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From the Editor

vol. 14, issue 7-9 | October-December 2020 Anil Tyagi | editor GS Sood | business editor Sheshadri Chari | roving editor Abhilash Khandekar | consulting editor Alam Srinivas | contributing editor Vivek Mukherji | contributing editor Anish Gandhi | consultant, foreign affairs Vibhash Jha | senior editor, chhattisgarh Rakesh Bhardwaj | editorial consultant Sumit Bothra | regional head, tamil nadu Ramesh Sharma | bureau chief (north india) Nipun Jain | finance Gautam Das | legal consultant Bushchat Media | edit & design Abhisshek Tyagi | director advertising & marketing Anil Sood | vice president, marketing +919811639632 PS Sural | vice president, marketing +919873243950 e-mail: asps@gfilesindia.com up: Rajeev Anand | regional head +91884 023 9980 +91 99363 58161 rajeevanandvol@gmail.com delhi: e-mail: adv@gfilesindia.com Chandigarh: Jangra Complex, Opp Hotel Ramade Plaza, Ambala Chandigarh Road, Zirakpur-140107, Punjab Mobile +917888591003 e-mail: rameshsharmaemail@gmail.com sales & marketing chhattisgarh: Prafull Choudhary | state head +919109357910 Anil Tyagi, Printer & Publisher 118, 2nd floor, DDA SITE-1, NEW RAJINDER NAGAR, NEW DELHI-110060 +All information in gfiles is obtained from sources that the management considers reliable, and is disseminated to readers without any responsibility on our part. Any opinions or views on any contemporary or past topics, issues or developments expressed by third parties, whether in abstract or in interviews, are not necessarily shared by us. Copyright exclusively with Sarvashrestha Media Pvt. Ltd. All rights reserved throughout the world. Reproduction of any material of this magazine in whole, or in part(s), in any manner, without prior permission, is totally prohibited. The publisher accepts no responsibility for any material lost or damaged in transit. The publisher reserves the right to refuse, withdraw or otherwise deal with any advertisement without explanation. All advertisements must comply with the Indian Advertisements Code. Published and printed by Anil Tyagi on behalf of Sarvashrestha Media Pvt. Ltd at Polykam Offset, C-138, Naraina Industrial Area, Phase I, New Delhi 110028. All disputes are subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of competent courts in New Delhi only

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ow will India look in the 2021-30 decade? India will surpass China’s population. The Lord Ram Temple will be built. India will have approximately 477 new parliamentarians as the ‘new’parliament building will have a sitting capacity of 1,272 lawmakers. The delimitation of seats will be a major political development. Politically speaking, the new parliament will have a new ethos, culture and dynamics. Whether for good or bad remains to be seen. The re-construction of the ‘Central Vista’ will underscore the might of the government. India will get rid of the ‘so-called’ dilapidated buildings and will have state-of-the-art, modern, efficient and energy-saving buildings befitting the 21st century. The human interface in politics and government will be minimised. The era of Artificial Intelligence will not only intrude with the ‘privacy’ of individuals, but Indians will be completely ‘exposed’ to market forces. The 780 universities, 37,000 colleges, 13 lakh teachers and four crore students might be probably reduced to half, as the government has enunciated the policy of ‘earn and run’ in the ‘New Education Policy’. After this decade, a tea seller’s son would probably need to manage Rs 1 crore to become an engineer or doctor. India will witness a major population shift from villages to big and small towns. The turbulent agriculture sector will be slowly handed over to the new market forces and international agribusiness giants. Farmers are going to be the biggest sufferers in the new decade. Whether farmers remain owners of their land or become contract labour is the harsh question that needs to be answered. The packaged food industry will overtake the retail product sellers and they will sell their products to consumers at their whims and fancies. Consumers will become guinea pigs. New technologies will be enforced where less workforce is employed and as per the new Labour Policy ‘hire and fire’ will be vigorously implemented. Most public sector undertakings will be sold or shareholding of the government reduced to minority. India will keep buying weapons and arms worth billions of dollars as long as the proxy wars perpetuated by China and Pakistan last, possibly at the behest of forces that suck the blood of developing nations by creating a war psychosis. It will be a New India propounding the new ethos of Neoliberal capitalism. In this decade, India will be dominated by multinational companies and foreign financial institutions (FFIs). ‘Regulators’ will surrender to the market forces as we have seen with the TRAI, Competition Commission of India, Pollution Control Board of India, and Green Tribunals, and so on. The preamble of the Indian constitution, “Sovereign Socialist, Secular, Democratic Republic”, will acquire new shades. The new dispensation’s mindset is that this Constitution is not sacrosanct and can be ‘transformed’ as per the ‘new needs’ of a New India. The thinking is, nobody should have objections to a vibrant, prosperous, and dynamic India, as long as it answers some of the basic questions. Will this New India have ‘free health’ for all? Who will guarantee the ‘social security’ net to all citizens of India? Who will provide free education up to Class 12th for our children (as we are aping the US model)? The biggest challenge is: will capitalist India be able to provide jobs to 20 crore unemployed youth? I do not see any institutional mechanism, or policy shift ensuring that future governments will be able to provide even basic amenities to our citizens. Indians are trapped between the jugglery of politicians and exploitation by market forces. It is not surprising then that Indians will feel more restless and helpless in the decade. And, that will be a recipe for calamity. There is already a hum of discord in the air and if politicians do not comprehend the echo of disappointment and anguish, matters may get out of hand. Anil Tyagi editor@gfilesindia.com

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

CONTENTS

bric-a-brac

In good times and bad; Nitish hands over baton; More MPs on the cards; Out of favour

POLITICS

Congress in transition: From the frying pan into fire

GOVERNANCE

Jupiter on The Decline

Personality

TN Seshan: A man of extremes

BOOK EXTRACT Market Mafia

Authorspeak

Khaki in Dust Storm

Cover Story

The Elephant in the room 4

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

bIRTHDAYs of civil servants

Tracking: Transfers & Postings

BY THE WAY

Modi’s man in UP; Pressure on DoPT; Talk of Cab Sec tenure

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Haryana-1

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vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

Tweets IAS Association @IASassociation Dec 26, 2020 Sh Shakti Sinha @shaktisinha #IAS (Retd) the then PS to Sh Atal Bihari Vajpayee, shares his memoirs, experiences and observations of his times in PMO, including handling of the Kargil War & other challenges. AS Association LBSNAA, @LBSNAA_ Official Dec 21, 2020 Inaugural function for IAS Professional Course Phase 1 (2020 Batch) was held in the Academy. Sh. P. K. Sinha, Principal Advisor to Hon’ble PM was the chief guest. The OTs were addressed by Dr. Sanjeev Chopra, Director of the Academy. IAS Association @IASassociation Dec 9, 2020 Sh Dharmendra Sharma, #IAS, DG @ECIIIIDEM Election Commission of India opines on how electoral delivery processes can be tweaked for #CovidVaccine delivery to intended users. IAS Association @IASassociation Nov 25, 2020 Indore Smart City led by CEO Ms Aditi Garg, #IAS @AditiGargIAS became the first city to innovatively use green projects to earn carbon credits under VCS of UNFCCC. Carbon credits enabled it to earn 1.5% of project cost after trading those. Kudos!!! Dr. Srivatsa Krishna, @SrivatsaKrishna, Nov 11, 2020 Indian bureaucracy- especially IAS- is much maligned. while some criticism is genuine & it needs urgent reforms, some is fake news. Nitin Gadkari in a humorous & incisive video criticised NHAI.“Why was Gadkari both right & wrong?, Dr. Srivatsa Krishna, IAS” https://www.financialexpress.com/opinion/ bureaucratic-lethargy-why-gadkari-is-bothright-and-wrong/2125902/ IAS Association @IASassociation Nov 11, 2020 Sh Rohit Kumar Singh, #IAS @rohitksingh is sharing personal experiences of the fight against #COVID19 after being tested positive and in retrospect his work as ACS(Health), Rajasthan when he led state machinery with ruthless containment strategy. #StaySafe IAS Association @IASassociation Oct 31, 2020 We fondly remember the Iron Man of India Bharat Ratna Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel on his birth anniversary. We dedicate ourselves

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

to preserve unity, integrity and security of the Nation on #NationalUnityDay2020 District Magistrate South Delhi, @DMSouthDelhi, Oct 13, 2020 We are excited to announce the results of online drawing competition “Freedom from Corona-Together We Can” All the creatives are fabulous and truly depicted the subject. Here are the creatives of 1,2 &3 postions for the age group:05-10 years. #southdelhifightscorona #COVID19 CEO, NOIDA Authority #IndiaFightsCorona,@CeoNoida Oct 12, 2020 Please visit the Medicine Park in Sector-91 and see for yourself Noida’s first Musical Fountain and Laser Light & Sound Show depicting our path-breaking contribution to the world of medicine. Also, discover the benefits of different indigenous medicinal plants. #TransformNoida IAS Association,@IASassociation Oct 14, 2020 An accessible, respectful and humane administration!!!Collector Osmanabad, Maharashtra Sh Kaustubh Diwegaonkar, #IAS @kaustubhd1988 sat on the floor with a disabled visitor when he could not sit on a chair. Pema Khandu པདྨ་མཁའ་འགྲོ་།, PemaKhanduBJP, Oct 13, 2020 Bade farewell to IAS officers Shri Prince Dhawan Ji, Dr Sonal Swaroop Ji and Shri Himanshu Gupta Ji today. I am grateful for their valuable service towards people of Arunachal Pradesh. I wish them a great future and illustrious journey ahead. IAS Association,@IASassociation Oct 9, 2020 We are shocked by the untimely demise of Sh Sudhakar Shinde, #IAS(Tripura:2015) due to #COVID__19. He did exemplary work in Prison reforms. Our condolences to his family members. May the Soul RIP Folded hands #RashtriyaEktaDiwas @IASassociation Oct 6, 2020 District Administration, Goalpara, Assam led by Ms Varnali Deka, #IAS @varnalideka formed mother’s association dovetailed with female literacy program to reduce school dropout and improve learning outcomes. IAS Association @IASassociation Oct 9, 2020 We are shocked by the untimely demise of Sh Sudhakar Shinde, #IAS(Tripura:2015)

due to #COVID__19. He did exemplary work in Prison reforms. Our condolences to his family members. May the Soul RIP Folded hands. IPS Association @IPS_Association Dec 19, 2020 We are deeply saddened by the untimely demise of Shri Koshy Koshy IPS (Rtd) ( HR 1973). May his noble soul rest in peace. IPS Association, @IPS_Association Oct 31, 2020 On his birth anniversary, we fondly remember the Iron Man of India Bharat Ratna Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel after whom our alma mater National Police Academy is named. On #RashtriyaEktaDiwas, we pledge to preserve the unity, integrity and security of the nation. IPS Association, @IPS_Association Oct 19, 2020 @IPS_Association, mourns the death of Sh Vinod Kumar IPS who succumbed to Covid. May his soul rest in peace. IPS Association, @IPS_Association Oct 21, 2020 As we observe the #PoliceCommemoration Day today, we bow down our heads and pay homage to the martyrs who laid down their lives on the altar of duty. Income Tax India @IncomeTaxIndia Dec 2, 2020 CBDT issues refunds of over Rs. 1,40,210 crore to more than 59.68 lakh taxpayers between 1st April, 2020 to 01st December, 2020. Income tax refunds of Rs. 38,105 crore have been issued in 57,68,926 cases &corporate tax refunds of Rs. 1,02,105 crore have been issued in 1,99,165 cases. Income Tax India, @IncomeTaxIndia Dec 9, 2020 CBDT issues refunds of over Rs. 1,45,619 crore to more than 89.29 lakh taxpayers between 1st April, 2020 to 8th December,2020. Income tax refunds of Rs. 43,274 crore have been issued in 87,29,626 cases &corporate tax refunds of Rs. 1,02,345 crore have been issued in 1,99,554 cases. Income Tax India,@IncomeTaxIndia Dec 10, 2020 Sh P.C. Mody,Chairman,CBDT inaugurates the virtual capacity building programme for Indian tax administrators jointly conducted by CBDT & IMF-SARTTAC, marking the start of collaboration between CBDT &IMFSARTTAC in capacity building of IRS officers in the area of tax administration

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Hurrah! new look!

