and Financial Resolution and Deposit Insurance Act) on banks, citizens and entrepreneurs. Parliament has not lifted a finger to prevent the gross abuse and misuse of these draconian laws. In the event, peaceful mass protests and people’s aspirations are being brutally put down and common man’s voices go unheard.

n the last few years, ‘demonetisation’, Aadhaar and, to some extent, GST have been used to ‘terrorise’ the common man and make him run around like headless chicken by destabilising his life and livelihood. Liberalisation and privatisation have turned educational institutions into windowless fortress preventing young minds from blossoming into fruitful citizens and future leaders. Election is the essence of democracy and Integrity is its salt. Saltiness of India’s

elections is fast losing its flavour and the electoral process is being cast out and trodden under the heavy boots of criminal and money-power, rendering democracy virtually worthless. The very dignity of democracy is at stake. EVMs do not conform to basic ‘democracy principles’. Yet Government and Parliament are unconcerned about electoral reforms that have been pending for decades! Overcome by a sense of fear, while democracy and development have diminished for the common man, India is increasingly showing signs of a ‘failed State’. The first Republic has morphed into a kleptocratic-oligarchy, not a vibrant democracy as originally envisaged. At the dawn of the last millennium, Rabindranath Tagore, that great Son of India wrote these captivating lines: “Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high…. Into that heaven of freedom, my Father, let my country awake.” India has moved far away from this clarion. The promised “Minimum Government, Maximum Governance” has been replaced with “Maximum Government and Governance by Fear.” Cry, my beloved Country! g Writer is a former Army and IAS Officer

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

COVER STORY betting sports

No Ball With thousands of crores at stake that grease the wheels and cogs of the underground betting networks, controlled exclusively by the mafia, there is a compelling case for legalising gambling and sports betting in India. After the Supreme Court accepted the recommendations of the Lodha Committee that was set up to clean up cricket in the wake of the 2013 IPL match fixing scandal, the apex court directed the Law Commission to explore the legislative and legal framework that would be needed to legalise sports betting. However, after close to two years of studying the issue and inviting views from various stakeholders, the commissionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s report submitted to the Ministry of Law and Justice on July 5, suffers from some serious flaws. Itâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s clear that the report was drafted in a hurry and lacks clarity of thought

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by Vivek Mukherji

n the shaded lanes, winding through the labyrinths of the Walled City in Old Delhi, the FIFA World Cup turned out to be a harbinger of achhe din for the shady kings, rooks, knights and pawns, who move the pieces on the chess board of the underground betting networks in India. The unpredictability of the 2018 World Cup in Russia, which saw many big teams heading for the exit door early in the tournament, turning the pre-match odds on its head, made these men dance merry high on lucre. Riyaz (name changed), is just one of the hundreds foot soldiers in the vast underground betting network that stretches from Kashmir to Kanyakumari and Surat to Siliguri, which in turn is linked to syndicates in Dubai, Singapore and Kuala Lumpur. Riyaz operates out of a hole in the wall in one of the narrow lanes in Old Delhi with a faded signboard that simply says “Money Changer”. At first glance there is nothing ubiquitous about him or his “office”, except for the four mobile phones on the badly-chipped sunmica counter top. The mobile phones, a pocket notebook and `10 ballpen are the most important tools of his trade. When the odds for a particular match are opened, which are determined by the syndicate based in foreign countries, the phones start ringing as punters call in to place their bets. These bets are scribbled in the notebook in coded language. For Riyaz, the busiest phase every evening is when the games got underway. That’s when the dynamic odds start coming in for ‘in-play’ betting, which is more profitable for the bookies, as well as those who called the right outcome during a certain period of play, compared to the end of the game result for which the bets are accepted before the start of the match. If the match went into extra time or penalties,

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

COVER STORY betting sports

things reach a dizzying pitch, which for an untrained person is difficult to track. Meanwhile, at regular intervals, Riyaz’s retinue of ragged runners deposit the slips of paper with the designated ‘bookkeeper’, Babu bhai, who works out of a tiny room in the cramped quarters behind Turkman Gate. Here, Babu in his mid 50s with a fastreceding hairline, meticulously records the bets in an old-school munim’s (clerk) ledger, once again in codes. (Any request to take a picture of the page is met by a volley of abuse). The incoming slips are deposited in a metal cash box, where they remain till the weekly settlements are made. These settlements are always done in hard cash, delivered or collected, at the doorsteps of the betters by a team of trusted couriers engaged by the network. Once the settlement is done, the slips are burnt, leaving no trace of the elaborate betting process that takes place every day, except the munim’s ledger, which remains in the safe custody of the bookkeeper.

n this age of computers, internet and smartphones, this low-tech, analogous world of the underground betting networks, which operates purely on trust, might appear to be an antithesis to the conventional way of transacting business where astronomical sums of money is involved, but that’s how this system works seamlessly below the radar of the law enforcement agencies. According to Riyaz and Babu, till the end of the round of 16 on July 3, Delhi alone accounted for a turnover of approximately `6,700 crore in illegal betting. By the end of the FIFA 2018 World Cup, the total turnover would be close to an eye-popping `25,000-30,000 crore. This is just from offline betting. If online betting data is taken into account, which is also illegal in most parts of India under the existing laws, this amount is likely to balloon even further.

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

When the odds for a particular match are opened, which are determined by the syndicate based in foreign countries, the phones start ringing as punters call in to place their bets. These bets are scribbled in the notebook in coded language

Despite the seemingly vast sums of money that coursed through the capillaries of this underground network during the FIFA World Cup, a tournament in which India had no stake, it’s a mere drop in the country’s gigantic illegal betting market. According to a note prepared by the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry (FICCI) in 2012, called Regulating Sports Betting India: A Vice To Be Tamed, quoted a report prepared by the international consultancy firm, KPMG, which pegged the market at a mammoth `300,000 crore. By 2016, according to the Doha-based International Centre for Sports Security

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ise “gambling and sports betting including cricket.” The report also marks the culmination of a process that set the ball rolling after the Supreme Court accepted Lodha Committee recommendations for reforming the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI). It’s now up to the Government of India to either accept the report, and make gambling and sports betting legal by making the relevant laws, or reject it.

(ICSS), a sports security and integrity body that has worked closely with the Indian Super League, the size of the illegal Indian betting market swelled to `990,000 crore ($150 billion approx)—a growth of 230 percent in four years—primarily driven by cricket. This includes both offline and online betting. Given the enormous sums of money that grease the wheels and cogs of the underground betting networks, controlled exclusively by the mafia and criminal syndicates, it comes as little surprise that the Law Commission report that was submitted to the Ministry of Law & Justice on July 5, makes a helpless pitch to legal-

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By 2016, according to the Doha-based International Centre for Sports Security (ICSS), a sports security and integrity body, the size of the illegal Indian betting market swelled to `990,000 crore ($150 billion approx)—a growth of 230 per cent in four years—primarily driven by cricket

t’s a different matter that most of the recommendations made by the committee, headed by former Chief Justice of India, R.M. Lodha are yet to be implemented, with the entrenched power centres in the board ensnaring the Committee of Administrators (COA), led by the former CAG, Vinod Rai, in a protracted legal tug-of-war that is still going on in the apex court. The ninth status report submitted by the COA in the SC on July 2 shows its helplessness to make the power brokers in the BCCI fall in line. The Law Commission report at first glance appears to be driven by progressive thinking, despite one of the members, Prof. S. Sivakumar, striking a jarring dissenting note. But a closer reading of the conclusions and recommendations, which have been crunched into just nine pages out the total of 145 pages, reveal that it’s pitted with some serious flaws and confusing observations. In fact, it comes across as a piece of document that has been written in a hurry. It’s worth noting that the term of the current Chairman of the Law Commission, Justice Balbir Singh Chauhan is ending on August 31. The section on conclusions and recommendations being on a promising note, but in the later paragraphs the confusion becomes quite clear, before devolving into defeatism to prevent illegal betting, therefore, legalising it is the only option. “With the advent of online gambling and the anonymity that it ensures, the gambling

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

COVER STORY betting sports

and betting activities have acquired a global presence. It has, therefore, become more challenging for countries to monitor or curb these activities,” it says in the opening paragraph (9.1). “The transnational character of online gambling platforms calls for a much needed change in approach. With the changing times, there could always be an option to have a relook at the earlier approach of a complete ban.” It further goes on to bolster its case by citing examples how the global gambling market has registered rapid growth over the past few years, and how Japan, which is one of the countries to legalise sports betting more recently has become the fastest growing market in the world. It suggests that by legalising betting, the regulator will be able to tackle the problem of gambling by minors and ‘problem gamblers’ and tackle the menace of black money that’s generated through illegal betting and gambling. “It would also enable the Government to effectively curb the menace of black money generation through illegal gambling,” it says.

ut after laying the groundwork for legalising betting, the conclusions devolve into a series of selfcontradictory statements. One gets the feeling that the Law Commission treated the issue of illegal betting akin to making a pact with the devil, since it’s not possible to fight the devil. In paragraph 9.7, it mentions how the National Sports Development Code 2011 wants a blanket ban on betting: “Accordingly, the Commission reaches the inescapable conclusion that legalising betting and gambling is not desirable in India in the present scenario. Therefore, the State authorities must ensure enforcement

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

One step ahead of the law

ver the past few years enough evidence has surfaced about how the bookies, who control the cricket betting industry, have managed to remain one step ahead of the law enforcement agencies in India. The online news and views portal, The Wire carried two stories in April 2017 and June 2018, detailing the modus operandi of the bookies to game the online betting sites, taking advantage of the 7-12 second delay in the delivery of live action on television that’s is a industry norm. According to the April 2017 story (initially commissioned by Sports Illustrated India, but was spiked by the management due to their unfounded fears of legal repercussions), bookies place ‘live commentators’ armed with multiple mobile phones in the stands to relay live ball-by-ball commentary to an Interactive Voice Response (IVR) system. In turn, when punters ‘subscribe’ to such a service, they know the outcome at any point in time in the game before the action is beamed to television sets or the odds updated in online betting website. With advance knowledge of the outcome, the betters their place bets, gaming the entire legal betting system to book profits in “in-play” stakes.

Even more startling revelations have come to light how bookies have acquired technical sophistication and technical knowhow to hack into live television feed from the ground even before its uplinked. It has left the law enforcement agencies and the broadcasters scratching their heads. The two stories, have detailed how with the help and decoders and access to the 12-digit encryption code, which can be supplied only by someone with insider knowledge, the bookies are able to hack the live feed to take advantage of the lag in transmission. The advance information is passed on to the betters for a fee so that they have prior knowledge of the outcome on any particular ball. The first such case came to light in 2015 when the Ahmadabad branch of the Enforcement Directorate stumbled upon the evidence during their investigations into a `2,000 crore betting racket. The second instance was in May 2018, when the Indore police was investigating a similar racket involving some of the top bookies during the 2018 IPL season. Both cases are still under investigation.

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The section on conclusions and recommendations being on a promising note, but in the later paragraphs the confusion becomes quite clear, before devolving into defeatism to prevent illegal betting, therefore, legalising it is the only option RM Lodha, former Chief Justice

of a complete ban on unlawful betting and gambling.” But in the next paragraph it mentions that since it’s not possible to contain the menace, it’s better to legalise betting. “However, incapability to enforce a complete ban has resulted in rampant increase in illegal gambling, resulting in a boom in black-money generation and circulation. Since it is not possible to prevent these activities completely, effectively regulating them remains the only viable option,” it says. While making the recommendations, the report suggests a three-pronged strategy that involves “reforming the existing gambling market (lottery, horse racing), regulating illegal gambling and introducing stringent and overarching regulations.” It’s rather curious that the Law Commission would even suggest regulating the illegal betting market. Because, it’s precisely due to the inability of the law enforcement agencies to detect, catch, prosecute and punish those involved with

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Justice Mukul Mudgal

illegal betting that has resulted in the booming underground betting networks. In the recommendations, the report suggests that since online betting is on ascendency, relevant law needs to be enacted by the Parliament. “Since online betting and gambling are offered and played over media (telephones, wireless, broadcasting and other like forms of communication) covered under Entry 31 of List I of the Seventh Schedule to the Constitution, the Parliament has the legislative competence to enact a law(s) dealing with the same,” it says. It also recommends that all betting activity in India should be carried out only by licensed operators.

ince gambling remains as a state subject, it will be up to the state whether to adopt the proposed model law or come up with their own laws, which is a sensible approach. “In case legislation is made under Article 252, States other than the consenting

States will be free to adopt the same. Being a State subject under List II of the Seventh Schedule to the Constitution, it is needless to say that State Legislature(s) is competent to enact the required Law for the State(s) concerned, while duly taking note of the National Policy on gambling etc., and other legal considerations,” reads the report. The report also recommends a host of changes and amendments that need to be made other related laws to legalise gambling and sports betting. These include Foreign Exchange Management Act 1999 for allowing Foreign Direct Investment “in the casino/online gaming industry, lawfully permitting technological collaborations, licensing and brand sharing agreements, etc.”, Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines) 2011 for hosting and transmitting online gambling content, National Sports Development Code 2011 and Indian Contract Act 1872 to name a few. The report places due emphasis on

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

COVER STORY betting sports

restrictions. At present, online betting and making payments in foreign currency is banned. Yet, the punters with the help of bookies have managed to open sub-accounts on foreign betting sites that allow them to indulge in their passion. The transactions carried through the hawala channels enable the betters to pay in Indian rupees, who then park foreign currency in off-shore accounts.