years

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

Bric-a-brac ins & outs

Nitish hands over baton? Political moves in Bihar

R In good times and bad Men behind Khattar

henever there is a shift in power, the dynamics of the state changes instantly. The state is introduced to the new hands who work, covertly or overtly, with the new chief minister of a state. Those who are into business, identify the VIP who undertakes the covert operations and deliver in no time. When the Haryana government had a completely new face as Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar, a team of new faces also emerged in the power circle. Like the chief minister, the power coterie was new not only to the state but to the people who drive the growth engine. Slowly a system set into place. Apart from the unofficial coterie, there is one very important person in Haryana who has a hand in every operation of the state. He is into mining, change of land use, colonising, etc. He has risen from the ranks of the BJP and is very close to a politician sitting in North Block. He now covertly handles Gurgaon’s land operations. Earlier, this VIP was working with the former chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, Mayawati, as he belongs to western UP. There is no coloniser, builder or construction company which has its operation in Gurgaon, who does not have a direct link with this VIP. The clout of the VIP was realised when during the Covid-19 lockdown his beloved mother passed away. CEOs, builders, colonisers, multinational executives, all came to mourn the demise of his mother at his South Delhi residence. One could easily feel where the power centre of Gurgaon is!

am Chandra Prasad Singh, 62 years, a former civil servant turned politician is a name to reckon with in Bihar. He is the new President of the ruling Janata Dal (United). RCP Singh before joining the civil services, studied at Jawaharlal Nehru University and used to live in Panchvati Hostel. Ramnath Thakur, the son of a veteran leader Karpoori Thakur, and Deputy Chairman of Rajya Sabha Harivansh were his university mates. It is said that when he walked, he used to like his colleagues walking behind him. Singh, a Kurmi by caste, hails from Nalanda, which is also Nitish Kumar’s home district. Nitish Kumar’s sudden move to hand over the party to RCP Singh is seen as a very calculated game plan by the coalition partner BJP. RCP Singh has been associated with Nitish Kumar for more than two decades. He has also served as PS to Nitish Kumar when he was the Union Minister for Railways in 1998-99. In his earlier stint as Chief Minister, Nitish Kumar had veteran George Fernandes and Arun Jaitley as his guides and counsellors. After the split with George, Nitish developed a rapport with his deputy Sushil Modi of the BJP to liaison with BJP high command in Delhi. Now BJP has a new set of leaders under the leadership of Jagat Prakash Nadda, who was born in Bihar. And Bhupinder Yadav, a close confidant of Home Minister Amit Shah, deals with Bihar. Nitish needed a shock absorber in the chaotic political system and a second-in-command in the party. None other than RCP Singh could have fitted the space. It does appear that Nitish Kumar, 69 years, is ready to hand over the baton to sharp, shrewd RCP, but most of Bihar’s politicians are waiting to see, what next?

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

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Bric-a-brac

Out of favour JP Gaur snubbed by Modi

More MPs means? Census will decide the fate!

ill the new Parliament have 880 Lok Sabha Members in 2024. This question is puzzling every politician since the construction of the new parliament building has begun. Just think about what will happen when Lok Sabha seats undergo delimitation and states get representation according to population. At that point, 40 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar may touch 70 and Madhya Pradesh’s 29 seats can cross the 50 mark. In the last such exercise, the allocation of seats was done under the principle of equal representation to all the states. But the increasing population has disturbed this balance, as the population of the northern and eastern states has grown more. This is why the total population of Tamil Nadu is less than 7 crores and there are 39 MPs, whereas the population of Madhya Pradesh is more than 7.5 crores and there are only 29 seats. For UP, there is one MP for every 30 lakh people, while Tamil Nadu has one Lok Sabha seat for a population of 16-17 lakh. By this reckoning, then UP alone will have 150 seats up from 80 seats. A state like Rajasthan would also have to be given at least 50 seats. One way around this can be division of states with more population, as the BJP is thinking in the context of UP. The new Parliament House, to be completed by October 2022, will have a total seating capacity of 880 LS members, which can be increased to 1224. In the present Parliament House, only 550 members can be seated. There is seating arrangement for 250 MPs in the current Rajya Sabha, while arrangements for 332 Rajya Sabha MPs will be made in the new building. Though there is a ban on increasing the number of seats in Parliament till 2026, the majority government can change the decision whenever it wants. Based on the population and the number of Lok Sabha seats, the Modi government can enact a new delimitation law. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the 2021 census has not begun, but the government can complete it even if it is delayed by a year. Then, the 2024 elections can be done on the basis of newly delimited seats. So, tighten your seat belts and be ready for the new face of Indian Parliament. Modi hai to mumkin hai!

ai Prakash Gaur, the industrial icon of Jai Prakash Associates, is under severe financial stress especially since 2014. His industrial empire had phenomenal growth during the regime of the Congress Party and Mulayam Singh Yadav. But his unprecedented growth was seen in the regime of Mayawati. Now, Mayawati and Gaur both are under severe pressure from the powers that be in Uttar Pradesh. Gaur had to exit from the cement and power business to come out of the clutches of insolvency. The saving grace for JP Associates is their out-of-India ventures especially in neighbouring countries. In fact, Gaur has wonderful relations with the rulers of these governments. It is learnt that Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited one of these neighbouring nations. The king of the nation hosted a lunch on the last day of Modi’s visit. Top-ranking government officials and industrialists of the beautiful country also attended the lunch. Gaur was also invited and he attended it too. This appeared to be a big faux pas on the part of the neighbouring country’s government. The reaction on Modi’s face on seeing Gaur was indication enough. Modi calmly had lunch but indicated to the host that he did not like the presence of an Indian Industrialist. Every nuance is important in politics. Gaur knows the root cause of annoyance of Modi but the solution seems to be far away.

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

COVER STORY corporate affairs

The

Elephant in the room

Mukesh Ambani has evolved a perfect plan to divide his empire among three children. Each one gets what she or he desired, and each fiefdom is as large as that of the others. But has India’s richest billionaire got it right? Alam Srinivas reports

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

The best solution for business family succession is for the patriarch or matriarch to consciously and deliberately decide to shun management, and transform into mere investors. In such cases, the owners are only worried about the returns on their investments, and pass on the operational baton to the professional managers. Globally, several founder families, including renowned names with centuries-old traditions and legacy, have managed this change. In recent times, we see this successively and successfully in start-ups and technology companies, where the founders, co-founders, and original investors retain their designations, but give up control to professionals. However, it isn’t easy. In fact, it is almostimpossible for the second, third, and fourth generations to adhere to such succession, even if the founders are able to take such tough decisions. In India, the general norm is for the family members to not let go, or bounce back at the expense of the professionals, who are booted out with

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contempt. So, for every example of Azim Premji, who transferred his ownership in the Wipro Group into a trust and saved a miniscule part for his family, there are scores of other examples, where the family just wouldn’t give up. In India, the majority of listed and unlisted companies are still familyrun, with a few exceptions like ITC and L&T. Take the case of Infosys, where the original founders slowly weaned away from the software giant. But within no time, at the first sign of a crisis, the board invited back one of them, Narayan Murthy, to stabilize the operations. Murthy, who had this image of a humble and transparent businessman with middle-class values, got his son involved in Infosys. A similar thing happened in the case of Tata Group, where the owner-promoter, Ratan Tata, launched a global search for a professional successor, and honed in on Cyrus Mistry, whose family was the largest single shareholder in Tata Sons, the holding parent company. Within no time, Cyrus was out, and Ratan Tata was back in. In other

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cases, the lack of succession planning, or despite it, led to public battles that were fought by family members to demand their share of the overall wealth. The business groups splintered and atomized; many vanished or became ghosts of their former selves. This was indeed what happened to former business families such as Modi, Dalmia, and even Birla (only one of the factions led by KM Birla thrived). Brothers fought brothers and sisters, nephews and nieces from various sides went to the courts to demand their pound of corporate flesh, and grandchildren had issues with their patriarchs. Globally, as in India, problems with succession planning are the biggest reasons for corporate demises. Unfortunately, the Ambani family, the richest in India, and among the top five in the world, too went into a tailspin because of this reason. The patriarch, Dhirubhai, did not leave a will as he was convinced that his two sons – daughters were married and had no say in the family business – would never fight for power and supremacy. Within a few months after his death, elder Mukesh and Anil went on a warpath that was largely hidden from the public and shareholders’ view for two years. In late 2004, the sibling rivalry and war became a public spat. The Reliance Group split a few months later; Mukesh retained the energy assets, and Anil got telecom, power, and financial services.

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vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

COVER STORY corporate affairs

ost business families go through personal crises, especially the ones related to succession. The final division of the spoils can be bitter, messy, vengeful and manipulative. In most cases, this shouldn’t bother us. But if the companies are listed on the stock exchanges, have millions of shareholders, and are crucial players in the national economy, we need to worry. Think of the implications. For many business empires have vanished or decimated after their carve-ups. Corporate governance, they say, is as crucial as political governance. This is because of the manner in which economics impacts politics, and vice versa. If a nation’s businesses are in a bad shape, it will find it tougher to either look after public interest or serve the needs of the poor. Succession battles within business families are a key barometer of business ethics and morality. Splits in corporate empires have to be watched carefully, analysed insightfully, and debated truthfully. No wonder, when news filtered out that the three children of Mukesh Ambani, India’s richest billionaire and World’s No. 11 (as on November 27), were allocated independent businesses, it became national and global headlines. Speculation was rife that Mukesh, unlike his late father Dhirubhai, had a succession plan in place. The 63-year-old part-inheritor was keen to guide his two sons and a daughter to inherit different corner-rooms over the next decade or so. While senior executives in the Reliance Industries downplay this supposed family separation, or at least

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

It seems like an ideal division—each being prepared for a business that’s as large as that of the others. Isha gets retail, Akash technology, and Anant oil-and-gas. There is no question of one getting less than the others. Mukesh emerges as a visionary, who expanded and built three areas of operations, which were in sync with the number of kids he has the beginnings of it, they admit that the news is partially correct. Today, Isha, the only daughter and eldest child, is involved largely with Reliance Retail. Akash, her younger twin brother, is intimately concerned with Jio Platforms. Anant, the youngest, is the CSRphilanthropy face of the business empire, and works closely with senior managers

in the oil-and-gas operations. Sounds perfect! It seems like an ideal division—each being prepared for a business that’s as large as that of the others. Isha gets retail, Akash technology, and Anant oil-and-gas. There is no question of one getting less than the others. Mukesh emerges as a visionary, who expanded and built three areas of opera-

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Board of Directors Meet the people who run Reliance Industries

Mukesh D. Ambani Chairman

tions, which were in sync with the number of kids he has. More important, as Reliance managers are at pains to point out, the father didn’t have to work out the plan. “Since he was a kid, Anant spent a lot of time in Jamnagar. He was always interested in the welfare of the workers, as also the refinery operations. Akash was a tech-savvy child. It was natural for him to get into Jio. Isha was interested in consumer psychology—why and how people make their buying decisions. Retail became her passion,” explains a senior manager. It is only when he is questioned a bit more that he spills out the beans, and reveals the grey areas as they exist today.

ukesh D. Ambani (DIN 00001695) (Chairman) is a Chemical Engineer from the Institute of Chemical Technology, Mumbai (erstwhile the University Department of Chemical Technology, University of Mumbai). He pursued an MBA from Stanford University in the US. He has been on the Board of Reliance since 1977. He initiated Reliance’s backward integration journey – from textiles to polyester fibres and further onto petrochemicals and petroleum refining, and going upstream into oil and gas exploration and production. He created multiple new world-class manufacturing facilities involving diverse technologies that have raised Reliance’s petrochemicals manufacturing capacities from less than a million tonnes to about 21 million tonnes per year.

Nita M. Ambani

(Wife of Mukesh Ambani) Non-Executive, Non Independent Director

ita M. Ambani (DIN 03115198) is a Commerce Graduate from Mumbai University and a Diploma Holder in Early Childhood Education. Mrs. Ambani is a businesswoman, educationist, philanthropist and a strong proponent of sports. She is the Founder & Chairperson of Reliance Foundation, which

has impacted the lives of over 26 million people across India, through its initiatives in Rural Transformation, Health, Education, Sports for Development, Disaster Response, Arts, Culture & Heritage and Urban Renewal.

Hital R. Meswani Executive Director

ital Meswani is an Executive Director on the Board of Reliance. A chemical engineer from the University of Pennsylvania’s School of Engineering and Applied Sciences and an alumnus of Wharton Business School, he joined Reliance in 1990. He leads the petroleum refining, manufacturing, and research & technology activities of the organisation. He was instrumental in the successful execution of several mega projects, including the Hazira petrochemicals complex and the world's largest refinery complex at Jamnagar. He is a Director of Reliance Industrial Investments and Holdings and Reliance Commercial Dealers; the Chairman of the Audit Committee of Reliance Industrial Investments and Holdings; and a member of the Audit Committee of Reliance Commercial Dealers. He is also a member of the Finance Committee and Shareholders'/ Investors' Grievance Committee, and the Chairman of the Health, Safety and Environment Committee of the company.

COVER STORY corporate affairs

Reliance insiders and media reports suggest Isha is active in Jio. She and her twin brother flew regularly to Facebook headquarters during the negotiations which ended with FB’s purchase of 9.99% stake in the telecom venture. Her prominence in retail was evident when her statement was released after Reliance Retail took over Kishore Biyani’s Future Group. There is a convergence between retail and telecom

in the form of Ajio, the fashion portal, and e-commerce venture, JioMart. Along with Anant, Isha is a regular participant in the group’s welfare schemes. The youngest son is part of Ambani’s Badrinath-Kedarnath Temple Committee, which was formed after the Uttarakhand state government sought help. It was Anant, say media reports, who handed over a cheque for flood relief work to Maharashtra’s former chief

minister, Devendra Fadnavis. However, Isha set up Reliance Arts Foundation, and is Additional Director, Reliance Foundation.

n comparison, Akash seems to be on an independent trajectory. He is clearly the senior player among the siblings in Jio Platforms. He is both a member of the company’s Executive Committee, and “part of the governing and operating body”. More important, his areas of indulgence in the telecom firm relate to “product development, messaging and chat, and other digital services applications”. These are key functions for any tech-digital enterprise. Whatever insiders may contend, the oil-and-gas business is monitored by father Mukesh. It is the bread-and-butter area which has financed the growth and expansion of both telecom and retail. More important, it was built by the late patriarch, Dhirubhai, and the family, especially Mukesh, is emotionally attached to it. Remember, when he separated from his younger brother, Anil,

Whatever insiders may contend, the oil-and-gas business is monitored by father Mukesh. It is the bread-and-butter area which has financed the growth and expansion of both telecom and retail. More important, it was built by the late patriarch, Dhirubhai, and the family, especially Mukesh, is emotionally attached to it

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Board of Directors Meet the people who run Reliance Industries

Nikhil R. Meswani Executive Director

ikhil R. Meswani (DIN 00001620) is a chemical engineer and the son of Rasiklal Meswani, one of the Founder Directors of the Company. He joined Reliance in 1986, and since July 01, 1988, he has been a Wholetime Director, designated as Executive Director, on the Board of the Company. He is primarily responsible for the petrochemicals division, and has made major contributions towards Reliance becoming a global leader in petrochemicals. Between 1997 and 2005, he handled the refinery business of the company. He is a member of Corporate Social Responsibility and Governance Committee, Finance Committee, and Stakeholders’ Relationship Committee of the Company. He is also a Director of Reliance Commercial Dealers Limited., Chairman of its Audit Committee, and a member of its Nomination and Remuneration Committee and Corporate Social Responsibility Committee.

P.M.S. Prasad Executive Director

.M.S. Prasad (DIN 00012144) has been a whole-time director, designated as Executive Director, of the Company since August 21,

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2009. He has worked with Reliance for about 38 years, holding various senior positions in fibres, petrochemicals, refining & marketing and exploration & production businesses of Reliance. Prasad holds bachelor’s degrees in science from Osmania University and in engineering from Anna University. Mr. Prasad is a Director of Network18 Media & Investments Ltd., TV 18 Broadcast Ltd. and Reliance Commercial Dealers Ltd. He is a member of the Stakeholders’ Relationship, Corporate Social Responsibility, Audit, Nomination & Remuneration and Risk Management committees of Network18 Media & Investments Ltd. and TV18 Broadcast Ltd. He is also the Chairman of the Nomination and Remuneration Committee and a member Corporate Social Responsibility Committee of Reliance Commercial Dealers Ltd.

P.K. Kapil Executive Director

awan Kumar Kapil (DIN 02460200) was appointed as a Whole-time Director, designated as Executive Director, of the Company with effect from May 16, 2010. He holds a Bachelor’s Degree in Chemical Engineering, and has a rich experience of more than five decades in the petroleum refining

industry. Joining Reliance in 1996, he led the commissioning and start-up of the Jamnagar complex (J1). He was associated with this project from conception to commissioning. He also played a leading role in the commissioning of the manufacturing operations in the Special Economic Zone at Jamnagar.

R.A. Mashelkar Independent Director

r. Raghunath A. Mashelkar (DIN 00074119) is an eminent Indian scientist and a National Research Professor. He served for over 11 years as the Director General of the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, which has 38 laboratories and about 20,000 employees. He is the former President of the Indian National Science Academy, Institution of Chemical Engineers (UK) and Global Research Alliance, a network of public-funded R&D institutes from Asia-Pacific, Europe and the US. Deeply connected with the innovation movement in India, Dr. Mashelkar also served as the Chairman of India’s National Innovation Foundation (20002018). Currently, he chairs Reliance Innovation Council, KPIT Technologies Innovation Council, Persistent Systems Innovation Council and Marico Foundation’s Governing Council.

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COVER STORY corporate affairs

he fought aggressively to prevent its break-up. Anil had demanded a slice of the oil-and-gas pie. Now that we are clear about the yetto-be-concrete succession plan and the situation on the ground, we can analyse the challenges that can crop up in the future. Succession-planning is an art and

science. It is not a set of figures like a balance sheet. It’s like a combination of strategy and tactics, which needs to be fine-tuned regularly. Anything can go wrong at any time. There are no certainties and guarantees that it will work. Succession-planning is always a work-in-progress.

Who knows this better than Mukesh. He fought with Anil in the early years of this century during their public spat to divide the business empire. This was because Dhirubhai did not leave a will, and he did not do so primarily for two reasons. The first is that most fathers and mothers, however evolved they might be, are unable to grapple with their imminent deaths. They continue to hold on to businesses, even if it is inevitably the time for the transfer of power. Mukesh has partially decided not to do so. But he is hesitant to let go of the segments related to oil exploration, refinery, and petrochemicals. Although Jio witnessed huge cash infusion through sales of holdings to global tech giants, most of it is to repay the group’s debt. In future, if Jio or Reliance Retail needs funds, it will come from oil and gas. This explains the father’s insistence to hold on to them. Most patriarchs find some excuse to retain control for a longer period.

T Most companies don’t have a succession plan in place and operate with two or more family members as joint CEOs or MDs. Worse, the senior managers in these firms expect the situation to continue after the death of the matriarch or patriarch. The fact is that during the period, when two or more children operate as joint co-heads, while the father or mother is alive, the executives get close to one of them, and want them to remain a co-head

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he second reason why Dhirubhai possibly did not leave a will is the age-old and widespread tendency among the parents to be equally fair to their children, and yet driven by the desire to protect the family’s assets and wealth. This implies that they know that only one of the sons or daughters is capable to manage the business. Still, they need to divide the spoils so that no one gets more than the others. In such situations, they opt for an extremely fragile system of co-authority. Studies show that this is a global trend. Most companies don’t have a succession plan in place and operate with two or more family members as joint

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Board of Directors Meet the people who run Reliance Industries

Adil Zainulbhai

Dipak C. Jain

Independent Director

dil Zainulbhai (DIN 06646490) is the Chairman of Quality Council of India (QCI). He is also the Chairman of Network18 Media & Investments Ltd. and TV18 Broadcast Ltd. and also a Director of Reliance Jio Infocomm Ltd. (RJIL), Reliance Retail Ventures Ltd. (RRVL), Larsen & Toubro Ltd., Cipla Ltd. He retired as the Chairman of McKinsey & Company, India, after serving the company for 34 years. At Reliance Industries, Zainulbhai is an Independent Director and the Chairman of Human Resources, Nomination and Remuneration and Risk Management committees, as well as a member of the Audit committee. He is the Chairman of the Audit Committee, Stakeholders Relationship Committee, Risk Management Committee and Corporate Social Responsibility Committee, and member of the Nomination and Remuneration Committee of Network18 Media and Investments Ltd. He is also the Chairman of RJIL’s Audit Committee, Corporate Social Responsibility Committee, and a member of the Nomination and Remuneration Committee. He is also the Chairman of the Audit Committee and Corporate Social Responsibility Committee, as well as a member of Nomination and Remuneration Committee of RRVL.

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rof. Dipak C. Jain (DIN 00228513) has a Master’s Degree in Mathematical Statistics from Gauhati University, and a PhD in Marketing from the University of Texas at Dallas, US. A distinguished teacher and scholar, he was the Dean of the Kellogg School of Management, Northwestern University (USA) from 2001 to 2009, and an Associate Dean from 1996 to 2001. He has also served as the Dean of INSEAD, a leading business school from 2011 to 2013, and as a Director of Sasin Graduate Institute of Business Administration of Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok, Thailand, from 2014-2017. He is a member of the Audit Committee, Corporate Social Responsibility Committee, and Nomination & Remuneration Committee of Reliance Retail Ventures Ltd and also a member of the Audit Committee and Nomination & Remuneration Committee of Reliance Jio Infocomm Ltd.

Yogendra P. Trivedi Independent Director

r. Yogendra P. Trivedi (DIN 00001879) is a practising senior advocate at the Supreme Court of India. He worked as the director of the Central Bank of India and

Dena Bank. He had been the President of the Indian Merchant’s Chamber, and is currently a member of its managing committee. He was also on the managing committees of ASSOCHAM and the International Chamber of Commerce. He served as the Hon’ Consul to the Republic of Ethiopia and was a member of the Rajya Sabha from 2008 till April 2, 2014. Dr. Trivedi was a President of The Chamber of Tax Consultants and was also the President of Income Tax Appellate Tribunal Bar Association after the retirement of Shri N.A. Palkhiwala, Sr. Advocate of Supreme Court.

Raminder S. Gujral Independent Director

aminder Singh Gujral (DIN 07175393) is a BA (Economics Honours), LLB, MBA (IIMAhmedabad) and MA (Fletcher School, US). He retired from the post of Finance Secretary, Government of India, in 2013. Earlier, he had held the posts of Secretary (Revenue), Secretary (Expenditure) and Secretary (Ministry of Road, Transport and Highways). Shri Gujral is an Independent Director of Adani Power Limited, Adani Green Energy Limited, Jio Platforms Limited and Adani Power (Mundra) Limited. He is a member of the Audit Committee and Chairman of the

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COVER STORY corporate affairs

Board of Directors Meet the people who run Reliance Industries Nomination & Remuneration Committee of Adani Power Limited; member of Audit, Nomination & Remuneration and Corporate Social Responsibility committees of Adani Green Energy Limited and Chairman of Audit Committee of Jio Platforms Limited.

Arundhati Bhattacharya Independent Director (DIN 02011213)

ast Chairman of State Bank of India from 2013 to 2017. Forty years career as a banker with State Bank of India, the largest bank in India. Held several positions during her career with the bank including working in foreign exchange, treasury, retail operations, human resources and investment banking. This included positions like the chief executive of the bank’s merchant banking armState Bank of India Capital Markets; Chief General Manager in charge of new projects. She has also served at the bank’s New York office.

Shumeet Banerji Independent Director

r. Shumeet Banerji (DIN 02787784) is the founder of Condorcet, LP – an advisory and investment firm specializing in developing early stage companies. He retired from Booz & Company in 2013 after a 20 year stint at the firm and its predecessor Booz, Allen, Hamilton. He was the founding Chief Executive Officer of Booz &

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Company. In 2007-08 he co-led the conception, design, and execution of the historic deal separating Booz, Allen, Hamilton, selling the government business to the Carlyle Group and spinning off the global strategy consulting division as Booz & Company. Banerji currently serves on the Board of Directors of HP Inc (USA), Proteus Digital Health (USA), Felix Pharmaceuticals (Ireland), Tala Energy (UK), Reliance Jio Infocomm Ltd. (India) and Haldu Tola Private Limited. He serves on the Panel of Senior Advisers of Chatham House (The Royal Institute of International Affairs, UK).