S Sreesanth

protecting the society at large from the ill-effects of betting and shielding economically vulnerable sections of the public and children below the age of 18. As such, it recommends that there should restrictions on the number of bets a person can place, which could be decided on a monthly, half-yearly or yearly basis and no one should be allowed to put more than 10 percent of their earnings into gambling or betting based on their income-tax returns.

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To achieve this it recommends that “all betting and gambling transactions should be linked to the operator’s as well as the participant’s/player’s Aadhaar Card/PAN Card,” and make all betting transaction cashless. It further states that people with Jan Dhan accounts into which the government directly transfers subsidies should not be allowed to bet. However, there is enough evidence available in the public domain that people have found ways to get around such

he recommendations are riddled with even more glaring omissions. For example, it dismisses the darkest side of the betting world, which is matchfixing, in just two lines. “Match-fixing and sports fraud should be specifically made criminal offences with severe punishments,” it says. At the core of the debate regarding legalising sports betting lies the well-established link between match-fixing and betting. It’s a fallout from the 2013 IPL scandal in which three players, S.Sreesanth, Ankit Chavan and Ajit Chandaliya, along with a couple of team owners were allegedly involved in fixing matches for the benefit of the bookies. The lengthy investigations led by Justice Mukul Mudgal led to the formation of the Lodha Committee to look into the sordid saga. The three players were acquitted by a Delhi Court on technical grounds because they could not be prosecuted under to the existing laws as they could not deal with the peculiarities arising out match fixing. It was then the idea of enacting the Prevention of Sports Fraud Bill 2013 (PSF) was mooted by the Ministry of Sports and Youth affairs. The Law Commission report in the section called pending legislation notes that the Prevention of Sports Fraud Bill 2013 and the National Sports Ethics Commission Bill 2016, introduced as a private members bill by BJP MP and former President of the BCCI, Anurag Thakur is pending the Lok Sabha. Both

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Ajit Chandaliya

Ankit Chavan

these bills are aimed at the preventing sports frauds like match fixing, doping and age fraud. The PSF clearly defines sports fraud as any attempt to manipulate the result, irrespective of whether it has been achieved or not, for economic gains, wilfully underperforming for economic or any other advantage and being in possession of insider information which has been disclosed to an outsider for economic gains. The bill proposes to make all such offences as punishable crime. But in its recommendations, the Law Commission report is conspicuously silent on the absolute necessity of having the two crucial pieces of legislation in place even before any discussion on legalising betting can even begin. With the both the bills lying in cold storage, it’s futile to even think of legalising sports betting. Yet another glaring omission is the lack of any framework for a betting regulator

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At present, online betting and making payments in foreign currency is banned. Yet, the punters with the help of bookies have managed to open sub-accounts on foreign betting sites that allow them to indulge in their passion. The transactions carried through the hawala channels to operate. To prevent betting frauds and fixing, early detection system plays very vital role. For example, in the UK, which the world’s biggest legalised betting market, the British Gambling Commission is the apex body which keeps a watch on the betting industry through its investigative arm called the Sports Betting Intelligence Unit (SBIU). In the Law Commission report, such a role has not been defined clearly nor does it say what kind investigative and prosecution powers it should have. If it expects the existing arms of the law and economic offence watchdogs to carry out this role, then it’s a non-starter because to investigate an industry which sees massive churn of money almost on a

daily basis needs a dedicated agency. Another fallacy that the report suffers from is that it fails to outline what kind of betting products should be allowed in the market. In the attached annexure, it says that only end result betting should be allowed like horse racing, where the bets close before the start of the race. If that is the case, then legalising sports betting is a non-starter because most of the bets that are placed are on ‘in-play’ stakes. Various global studies have shown that restrictions on betting products have forced people to turn to illegal betting even in markets where it’s legal.

t’s one thing to take the philosophical high ground that had betting regulations were in place Yudhisthra would not have staked his wife and brothers in a gamble, but it’s altogether a different kettle of fish when one is dealing with thousands of crores of rupees of black money moving in and out of the well-oiled machine that drives illegal sports betting. The report clearly suffers from clarity of thought while it was being drafted. In its present form, it will do nothing to dismantle the underground betting network. On the contrary, if the government proceeds further on the basis of this report, it will be weaponising illegal betting operations. g

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

GOVERNANCE army leadership

Can the Gandhian way of handling crisis situations help in running an army unit? by Col R Hariharan

may be laughed out even before I answer the question. However, I grew up in a family conditioned by Gandhian thoughts, when my father—a small town doctor—actively took part in the freedom struggle and was even imprisoned. I carried some of the Gandhian ideas and values when I served for nearly three decades in the army. I found some of his ideas useful in handling tricky situations that confronts a military leader. Before I recount my experience in applying Gandhian ideas, a bit about the man revered as Mahatma. Though many consider Gandhi a pacifist, he did not think so. Addressing a gathering at Geneva in 1931 Gandhiji said “I regard myself as a soldier, though a soldier of peace.” Gandhi applied quite a few principles of war in executing his political campaigns. These included selection and maintenance of aim, flexibility, economy of effort and coordination and cooperation. He planned centrally and decentralised execution. His leadership style was similar to what is taught in military training schools. Gandhi led from the front, the way a military commander should, even in the face of adversity. His leadership, akin to the military leader’s, was built on adherence to goals, clear communication of objectives, flexibility of approach and constantly monitoring progress. Though his approach was based on doctrines, he was not doctrinaire in execution.He inspired his followers by example rather than by use of force. And his coercive persuasion skills were as effective

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

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Gandhian dilemma in military leadership as a military man’s strategic encirclement. Many people think military officers run their units with the summary powers available to them under the Army Act. Team play is the core strength of army, which makes it impossible for a commanding officer to run the unit with the help of only the Army Act. He requires situational management skills to run a military unit. Every soldier is taught to fight to survive, has access to the gun and he knows how to use it.This makes it risky if a CO chooses to be ruthless or autocratic, going by the book alone. Commanding a military intelligence unit is a little trickier, because some of the

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Gandhi led from the front, the way a military commander should, even in the face of adversity. His leadership, akin to military leaders was built on adherence to goals, clear communication of objectives, flexibility of approach and constantly monitoring progress

men consider themselves ‘over smart’, better educated than the average soldier and are exposed to unsavoury elements of society in the course of their work. During my over two-and-a-half decades of service in MI, I discovered some of them can quote army orders and army rules line and verse to serve their ends. A study of Gandhi’s life reveals how he introspected everyday on his actions and tried to correct himself to overcome his weaknesses. This is one trait I had tried to imbibe; it stood me in good stead in handling situations where I faced moral and ethical dilemmas. There were many such challenges in my experience. But as intel-

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

GOVERNANCE army leadership

ligence work is shrouded in secrecy, I have chosen two ordinary situations in an intelligence unit. These explain how Gandhian intervention in the thought process helped to resolve internal and external leadership dilemmas. While commanding an intelligence unit in the North-East, we had a quarter master havildar (QMH), a storekeeper in civilian terms. The QMH is a recognition of an NCO’s seniority and performance; I found CQMH Natha Singh (name changed) very poor in his job. I gave him an adverse annual confidential report (ACR) and did not recommend him for promotion. I explained to him why I have done so. Natha Singh took it stoically.

hen probably, my ego as the commanding officer went on an overdrive; I transferred him to a difficult post on Burma border, which had never produced any worthwhile results. But I was pleasantly shocked when Natha Singh produced excellent results. I felt guilty for giving an adverse report though he was excellent in his primary job as an intelligence gatherer. I wanted to retract my earlier ACR but the Intelligence Corps records said that there was no provision for it. I took up the case with command headquarters, which came up with the same reply. I wrote to the Adjutant General’s Branch in Army Headquarters, which insisted the rules were inflexible on NCOs ACR. I called the Major, who dealt with the subject at Army Headquarters. When I appealed to him to do something, he said there was a provision for initiating a special confidential report for NCOs serving in operational areas.If I really wanted to help the NCO I could initiate such a report, which carried more weightage. I immediately did so and mentioned in the report how the NCO was wrongly assessed earlier. The whole process took eight months.

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

After that, for the next seven years, I never came across Natha Singh. While serving in MI directorate in Army Headquarters, Natha Singh walked into my office. He was now a junior commissioned officer and his beard had turned grey. He beamed at me and said “Sabji, I have retired. Before retirement I went to our records to go through my dossier. There I found the copies of your letters,

eight of them to ensure that the damage done by the adverse ACR you gave me was neutralised. In fact, I had no clue of storekeeping and I thought you were right in reporting it. But thanks to your persistence and glowing special operational report, I got a foreign posting and I am going home, a little rich, but with a lot of satisfaction. I wanted to thank you on my way home to Jammu.”

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up an abandoned soakage pit in the unit area. After the chargesheet was read, I asked the NCOs what they had to say in defence. They said as per army rules, NCOs should not be employed on manual labour, so they refused to do it. And they were right. I was little puzzled on how to handle the tricky defence. I put myself in Gandhi’s shoes and then asked the two NCOs to go and get three shovels. They brought them, as the JCO looked on with no clue on what was happening.

I was overjoyed. I shook hands and offered him a cup of tea. “Sabji, can I ask you something? Why did you bother about my career, even I felt I did not deserve any better?” I though it over a while. In the end I realised it was the Gandhian value at work inside me. I replied him, “It was Gandhiji at work inside me.” He looked at me a little puzzled; he probably thought the Sabji was

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going a little bonkers at fifty. Even in day-to-day unit management, Gandhi came in handy. Intelligence units are full of NCOs, who are not to be employed in manual labour. But for unit maintenance, we had no option but to use them in odd jobs requiring manual skills. Two NCOs—both of them good soldiers—were marched up before me by the senior JCO for disobeying orders to clean

explained to the NCOs the unit had only two sepoys and so NCOs had to do some of the manual work. As they would not do so as per rule, I said I was going to do the shoveling of the soakage pit, “because somebody had to do it.” They were shocked. “Sir, you should not do it. You are the CO,” they picked up the shovels to do the job. I stopped them for a moment. “I am glad you have decided not to go by the book. By the same book, I am punishing you for disobeying a senior’s order with three extra duties,” I said. It defuseda potential crisis situation. I got into a bit of trouble for the unorthodox way of handling the episode during my annual inspection. Even that ended happily when I explained to the divisional commander the peculiar problem of manual labour faced by intelligence units. Gandhi successfully practiced participatory management, driven by ethical and moral considerations without sacrificing goal orientation. That is why he is still remembered. g Col. R Hariharan is a retired Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia. He is associated with the South Asia Analysis Group, the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com Blog: http://col.hariharan.info

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

GOVERNANCE

investigation tn pandey

Black elephant What has the Supreme Court mandated SIT on black money done for four years? The public has the right to know.

bitter criticism of the UPA Government before it lost the elections in 2014 was its failure to check the continuing growth of black money in the country. The common perception was that nothing much could be expected from the Government as the UPA people were themselves deeply entrenched in it. The said Government even blatantly disregarded the Supreme Court’s directions for setting up of a Special Investigation Team (SIT) for making enquiries regarding black money. To elucidate the last observation, some

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

historical facts need to be mentioned to complete the background. Senior Advocate Ram Jethmalani had filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court, inter-alia, on the issue of black money. In disposing of the writ petition, the court ordered the constitution of SIT, which was required to make enquiries, inter-alia, on the terms of reference as stipulated in the apex court’s order, The SIT, as per SC’s directions, was to comprise of two retired judges of the Supreme Court, one as Chairman and the other as ViceChairman. The two retired judges of the

SC were to get all the perks, pay and allowances of a sitting judge of the SC. The Chairman and Vice-Chairman of SIT were to be assisted by 13 part-time members comprising of very senior officers of the GOI, like Chairman, CBDT, Director, CBI, Director, Enforcement Directorate, Director (IB), Dy. Governor, RBI, Director, RAW and other officers of the similar seniority and experience. The functioning of the SIT and the terms of reference for the SIT, as laid down by the SC in Jethmalani’s case, were: [i] The SIT shall function under the

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guidance and direction of Chairman and Vice-Chairman. [ii] The said SIT shall be charged with the responsibilities and duties of investigation, initiation of proceedings, and prosecution whether in the context of appropriate criminal or civil proceedings of – [a] all issues relating to the matters concerning and arising from unaccounted monies of Hassan Ali Khan and the Tapurias; [b] all other investigations already commenced and are pending or awaiting to be initiated with respect to any other known instances of the stashing of unaccounted monies in foreign bank accounts by Indians or other entities operating in India; and [c] all other matters with respect to unaccounted monies being stashed in foreign banks by Indians or other entities operating in India that may arise in the course of such investigations and proceedings. [iii] It was also the responsibility of SIT to ensure that the matters are also investigated, proceedings initiated and prosecutions conducted with regard to criminality and/or unlawfulness of activities that may have been the source for such monies, as well as the criminal and/or unlawful means that are used to take such unaccounted monies out of and/or bring such monies back into the country and use of such monies in India or abroad. [iv] The SIT shall also be charged with the responsibility of preparing a comprehensive action plan, including the creation of necessary institutional structures that can enable and strengthen the country’s battle against generation of unaccounted monies and stashing away in foreign banks or in various forms domestically.