CEOs or MDs. Worse, the senior managers in these firms expect status quo after the death of the matriarch or patriarch. The fact is that during the period, when two or more children operate as joint co-heads, while the father or mother is alive, the executives get close to one of them, and want them to remain a co-head. This was the case in the Reliance Group when Dhirubhai was alive. Both Mukesh and Anil were designated as Joint MDs of the cash cow, Reliance Industries. At that time, it was said that they took decisions together, after consultations with their father. They

K.V. Chowdary Non-Executive Director

. V. Chowdary (DIN 08485334) is a graduate in Mathematics from Loyola College Chennai and Post Graduation in Mathematics from IIT, Chennai. He started his career as a probationary officer in Andhra Bank. He later joined Indian Revenue Service in 1978. On deputation, he went to the Department of Revenue as Under Secretary and thereafter to the Department of Company Affairs as Deputy Secretary. He held several executive positions and retired as Chairman of CBDT. On Superannuation, he was appointed as an Advisor to the Department of Revenue. He was the Central Vigilance Commissioner from June, 2015 to June, 2019.

The tensions between Mukesh and Anil were eased by their mother Kokilaben, and a clutch of old Dhirubhai loyalists, whom the sons referred to as uncles. Only the latter enjoyed the respect of the two brothers, and were willing to listen to them more patiently

enjoyed equal power. But with two CEOs, so to say, in place, the managers were divided into two camps—some were close to Mukesh and others to Anil. This was reflected when the two brothers fought each other. At present, the co-working of Isha and Akash in Jio seems to be similar to what happened in Reliance Industries. The same is the case with Anant and Isha’s joint involvement in the group’s CSR and philanthropy affairs. The idea is that if the children work together and closely in different areas, and still enjoy independence in what they manage, they are less likely to split. However, the Mukesh-Anil affair, as also the case with other business families, shows that this isn’t true.

ome patriarchs wriggle out of their inability to pinpoint a successor by playing around with designations of their children. Others, like Mukesh, divide their empire into distinct entities that are either managed or seen to be the domain of the different kids. Dhirubhai took the former route when he anointed Mukesh as the ViceChairman of Reliance Industries, even as the two brothers were Joint MDs. The Modi clan (the Modi group of industries) took the latter one with companies managed by different brothers and cousins. Both are unstable mechanisms when it comes to leadership. As long as the parents are alive, things seem smooth. The problems arise after their deaths. The brothers, sisters and cousins tussle over who gets more wealth. Each one demands a higher share; each one feels

Isha Ambani When the Reliance Industries Group launched its telecom venture in early 2000s, the two Ambani brothers (then together, later estranged, now reconciled), elder Mukesh and Anil, gave credit to their late patriarch, father Dhirubhai. The siblings claimed that it was their father’s vision to offer voice calls at the price of a postcard. After Mukesh started Jio, he said that the idea came from his eldest child, Isha. When the daughter came from the US for her holidays in 2011, she urged her father to connect Indians through broadband to enhance data usage. In both cases, the advice worked like a charm. In the early 2000s, Reliance became the cheapest mobile voice-call provider, as is the case with its data services now. In 2011, India ranked 155 on the global broadband consumption index; today, it is at the top. In fact, Isha, the youngest billionaire heiress, who is married to businessman Anand Piramal, is a director at Reliance Jio Infocomm. Her main business interest lies in Reliance Retail, and she set up Reliance Arts Foundation, which aims to showcase Indian art across the world. Isha, whose wedding in 2018 made headlines, largely because of the celebrity guests like the US politician Hillary Clinton and Indian-Hollywood actress Priyanka Chopra, is an Ivy League graduate. She got her undergraduate degree in Psychology from Yale, and an MBA degree from Stanford. She is committed to work with women to provide opportunities to them in a bid to change their lives through digital products. Isha believes that when underprivileged women get digital access, they will manage better employment opportunities.

that his or her contribution was more, or the same, as the others. They collectively think that while the group was set up by one person, the patriarch, it was expanded by all the members of their generation. In the case of the Ambanis, Mukesh

insisted that he was the one who built the gigantic refineries and petrochemical plants. He was the brain behind Reliance’s initial entry into telecom and he was the force that drove the group to get into the risky business of oil exploration. Hence, he had the right to a larger

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COVER STORY corporate affairs

Akash Ambani Most Indians, as also foreigners, remember Akash, the twin brother of Isha, who was regularly seen on the cricket field. Now, he isn’t a cricketer, although like most Indian children he played the game as a child. Years ago, the eldest son of Mukesh and Nita Ambani, took over the responsibility to manage Mumbai Indians, one of the eight city franchisees in the Indian premier League which is owned by the Reliance Industries Group. Since then, he emerged as one of the brains – he is the Chief of Strategy – behind the group’s telecom strategy. He and his sister, Isha, were involved in the several negotiations when Jio sold minority stakes to the world’s leading technology conglomerates. An undergraduate from Brown University (US), Akash, is married to Shloka Mehta, the daughter of the country’s richest diamond trader, Russell Mehta. The marriage of these school friends took place in 2019, and the engagement a year before was held in Goa. After the engagement, the future couple went to Mumbai’s Siddhivinayak Temple to seek blessings from Lord Ganesha. The family is a devotee of this god.

share. He wanted to retain the cash cow, Reliance Industries, and give the smaller pieces, like telecom, power and financial services, to the younger brother. Anil retaliated. He maintained that his political acumen, which he learnt from the father, enabled the group to thrive despite odds. He provided the energy that enabled Reliance to raise hundreds of millions of dollars from overseas and domestic investors. He managed the media, which kept the group’s credibility high. Without these inputs, the businesses would have

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collapsed under their own weight. Apart from the smaller components, he wanted Reliance Industries to be split. Media reports and Reliance insiders indicate Mukesh has adopted the first approach—grow three entities in a manner that each child can manage a single business independently. However, as the Modi clash in the 1980s and 1990s proves, this strategy can fail. Despite their hold over different companies, the brothers and cousins were not satisfied with the wealth they got. They wanted a higher share,

especially as the group companies were on different growth curves. Family battles over wealth get complicated because of emotional issues. Communication is crucial. While the parents are alive, it seems intact. During Dhirubhai’s time, insiders claimed that Mukesh and Anil understood each other and knew exactly what was happening within the group. The common saying was that if you met one of the brothers for lunch, where a sentence was left incomplete, the other would complete it when you met him for dinner the same night.

imilar things are said about Isha, Akash and Anant. “There is a family tradition that the members surely get together for dinner on most days. Information and views are exchanged over the table. As Isha and Akash work together in Jio, they talk to each other on a regular basis. This is why the twins were jointly involved in the negotiations with FB. Mukesh Bhai does the same with his senior managers; they talk and discuss critical issues late into the night,” says an insider. However, past experiences, even within the Ambani family, prove that such communication can snap quite quickly. This is because after the patriarch’s death, the spouses and loyalists get into the game. In many cases, the spouses may not like each other and influence the minds of their wives and husbands. The co-management structure during patriarch’s era splits the group’s executives, who now find it convenient to poison the minds of their respective new bosses.

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Anant Ambani Recently, in a keynote address at a huge corporate celebration to mark Reliance Industries’ listing on the stock exchange and grandfather Dhirubhai’s birth anniversary, Anant claimed, “Our founder, Chairman Dhirubhai used to always say that relationships are everything, the rest are minor details. Aaj main aap sabhi se dil ka sambandh banana chahta hoon (Today, I wish to establish a connection with you from the heart). For me, to serve the Reliance family is the most important mission of my life. India should lead the change and Reliance should be at the forefront of that change. Reliance meri jaan hai (Reliance is my life).” The youngest son of Mukesh, he studied at Brown University, and is involved with the Mumbai Indians team. He has no Twitter or FB accounts, and spends most of his time at Reliance Industries’ refinery-cum-petrochemical complex at Jamnagar. He is involved with Corporate Social Responsibility in the area, and has now become involved with the business operations. A real estate corridor in Mumbai’s Bandra Kurla Complex, which is owned and operated by Reliance Industries and Maker Group, is likely to get a luxury resort hotel that will be built by the Oberoi Group. According to a media report, it will be dubbed Anantvilas, after Anant’s name. In March 2019, Anant was nominated as a member of the Badrinath-Kedarnath Temple Committee, which was set up by Uttarakhand Chief Minister TS Rawat. There are 30 other members, who include BJP politicians, social activists, and individuals from government corporations and bodies. During the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Anant was spotted at Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rally in Mumbai. “I am here to listen to Prime Minister Modi and support the nation.” Another key achievement of his is that he lost a staggering 108 kg in less than 18 months. With a medical history of chronic asthma, the weight gain was due to drugs. In 2014, he decided to take control of his health, and worked towards weight loss in natural and safe ways, with a strict diet and exercise regimen.

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Within no time, yawning divisions appear and the emotional cracks deepen. The personal crevices impact business decisions, especially those related to division of assets. Cooperation turns into a dog-eat-dog kind of competition and none of the siblings wishes to step back, even an inch. During the height of the Mukesh-Anil fight, the younger brother told journalists that only if the so-called loyalists could be sent away on a faraway cruise, he could mend ways with Mukesh. Emotional challenges have to be sorted out by personal efforts. The tensions between Mukesh and Anil were eased by their mother Kokilaben, and a clutch of old Dhirubhai loyalists, whom the sons referred to as uncles. Only the latter enjoyed the respect of the two brothers, and were willing to listen to them more patiently. Such personalised support systems are necessary to iron out succession issues. Otherwise, the whole empire can crash.

t the end of the day, succession battles are decided by legacies and values. To a large extent, it depends on what the patriarch leaves behind in terms of ethics and lifephilosophy. One can dispute it, but Mukesh and Anil grew up amidst consistent corporate rivalries, as their father vanquished one enemy after another to emerge as the most powerful businessman. They imbibed the feeling that one should not, and could not, give any leeway to an opponent, real or imagined. Hopefully, this isn’t true about the present generation. g

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POLITICS

congress namit verma

Congress in transition

From the frying pan into the fire

Under the leadership of unworthy scions of family politics, a trio which has little or no understanding of its own family history, let alone that of the Indian National Congress, the grand old party finds itself staring into an abyss. It has to go back to its founding principles if it wants to be a player of some consequence on the national scene today. Namit Verma writes

he crisis in the Congress Party is not a recent development; it has been in the making for 50 years. Very few people still recall the party’s functioning before Indira Gandhi, therefore they lack a proper understanding of what the Indian National Congress originally stood for. The late Indira Gandhi was a colossus who permitted no equal, not in her time, not for the future; consequently, inner party democracy gave way to the culture of yes-men and the spirit of Congress evaporated. The late Rajiv Gandhi learnt on the job and made great effort to provide the leadership necessary in the era following a colossus. He even tried to infuse the spirit of democratic decision making once again, but it was not to be. First, an opportunist democrat ran away with

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the people’s imagination and next, Rajiv paid with his life the price of all the baggage and angst that the colossus had left behind. Narasimha Rao struggled to keep the nation intact and the party alive, that too in difficult times when the world was reshaping itself and the Soviet Bloc, that significant support system which had helped transform Indira into a colossus at home, was unravelling. Rao wanted to be rid of the baggage of the past, to be liberated from the contradictions which chained all manner of progress to the altar of anachronistic political propriety. Sitaram Kesari at the helm of Congress affairs was an all too brief interlude and pre-emptorally ended at that, yet this Congress Presidency must be rated more democratic than any other in recent times. Is this evidence against

the suitability of democracy in the present time? This is a debate we shall set aside for a fuller discussion at a later date. Increasing factionalism in the Congress saw prospective leadership inside the Congress party dissipating, the opportunistic mediocre ganging up to serve alien corporate interests and suborn the polity and the Congress Party. Some years after demitting office, Rao told me, “if only Arjun Singh had waited, he was my natural successor.” Arjun Singh never became Congress President. As long as he appeared to be successfully mentoring Sonia Gandhi in the last years of the twentieth century, she showed promise and hope; but her gratitude ended abruptly and as early as 2000 she began speaking her mind. What emerged was alien to Indian ethos and Congress goals. What remained was the desperate hope

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of revival of leadership by a colossus, the Indira model; proponent being primarily those who controlled physical access to the Congress President, assistants and orderlies who lacked political erudition. Lip service in the decades and years following Indira had failed to revive the old character of the party: the Congress of minds and people; decision making has become top-heavy. After Rao, successive Congress party leaderships failed to balance national priorities with those of the party. The party stopped growing and a robust and energetic nation refused to wait for it. The youth of India, impatient in their march for greater goals, consigned the Congress party to history, a relic of an era past.

he Indian voters’ rejection of the all noise and little delivery “India Shining” government of the BJPled NDA enabled another opportunity for the Congress to govern India, albeit by coalition—the United Progressive Alliance (UPA). While much has been made of the sacrifice by the Congress President in not accepting the Prime Ministership of the country, discerning followers of Indian politics would not have missed the change in the timing of the interview at Rashtrapati Bhawan:

Increasing factionalism in the Congress saw prospective leadership inside the Congress party dissipating, the opportunistic mediocre ganging up to serve alien corporate interests and suborn the polity and the Congress Party. Some years after demitting office, Rao told me, “if only Arjun Singh had waited, he was my natural successor.”

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vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

POLITICS

congress namit verma

between AB Bardhan’s statement to the media on the evening of May 17, 2004, from 10 Janpath about the Congress President and Parliamentary Party Leader receiving an “invitation to form the government” meeting with the President of India for 10 am on May 18, 2004, and the eventual 12:15 pm May 18 “interview” granted by the President, one where the letter of invitation to form the government, prepared by Rashtrapati Bhawan staff PM Nair, was never requisitioned by Kalam. The contradictions between the President and his Secretary’s published recollections of those three days have only underlined the significance of the decisions which the Congress Parliamentary Party was forced to accept and endorse that week. To my mind, that week of May 16-22, 2004, was the watershed when the Congress threw in the towel and fully conceded the domination of all manner of forces. First, the handing over the

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

...that week of May 16-22, 2004, was the watershed when the Congress threw in the towel and fully conceded the domination of all manner of forces. First, the handing over the reins of a Congress-led government to a rootless Manmohan Singh, criticism of whose policy of economic liberalisation had been one of the three main pillars of Sonia Gandhi’s formal entry into Indian politics

reins of a Congress-led government to a rootless Manmohan Singh, criticism of whose policy of economic liberalisation had been one of the three main pillars of Sonia Gandhi’s formal entry into Indian politics; criticism muted since her meeting with Dick Cheney in 2000. Next, the balancing surrender to Left Front who now held a veto on all government decision making, a veritable guillotine suspended above the Congress Party.

he consequences of this surrender became immediately visible; the new cabinet’s hurried decision to concede the scandal-tainted and bankrupt Enron’s ridiculous claims and enable transfers in support of the US financial market. This trend was to continue with the then illegal Market Stabilisation Scheme which saw billions of dollars worth of Indian savings transferred to the United States to help defer the sub-prime crisis by almost four years; all at a cost

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of over Rs 8,000 crore average annual interest subsidy from the RBI to the US Treasury ever since; not to mention the opportunity cost by way of missed investment opportunities and earnings! The emaciation of the Congress was complete. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had learnt from his previous failed attempt at cover-up through post-facto ratification in the Kribhco, National Housing Bank, Harshad Mehta scandal where the frontline perpetrators had been brought to justice. This time the Prime Minister and his overseas backoffice had everything covered: before demitting office they had amended the RBI Act itself to remove all manner of limitations on Market Borrowing, Speculation and Bond Issues by the Reserve Bank of India. Parliamentary Standing Committees, which had harped on the illegality of post-facto sanctions to demand and enforce action against Harshad Mehta, now quietly passed legalisation to legalise the loot of lakhs of crore of rupees of Indian savings to bail out the US Treasury. As a key member of the High Command later shared with me, the government had bluffed and misled the party that the MSS borrowings were necessary to finance the pro-poor schemes launched at home. The man on the street may not have understood what the Congress-led UPA was doing, but they felt its impact: lack of delivery on promised government schemes. The base of the electoral pyramid did not need to be persuaded that the government was hostile to the common Indian, it merely needed an explanation. This circumstance was used by the BJP to garner support for its outrageous claims of corruption in every sector of the domestic economy. In the public perception, lack of delivery by government meant money was going

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missing through corruption. The volume of missed opportunities for India on the domestic front, on account of the UPA government’s support to the US Treasury between 2004 and 2014 were reverse calculated by the redoubtable Messers Vinod Rai and company and assigned to the corruption head in the non-rigorous domain of public discourse: allegations of thousands of crore of corruption in telecom, coal, mining, et al, fictitious charges based on back of the hand reverse calculation which could never be established in a court of law because it was a figment of imagination. But perception is the very basis of parliamentary democracy. The damage was done; the Indian National Congress party was reduced to 44 seats in the Lok Sabha! Duped by its own Prime Minister, unable to control its own ministers and undermined by combative coalition partners hungry for the same political

ground-space which the Congress once occupied, an absolutely clueless and inept party leadership ran the Congress ship aground. Little did they realise that the Congress was under attack by myriad global forces who saw it as a competitor. This lack of perception comes as no surprise given that none in the leadership had any idea of what the Congress represented and why it had been conceived.

he leadership would eventually realise that they were being shortchanged; even then they found themselves trapped, unable to do anything beyond publicly tearing up some papers, only to be cowed down once again thereafter. In its desperation to maintain the veneer of being in control over the government, a projection was necessary for an internally weak leadership to retain its hold on the party and its parliamentarians, at a time when it was being upstaged by that very govern-

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ment. Little wonder then that whom they appointed their most trusted chief intelligence officer, the Director of Intelligence Bureau in 2004, shortly after forming the government, went on to become one of the three chief architects of fictitious corruption propaganda against them in 2013-14; even less surprising that this same entity is now the be-all end-all of a hostile government which talks of a Congress Mukt Bharat.

ven the older generation leaders were inhibited by their inability to perceive or identify the many challenges and threats faced by the party. After all, even the oldest amongst them were products of the Indira Gandhi school of Congress politics. The few who had any idea of older Congress traditions and commitments, those with history of either personal political activism or political lineage predating the late Indira Gandhi, had already been shown the door or cut to size. Prominent among them were PV Narasimha Rao and G Venkatswamy in the first category and Arjun Singh in the second. Absence of debate has become the bane of the party today. Just as the dark side is necessarily a part of the whole, so also contrary thoughts, persuasions and philosophies must necessarily get their space and debate; that is why this party was named the Congress at its birth. Navigating through blunders in two successive Lok Sabha elections, not to mention losing elected state governments in legislative assemblies where people had reposed faith in local Congress leaderships, the reality of political mismanagement and consequent decline stares the Congress in its face. The disconnect with myriad aspects of the present-day world has come to define the party’s organisational structure and leadership; incompetence has become synonymous

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The AICC has journeyed from being an electoral college to becoming a command performance rubber-stamping farcical authority, invoked by the diktat of the Election Commission of India rules rather than in expression and exercise of the will of the rank and file Congress worker with present Congress leadership. Rare exceptions toiled hard to keep appearances intact; yet even these loyalists were targeted by some faction or the other in the family which chose to interpret its own lack of suitability and acceptance as a fallout of greater respect for those who performed; perhaps they also saw this as a threat. The late Ahmed Patel was the last link between the party lead-

ership and the party’s heartbeat. He was the last of old school Congressmen who dignified the post they held, an observation no longer relevant to the Congress leadership today. Some semblance of political due process was maintained by so-called Congress stalwarts; yet, their very situation rendered them misfits in the present environment. The practice of humiliat-

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Congress worker. Restoring party elections is necessary, ensuring their credibility even more so. The first step, obviously, is having a partywide election to elect and constitute acceptable State and Central Election Authorities. The sale of voting rights in the party through the regime of active workers and absentee active worker votes being cast by whosoever holds their membership books must be stopped. This is the primary pitfall which inhibits citizen association and participation in Congress affairs.

ing volunteer political activists through direction by supercilious staff cadres recruited to serve the party is an attack on the spirit of inner party democracy. It bespeaks a disconnect between the party and its leadership which threatens to undermine and destroy everything the Congress has stood for. The organisation, manner and functioning of the All India Congress Committee (AICC) has devoured the parent party. It is time to review its present day functioning and restore it to its original purpose. The All India Congress Committee was founded in 1925 following the exponential growth in the number of delegates attending the annual convention of the Indian National Congress, a trend which began with the Nagpur

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session. The AICC began its journey primarily as an electoral college to elect the Congress leadership, a role which stands negated given the absence of free and fair elections after the Calcutta Session of 1998. The practice of nominations to the AICC making up its entire membership is untenable; it has reduced the Indian National Congress to an instrument of a hereditary leadership entitlement, a tradition alien to democracy and unacceptable to India. The AICC has journeyed from being an electoral college to becoming a command performance rubber-stamping farcical authority, invoked by the diktat of the Election Commission of India rules rather than in expression and exercise of the will of the rank and file

he AICC’s journey from accepting responsibility in the fight for Independence, to the responsibility for expanding the organisation, appears to have overridden its responsibility to bring feedback from the citizens of the country. Every single Organisational Office Bearer unashamedly talks of his “gratitude” to a family; this negation of democracy must end. This is in stark contrast to private discussions where demoralised Congressmen and women are heard saying that the price of saving the leadership’s skin has been the growing irrelevance of Congress party itself. The loyalists insist that during the last six years staying out of power, the leadership has learnt from adversity; it has begun to identify foe and friend. Great advance indeed, from knowing neither itself nor the enemy between 2000 and 2014 to getting to possibly identify, hopefully even understand, the enemies within and outside—albeit, even now unable to do anything about it. Much as Sun Tzu would have it, “if you know the enemy but not yourself, for every victory you must pay a price”; in the present instance a price greater than the victory itself, if Goa, Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh are anything to go by. This has become the fate of the Congress under

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POLITICS

congress namit verma

the leadership of the unworthy scions of family politics, a trio which has little or no understanding of its own family history, let alone that of the Indian National Congress party. Despite the lessons learnt, fear prevails and gratitude remains the basis of party governance and appointments, duly acknowledged as favours by those cognizant of their own undeserving existence in the hierarchy. One recalls how ingratitude was the charge levelled at incumbent Congress Working Committee member, the late G Venkatswamy, when he demanded the Congress President’s resignation on February 1, 2011, prophetically observing: “I have serious doubts of the Congress coming back to power under Ms Gandhi’s leadership in the next elections. Out of 28 States, the Congress is in power in only a handful. This number may become zero if she continues to be at the helm. Congress leaders have won elections based on the Congress party’s symbol and not because of Ms Gandhi.”

have had the experience of even the most senior party office bearers telling me privately that they would go along with the present Congress President’s agenda and policies, which they themselves neither believed in nor agreed with, because they were burdened by gratitude for support from or favours done by her late husband. One is certain that personal gratitude was never an indispensable value for determining political conduct in the Congress scheme of things as conceived and propounded by the founding fathers of the party. No gratitude was sought by Sawab Chand who introduced Motilal Nehru into the Congress party and two decades later negotiated Jawahar’s political inheritance in lieu of the voluntary subsuming of Motilal’s politics by that of Gandhi’s

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strategy of non-violent confrontation which so successfully defined the Indian freedom struggle. Gandhi himself would be aghast at the idea of truth being overwhelmed by considerations of personal gratitude in the political discourse. The guiding principles that the Congress is irrevocably wedded to are truth and humanism; these must prevail over all else. The Congress was conceived within the world view of the Theosophist framework. It never needed an official-

dom or a cadre to reach out to the masses because its theosophist roots made it indistinguishable from humanity itself. It was never the perceived leadership, but the right set of principles and a demonstrated commitment to uphold them that made the Indian National Congress the pre-eminent vehicle of democratic empowerment in the first half of the last century.That is the commitment which the grand old party needs to revive. g (The contents of this article are the personal views of the writer.)