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These orders, to my recollection, were passed on July 4, 2011 by the apex court, but the UPA Government till it was in power up to May 2014, did not take any action on the same. It is a surprise that the SC too did not initiate any action against the Government for non-compliance of its orders. Be that as it may, the NDA Government to demonstrate its serious concern for black money passed an order for the constitution of the SIT the day after assuming office. The constitution of the SIT was the same as stated in Jethmalani’s decision i.e. two retired SC Judges as the Chairman and Vice-Chairman with 13 senior Government functionaries as mentioned earlier as members. The SIT directly

The SIT works under the supervision and guidance of SC and reports directly to it and therefore, there is nothing in public domain about its working and what it has achieved since its constitution works under the supervision and guidance of SC and reports directly to it and therefore, there is nothing in public domain about its working and to know as to what the SIT, who too has completed four years by now, has achieved since its constitution. The SC also has not made any disclosure about the SIT’s functioning and its achievements.

t is indeed a unique development in the history of income tax jurisprudence of the country: An SIT, comprising of two senior (retired) SC judges with 13 top officers of the investigating agencies was asked to monitor, inter-alia, cases of individual taxpayers like Hasan Ali and Tapurias under the supervision of the

apex court of the country and guide other investigations in respect of “other instances of the stashing of unaccounted money in foreign bank accounts by Indians or other entities operating in India”. It is, however, greatly disheartening to find that four years have passed since the SIT was constituted but nothing has come to public knowledge as to what has been achieved by the SIT, to what extent has the flow of black money slowed down/ stopped, what has been the gain in terms of revenue to the Government by the SIT’s functioning and how much more time it will take to wind up its affairs? Since the SIT is functioning at the cost of the taxpayers’ funds, contributed to the Government from their hard-earned money by way of taxes, it begs the question whether the earnings have been commensurate with the cost on SIT. Hence, there is urgent need to disclose what has been the outcome of the sacrifices by the taxpayers. The Government cannot be blamed for inaction in the matter as it has no control over the SIT’s functioning, which is working under the direct supervision and control of the SC. Hence, the court is most respectfully requested to direct the SIT to place in public domain its achievements or findings over four years. There seems to be no grounds not to disclose such information in the interest of transparency and public debate. The court may also like to review the working of the SIT to take a decision whether it is still needed for the work left unaccomplished after four years and whether the same cannot be assigned to the Income Tax Department for further follow up. If the quantum of work not taken up by the SIT can be assigned to the IT Department, the SC may kindly consider dissolving the SIT. This will save considerable expenditure to the exchequer. g The writer is former Chairman, CBDT

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

GOVERNANCE agriculture anil rajput

Doubling farm income The focus has to be on how the land can be made more productive and how the farmer can achieve more crop per drop

he Prime Minister of India has rightly made a clarion call to all those engaged in the agriculture sector to focus their energy and efforts on doubling farmer’s income. To my mind, there can be no two-ways about this, it is indeed the most important and critical area if India is to achieve the status of a developed nation. India has a population of 1.34 billion (2017) and according to the official census figures of 2011, 83.37 crore (68.84 per cent) live in rural areas while 37.71 crore live in urban areas. Despite urbanisation, rural markets still account for half of India’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which is estimated to be $2.848 trillion (nominal) and $10.385 trillion (PPP) for the year 2018. The contribution of agriculture to GDP is 17.32 per cent, industry 29.02 per cent and services 53.66 per cent. Doubling of farmer’s income doesn’t mean that the farmers are paid double the price for their produce or their yield has to double, it means that this has to be increased using multiple ways which will result in better utilisation of resources that are at the farmer’s disposal. Focus has to be on how the land can be made more productive and how the farmer can achieve more crop per drop, which is basically less water more yield that can be achieved through methods like drip irrigation. Encouraging and promoting no-till farming also called zero tillage will increase the amount of water in the soil, make the soil more fertile and resilient

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

and also halt soil erosion. In addition, various private-public agencies have to develop infrastructure to facilitate credit along with providing equipment on hire. This equipment must be easily available and modern so that the farmer can extract the maximum benefit from his limited resources. Here, it is pertinent to state that many farmers are not rich and don’t have the capability to buy equipment. This results in a vicious cycle, where they have to take loan thereby getting caught in a debt trap. In 2014, the National Crime Records Bureau of India reported 5,650 farmer suicides. The high-

est farmer suicide was recorded in 2004 (18,241). This rate has ranged between 1.4 to 1.8 per 100,000 total population, over a 10-year period through 2005. Multi-cropping in another sure shot way of boosting farmer’s income. It includes different types like inter-cropping (where the farmer grows two or more crops in the same field in a year, a classic example is sugarcane along with oilseeds, also called companion crops), mixed cropping (where two or more crops are grown simultaneously in the same field and at the same time, (here crops that have same sowing and harvesting

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times are chosen), relay cropping (here the farmer grows two or more crops in the same field and they enjoy the association of each other for a period of time). Cash crop farming also called commercial farming has multiple benefits for the farmer and can be another option that can bolster farmer income. It has the potential to maximise the farmer’s profits, promote economic diversification and also earn revenue for the government. Cotton, jute, tea, tobacco, coffee and oilseeds all have tremendous potential and this needs to be looked at as a top priority, especially as most farmers in India have small tracts of land and are looking to get the maximum out of them. Horticulture (fruits, vegetables, spices and plantation crops), is another useful activity that is yet to achieve its true potential. Though India is heading in the right direction with the agriculture ministry in its advance estimate for 201718 putting the total production at 305.4 million tonnes, nearly 5 million tonnes more than 2016-17.

eekeeping has been pointed out by the Prime Minister as another way of contributing towards doubling farmer’s income. Since cooperatives are mainly present in the sugar and dairy sectors, there is a need to explore new sectors like beekeeping through which the farmers could bring about a ‘Sweet Revolution’ to the cooperative movement. India produces 7,000 million tonnes of honey a year, out of which 50 per cent is exported annually. However, declining bee population is a matter of grave concern for scientists in India. Nevertheless, more and more farmers need to be

To maximise the produce of the farmer, it is critical that cold chain facilities and food processing industry are focused on a priority basis as this will reduce wastage and enhance food value

informed and educated about the benefits of beekeeping as this will result in greater production of honey which has an ever increasing market and will contribute in enhancing farmer’s income. The farmer also has to be taught on how the animals (cattle, goat, sheep) at his disposal can be made more productive (through superior animal husbandry techniques) and the government needs to ensure that markets are created for the surplus that is generated from the additional yields from the animals. While increasing food production through various means is one aspect, food wastage is another area we cannot afford to ignore. In India, 62,000 tonnes of foodgrains, mainly rice and wheat, have been damaged in the godowns of the Food Corporation of India (FCI) over the past six years. Only 10 per cent of the foods get cold storage facility in our country. Therefore, to maximise the produce of the farmer, it is critical that cold chain facilities and food processing industry are focused on a priority basis as this will reduce wastage and enhance food value. There should simply be ‘no tax’ on food, irrespective of whether it is processed, sold through modern retail or the predominantly unorganised channels. Additionally, more and more people should be encouraged to invest in creating infrastructure in food processing so that the processing facilities are within reach of the maximum number of farmers. We should also not focus on very large processing units, the aim should be to have small and medium scale processing units and in large numbers. I have no doubt that the several initiatives taken by the Government will finally deliver on the objectives set out by the Prime Minister and the farmers will see prosperity in the coming years. g The writer is Senior Vice President, ITC Ltd. The views expressed are personal.

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

STATESCAN kashmir mk kaw

Modi fails in

Kashmir Narendra Modi has belied hopes that he raised among Kashmiri Pandits in 2014. He failed to put the plight of the Pandits at the top of his political agenda

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

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hen Modi took over as the Prime Minister in 2014, he aroused great hopes in members of the Kashmiri Pandit community. Most people did not expect initiatives in foreign policy or an economic miracle from him. After all, he had been in State politics most of the time. But the least one expected from him was a positive deal for the Hindus. He could be expected to build the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya, abrogate Article 370 of the Constitution, legislate a uniform civil code for the minorities and make it possible for the Kashmiri Pandits to return to their ancestral homes. Modi has belied these hopes. He did not put the plight of the Pandits at the top of his political agenda. He has left the Ayodhya temple to the judges of the Supreme Court. He has more or less abandoned the RSS agenda for Article 370. He has neither been able to win over the Kashmiri Muslims to the Indian side, nor browbeat them into submission. On the civil code all he has to show is the triple talaak fiasco.

All this has happened because of a flawed Kashmir policy, for which one should blame Ajit Doval, the NSA, and Ram Madhav, his Kashmir pointsman in the BJP. These two gentlemen attempted to build a coalition government by trying to bring together the PDP and the BJP. This was the most ill-matched couple in the State’s murky politics. The expectations on either side at that time were so childlike in their pristine innocence that we had to remind ourselves that these were masters in the art of realpolitik, not writers of Aesop’s fairy tales. One could have forgiven Mufti Saheb his guielessness, for he had tested the astuteness of the warlords at Delhi when he had put terrorists in the driving seat of Indian politics by the simple strategy of pretending that his daughter had been kidnapped by them. But that the knickerdharis should have believed that the BJP would make inroads into the Muslims of the valley can only underline the palpable fact that Nagpur is totally divorced from the grassroots reality on the ground. Now the bomb has burst. The situation in the valley has become so untenable that the charade had to be called off. Obviously the present road was taking us nowhere. The separatists and terrorists were leading India to a merry dance. There were infiltrations and border incursions. There were attacks on military and police

The trouble with finding a solution that is universally acceptable is that Kashmiri Pandits do not constitute a homogeneous community with a uniformity of views that can be fully converted into a generally acceptable policy statement www.indianbuzz.com

outposts. Security personnel were being sacrificed every day. The Defence and Home Ministers were issuing bold threats. The Prime Minister was maintaining a studied silence. When I was the president of the All India Kashmiri Samaj (AIKS), we had filed a civil writ petition against the Home Ministry and the State Government. A sustained campaign was lodged against the Government. This resulted in the Prime Minister’s package that led to the construction of 7,200 flats at Jagati and we were able to take the migrants out of tented accommodation. The Central and State governments were forced to create 6,000 new jobs for Kashmiri Pandit youth. Hardly any progress has been made on the return of Kashmiri Pandit migrants. The AIKS had presented a cogent plan for allotment on the basis of all the possible options. A Kashmiri Pandit could return to his own house or be allotted a flat in a multi-storeyed housing complex. Or, he could be allotted a plot of land in a wellplanned complex. The trouble with finding a solution that is universally acceptable is that Kashmiri Pandits do not constitute a homogeneous community with a uniformity of views that can be fully converted into a generally acceptable policy statement. Take the simple proposition of return itself. Prima facie it seems self-evident that the very first step towards normalisation must start with the return of Pandits to the valley. Unless the Pandits return in substantial numbers, we cannot start the rebuilding of a multi-ethnic society. Yet on this basic initial proposition there is a vast variety of views. To start with, we have the nay-sayers who reject every proposition with a negative response: ‘Return? Who wants to return? Their houses have been burnt down. Or, they have been sold under duress for a song. And if you take them back in ones and twos, how would you ensure their security

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

STATESCAN kashmir mk kaw

and safety? How do you protect their women folk from the goons of the majority community? Above all, what would they do for a living?â&#x20AC;&#x2122; Viewed at from Delhi or Jammu or the safety of the Raj Bhawans, these may appear to be petty, puerile concerns of aging senior citizens. But they are strong enough to force policy planners to think of alternative scenarios.

n outstanding example of such extremist thinking is the Panun Kashmir movement. Stripped of the verbiage, it boils down to the carving out of a separate territory for the exclusive use, habitation and possession of the Pandits. When I heard this proposal for the first time, I pointed out the constitutional illegitimacy of a concept that is totally foreign to the scheme worked out by the founding fathers .Once the idea that the inhabitancy of a particular area must belong only to a particular ethnic, linguistic or religious group is accepted, it will be impossible to confine such an

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

An outstanding example of such extremist thinking is the Panun Kashmir movement. Stripped of the verbiage, it boils down to the carving out of a separate territory for the exclusive use, habitation and possession of the Pandits idea to a particular geographical area. The dangerous consequences of such a constitutional scheme are too horrific to contemplate. Yet, believe it or not, there are currently three major factions of the Panun Kashmir movement. Each of these is supported by a galaxy of intellectuals, poets and philosophers. They take themselves so seriously that it is virtually impossible for the rest of the world to ignore them.