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GOVERNANCE sebi jignesh shah

Jupiter

on The Decline Despite the 63 Moons in his financial universe, Jignesh Shah faces a bleak future that is divorced from growth and prosperity by Alam Srinivas

onfused are the ways of laws, interpretations and judgments. If one sifts through various orders, the manner in which the arguments are fashioned seems mystifying and intriguing. One of the commonest refrains, especially in civil and financial cases, is that a person’s involvement in one case cannot be logically assumed to deem her an involved party criminal in another one. Another one is that an individual got bail, which is deemed to signify the lack of guilt. Yet another argument is that the case is sub-judice, and a person is “innocent unless proven guilty”. Questions are raised about the timing of the laws, which indicate a conspiracy against the possible perpetrator. People try to convince the courts that they have weaned themselves away from certain events and entities and, thus, the latter should not pay the price for the acts of the former. In effect, the law cannot apply to an individual, merely because

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she is connected to a criminal. These facets are a part of SEBI’s order against 63 Moons Technologies, and its founder Jignesh Shah, on the renewal of STP (Straight-Through-Processing) licence. The court said that the company and founder were “not a ‘fit and proper person’” to provide intermediary technology services to brokers, custodians and fund houses. It was based on an earlier order that declared Shah and 63 Moons unfit to be owners and/or part of managements and boards of approved exchanges. It is difficult to tell a new story about Shah’s legal tangles without a peek into his past. Given the charged shenanigans at the National Spot Exchange Ltd (NSEL), which we will describe later, restrictions were passed against 63 Moons (former Financial Technologies) and Shah. In 2013, the Forward Markets Commission (FMC) said that 63 Moons “does not carry a good reputation and character, record of fairness, integrity or honesty to continue as a shareholder of

Multi Commodity Exchange”. FMC added that Shah was “not a ‘fit and proper person’” to be part of any management or board of any exchange. In 2014, SEBI judged that 63 Moons could not hold shares in a stock exchange or clearing corporation, either directly or indirectly, because it was unfit to do so. In 2016, Shah was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate for money laundering and economic offences worth Rs 2,000 crore. He was released on bail, and the FMC order is currently pending before the Bombay High Court. On the basis of these orders, 63 Moons was issued a show-cause notice (SCN) in 2018 as to why its application for STP services should not be rejected. STP implies end-to-end processing of transactions of the financial instruments and involves the use of a single technology system to process and control the entire workflow of financial deals. Thus, such systems electronically capture and process deals from the point of their initial transactions to the final settlements.

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In 2013, the Forward Markets Commission (FMC) said that 63 Moons “does not carry a good reputation and character, record of fairness, integrity or honesty to continue as a shareholder of Multi Commodity Exchange”. FMC added that Shah was “not a ‘fit and proper person’” to be part of any management or board of any exchange

SEBI had to decide the veracity of the SCN. 63 Moons said that there were differences between the cases related to NSEL and STP. The former were about holding shares in stock and commodity exchanges, and whether Shah could manage them. They were linked to events on the NSEL. No one questioned 63 Moons’ ability to provide software services (STP). The state agencies wanted to merge NSEL and 63 Moons, which reflects their belief in the latter’s software capacity. In practice, the court agreed that the two were governed by different sets of regulations—one that dealt with the exchanges, and the other with the intermediary services like STP. But the latter too has a clause, which states that one of the eligibility criteria is that the service entity needs to be a “fit and proper person”. The court, therefore, had to decide if the two applicants fulfilled these conditions, which were effective from April 2017, given that the STP deal was from 2016 to 2019. Before we get into the conditions, consider another contention by the applicants that they were introduced days before the SCN, and

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GOVERNANCE sebi jignesh shah

after the STP agreement was signed in 2016. The first indicated a deliberate conspiracy to harm 63 Moons and Shah, and the latter that the sub-clauses related to “fit and proper person” cannot be applied on a retrospective basis. SEBI court said that they would be applicable from the time that they became effective, i.e. April 2017. Let us look at the specifics. Schedule II of the Intermediaries Regulations lays down the sub-clauses to determine a fit and proper person. The considerations included the “integrity, reputation and character” of the licence holder and its key personnel, “absence of convictions and restraint orders, competence including financial solvency and net worth, (and) absence of categorisation as wilful defaulter”. The SCN stated that Shah and 63 Moons did not satisfy these criteria.

ow, the lawyers for the two contended that a general condition—integrity, reputation and character—was followed by three precise ones, which included convictions, solvency, and defaulter status. In such situations, the interpretation is that the “general words must take colour from the specific words”. This is true even if the explicit words preceded the general ones. In other words, the general vague conditions must be read only in the context of the exact specific ones. If 63 Moons and Shah had no convictions—the cases related to NSEL were sub-judice, and bail was granted in the money laundering case—were solvent and not wilful defaulters, their reputation and character was intact. The SEBI judge said that “I do not agree” with this contention. He added that “words like ‘integrity, reputation, and character’ are not general words, have specific meaning, and are not following the other three clauses”. They have a

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“different and definite intent”. For example, the Cambridge Dictionary defines reputation as the “opinion that people in general have about someone or something, or how much respect or admiration someone or something receives, based on past behaviour”. The SEBI court ruled that “past behaviour can be taken into account” to decide if someone is fit and proper. Similarly, if a reputation is tarnished in one field due to findings and allegations, one can “consider such reputation in a different field of activity”. In the 2007 Mahesh Babu Securities Ltd case, SEBI Appellate Tribunal (SAT) disagreed that a criminal case filed by the

framers of the Regulations have consciously given such wide powers because of their concern to keep the market clean and free from undesirable elements,” it added. Reputation is related to association; “a person is known by the company he keeps”. For instance, if a firm’s character is tarred, so will be those of the directors and partners. Hence, SEBI declared, “In this background, the Board may... be justified in keeping a doubtful character or an undesirable element out from the market rather than running the risk of allowing the market to be polluted. We may hasten to add here that when the Board decides to debar an entity... it must

SEBI, in the 2006 Jermyn Capital case, said that it could consider any aspect to determine whether a person or entity is fit and proper or not. “The framers of the Regulations have consciously given such wide powers because of their concern to keep the market clean and free from undesirable elements,” it added

Central Bureau of Investigation “has no concern with the securities market”. It stated that the charges were so serious that “if established, they involve moral turpitude”. In such a scenario, a decision that a person did not enjoy a good reputation “could not be said to be perverse”. SAT stated that SEBI “had not erred” in deeming the entity “not a ‘fit and proper person’”. SEBI, in the 2006 Jermyn Capital case, said that it could consider any aspect to determine whether a person or entity is fit and proper or not. “The

have some reasonable basis for saying so.” Given the above context, SEBI ruled against 63 Moons and Shah in the recent STP case. The expanse of reputation was large. On the issue of whether the lack of convictions and bail implied a good reputation and character, the SEBI court relied on past orders of FMC, SEBI, and Bombay High Court. The FMC stated that despite its argument that it was “ignorant of the affairs and conduct of NSEL”, it influenced the management and governed the exchange’s governance.

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There is no way that 63 Moons can hide behind a “corporate veil”, and distance itself from a fraud of Rs 5,500 crore on the NSEL. Further, the FMC maintained Shah was the biggest beneficiary of the NSEL machinations. The value of the shares he owned in the exchange shot up manifolds due to the exchange’s huge profit of Rs 125 crore in 2012-13. As a promoter of both 63 Moons and NSEL, he “misused his position to create a confidence in the minds of the participants regarding the legitimacy of the business”. He took minimal steps to introduce “effective governance mechanisms... to prevent frauds”.

case. After his arrest, he was released when the Bombay High Court concluded that there was no allegation that Shah earned bribes from the borrowers to help the latter commit the frauds to the extent of Rs 5,500 crore. Neither was there information that Shah paid them money in an illegal manner. More importantly, “there has been no material to show any direct connection or link between the defaulting borrowers and the applicant (Shah)”. These court statements, said the recent SEBI judgment, do not “amount to giving a clean chit to him in respect of his role in the mismanagement, default and settlement crisis at NSEL.

Once SEBI and SAT upheld the FMC order, Shah and 63 Moons went to the Bombay High Court, which refused to grant a stay on the issue. It noted that there were serious findings against the two, and “criminal investigations are in progress”. Given the “gravity of allegations”, this was not a “fit case” to grant a stay. In the STP case, SEBI decided that the FMC’s views were “relevant” to decide if 63 Moons and Shah “carry good reputation, integrity and character” to offer their services. But then Shah got bail in the NSEL

This is clear from the fact, for example, that it has been stated in... the same (high court) order that Shri Jignesh Shah’s “contention that he was not aware of the illegalities, or that he being a NonExecutive Director of NSEL was not concerned with the illegal activities cannot be accepted”. Finally, there was the matter of the validity of a ban or restriction. 63 Moons and Shah contended that SEBI’s regulations stipulated that the disqualification in 2013 was valid for three years from the date of the order.

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Hence, it was not applicable to the STP issue. Similarly, the FMC guidelines on the equity structure of commodity exchanges state that bans on ownership against any entity would lapse after three years. After the period, the entity could own shares in an exchange.

n the first aspect, the recent SEBI order on STP clarified that the three-year ban was an “automatic disqualification” for three years. However, the issue was not whether the previous 2013 judgment acted as a disqualification in this case. The factor to consider was whether the facts relating to “reputation, integrity and character” of the two entities in the FMC order were “relevant” in the present matter. This is certainly true as the regulations independently talk of these criteria. In the case of the second aspect, SEBI maintained that the wordings of the specific guideline gave it a different meaning. A person was considered unfit to hold shares in an exchange only “if a period of three years from the date of order had not elapsed. This does not mean that an order passed by FMC... would have a validity period of three years.” The flexibility of the FMC and SEBI to determine the reputation and character of any entity can extend up to several years. In the overall context, SEBI rejected 63 Moons’ plea to renew its application to provide STP services. It ruled that the services availed by 300 brokers, 15 custodians, and 170 fund houses, after the eligibility criteria were introduced in April 2017, were not legal. 63 Moons was allowed to “provide necessary services” “for a period not exceeding three months” to prevent disruptions in the securities market. May be, this marks the beginning of a new legal journey in the ongoing Shah’s saga. g

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Personality tn seshan

TN Seshan a man of extremes 34

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The media lavished praise on former chief election commissioner TN Seshan when he passed away in November 2019. Our Contributing Editor, Ravi Visvesvaraya Sharada Prasad, who knew TN Seshan well, presents a complete picture of this complex man, warts, and all www.gfilesindia.com

he nation gratefully remembered Tirunellai Narayana Iyer Seshan, who passed away in Chennai in November 2019, as the man who cleaned up corrupt electoral practices during his tenure as Chief Election Commissioner from 1990 to 1996. However, most of his long career in the civil services was less than stellar. TN Seshan was a complex person, a bundle of contradictions. Even as he tom-tommed his honesty and integrity, this 1955 batch IAS officer of the Tamil Nadu cadre was shamelessly sycophantic to his seniors in the civil service, and to his ministers. He was fawningly obsequious to Rajiv Gandhi, running alongside his car. Towards his juniors, TN Seshan was a harsh bully, rudely shouting at them for no reason at all and finding fault with whatever they did. On the other side, he was hard working and meticulous, with an eye for detail, and went to extraordinary lengths to master whatever assignment he held. As chairman of the Chennai Transport Corporation, he personally drove the passenger buses and repaired bus engines so that he could know firsthand the problems faced by the bus corporation. At least once a week he would act as a conductor or bus driver, so that he could understand the problems of the commuters as well as of the staff. He thwarted a strike of the mechanics by challenging them: I can repair a bus engine better than any one of you can. TN Seshan got a coveted deputation to the central government in Delhi earlier than was his due, so keen were his fellow IAS officers in Tamil Nadu to get this him out of their state at any cost. In Delhi, the other IAS officers saw to it that he was posted to ministries which had very few IAS officers; so keen were they to avoid having to interact with the ‘self-righteous egoist’.