Things came to such a pass that the government agencies engaged in a puerile search for areas in downtown Srinagar that had harboured Pandits for a considerable length of time. This is supposed to be based on the historical fact that Pandits have loved to congregate in Batta Mohallas. So what is the likely impact of the Governorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rule on the condition, return strategy and the security concerns of Kashmiri Pandits? It appears to the unbiased observer that the impact will be nil. At best, if the Central Government in India is able to have its way, it may be able to reduce the level of infiltration across the border or neutralise a larger percentage of militants who manage to sneak across. The latest episode in the drama unfolding in J&K may make breaking news for the media, but its impact on the problems of Kashmiri Pandits will be a big zero. Let Doval and Madav have their fun! g MK Kaw is a former Secretary, Government of India

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Hurrah! new look! gfilesindia.com

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Book Review

by Narendra Kumar

non-fiction america

Classified reality

n the era of star whistleblowers such as Julian Assange and Edward Snowden and massive leaks or releases of classified, often highly disturbing information, it is difficult to surprise the public with disclosures about clandestine activities, past and present of governments, yet the book A Shining City on a Hill, Novus Ordo Seclorum by French scholar and international relations analyst Come Carpentier de Gourdon, a long-standing part-time resident of India makes, in a highly readable, suspenseful manner, a number of stunning assertions which he backs with a wealth of published and unpublished documents and with testimonies from high-level witnesses. The book contains an account of the author’s first months in Colorado, in the Rocky Mountains in the 1980s. He calls it a biovel as he narrates in a lively manner the many meetings and experiences he had with often eminent people who enlightened him about various secret and often unsavory aspects and episodes of America’s recent history and about hidden mechanisms and forces that operate behind the façade of democracy. A vast range of issues is covered, going from the days when the Republic was founded on the basis of combined Christian, Greek philosophical and Masonic Occultist ideas, to the era of the global American empire following the Second World War, when a triumphant military and a sprawling national security apparatus, allied with huge business corporations and banks became hegemonic by reinforcing their influence on the country’s domestic and foreign policies. The author does not engage in a scholarly study but provides numerous

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Title: A Shining City On A Hill Author: Come Carpentier de Gourdon Publisher: Har-Anand Publications, 2018 Price: `795.00 Pages: 283

published references for those who wish to know more and draw their own conclusions. De Gourdon writes as an observer, collecting and reflecting the informed opinions and views of the many people he came in contact with or learnt about with during his stay. From Ben Franklin to Steve Jobs, from Dwight Eisenhower to George HW Bush, from Abraham Lincoln to David and Nelson Rockefeller, from Ayn Rand to Marilyn Monroe, from Ralph W Emerson to Edgar Poe among many others, well known and not so well known, alive or long departed, the book weaves the tapestry of the American nation through disclosures and anecdotes. Discussions about the mass transfers of Nazi scientists to the US, the transfer of nuclear technology to the USSR, the Cold War, subversions of foreign governments,

illegal wars, the assassinations of the Kennedy brothers and of other famous figures may not reveal many new facts to those who have already informed themselves about these stories but there is a lot more that comes to light as the author carries on his investigation among experts and witnesses who bolster widespread suspicions of drug trafficking and gun running by certain State agencies. The existence of a major, ominous mystery at the core of the US ‘deep state’, becomes increasingly probable, as testimonies, documents and circumstantial proofs confirm and corroborate each other, leaving the reader with little room to reject the conclusion to which the book leads, to wit certain sectors and agencies of the USA have been aware of and in contact with one or several highly advanced and powerful entities which have played a covert but critical role in earthly affairs for a very long period of time. Decadeslong officious and clandestine interaction with those forces account in part for the explosion of technological inventions and advances that we have experienced since World War II. In the Indian traditional context, however, would such a disclosure not give renewed relevance to the cosmological insights provided by the Vedas, Puranas et al. about devas, asuras and such, hitherto regarded by the ‘scientifically minded’ as mere mythological imaginings or symbols? In retrospect, movies such as Close Encounters or Star Wars and of TV series like The X Files may be closer to the ‘classified‘ reality than most people suspect, according to this ‘remarkable, original, audacious and disturbing… but extremely readable book’. g

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Book Extract

sex-selective abortion and the state bijayalaxmi nanda

Conditional Cash Transfers

Addressing gender discrimination by enhancing women’s worth While in Brazil and Mexico, the success of conditional cash transfer schemes has been due to a high level of awareness of the concepts of co-responsibility and community participation, in India the Ladli scheme was seen more in terms of alleviating the insecurity and anguish of having given birth to a burden, a paternalistic handout, a charity by the state rather than a programme which involved dual responsibilities and accountability. Hence addressing gender discrimination through cash incentive schemes needs to be critically assessed through the theoretical framework of a syncretic feminist perspective and an intersectionality approach.

he different perceptions of sexselective abortion as gender discrimination have led to strategies for intervention, social change, and reform initiated by the state, by concerned civil society initiatives and the women’s movements in the regions where it prevails. The liability of bringing up a girl-child is associated with the burden of dowry at the time of marriage. This instrumental rationality of the valuation of women has been countered by feminists, predict-

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ably and understandably, to establish and emphasise women’s substantial nonwaged labour; their centrality to social reproduction and their contribution to household work, marginalised tasks, agricultural and other work. The women’s movement’s demand for recognition and equal wages for such work done by women has had a significant impact in this area. Simultaneously, the struggle to provide women with better legal access to inheritance and property, to employment,

and to political influence is also a strategy of empowerment (Sunder Rajan 2003). The state’s understanding of this linking of women’s survival so their economic worth has led to many incentives such as conditional cash transfer (CCT) schemes floated by various state governments and the central government. In 1992, the Tamil Nadu government announced the Puratchi Thalaivi Jayalalitha scheme’ for the girl child (named after the then chief minister of the state, and was subsequent-

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ly renamed as the ‘Girl Child Protection scheme’) as a response to the female infanticide problem. It was a long-term incentive plan to help families maintain their girl children a sum of `500 would be given to her when various milestones were reached—on her first birthday, on enrolment in school, on the completion of Class VI and Class X, and finally a lump sum `20,000 would be awarded to her at the age 21, provided she passed Class X and remained unmarried until then. There were other eligibility conditions attached to this scheme: one of the parents should undergo sterilisation, the parents should have no sons, the annual income should not be above `12,000 a year, etc. This is the longest running scheme of its kind in the country. It is the forerunner of a number of schemes introduced in other states, e.g. Delhi’s and Haryana’s Ladli scheme, Madhya Pradesh’s Ladli Lakshmi Yojana, and Andhra Pradesh’s Girl Child Protection scheme. In a national meeting on ‘Save the Girl Child’ on 28 April 2000, the then prime minister noted that no nation, no society, no community can hold its head high and claim to be part of the civilised world if it condones the practice of discriminating against one half of humanity represented by women.’ He went on to add that the various schemes undertaken by certain state governments such as the Dikri Bachao campaign of Gujarat, GCPS of Tamil Nadu, Devi Rupak Scheme of Haryana, Ladli campaign of Delhi and the scheme for cash incentives to panchayats for improving the village sex ratio of Punjab are good steps’ (Srinivasan and Bedi 2009). This linkage of the addressing of gender discrimination through the schemes mentioned here by the prime minister as ‘good steps’ needs to be critically assessed through the theoretical framework of a syncretic feminist perspective and an intersectionality approach.

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Title: “Sex-Selective Abortion and the State: Policies, laws and Institutions in India” Author: Bijayalaxmi Nanda Publisher: Har-Anand Publications, 2018 Price: `795

Evaluation of the scheme in Tamil Nadu has been done by Srinivasan and Bedi (2009) and Sunder Rajan (2003). While Sunder Rajan dismisses the scheme as ineffectual and not actually addressing the core issues of gender discrimination, Srinivasan and Bedi mention that a close look at the scheme reveals that its implementation is not targeted at districts with a high prevalence of female infanticide, that it assumes that only poor families are anti -daughters, and given the sterilization conditionality that families with only daughters and strong son preference are not likely to volunteer. Also to what extent it has altered attitudes towards daughters is still not clear.

V Sekher in a succinct desk review of 15 CCT schemes regarding girl child in India comes to the conclusion that there are numerous problems with the design, intent and delivery of these schemes. He also refers to the ineffectiveness of these cash transfer schemes to improve the status of the girl child in India (Sekher 2012). The concept of such conditional cash

transfer schemes originated in Latin American countries mainly in response to the macroeconomic crisis of the 1990s when the demand for social services such as education and health from poorer households was perceived to have declined drastically These programmes thus represent a shift in governmental approach that earlier focused on the supply-side delivery of basic services to focus on the demand side by protecting the consumption of merit goods (Prabhu 2009), Conditional cash transfers are different from unconditional cash transfers which are cash grants in the form of social security measures which make no attempt to influence individual/household consumption preferences whereas the main purpose of the CCTs is to do so. A formal adoption of the CCT approach was done by the Ministry of Women and Child Development, Government of India, in March 2008 called ‘Dhanalakshmi’ or the CCT scheme for girl child, with an insurance cover. The scheme as a pilot was decided to be implemented in eleven blocks across seven States —Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Punjab and Uttar Pradesh. Cash transfers are provided under the scheme to the family of the girl child (preferably to the mother) on fulfilling the following conditions: birth registration of the girl-child, progress of immunisation, and enrolment and retention in school. In addition, the girl child born on or after the cut-off date as notified is entitled to an insurance cover/maturity benefit to the tune of `1, 00,000 through the Life Insurance Corporation of India, provided she does not get married before attaining the age of 18 years. The schemes in Tamil Nadu, Haryana and Delhi pertaining to the girl-child are similar to these CCTs. The Ladli schemes in Haryana and Delhi are taken up for analysis in greater detail here. Both the schemes have been lauded by the respective states as having

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Book Extract

sex-selective abortion and the state bijayalaxmi nanda

had a positive impact on the declining sex ratio and bringing about a turnaround in the child sex ratio with the number of girls in the 0-6 years being more than boys. The 2001 Census reports reveals Delhi’s child sex ratio as 868 to 1000 boys and Haryana’s as 834 to 1000. The analysis of the schemes was done by gathering information from the Haryana state government offices and Delhi state government offices. Field visits to Gurgaon district in Haryana and South Delhi district in Delhi were also part of it. Conversations with middle level functionaries in Gurgaon, Haryana and Delhi from the Department of Women and Child Development and Department of Social ‘Welfare, which are in charge of handling the schemes, and interviews with programme coordinator of Mission Convergence, South District, Delhi and programme coordinators of Gender Resource Centres (GRCs), who are dealing with the enrolment for the scheme in Delhi, informed the understanding of the issue. Group discussions with beneficiaries and social workers in the field were also held.

the family, was initially the name given to a campaign launched by the NGO ‘Population First’ of Mumbai, supported by UNFPA to counter the unwantedness or the aversion of daughters leading to sex-selective abortion in India. The campaign was in an awareness generation and advocacy mode. The aim of using a positive terminology was also to move away from earlier discourses which emphasised the issue of missing girls and the negative side of sex-selective abortion which are violence, discrimination and death. The word ‘Ladli’ was to bring to the fore the value of the girl-child in the family and the emotive connections of the family with her. This positive, benign and well

meaning strategy was taken up by other states with the UNFPA shaping policy discourses around the issue. In Haryana this scheme has been planned with certain conditionalities. There are two parallel Ladli schemes in Haryana. One is the Ladli scheme for the girl child and the other is the Ladli pension plan for families with only daughters. The Ladli scheme for the girl child was launched in 2005 and the Government of Haryana extended the scheme up to 201516. Under this scheme `5,000 per year is invested under a group insurance scheme of Life Insurance Corporation of India in the name of the second daughter born in a family. A maturity amount of approxi-

our primary objectives were identified for this enquiry: the first was to describe the principal elements of the schemes, the second was to delve into the contestations, challenges and contradictions within it to address the issue of sex-selective abortion as gender discrimination; the third was to look into the opportunities that it provides to address the issue of sex-selective abortion as gender discrimination; and the fourth was to examine the implications of the schemes under the theoretical framework of a syncretic feminist perspective with an intersectionality approach. The Ladli scheme in Haryana was launched in 2005 and was an upscaling of its earlier Devi Rupak Yojana. The word ‘Ladli,’ which means the darling of

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mately `90,000 to `1,00,000 would, thus, be available to the second daughter when she attains the age of 18. All families who are residents of Haryana or having Haryana domicile are eligible irrespective of their income and number of sons, provided there is at least one alive real sister of the second girl child in the family. The other conditionalities of the scheme are: at least one of the parents along with the girl children should be residing in Haryana; the birth of both the girl children should be registered; the parents should ensure proper immunisation of both the girl children and immunisation record (as per age of the girl children) may be produced at the time of receiving each payment;

both sisters should be enrolled in school/ Anganwadi centre as per their age; even if the parents of the second girl child are receiving benefit under any other scheme like Balika Samridhi Yojana, they will still be entitled to benefit under this scheme. The Ladli Pension Scheme of Government of Haryana called ‘Ladli Social Security Allowance Scheme’ was launched on 1 January 2006. It provides for parents who have only daughters ‘to remove sense of insecurity.’ Under the scheme, `500 per month is paid to the family from the 45th birthday of the father/mother (whoever is older) till their 60th birthday, i.e. for 15 years. A separate scheme (Old Age Samman Allowance @ `500 per month to all senior citizens) starts after the 60th year.

he elements of the two plans are distinct from each other and overlap at times to position itself as a holistic scheme with synergy between them. The scheme thus addresses a number of issues in its two avatars which may be said to be derived from an analysis of the patterns of daughter discrimination, aversion and elimination in Haryana. Almost on similar lines, the Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi launched its own Ladli scheme in 2008. Although the broad objective of the scheme remains the same, i.e. to encourage families to have girl child and to curb sex-selective abortion, the Delhi Ladli scheme puts additional conditionalities related to continued education of the girl

child and has positioned the scheme for low-income group families only. The scheme is available to two girl children per family (any two girl children). The enrolment of the girl child starts at birth when the Government deposits `10,000 in the bank account if the girl child is delivered at home and `11,000 if it was an institutional delivery. Additional `5,000 is deposited in the bank account on each occasion when the girl child is enrolled in Class I, VI, and IX, respectively. `5,000 more is deposited when the child passes Class X. Passing Class X is important as the failure to do so will result in the beneficiary forfeiting the entire amount deposited till this point. Once past this post when the girl child enrols in Class XI, she will get the final instalment of `5,000. A girl born after 1 January 2008 and enrolled at birth under the scheme will get around `1, 00,000 at the age of 18. Others who join midway will get the amount deposited along with interest when they attain this age. The conditionalities of the Delhi Ladli scheme include: the total annual income of the family should be below `1, 00,000; the beneficiary girl should have been born in Delhi and the family should have been staying in Delhi at least for the last three years; and only two girl children per family can be covered under the scheme. There are three main objectives of the scheme as stated by government functionaries operationalising the scheme. First, to curb sex-selective abortion — this is a very important objective and, therefore, the

One of the contradictions is that while the scheme in Delhi is targeted at poor families, the poor are not the main culprits when it comes to sexselective abortion. Studies have shown that sexselective abortion is mainly an upper class, upper caste practice and is unfathomably linked to higher levels of education in women www.indianbuzz.com

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sex-selective abortion and the state bijayalaxmi nanda

scheme has made special provisions for institutional and non-institutional birth (`11,000 and `10,000, respectively). The amount is immediately sanctioned in the name of the girl thereby emphasising that daughters are truly `Lakshmisâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; (Goddess of wealth) of their homes. Second, to improve school enrolment, as the next tranche of payment is made when the girl is admitted in Class I. Third, in order to reduce the school drop-out rate, the payment is made at five stages during school years â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in the Class I, Class III, Class VI, Class IX and then after passing Class X.

inal tranche is paid in Class XII. Government documents and discussions with government functionaries in charge of carrying out the implementation of the scheme reveal that the aim of the scheme is to eradicate sex-selective abortion, promote the cause of girl-child education especially in the context of poor families and enhance the status of the girl child within poor families. It is based on the assumption that given the perception of girls as an economic burden, it is necessary to enhance their economic worth by providing financial support to families that bring up daughters. It is mainly targeted at poor families and families just marginally over the poverty line. The number of beneficiaries in the first year were 1,35,000 and in the second year it was 1,51,000. While the number of beneficiaries has increased significantly, there is a need to critically assess the reach of the scheme, especially in the context of countering sex-selective abortion as gender discrimination. District specific data from Delhi do reveal that the scheme has beneficiaries from all districts. In Gurgaon, Haryana, the number of beneficiaries in the rural areas far outnumbered the number of beneficiaries in the urban areas. There was a huge contrast between the number of beneficiaries under the Ladli Girl Child Scheme and

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the Ladli Pension Scheme. Most of these beneficiaries were accessing the Ladli Girl Child Scheme. As far as the Ladli Pension Scheme is concerned, there were only about two to three beneficiaries in each district. The main reason for these dismal numbers under the Ladli Pension Scheme is the miniscule monthly pension, i.e. `500 per month per family, and the condition of having only daughters.

Contradictions, Contestations and Challenges: Premature Celebration or Fact?

The claims made by both Delhi and Haryana state governments are that there has been a turnaround in the declining sex ratio due to the Ladli schemes. They have presented the inter-censal birth registration data of that period as the corroborating evidence for it. However, this has been challenged by both demographers and activists working in the field. Middle

level functionaries who are in charge of implementation of the scheme provide support to this by agreeing that it is not the sex ratio which has turned around, but the registration of girls at birth which has increased. Registration of births even of non-institutional delivery is a mandatory eligibility for accessing the scheme and that is the primary reason for the results. Sharma and Haub have presented a critique of this premature celebration of the improvement of sex ratio in Delhi. Their main arguments are that according to the annual report for 2008, the number of total births registered was 333,908 of which 166,583 were boys and 167,325 were girls, giving a sex ratio of 1,004 girl babies per 1,000 boy babies. The number of registered births during 2007 was 322,044 of which 174,289 were boys and only 147,755 were girls! That gave a sex ratio of only 848 in 2007 (Sharma and Haub 2010). They question the sudden

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spurt in the birth of girls during this period. The Government of NCT of Delhi has stated that the higher number of registered births of girls during 2008 manifests a dip in sex-selective abortion and infanticide and to some extent to the effective Implementation of the Ladli scheme. This needs to be looked into in depth. According to them, the Ladli scheme envisaged that those girls who were born on or after 1 January 2008, are entitled to cash and non-cash incentives. This resulted in the registration of a large number of girl birth during 2008. During the month of January 2008 alone, a higher number of girl births were registered and the sex ratio was 1,090 girl births per 1,000 boy births. From February to June 2008, the sex ratio for registered births continued to be favourable for girls. However, during the second half of 2008 — July to December — the sex ratio declined and hovered around 975. Sharma and Haub

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reiterate, ‘the question which immediately comes to one’s mind is: Why was the higher number of girl births in comparison to boys reported immediately after the announcement of the Ladli scheme and less in the second half of the year? This may perhaps call for verification of the bona fides of beneficiaries’ (Sharma and Haub 2010).

urther, a sizeable number of registered births are non-institutional. During 2007 the share of the noninstitutional births was higher in the case of boys (25.4 per cent) than girls (24.9 per cent). During 2008 the share of noninstitutional births was higher in the case of girls (30.0 per cent) than boys (23.1 per cent). The actual place of occurrence of non-institutional births can be quite difficult to verify. Interestingly, the sex ratio of the registered births during JanuaryJune 2008, taken together, works out

to 1,048 which then declined to 969 in respect of those births which took place during July-December 2008. Why this shortfall? There is every possibility that some parents might have got the benefit of the scheme on the basis of false claims. The non-institutional girl births which took place outside Delhi might have been registered here. This argument is strengthened by the fact that the higher registration of girl births started immediately after the announcement of the Ladli scheme and this continued for the first half and declined in the second half of 2008. During the four months since the launch of the Ladli scheme, the Delhi government opened 6,000 fixed deposit accounts and another 23,000 more claims were being processed. One should thus be careful in interpreting this first high sex ratio among the registered births in Delhi and verify the factual position (Sharma and Haub 2010). The Shagun scheme — which provides `15,000 to eligible Scheduled Castes girls upon marriage — in Punjab has come under scanner where some people received money thrice even though it could only be given twice, received three cheques for one daughter and even issueless mothers received money. According to Sharma and Haub, ‘the Delhi government should take heed of the possibility of misuse of an excellent and well-intentioned programme, something that can happen anywhere when a windfall of funds is involved (Sharma and Haub 2010). While Sharma and Haub present valid arguments against the government’s claim that sex ratios have turned around and sex-selective abortion has been countered, they call the scheme ‘excellent and well-intentioned.’ In order to understand how excellent or well-intentioned the schemes are, it is essential to delve into the problems of tackling gender discrimination through conditional cash transfers which raises no questions about

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sex-selective abortion and the state bijayalaxmi nanda

the entrenched power structures, institutions and embedded cultures that lead to gender discriminatory practices like sexselective abortion.

The Issue of Women’s Worth: Can Money Buy me Love?

One of the contradictions noted is that while the scheme in Delhi is targeted at poor families, the poor are not the main culprits when it comes to sex-selective abortion. The monetary incentives offered by the state to families to preserve and raise their children, as also the incomelevel limit imposed for a family’s eligibility are proposals based on the assumption that poverty is the chief underlying cause of the problem (Sunder Rajan 2003). Studies have shown that sex-selective abortion is mainly an upper class, upper

it comes to sex-selective abortion. For example, the beneficiaries who belonged to the Ambedkar Nagar in South Delhi (an urban cluster whose population mainly consisted of marginalised castes who were also economically weaker) were well aware of the availability of medical facilities aiding sex-selective abortion. Men who had accompanied their wives and older women who had accompanied their daughters-in-law to the group discussions enthusiastically shared their in-depth knowledge of the practice. Sex selective abortion according to them was commonly practiced by their community members. The amount reportedly charged for sex determination was `500 and for termination of pregnancy it was `3,000, an amount which increased if the term of pregnancy was advanced.

The girl will access the money when she is 18 years, the legal age of marriage for girls. Focused group discussions with beneficiaries both in Gurgaon and Delhi revealed that the majority of them wanted to use the money for their daughter’s marriage caste practice and is unfathomably linked to higher levels of education in women. Data from Census 2001 analysed by Bhat and Zavier reveal that the sex ratio at birth is more likely to be masculine for mothers with more education (Bhat and Zavier 2007). Sunder Rajan (2003) and Srinivasan and Bedi (2009) also establish that education and prosperity appear to facilitate knowledge of access to and the use of technology for sex selection. While agreeing with Sunder Rajan and Srinivasan and Bedi on the link between prosperity and education with sex-selective abortion, focused group discussions with beneficiaries of the scheme reveal a growing phenomenon. The aspirations for upward mobility amongst the poor have made them adopt the ways and means of the rich and prosperous when

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To a question whether the scheme has brought about any change in the practice, a complex set of responses were provided by the group. The majority felt that in the case of the second born daughter the scheme leads to a weighing of options since the scheme offers `1, 00,000 for the daughter compared to at least `3,500 which they need to get rid of the female foetus. The families then decide to the daughter (female foetus) in this case. The Additional Director in charge of the Ladli scheme in Delhi says, ‘In the context of poor families it is sheer economics at work. The girl child is not welcome because of the scheme; the scheme is welcome because the girl-child is a liability.” However, the beneficiaries were not forthcoming on the aspect of the third pregnancy. Families with two daughters

did not consider their families as complete without a son. While they did not openly share it, it was clear and implicit in their silence that the third pregnancy could be subjected to the practice of sex determination and sex-selective abortion, if required. So in a limited and technical manner the scheme does in some sense prevent sex-selective abortion, but it only scratches the top of the surface without addressing the core issues of gender discrimination. The inclusion of the third daughter under the scheme may be able to address some of these concerns. It would also be able to considerably lessen the psycho-social damage that a living third daughter faces in a family where the other two daughters are beneficiaries of the scheme.

tudies by Mary John (2008) and others also show that sex-selective abortion is no longer an upper class, upper caste, urban phenomenon; the aspirational motives for upward mobility do reveal it in the poor and also amongst the scheduled castes who had been earlier egalitarian, with no reported cases of female infanticide, where women had greater mobility and occupational value and dowry was unheard of (John 2008). However, it is essential that the programme goes beyond the poor since daughter aversion and sex-selective abortion due to it is more widespread. A substantial effect on this form of gender discrimination can be possible only then.