So, Seshan found himself in technical and scientific ministries for most of his career—Atomic Energy, Space, the Oil and Natural Gas Commission, and Environment and Forests. Being in technical and scientific ministries suited Seshan too. He had been a lecturer of physics at Madras Christian College in Chennai before he joined the civil services, and he showed off what he thought was his knowledge of science. He worked hard and took quick decisions. Scientists, who were used to bureaucratic red tape and lethargy, were glad to come across a civil servant who took quick decisions and who ensured that they were thoroughly implemented. When telephoning my father HY Sharada Prasad, he would announce in his loud booming voice: “This is Seshan from Space”. This was to distinguish him from the more famous Seshan of those days, NK Seshan, who was secretary to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The two Seshans were not related at all, although both came from the same tiny community of Palakkad Iyers. We drew a caricature of TN Seshan shouting at my father from outer space, without the benefit of a telephone. While in the Ministry of Environment and Forests, Seshan drafted far-seeing and forward-looking environmental rules and regulations. He pioneered initiatives such as water harvesting and the phasing out of two-stroke engines. Seshan also investigated the adverse environmental impact of large hydroelectric projects, such as the Narmada and Tehri dams. He shamelessly sucked up to his minister, the notorious Bhajan Lal. Since Seshan loudly proclaimed from the rooftops about how honest and incorruptible he was, the wily Bhajan Lal kept him away from “important sensitive” decisions. Seshan was okay with being sidelined by his minister. The story goes that as environment

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Personality tn seshan

secretary, Seshan saw on the news ticker “Two Tigers Killed”, and threw a massive tantrum and ordered an immediate inquiry. His terrified staff were too scared to tell him that those killed were LTTE tigers. Seshan became Special Secretary, Security, in charge of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s security—it was at this time that he was seen running alongside Gandhi’s car. Seshan crossed the bounds of civil service propriety in assisting Gandhi with infrastructure during his election campaigns, under the excuse of ensuring security. Gandhi realised that here was a pliant civil servant who could stretch rules and regulations to their limit, without actually breaking the letter of a single rule. Reeling under the Bofors scandal, Gandhi made Seshan defence secretary, and after a short while, elevated him to the topmost civil service post of cabinet secretary.

lthough abstemious himself, Seshan threw lavish alcohollaced parties for journalists in an attempt to influence their coverage of the Bofors scandal. The senior-most officer of the Indian Audit and Account Service, MMB Annavi, launched an investigation into the Bofors scandal. Annavi came close to unearthing uncomfortable information. Seshan greatly harassed and persecuted Annavi and destroyed his career. As cabinet secretary, Seshan unhesitatingly obeyed orders from politicians, even if they were dubious. Abdicating his responsibilities as head of the civil services, Seshan never stood up for upright civil servants. Sundara Rau Narendra, who served as information advisor to prime ministers and as principal information officer, recalled: “When I wanted his protection as head of the civil services, Seshan refused to give me

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an appointment. I was under immense political pressure to do something against all rules, and I sent him a letter seeking his intervention. The file was summarily returned without it being recorded in his office. His PA told me that he was under instructions not to receive any papers from me or take my calls”. After Gandhi lost office in 1989, Prime Minister Vishvanath Pratap Singh obviously did not want a cabinet secretary who had tried to cover up the Bofors scandal. So he kicked Seshan upstairs to the Planning Commission, albeit with ministerial rank. But during those few days when he was cabinet secretary to Singh, Seshan had to deal with the kidnapping in Kashmir of the daughter of Home Minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed. Moosa Raza, an IAS officer of the Gujarat cadre, who was then the Chief Secretary of Jammu and Kashmir, recalled: “In those days before the advent of mobile phones, we communicated only through landlines, which could be easily tapped at the telephone exchange. It was suspected that many of those who worked at the exchange were sympathisers of the militants. (Then Cabinet secretary TN) Seshan insisted that I speak with him only in Tamil, as it was unlikely that the exchange in Kashmir would have any Tamilspeaking staff sympathetic to the militants. (Raza was a Tamilian, a Navayat Muslim from Tamil Nadu). Our efforts were to keep the negotiations going through the intermediaries and, in the interim, locate the safe house and get her released through commando action. Both the state police chief and the intelligence officials were opposed to the idea of using military force; they said it would pose a grave risk to the life of the hostage. The police and paramilitary forces stepped up their patrolling, and photos of Rubaiya Sayeed were widely

circulated. Public opinion was mobilised to put pressure on the militants and the JKLF. Statements were issued by opinion makers and political personalities, deploring the kidnapping of an innocent girl as an un-Islamic and unethical act. The CM (Dr Farooq Abdullah) was rather unhappy at the pressure being brought on the state government by the Centre to release the militants in exchange for the home minister’s daughter. He was apprehensive that this would set a trend

TN Seshan was a complex person, a bundle of contradictions. Even as he tom-tommed his honesty and integrity, this 1955 batch IAS officer of the Tamil Nadu cadre was shamelessly sycophantic to his seniors in the civil service, and to his ministers and lead to more kidnappings in the future. I was told that not only the Home Minister but also his colleagues were troubled by the prolonged negotiations and wanted the matter to be resolved as quickly as possible. In the first couple of days after the kidnapping, there was widespread condemnation of it in the press. But as the days passed, there was a noticeable shift towards the primary objective of getting the girl released. There

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was sympathy for her plight, and the pressure to release the militants and free her mounted. I received a call from the Cabinet secretary at 1.30 am on 13 December. In a rather stiff and formal tone, he said, ‘This is the Cabinet secretary to the GoI, TN Seshan, speaking to the chief secretary of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, Mr Moosa Raza. I am speaking from the chamber of the Prime Minister of India.’ ‘The GoI desires the state government to

even if the police and the IB were to locate her whereabouts. ‘Without injury to her’ could only imply that. Some of my advisors believed there was an implicit threat in the statement: If we could not get the girl released immediately, the state government would be held squarely responsible for the failure and may even be dismissed. But it was still not clear to me whether the GoI had agreed to an immediate release of the imprisoned militants and

note that it is their undiluted responsibility to ensure the safe release of the hostage without any injury to her, and we expect that all action you take will be consistent with this requirement.’ Having made this pontifical statement from the throne as it were, he abruptly disconnected. The operative words were ‘at all cost’. In other words, ‘release the militants’. This also ruled out commando action,

desired us to accept the militants’ terms, or not. After waiting for half an hour, I rang up the Cabinet secretary in the hope that he would have returned from the PM’s office by then and would clarify the sudden volte face. I spoke to him in Tamil and asked to know the reason for the change in stance when I had almost concluded the negotiations without any loss of face to the government. I also asked him about the

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implications of his message to me from the PM’s chamber. Seshan was aware that he was a lame duck Cabinet secretary and his days in the Rashtrapati Bhavan annexe were numbered. He could not stand up to a PM with an imperial streak in him. The Raja of Manda (Vishwanath Pratap Singh) had his way. That last conversation with Seshan told me all I needed to know about him: Here was a man given to using strong and forceful language when dealing with his subordinates, but meek and obedient when it came to his bosses. The news was received by the CM and me with grave concern, as it negated all the efforts at negotiations made until then. I felt that since the girl could be brought back without an exchange, it would be in the national interest to wait. But my arguments did not find any favour in Delhi. The CM was so perturbed by this unwarranted intervention that he contemplated submitting his resignation immediately. I informed the Governor of the latest developments and the CM’s state of mind. Both (then governor) General (VK) Krishna Rao and I were hard put to dissuade him from such a precipitate action in the midst of a crisis. We were to release the five militants to the three mediators, withdraw the police from certain localities and wait for three hours for Rubaiya to be handed over to us. This proposal, fraught with unpredictable complications, was not acceptable to us. I pointed out that once we had released the militants, we had no guarantee that the JKLF would honour its side of the bargain, particularly when there was a gap of three hours. Anything could happen during those crucial hours. Even if we trusted them to keep their side of the bargain, we had no way of knowing whether some other militant group opposed to the JKLF ideology (and there were many waiting on the sidelines

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vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

Personality tn seshan

for an opportunity) would take advantage of the situation and hijack the girl while she was on her way to Sonawar. Dr Abdullah, who had all along been opposed to the release of the militants, was even more upset at this turn of events. It was under extreme pressure from the Centre that he had even agreed to release the militants. But having to wait for three hours before knowing whether the government had been taken for a ride was not the kind of situation that either he or I were prepared to face. He was ready to tender his resignation there and then. I think he spoke to the governor, who once again perhaps restrained him from doing so. At 2.30 am, I met the CM and apprised him of the Cabinet secretary’s approval and my subsequent conversation with him. He was dismayed. ‘They will destroy Kashmir,’ he said. I could hear the agony in his voice. But reluctantly, he told us to go ahead and finalise the arrangements. The next three hours were excruciating. Even though I had obtained the necessary approvals, I was aware that these were all verbal. If anything went wrong, and for some reason the girl did not turn up, my head would be on the chopping block. There was every chance that everyone would wash their hands of the responsibility, and I would be accused of having released the militants off my own bat. At 7.15 pm, a car pulled up at the house, and Rubaiya appeared. She seemed to be in good health, though shaken by her ordeal. Neither I nor the police ever got the opportunity of debriefing her. Rubaiya remained inaccessible to state and central intelligence. She could have given us valuable information, but I never even learnt where she had been held captive. Seshan called to congratulate me on the successful conclusion of the episode. He was effusive in his praise and asked me to convey the government’s appreciation to

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

my colleagues. A couple of years later, I met Seshan, who was then Chief Election Commissioner, at the VIP lounge in Delhi airport. As we walked towards the security clearance gate, I asked him, ‘I have always wondered about the sudden change in your approach when you dictated that ultimatum to me on the morning of 13 December. What was the reason for that?’ ‘The game was much bigger,’ he said, with a sardonic smile. ‘The target was much higher.’ ‘And what was that?’ I asked. His reply is a story for another day.”

The Law and Commerce Minister in the Chandra Shekhar government, Subramanian Swamy, appointed Seshan as the Chief Election Commissioner in 1990. The two knew each other well from their Harvard days; Seshan had been a Mason Fellow at Harvard. The Prime Minister had his misgivings but went along. Now that he had the protection of a statutory position and could not be harmed by politicians or civil servants anymore, Seshan was a man transformed. Thundering that he could be “removed only by an Act of God”,

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Seshan went hammer and tongs after corrupt politicians, and cleaned up the electoral system. The same man who sucked up to dubious politicians, now thundered: “I eat politicians for breakfast”. The same man who hosted lavish alcohol-filled parties for reporters, in order to influence their coverage of the Bofors scandal, now dubbed all journalists as corrupt. When Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao subtly tried to influence him, Seshan banged down the phone, shouting at him: “I am the Chief Election

numerous feuds between Rao and Seshan, and the Prime Minister and other politicians wanted to rein in Al Seshan. Several politicians wanted to move a resolution in Parliament to impeach Seshan. The wily but suave Rao realised the damage that an impeachment motion would do to the nation, so he quietly quashed these impeachment efforts in Parliament. Rao discovered that there was nothing in the law which prevented him from appointing additional election commissioners. So

Being in technical and scientific ministries suited Seshan too. He had been a lecturer of physics at Madras Christian College in Chennai before he joined the civil services, and he showed off what he thought was his knowledge of science. He worked hard and took quick decisions. Scientists, who were used to bureaucratic red tape and lethargy, were glad to come across a civil servant who took quick decisions Commissioner of the Indian nation, not of the Government of India or of the Prime Minister”. He was dubbed Al Seshan, and Lalu Prasad Yadav coined the phrase: “Seshan versus the Nation”. Seshan accused cabinet ministers Sitaram Kesari and Kalpanath Rai of influencing voters, and told Prime Minister Rao to drop them from his cabinet. There was a widespread backlash among politicians who accused Seshan of exceeding his authority. There were

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the Prime Minister appointed MS Gill and GVG Krishnamurthy as additional election commissioners. A furious Seshan called Gill and Krishnamurthy donkeys and blocked their entering the building of the Election Commission. Seshan posed for magazine covers flexing his biceps and approached the Supreme Court to have them removed from office. But a five-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court dealt a stinging defeat to Seshan, ruling that Gill and

Krishnamurthy had powers and voting rights equal to Seshan. Seshan was roughed up by J Jayalalithaa. When he did not retaliate, he was asked by a journalist: “Is this because you are Tamil Nadu Seshan— your initials say so?” Seshan tried to have this journalist arrested but was put in his place by this journalist’s lawyers. When reporters phoned him at his home, he would answer in the grand manner of an English butler: “Mr Seshan is not available”. When they pointed out that he himself was on the line, he would elaborate: “I am not saying that Mr Seshan is not at home, which would be a lie. I am saying that Mr Seshan is not available to give you information”. Hot on the heels of a story, the selfproclaimed second-most important person in the country, Dileep Padgaonkar, phoned Seshan late at night to get his version. Seshan banged the phone down on Padgaonkar. The rest of the night, Seshan kept on phoning Padgaonkar, and cut off the line as soon as Padgaonkar answered.