Women as Liability: Dowry and Marriage

One of the major contradictions of the scheme is that while it is designed on the premise that the girl-child is considered an economic liability because of dowry, the manner and method of accessing the scheme leads to the reinforcing of the system of dowry itself. The girl will access the money when she is 18 years, the legal

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sex-selective abortion and the state bijayalaxmi nanda

struck off the programme. The cash transfer element is intended to provide short-term assistance to poor Families while the conditionality element aims to promote longer-term capital investments in the next generation (the idea of ‘co-responsibility’ has been provided by Maxine Molyneux as explained in Kabeer; Kabeer 2010: 11.8).

age of marriage for girls. Focused group discussions with beneficiaries both in Gurgaon and Delhi revealed that the majority of them wanted to use the money for their daughter’s marriage. Sixty per cent of the girls in the group discussion who had filled up the form in 2009, and who were eligible to access it in 2010, said that they would like to use the money for their own marriage. Neha, 18, said that she wanted to spend the money on a `10,000 worth wedding lehenga and a beauty parlour package worth `4,500. The spiral of a consumerist market and the notions of high spending and beautification around the institution of marriage have created a desire which is essentially gender discriminatory, but has caught the imagination of young girls across class, caste, community barriers. So although it was dear that the promise of cash transfers has brought about a sense of security and self confidence in women and girls, there was little evidence of changes in their decision-making roles or bargaining power and even less evidence of increased voice within the community. The notions of marriage, beauty and sexuality were all wrapped together and reinforced as a

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marketable good which enhanced selfworth. Dreze has, therefore, questioned the wisdom of bribing parents to keep their daughters, thereby reinforcing the notion that they are a liability. According to Sabu George’s findings, the incentive money itself is sometimes used for dowry (Sunder Rajan 2003).

The Idea of Co-responsibility

The scheme’s attempt at addressing school enrolment and retaining school dropouts had escaped the attention of the beneficiaries. In fact when it was shared that a girl would have to forfeit the amount if she does not pass Class X, the beneficiaries were anxiety-ridden with this conditionality. Conditional cash transfers were pioneered in Latin America and their design embodies the new social policy principles of community involvement and co-responsibility. Co-responsibility is formalised through a quasi-contractual understanding that in return for the entitlements proffered by the programme, certain obligations have to be discharged by the two parties. Failure to comply with the requirements can lead to being

he beneficiaries of the Ladli scheme, on the contrary, had very little or no awareness of the co-responsibility of completing their daughters’ education. There was also no discernible sign of community involvement in discussing or debating about the conditionalities. The schemes were disseminated in Haryana through the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and in Delhi through the Gender Resource Centres (GRCs) which were part of the umbrella system of the Mission Convergence. For girls who filled the forms at school level, the responsibility of distributing the scheme was with the school teachers and principals. The level of understanding on the core issues of co-responsibility and community participation was very limited even with them. Schools devised their own methods of distribution. Some beneficiaries who have accessed the scheme at the school level shared that the teachers distributed forms to four meritorious girl students in the class and asked the rest to access it from a kiosk in a far-off area. While in Brazil and Mexico, the success of CCTs has been due to a high level of awareness of the concepts of coresponsibility and community participation, in India the Ladli scheme was seen more in terms of alleviating the insecurity and anguish of having given birth to a burden, a paternalistic handout, a charity by the state rather than a programme which involved dual responsibilities and accountability. The responsibility of educating and empowering her had not

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percolated down in terms of even basic understanding. Again, while in Brazil the process of obtaining the documents (such as birth certificates and identity cards) in order to register and apply for the Bolsa Familia, the flagship CCT in the developing world today, led to earlier isolated community members to achieve a sense of belongingness and relate to their sense of being citizens, in India this process was found cumbersome especially due to the inefficiency and corruption that marks public offices and the low level of literacy and Lack of time that the poor have in order to do so. The transitionary living and working conditions along-with poor access to health care, education and security of work make it extremely difficult for the poor to bail out time for obtaining such certificates. Girija Sahu, the coordinator of the District Resource Centre, South

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Delhi, of Mission Convergence says: Those who get left out of the loop may be the most deserving, however the process of obtaining certificates is sometimes so difficult that they enter into a vicious cycle and finally can never access the schemes they want to. Corruption is so universally accepted that the poor themselves offer some bribe even when they are filling up the forms taken to them by workers of the Gender Resource Centres. Sometimes they are fleeced by third parties who are aware of their gullibility leading to a failure of such programmes. Moreover, irrespective of the scrutiny done by the Gender Resource Centres, it is clear that in many cases the beneficiaries are frauds, people who have used unfair means to obtain certification. The implementation of the programme is also fraught with problems. Administrative decisions to change the system of sanctioning amounts leads to

inordinate delays which make people lose faith in the system and in the credibility of the Gender Resource Centre or the PRIs which are in direct touch with them.

he evaluation of the Ladli scheme, based on the views of the middle level functionaries who are in charge of implementing it, is that it can do wonders for education of the girl-children and this needs to be emphasised when talking about the scheme. However, the quality of schooling leaves much to be desired. While conditionalities were all imposed on the beneficiaries and they would be ejected if they failed in Class X, there was no reciprocal obligation on part of the teachers or the institution or the state to provide them with better level of education under what Molyneux calls â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;co-responsibilityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. More girls are attending school

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sex-selective abortion and the state bijayalaxmi nanda

today due to ongoing concerted efforts like Right to Education, Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and other such initiatives. This picture of improved participation of girls in education needs to be framed around the remarkable demographic change that has taken place in gender gap at birth which can be attributed to the persistence of gender discriminatory child-rearing practices, to the growing popularity of new pre-birth sex determination technology and easier access to sex-selective abortion facilities. This phenomenon, which has evolved as a parallel process during the same period in which rapid increase has occurred in girl’s access to primary education, has a modern face in as much as it is associated with symptoms of modernity, such as the spread of literacy and education among women and urbanisation (Kumar 2010: 83). This picture forces us to conclude that while the state’s effort to bring a greater number of girls to school has made immense progress, the number of girls in the overall population have decreased considerably due to gender discriminatory practices like sex-selective abortion. Krishna Kumar points out that this contradictory picture helps us view and assess the state’s overall policy and performance in the context of girl’s childhood rather than in the context of girl’s education alone. Girls’ enrolment is increasing in a socially regressive environment. More girls are getting educated, but in an ethos which emphatically conveys its negative view of girls. Those who are studying can hardly be expected to escape or overlook this broader message, particularly because they are getting educated, even as they might-benefit from education in different ways (Kumar 2010: 83). The enrolment and retention of girls in school thus needs to take into account quality of education which questions gender stereotypes, provides an opportunity to challenge dominant images and to under-

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stand the dynamics of the reproduction of inequality in education. Finally, the education received by the poor does not bring rewards in terms of economic returns. On the contrary, they experience long periods of unemployment in the reserve army of labour and become VuInerable to discrimination in terms of work and wages (Velaskar 2003). Hemlata, a beneficiary of the scheme who was part of the group discussion during this research, was already enrolled in a correspondence course to pursue a B.A. programme. (She was interested in a law degree but was not aware of how to do so). The design of the programmes did not serve to advance women’s economic security or autonomy. There was little in the way of aptitude testing, training for the job market or child care provisions later in their lives if they wanted to study, train or work.

he criticisms draw attention to the fact that such programmes represent single instruments of social policy and cannot be expected on their own to address the underlying causes of the problems that gave rise to them. They also point to the need to link these programmes to changes in the wider policy environment in which they are located (Kabeer 2010: 140). The syncretic feminist perspective

brings in the two dimensions of inclusion and reconceptualisation here. Inclusion of women and girls within programmes, and their access to political, economic and social rights are derived from the principles of liberal feminism. The idea of reconceptualisation is derived from radical and postmodern feminism. While the liberal feminist perspective would emphasise on formal equality and political participation, the radical feminist’s main concern here would help to question the power structures at play whether within the state agencies or the educational institutions. Postmodern feminism cautions about treating women as a homogeneous category and the intersectionality approach would be to delve into the class, caste, community, race, ethnicity and age dimensions. The implications of this theoretical framework in this context are that anti-gender discriminatory programmes in India demand much more than just cash transfers. They require addressing many challenges like implementing gender-sensitive laws, building women-friendly educational institutions, and providing quality education which counters gender stereotypes and creates a truly egalitarian ethos. It should also include leveraging markets for the poor and marginalised women, along with skill development, and vibrant collectives with ideas based on participation and sustainability. g

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birthdays IAS officers’ birthdays July 20, 2018 — August 19, 2018

IAS officers’ birthdays July 20, 2018 — August 19, 2018

Biswaranjan Samal

VS Bhaskar

Anil Garg

B Srinivas

CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: KERALA

samalb@ias.nic.in

bhaskar2@ias.nic.in

garga2@ias.nic.in

bsnivas@ias.nic.in

Shikha Rajput Tiwari

Kundan Kumar

Amit Satija

Harikesh Meena

CADRE: CHHATTISGARH

CADRE: BIHAR

CADRE: UNION TERRITORY

CADRE: HIMACHAL PRADESH

shikha.rajput@ias.nic.in

kundankumar@ias.nic.in

amitsatija@ias.nic.in

harikesh.m12@ias.nic.in

Amrendra Kr. Rakesh

Saleena Singh

Patil Ajit Bhagwatrao

MS Kalshetti

CADRE: GUJARAT

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

ramrenk@ias.nic.in

singhs20@ias.nic.in

pab.rao@ias.nic.in

ms.kalshetti@ias.nic.in

Manvendra Pratap Singh

Santosh Kumar

Meera Mohanty

Anoop Kumar

CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

CADRE: HIMACHAL PRADESH

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

mandendrap.singh@ias.nic.in

kumars32@ias.nic.in

meera.m@ias.nic.in

kranoop@ias.nic.in

Bhuvnesh Pratap Singh

Sanjay Pratap Singh

Anand Mohan Sharan

Prithvi Raj

CADRE: JHARKHAND

CADRE: UNION TERRITORY

CADRE: HARYANA

Cadre: rAJASTHAN

bhuvneshp.singh@ias.nic.in

singhsp1@ias.nic.in

sharanam@ias.nic.in

rprithvi@ias.nic.in

Yeluchuri Ratnakara Rao

Rajesh Bhushan

S Ramamoorthy

Rajat Bhargava

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: BIHAR

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

Cadre: Andhra Pradesh

ratnakarrao.ias@ias.nic.in

bhushanr@ias.nic.in

s.ramamoorthy@ias.nic.in

bhargav6@ias.nic.in

Raji Pramod Srivastava

Deepti Umashankar

Sanjay Bandopadhyay

Rachana Patil

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: HARYANA

CADRE: Madhya Pradesh

Cadre: bihar

srpramod@ias.nic.in

udeepti@ias.nic.in

sanjayb88@ias.nic.in

rachanapatil.ias2010@ias.nic.in

Sirra Karuna Raju

P Venugopal

Shyam Jagannathan

Jayanti S Ravi

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA

Cadre: gujarat

sk.raju@ias.nic.in

pv.gopal@ias.nic.in

jshyam@ias.nic.in

ravijs@ias.nic.in

K Phanindra Reddy

Vikas Garg

Nathmal Didel

EV Ramana Reddy

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: RAJASTHAN

Cadre: Karnataka

reddykp2@ias.nic.in

gargv1@ias.nic.in

nathmal.didel@ias.nic.in

ramanareddy.ev@ias.nic.in

Rajat Bansal

Ravindra Kumar

Rajneesh Dube

Ashok Kumar Bhargav

CADRE: CHHATTISGARH

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

Cadre: Madhya Pradesh

bansal.rajat@ias.nic.in

ravindra.kumar@ias.nic.in

r.dube@ias.nic.in

bhargava.ak@ias.nic.in

Niranjan Kr. Sudhansu

Akshay Sood

Anand Kumar

K Veera Raghava Rao

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

CADRE: Himachal Pradesh

CADRE: KERALA

Cadre: tamil nadu

sudhansu@ias.nic.in

akshaysood.ias2002@ias.nic.in

kranand1@ias.nic.in

kv.raghava@ias.nic.in

Arunish Chawla

Sandeep Kumar Singh

Ujjwal Kumar Ghosh

Avanish K Awasthi

CADRE: BIHAR

CADRE: UNION TERRITORY

CADRE: KARNATAKA

Cadre: Uttar Pradesh

chawlad@ias.nic.in

sandeepkumarsingh.ias11@ias.nic.in

ujjwal@ias.nic.in

awasthia@ias.nic.in

Gaurav Dayal

Ajay Tewari

Swatantra Kumar Singh

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: ASSAM - MEGHALAYA

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

gauravdayal@ias.nic.in

tewarias@ias.nic.in

swatantra@ias.nic.in

20-07-1968

28-07-1961

21-07-1976

28-07-1975

21-07-1964

29-07-1960

22-07-1983

23-07-1980

24-07-1969

24-07-1970

25-07-1965

25-07-1988

26-07-1975

26-07-1968

27-07-1979

29-07-1971

30-07-1961

31-07-1963

01-08-1970

01-08-1961

02-08-1970

03-08-1966

04-08-1963

05-08-1987

05-08-1970

06-08-1971

07-08-1978

07-08-1974

08-08-1977

08-08-1965

09-08-1980

09-08-1964

10-08-1973

10-08-1990

11-08-1964

11-08-1961

12-08-1978

13-08-1962

14-08-1981

15-08-1961

15-08-1964

16-08-1974

16-08-1964

17-08-1981

17-08-1967

18-08-1963

18-08-1960

19-08-1977

19-08-1962

13-08-1981

For the complete list, see www.gfilesindia.com

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

IPS officers’ birthdays July 20, 2018 — August 19, 2018

Murli Dhar

Kshatranil Singh

Rakesh Aggarwal

Ashok Dohre

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: BIHAR

CADRE: HIMACHAL PADESH

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

murlid@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ksingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rakesh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

adohare@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Harishekaran P

Tomin J Thachankary

SS Deswal

Shailesh Kumar Yadav

CADRE: KARNATAKA

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: HARYANA

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

harishekaranp@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

tomin@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ssdeswal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

skyadav@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

R Dhinakaran

Ridhim Aggarwal

Surendra Panwar

Nalin Prabhat

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

CADRE: UTTARAKHAND

CADRE: ODISHA

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

rdhinakaran@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

raggarwal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

surendrapanwar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

prabhat@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

SD Sharanappa

G Akhito Sema

Kamal Kishor Singh

Sunil Dutt

CADRE: Karnataka

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: BIHAR

CADRE: RAJASTHAN

dcp-south@ksp.gov.in

akhitosema@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

kksingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

sunildutt@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Piyush Mordia

C Sridhar

N Shanker Reddy

Ajay Kumar Sharma

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

piyushm@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

csridhar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

nshanker@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ak_sharma@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

M Gopi Krishna

Avinash Mohanty

KV Sreejesh

KK Sindhu

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

CADRE: CHATTISGARH

CADRE: MANIPUR-TRIPURA

CADRE: HARYANA

mgopikrishna@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

amohanty@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

kvsrejesh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

kksindhu@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

SK Jha

B Srinivasan

Milind Kanaskar

Arun Kumar Choudhary

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: JAMMU & KASHMIR

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: JAMMU & KASHMIR

skjha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

srinivas@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

milindkanaskar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

akchoudhary@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Vivek Gogia

Archana Tyagi

Sashikant Pujari

B Srinivasan

CADRE: AGMUT

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: BIHAR

vivekgogia@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

atyagi@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

spujari@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

bsrinivasan@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Deo Prakash Gupta

Harish Kumar Gupta

Seemant Kumar Singh

Raju Bhargava

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

CADRE: KARNATAKA

CADRE: GUJARAT

dpgupta@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

hkgupta@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

seemant@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rajubhargava@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Hari Kishore Kusumaker

Krishan Kumar Rao

Upendra Kumar Jain

Rajendra Kumar

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: HARYANA

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

hkkusumkar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

kishan@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ukjain@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rajendra_kumar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Mahendraa Modi

Satyajit Mohanty

Ajitabh Kumar

Sajjad Wasi Naqvi

CADRE: Uttar Pradesh

CADRE: ODISHA

CADRE: BIHAR

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

adg-training@uppolice.gov.in

satyajitmohanty@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ajitabhk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

swnaqvi@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Shahanawaz Qasim

Vitul Kumar

Iqbal Preet Singh Sahota

Yatindra Koyal

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: ODISHA

shahanawazq@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

vitul@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

iqbalpreet@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ykoyal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Anup Kuruvilla John

Kumar Vinoy Singh Deo

Jawed Shamim

SR Lepcha

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADE: SIKKIM

Anupk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

vsdeo@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

jawedshamim@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

dcghg@sikkimpolice.nic.in

20-07-1977

21-07-1968

21-07-1971

22-07-1982

23-07-1970

24-07-1961

25-07-1964

25-07-1965

25-07-1969

25-07-1972

26-07-1960

27-07-1975

27-07-1979

28-07-1977

29-07-1963

29-07-1982

30-07-1967

31-07-1960

31-07-1980

01-08-1964

01-08-1967

02-08-1965

02-08-1970

03-08-1961

03-08-1968

05-08-1963

05-08-1968

06-08-1961

07-08-1968

07-08-1960

08-08-1974

09-08-1962

09-08-1960

10-08-1970

10-08-1967

11-08-1968

12-08-1962

12-08-1971

13-08-1961

13-08-1965

14-08-1968

14-08-1964

15-08-1966

15-08-1961

16-08-1964

16-08-1967

16-08-1966

17-08-1960

17-08-1963

18-08-1973

19-08-1961

For the complete list, see www.gfilesindia.com

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

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WANTED:

SPECIAL REPORTS KILLING FIELDS OF KAIMUR p24

RIGHT TO INFORMATION THE SWELLING TIDE p16

POLITICS SONRISEIN CONGRESS p34

WEST BENGAL: DISTANT THUNDER p22 VOL.

GOVERNANCE FERTILISER : wRONG mEdICINE p26

FIRST STIRRINGS VISHNU BHAGWAN p28

a K verma reds here to stay p22

years

3, ISSUE 7 | OCTOBER 2009 | RS 50 R.N.I. NO: DELENG/2007/19719

special Forest oFFicer’s VictiMisation in HarYana p24

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DISENFRANCHISING THE NAVEEN THE POOR

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18 ire 2 m p2 ! p u rs ag S: E: ap ea qu NG NC or b big nt RI NA ! f ’s : me TIR 8 ER i ho her CE ure S p2 V t N T s c GO o ja bro EFE pro IRS ain n ig D e F sb ◗ th k ◗b

special cHoppers, tHe big business p19

oil industry needs surgery

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IN THE FRAY

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June 2012 Rs 100 vol. 6, issue 3 mandarin matters K n BaKshi p40

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years October 2012 Rs 100 vOl. 6, issue 7

INTERVIEw AIR CHIEF NAK BROwNE p22

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special report loot in Mp p16

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aK setH, cabinet secretarY on goVernance reForMs

Fi r

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‘speed up’

Vin st s ee tir p4 ta rin 4 r gs ai

fi ajit rs n t imB st a p3 ir lK 6 rin ar gs

H 8

BHAI BHAI?

BJP POLITICS :O RAJNAT VERTO

INDIa

BIG BOSS cabinet secretary km chandrasekhar

‘Strong economic recovery by the end of the year’

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

birthdays Lok Sabha Members July 20, 2018 — August 19, 2018

Lok Sabha Members July 20, 2018 — August 19, 2018

Mallikarjun Kharge

Rajan Baburao Vichare

Ranjanben Dhananjay Bhatt

Bahadur Singh Koli

INC (Karnataka)

SS (Maharashtra)

BJP (Gujarat)

BJP (Rajasthan)

m.kharge@sansad.nic.in

rb.vichare@sansad.nic.in

ranjanbhatt@sansad.nic.in

bahadurs@sansad.nic.in

Vinod Kumar Boianapalli

Ramesh Bais

Nepal Singh

Sankar Prasad Datta

TRS (Telangana)

BJP (Chhattisgarh)

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

CPI(M) (Tripura)

vkumar.boianapalli@sansad.nic.in

ramesh.bais@sansad.nic.in

dr.nepalsingh@sansad.nic.in

sankar.datta@sansad.nic.in

Ananth Kumar

Jay Prakash Narayan Yadav

Arjunlal Meena

Azmeera Seetaram Naik

BJP (Karnataka)

RJD (Bihar)

BJP (Rajasthan)

TRS (Telangana)

akumar-alpha@sansad.nic.in

jpnarayan.yadav@sansad.nic.in

arjunlal.meena@sansad.nic.in

asrnaik9@gmail.com

Anirudhan Sampath

Dayakar Pasunoori

Rameswar Teli

CPI (M) (Kerala)

TRS (Telangana)

BJP (Assam)

a.sampath@sansad.nic.in

pasunooridayakar@gmail.com

rameswar.teli@sansad.nic.in

Subrata Bakshi

Hemant Tukaram Godse

AITC (West Bengal)

SS (Maharashtra)

21-07-1942

22-07-1959

22-07-1962

23-07-1950

Vishnu Dayal Ram 23-07-1951

01-08-1961

02-08-1947

02-08-1954

02-08-1967

03-08-1970

G Hari

25-07-1960

BJP (Rajasthan)

rabindra.jena@sansad.nic.in

Saugata Roy 06-08-1947

AITC (West Bengal)

saugata.roy@sansad.nic.in

Tamradhwaj Sahu 06-08-1949

hari.g@sansad.nic.in

INC (Chhattisgarh)

25-07-1966

tamradhwaj.sahu@sansad.nic.in

Kamlesh Paswan

SAD (Punjab)

06-08-1976

harsimratk.badal@sansad.nic.in

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

Raghu Sharma 26-07-1958

kamlesh.paswan@sansad.nic.in

Priyanka Singh Rawat

INC (Rajasthan)

07-08-1985

raghusharma_2525@yahoo.in

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

Prem Das Rai 31-07-1954

priyankasingh.rawat@sansad.nic.in

Mukesh Rajput

SDF (Sikkim)

08-08-1968

premdas.rai@sansad.nic.in

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

R Dhruvanarayana 31-07-1961

mukesh.rajput@sansad.nic.in

B Sreeramulu

INC (Karnataka)

08-08-1971

r.dhruvanarayana@sansad.nic.in

BJP (Karnataka)

Hari Om Pandey 01-08-1956

Rajya Sabha Members July 20, 2018 — August 19, 2018

BJD (Odisha)

AIADMK (Tamil Nadu)

Harsimrat Kaur Badal

14-08-1970

Rabindra Kumar Jena BJD (Odisha)

pc.mohan@sansad.nic.in

20-08-1957

Narayan Lal Panchariya

vishnudayal.ram@sansad.nic.in

BJP (Karnataka)

12-08-1964

18-08-1957

Bhaskar Rao Nekkanti

04-08-1967

24-07-1963

12-08-1940

16-08-1961

ht.godse@sansad.nic.in

BJP (Jharkhand)

PC Mohan

10-08-1962

mpbsreeramulu@gmail.com

Hariom Singh Rathore

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

09-08-1957

hariom.pandey@sansad.nic.in

BJP (Rajasthan)

hariomsingh.rathore@sansad.nic.in

23-07-53

10-08-1954

narayan.panchariya@sansad.nic.in

A Vijayakumar 25-07-57

Om Prakash Mathur

AIADMK (Tamil Nadu)

12-08-1952

vijaya.lekshmi@sansad.nic.in

BJP (Rajasthan)

BK Hariprasad 29-07-54

om.mathur@sansad.nic.in

MP Veerendra Kumar

INC (Karnataka)

15-08-1937

hariprasad@sansad.nic.in

JD(U) (Kerala)

Prabhakar Kore 01-08-1947

mp.veerendra@sansad.nic.in

RS Bharathi

BJP (Karnataka)

15-08-1947

p.kore@sansad.nic.in

DMK (Tamil Nadu)

Ramkumar Verma 07-08-1955

ramansai.bharathi@sansad.nic.in

RS Bharathi

BJP (Rajasthan)

15-08-1947

mp.rkverma@sansad.nic.in

DMK (Tamil Nadu)

Kapil Sibal 08-08-1948

INC (Uttar Pradesh)

ramansai.bharathi@sansad.nic.in

Nirmala Sitharaman 18-08-1959

BJP (Karnataka)

Prasanna Acharya 08-08-1949 BJD (Odisha)

sabhaacharya.prasanna@sansad.nic.in

SEND YOUR GREETINGS…

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

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Tracking

President Ram Nath Kovind with the Officer Trainees of the Indian Foreign Service (2017 Batch) from Foreign Service Institute, at Rashtrapati Bhavan, in New Delhi

Tom Jose

EV Ramana Reddy

Mandeep Kaur

The 1984-batch IAS officer has been appointed Chief Secretary of Kerala.

The 1988-batch IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre has been appointed Principal Secretary to Chief Minister in Karnataka.

The 2004-batch IAS officer of the Jammu and Kashmir cadre has been appointed Joint Development Commissioner in the Ministry of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises.

Tushar Giri Nath

SS Phulia

The 1993-batch IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre has been appointed Chairman, Bengaluru Water Supply & Sewerage Board in Karnataka.

The 2005-batch IAS officer of the Haryana cadre has been appointed Deputy Commissioner, Kaithal in Haryana.

Sevla kumar The 1997-batch IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre has been appointed Secretary to Chief Minis ter in Karnataka.

The 2009-batch IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre has been appointed Deputy Commissioner, Hassan District in Karnataka.

Kavindra Kiyawat

Sharad Kumar

The 2000-batch IAS officer has been appointed Commissioner, Bhopal Division in Madhya Pradesh.

The former 1979-batch IPS officer of the Haryana Cadre has been appointed Vigilance Commissioner in the Central Vigilance Commission.

Anup Chandra Pandey The 1984-batch IAS officer of the Uttar Pradesh cadre has been appointed Chief Secretary of Uttar Pradesh.

Anindo Majumdar The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Union Territory cadre has been appointed Chief Secretary, Delhi.

Inder Jit Singh The 1985-batch IAS officer of the Kerala cadre has been appointed Secretary, Ministry of Coal.

BB Vyas The 1986-batch IAS officer has been appointed Advisor to the Governor of Jammu & Kashmir.

BVR Subrahamanyam The 1987-batch IAS officer has been appointed Chief Secretary of Jammu & Kashmir.

www.indianbuzz.com

P Venugopal The 2002-batch IAS officer of the Kerala cadre has been appointed Secretary, Information and Public Relations Department in Kerala.

Rohini Sindhur Dasari

Sudhir Saxena The 1987-batch IPS officer of the Madhya Pradesh cadre has been appointed ADG CISF.

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Tracking

For a complete list of appointments & retirements, see www.gfilesindia.com

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with the Assistant Secretaries (IAS Officers of 2016 batch), in New Delhi. Minister of State for Development of North Eastern Region (I/C), Prime Ministerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Office, Personnel, Public Grievances & Pensions, Atomic Energy and Space, Dr. Jitendra Singh and Cabinet Secretary PK Sinha are also seen.

Sivagami Sundari Nanda

Moving On: IAS officers retiring in July 2018

The 1988-batch IPS officer of the AGMUT cadre has been appointed DGP, Puducherry.

Assam-Meghalaya

Madhya Pradesh

MGVK Bhanu (1985)

AK Pandey (1992)

Arun Kumar Ray

Andhra Pradesh

Rajasthan

YV Anuradha (1993) G Ravi Babu (2002) M Jagannadham (2004)

Nivedita Mehru (2001) Manoj Kumar Sharma (2003) Vimal Kumar Jain (2003)

Bihar

Telangana

Sishir Sinha (1982) Salim (2006)

VN Vishnu (1993)

The 1988-batch IPS officer of the Odisha cadre has been appointed Deputy Chairman in Tea Board Kolkata.

Charu Bali The 1995-batch IPS officer of the Haryana cadre has been appointed Commissioner of Police, Panchkula.

KK Rao The 1996-batch IPS officer of the Haryana cadre has been appointed Police Commissioner of Gurgaon.

Omkar Singh The 1982-batch IFS officer of the Union Territory cadre has been appointed Director, Indira Gandhi National Forest Academy (IGNFA), Dehradun.

Gujarat Rita A Teaotia (1981) Mahavir Singh Dagur (1984)

Jharkhand Pradeep Kumar (1991) Dinesh Chandra Mishra (2001)

Jammu & Kashmir

Karnataka JS Deepak (1982)

Uttar Pradesh Raj Pratap Singh (1983) Ramesh Mishra (2002) Om Prakash Verma (2002)

Union Territory

Hemant Kumar Sharma (2002)

Nutan Guha Biswas (1983) Sanjay Kumar Saxena (2000)

P Rajeswari

Karnataka

West Bengal

The 1990-batch IFS officer has been appointed Additional Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (APCCF) in PCCF office.

Renuka Chidambaram (1985)

Sutanu Prosad Kar (2003) Mesbahul Haque (2005)

Maharashtra

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Santokh Singh Sandhu (1984)

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Julyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;18

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Shrawan Kumar Verma The 1999-batch IFS officer of the Kerala cadre has been appointed Deputy Inspector General of Forests (DIGF), Ministry of Environment, Forest & Climate Change.

Tsewang Namgyal The 1992-batch IFS officer has been appointed Ambassador of India to the Republic of Lithuania.

Rudrendra Tandon The 1994-batch IFS officer has been appointed Ambassador of India to ASEAN.

Yogita Swaroop The 1992-batch IES officer has been appointed Economic Adviser in the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.

Sushma Taishete The 1988-batch CSS officer has been appointed Joint Secretary, Deptt. of Justice.

Kalyani Chadha The 1988-batch IRSME officer has been appointed Joint Secretary, Department of Social Justice and Empowerment.

Election Commissioner Ashok Lavasa addressing the closing session of the National Consultation on “Inclusion of Persons with Disabilities (PwDs) in the Electoral Process”, in New Delhi.

Justice Narasimha Reddy Justice L Narasimha Reddy has been appointed Chairman, Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT). Reshuffle of IAS officers in Tamil Nadu K Meghraj has been appointed Sub Collector, Vellore; MP Sivanarul has been appointed Sub Collector, Dharmapuri; S Karmegam is Sub Collector, Coimbatore North; D Rathna has been appointed Sub Collector, Tiruvallur; AK Kamal is Sub Collector, Nagapattinam; Johny Tom Varghese is Additional Director of Fisheries at Ramanathapuram; KM Sarayu is Sub Collector, Cuddalore; Pinky Jowel is Additional Secretary, Tourism, Culture and Religious Endowments; R Seethalakshmi is Registrar, Tamil Nadu Music & Fine Arts University; S Nagarajan is Additional Secretary, Health & Family Welfare Department; Shreya P Singh is Commissioner for Disciplinary Proceedings, Tirunelveli; KP Karthikeyan as Director, Guidance.

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

Reshuffle of IPS officers in UP Brijraj Meena has been appointed ADG, PTC, Moradabad; Chandra Prakash-1 has been appointed ADG/IG, Jail Administration; Sanjay Singhal is ADG, Crime; Vijay Singh Meena has been appointed IG, Varanasi range; Deepak Ratan is Assistant to DGP; Sanjeev Gupta is IG, Human Rights; Jawahar is DIG, PAC Varanasi; Subhash Singh Baghel is DIG, Jhansi; Ratankant Pandey is DIG, Security; Mrigendra Singh is DIG, Jail Administration; Pritinder Singh is DIG, Aligarh; Rakesh Shankar is DIG, Basti; Piyush Shrivastava is DIG, Rajapur, Mirjapur; Pushpanjali Devi is SP, Railway Gorakhpur; Akash Kulhari is 24th Bt PAC; Pratibha Ambedkar is Staff Officer To Commandant General Homeguard; Atul Sharma is SP, Fatehgarh; Shivhari Meena is SP, Kasganj; Abhishek Yadav is SP, Railway Agra; Sujata Singh is SP, Raibareilly; Radheshyam is SP, Kanpur Dehat; Ashok Kumar is ASP, South Barabanki; Shashikant is ASP/Staff Officer ADG, Zone Allahabad; Purnendu Singh is ASP East Pratapgarh; Kapil Dev Singh has been appointed ASP, Varanasi. Reshuffle of IAS officers in Maharashtra Anup Yadav has been appointed Commissioner, Tribal, Nashik; AR Kale has been appointed Collector, Jalna; BG Pawar is Managing Director, Maharashtra Agro Industries Development Corporation, Mumbai ; Madhvi Khode-Chaware has been appointed Director, Textile, Nagpur; SK Diwase is Additional Municipal Commissioner, Nagpur Municipal Corporation, Nagpur; Sanjay Yadav is Chief Executive Officer, Zilla Parishad, Nagpur; KB Phand is Joint Secretary (Labour), Industries, Energy and Labour Department, Mantralaya, Mumbai; AN Karanjkar is Chief Executive Officer, Zilla Parishad, Bhandara; MM Suryavanshi is Additional Tribal Commissioner, Thane; Sanjay Meena is Managing Director, MS Co-op. Tribal Development Corporation, Nashik; Shantanu Goel has been appointed Collector, Bhandara.

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...by the way Retire (retd)

Pawn or puppet

his is an old story but it indicates the character of the Swayam Sewaks who are working in the RSS. There was a strategy in the RSS in 2013-14 to contact senior civil servants who were against the Congress regime or chief ministers. Some top-ranking RSS supporters were deputed for the covert operation. One was a Professor of Economics. He cultivated friendship with an IAS officer who was disenchanted with a Congress Chief Minister. A meeting was fixed with the then Chief Minister of Gujarat Narendra Modi. The meeting lasted for one hour. Arun Jaitley also met the officer. Over the days, the interaction continued. Then the BJP came to power. Narendra Modi became Prime Minister and Arun Jaitley Finance Minister. The simple, hardworking and honest officer was in touch with the PMO; he was assured an important assignment by the powers that be but nothing materialised. National Security Advisor Ajit Doval also spoke to the officer many times. But after the BJP came to power, the Professor’s lifestyle turned prosperous and his house got a makeover. The Professor’s son got a job with handsome salary with a leading builder of North India. Now the Professor preaches to the officer, what is the fun of fighting against builders; businessmen have to do many things to excel. So what if he was just a pawn! g

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re you a retired civil servant and write (retd) on your visiting card. Be careful as a case was registered against KS Premachandra Kurup, a former IAS officer and former director of state-run Cooperative Academy of Professional Education (CAPE), stating that he misused the IAS title by using it after retirement, and hence he should be punished under Section 170 of IPC. Writing IAS after retirement is highly irregular and quite unbecoming of an officer, it was alleged by the state government. Section 170 of the IPC says: “Whoever pretends to hold any particular office as public servant, knowing that he does not hold such office or falsely personates any other person holding such office, and in such assumed character does or attempts to do any act under colour of such office, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to two years, or with fine, or with both.” A single bench of the Kerala High Court in an order dated November 23, 2012, observed that “use of naming such service with or without suffix ‘retired’ by a former member is an impropriety, but, certainly it cannot be treated as an offence, nonetheless an offence under Section 170 of the Penal Code.” The order pronounced by Justice SS Satheesachandran, however, clearly said: “To use with the name either IAS or IAS (retd.) after leaving the service, no doubt, is not proper.” The state government, which was not happy with the judgement filed a review petition. But the larger bench comprising Chief Justice Manjula Chellur and Justice K Vinod Chandran validated the order. The problem between the state co-operative department and Kurup cropped up when the latter filed an affidavit in the High Court alleging that he was asked to conduct recruitment based on a list forwarded by cooperation minister CN Balakrishnan’s office when he headed CAPE after retirement. Kurup was CAPE’s director for one year between June 2011 and June 2012. This is what the bench comprising Chief Justice Manjula Chellur and Justice K Vinod Chandran said: “Looking at the totality of the facts and circumstances, we cannot but say that if such bickering in administration led to initiation of criminal prosecution, it is very unfortunate. We leave it at that.” g

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gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

...by the way Fasal Bima in quandary

B UPSC to Appoint DGPs

he Chief Minister is the most powerful person in any state because he has complete control over appointment of Director General of Police and other police personnel. But this control has been punctured by the Supreme Court. The apex court has passed a slew of directions on police reforms and ordered all States and Union Territories to not appoint any police officer as acting Director General of Police (DGP). A bench headed by Chief Justice Dipak Misra also directed all States to send the names of senior police officers to the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) to be appointed as DGPs or Police Commissioners as the case may be. The UPSC, in turn, will prepare a list of three most suitable officers and the States will then be free to appoint one of them as police chief. The directions came on a plea of the Centre seeking modification of the judgement rendered in the Prakash Singh case on police reforms. BJP leader Ashwini Kumar Upadhyay had sought urgent hearing on his interim plea saying the directions passed by the 2006 verdict have not been implemented by authorities concerned. The Supreme Court had ordered setting up of a Police Establishment Board to decide and make recommendations on transfers, postings, promotions and other service-related matters of police officers of and below the rank of DSPs; a Police Complaints Authority in each State to look into complaints against officers of and above the rank of SP; and a National Security Commission at the Union level to prepare a panel for selection and placement of chiefs of the Central Police Organisations with a minimum tenure of two years. Chief Ministers should be ready for another onslaught as contempt pleas alleging non-implementation of these directions are still pending. Prakash Singh, a former DGP of UP, has been clamouring for police reforms for a long time. He is considered to be close to Rajnath Singh. This judgement will have far reaching impact on the federal management of states and in the 2019 elections. Read between the lines. g

gfiles inside the government vol. 12, issue 4 | July 2018

JP MP Vinay Sahasrabuddhe got his doctorate on ‘Political Parties as Victims of Populism and Electoral Compulsions’. Now, Dr Vinay has been given the job to analyse Narendra Modi’s popular ‘Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana’ (PMFBY) scheme as he heads the BJP’s Policy Research and Good Governance wing. Sources disclosed that there are contradicting findings by Dr. Vinay’s team, the Ministry of Agriculture and the Niti Aayog. The Centre currently has a bill of Rs 3,100 crore on account of its share of the premium for the 23 per cent crop that is currently insured in the country. This financial liability is expected to touch a whopping Rs 8,800 crore once the target of bringing 50 per cent crop under insurance is achieved in three years. After a long and detailed survey, experts have concluded that post-harvest losses do not include storage losses. Further, it only insures against weather risk and not crop loss risk. Risks such as destruction by wild animals are not covered under the scheme. In many states where premium rates are low, there is still very low subscription. One key problem of crop loss or damage compensation, the unit of assessment, remains unaddressed in the new scheme. There does not seem to be anything in this scheme to address the problem of tenant farmers who bear the risk of crop failure but are not entitled for compensation and insurance payments. As 83 per cent of farmers are small and marginal, the use of technology is difficult for them. Insiders reveal that this scheme will mostly benefit third party operators’ (TPOs) i.e. insurance companies who have been assigned to assess the crop loss. Senior civil servants are of the view that TPOs will destroy the revenue machinery which is an effective mechanism for assessment at the village level, which starts from the Patwari right up to the Collector. Who is behind the promotion of these insurance companies, Niti Aayog or Ministry of Agriculture? g

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