eshan and his wife Jayalakshmi (they had no children) led a spartan, abstemious life. He spent most of his civil service salary on donations to charitable causes and on buying books. He had a vast personal library of thousands of books on a diverse range of subjects, especially on economics and political science. His wife Jayalakshmi was hospitable, and I wonder how much more obnoxious Seshan would have been if not for her tempering influence. He was highly intelligent and amazingly well read on a wide range of topics; and he made sure everyone knew how well read and scholarly he was. He was a stickler for punctuality and cleanliness. He would throw people out

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

Personality tn seshan

of his office if they were even a minute late. He frequently bragged: The toilets in my ministry are so clean that you can have your lunch in them. He was a know-all, giving his advice on every topic under the sun to all and sundry. He would keep sermonising to young women reporters covering his ministries about why they should get married. He was extremely status conscious, and always asked everyone about their sub-caste, and their professional seniority, so that he could either kowtow to them or snub them. As soon as he became the Chief

cook. He was a great connoisseur and patron of Carnatic classical music, about which he was deeply knowledgeable. He often said: “We Palakkad Iyers are known for four traits—great Carnatic musicians, top notch public servants, excellent cooks and big crooks”.

e was a deeply religious follower of the Kanchipuram Shankaracharya. When the Shankaracharya passed away, Seshan demanded Dhirubhai Ambani’s personal aircraft so that he could immediately fly to Kanchipuram. A huge furore broke out. Seshan called a press conference and wrote out a cheque

(Rajiv) Gandhi realised that here was a pliant civil servant who could stretch rules and regulations to their limit, without actually breaking the letter of a single rule. Reeling under the Bofors scandal, Gandhi made Seshan defence secretary, and after a short while, elevated him to the topmost civil service post of cabinet secretary Election Commissioner in 1990, he thundered: “I don’t get a salary of Rs 9,000 a month and a status of a Supreme Court judge for nothing”, inviting sniggers since a salary of Rs 9000 was common in the middle rungs of the corporate sector. While delivering a memorial lecture for my maternal uncle, he made statements such as: “There are no statesmen any more; only the Statesman newspaper. There are no titans any more, only the Titan wrist watches”. He bragged that he was a fantastic

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in favour of Dhirubhai Ambani. Seshan prided himself on his astrological and palmistry skills, but his own predictions for himself did not come true at all. He announced widely that his horoscope forecast that he would either become the President of India or the Secretary General of the United Nations. In fact, Seshan had even threatened Prime Minister Rao: “My next job is going to be either President of the nation or Secretary General of the United Nations, and so you had better not try to harm me”.

But Seshan received a massive drubbing when he ran for President against KR Narayanan in 1997, getting the votes of only a few legislators from the Shiv Sena. He spread a rumour that he would be appointed a Governor. When the press questioned him, he replied: “My wife would not appreciate being called a governess”. He made attempts to enter politics, seeking support from the very politicians whom he had vilified when he was Election Commissioner. Every political leader snubbed him. He was soundly defeated when he stood for Parliament against Lal Krishna Advani. After all his attempts to enter politics failed miserably, Seshan and his wife Jayalakshmi retired to an old age home in Chennai. They had no children, and few friends. He donated most of his civil service pension to numerous charitable causes. The nation owes TN Seshan a debt of gratitude for cleaning up the corrupt electoral system. He also did excellent work when he was Secretary in the Ministry of Environment and Forests. But the fawning accolades in the media do not mention how he destroyed the careers of many diligent civil servants in order to please his political masters, nor his role in trying to cover up the Bofors scandal. He was honest in money matters, but he was not a man of principle. During his long career in the IAS, he stretched rules, procedures and conventions to their limit in order to please his political masters, but without actually breaking the letter of a single rule. A very senior contemporary of his in the civil services summed him up accurately: “TN Seshan kissed a lot of arses, but he buggered a lot of arseholes too”. g

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XXXX EXTRACT BOOK xxxx xxxx palak shah non-fiction

Market Mafia

he financial community saw a glimmer of hope after the Congress-led government at the centre was dislodged in a humiliating election defeat by the BJP in 2014. Consequently, (P) Chidambaram’s outer from the seat of power was reason enough for the beleaguered few to take on the unscrupulous element at NSE’s COLO trading farm. The elite at the exchange started to witness sudden, sharp vicissitudes of luck since losing their political patronage and it caused considerable anxiety in the ranks. In the midst of this, somewhere in January 2015, SEBI received a letter from Singapore that was written by a whistleblower under the pseudonym – Ken Fong. The elaborately detailed letter was enough to set the cat among the pigeons. Ken Fong started his letter with a straight point, “I wish to draw your attention to a sophisticated fraud at NSE’s co-location (COLO). The market manipulation I’, referring to has been occurring by enabling certain vested brokers to get price information ahead of the rest of the market and thus enabling them to front-run. The most shocking aspect is that when the matter came to the knowledge of NSE management, they chose to hush it up rather than come out in the open against the same.” In the eight-page letter, the whistleblower described th contours of a ‘Preferential Access Scam’, through the use of COLO grid and TBT data that

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

the COLO farm and were able to hit and run trades ahead of anybody else. A crucial part of the letter was where it gave a low-down on how the COLO grid at NSE was inherently built to be exploited and that the echange staff (themselves) ripped brokers about the loopholes in the system. The idea of COLO itself had created an Orwellian state where brokers who were within the farm were higher among the equals as the whistleblower’s revelations now revealed that the entire infrastructure was in fact defective. ******

• Title: The Market Mafia: Chronicle of India’s High-Tech Stock Market Scandal & The Cabal That Went Scot-Free • Author: Palak Shah • Publisher: Notion Press • Pages: 238 • Price: Rs 499 was brewing at the NSE for the past few years. Suddenly, the exchange became a gritty cauldron and what began to unfold was the tale of SEBI’s prolonged apathy to the happenings inside the NSE – a.k.a. the CB Bhave galore. The informer told SEBI that certain brokers, who had ooked the server space in NSE’s COLO farm got favourable treatment in “first connection” to the exchange data dissemination enine. They would get market data a few seconds in advance than others even in

Ajay Shah and Susan Thomas, the two Mumbai-based professors who were celebrities in the realm of capital market research, spun a flourishing family enterprise at the NSE. Among other perks, their chicanery as exchange insiders exposed them to the real goldmine – Data, which is most vital in coding of Algo trading software. “You have to swear everyone to silence about the fact that the data we are getting out of NSE is going into Algorithmic trading work. It would be a severe problem if this fact comes to light, since NSE has not even given the data to anyone else,” Ajay wrote in an email to Susan’s sister Sunita Thomas, who was a dealer of Algo software. HFT driven Algos were just starting to gain supremacy in the Indian stock markets at the beginning of 2008. Sunita conducted her business through Infotech Financials, a compa-

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ny that emerged as a mere front for the professors. Coincidentally, she was also the wife of Suprabhat Lala, a top rung NSE executive. Data, research, and Algo software all became an in-house production job for Ajay and Susan. Algos are computer coded trading strategies that can react to events – every price tick in an event. HFT machines are electronic trading bots that give these monster brains the speed of execution as they spit automated orders faster than the latency of light. Before the human mind can assess and decide whether it wants to partake in a trade, the HFT Algos have already executed it and made a killing. Speed of trading and advanced information is a Mantra for winners in the stock market – HFT, Algos and data its form. Technology required that brokers put up their bots as close to n echange trade engine as possible for them to be fast at the play. Since every bot trader wanted to get in close proximity pf NSE, they started locaing near its headquarters in Mumbai’s plush BandraKurla Complex, ironically a stone’s throw from SEBI’s headquarters. In 2010, the exchange set up a hightech data hub within its sprawling office building, and for the first time, brokers were invited to trade from inside its premises by the NSE. The exchange offered them space in the data centre that also housed the master order matching engines in the vicinity. Armed with tech tools, and an unquenched greed for profit, it was the closest a broker could get to NSE’s engine that tirelessly matched buy-and-sell orders in a jiffy. This was an incredible development since those who were searching to locate closely around NSE could now actually set up their bots inside the exchange. The heat had turned up a notch higher.

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NSE’s heart was now the broker’s server farm, termed as Co-Location (COLO), a highly disruptive force. Algo bots became lethal when the machines that drove them were placed cheek-by-jaw with NSE’s master engine. ******

he catch was that NSE’s COLO area staff provided server and login time to brokers secretly on many occasions. The staff even fixed the time at which NSE’s TBT would be started in the absence of any documented policies. “For some strange operational reasons, NSE did not start its TBT servers at a fixed time every day. First, it could not physically start all TBT servers concurrently and, unlike the market, which opens at the same time for all persons, the TBT connection was established before the market opened, typically one hour before, but the time was not fixed. This was the first of the many steps, which cemeneted the bond between NSE’s data centre staff and OPG. Every day, he (OPG promoter Sanjay Gupta) would be privy to the information as to which server would be started at what time so that he would be the first to connect and enjoy the advantage,” the whistleblower revealed in his extensive letter. “Emails reviewed suggested certain members may have received advice from someone within the exchange that there was an advantage in receiving market feeds on early login to TBT servers. We also found that in various instances, statements given to us by the NSE team conflicted with emails that we came across in the course of our review,” Delotte made its revelations. There were several emails found during the probe where brokers were

inquiring about the advantages of early login with COLO staff much before everyone else could come in. “During our discussion with members of the NSE IT team, we were given to understand that the TBT application was manually started around 7.30 am on trading days using a script written on Epsilon server. A broker could only connect, once the application to the server was started by the PSM (Product Support Team) member,” Deloitte said. The person responsible for starting the server manually should be able to say who asked him to follow a certain time and passed that information to the brokers. ****** In simple words, NSE servers could have had different time clock. What was 7 am in one server could very well have been 7.02 am for another. Only the insiders knew exactly which server was ahead. The brokers who logged in early got the TBT data first throughout the day and could hit their trades ahead of others. It was this early login when seen with faulty TCP/IP infrastructure became a tool for manipulation. If one considers the intricate planning behind such a complex plot, Harshad Mehta and Ketan Parekh really look like Lilliputians. “As per your suggestion to connect to TBT servers as early as possible, we should connect to TBT servers by 7.30 am onwards and give you the feedback,” broker AB Financial Services wrote to NSE’s COLO support staff in an email. “Early TBT login will be given preference in trading feeds, we have few queries regarding the process,” said another email from IKM Investors to the COLO team. g

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vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

AUTHORSPEAK non-fiction amod kanth

KHAKI IN DUST STORM

IPS officer Amod Kanth’s book ‘Police Diaries’ is not just a tabulation of events but also a factual behind-the-scenes of the investigations. Kanth talks about his book and says that it explores socio-political impact on crime and terrorism and the unholy nexus between lawmakers, lawenforcers and those who take the law into their own hands.

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

or nearly two years, as DGP Arunachal Pradesh, I was preoccupied and travelling all over this vast, often inaccessible, and perhaps India’s most enchanting state; yet, I was able to recollect and muse through more than three decades of police work, re-arrange and read through my documents, and write. I had been doing so in bits and pieces throughout my police career since I was always in the habit of documenting and maintaining my ‘daily dairies’ about my police and other important activities. These diaries, mostly used as aide mémoir, included descriptions of events, small or big, about meetings and interactions, details of investigations and law and order situations, some of my own and superiors’ guidance on them. I did so, partly to help in my official work and partly to understand the transactions and issues in depth connecting them situationally and

historically with contemporary analysis. This book is entirely the outcome of these facts which have remained as reference points in the public domain; truthful, authentic and exact accounts intermingled with my reflections and views in changing times. This volume of my police memoirs, called ‘Khaki in Dust Storm—Police Diaries Book-1’, is more about the tumultuous experience I gathered through my ‘journey in heat and dust’ as an IPS officer, my trials and tribulations during, arguably, India’s most violent decade of 1980s until the 1991, when in the CBI as DIG Investigation (SIT) I had the chance to probe Rajiv Gandhi assassination case. This book begins with the narrative of the early 1980s going through Punjab extremism—Operation Blue Star, Indira Gandhi’s assassination and my heart-wrenching transformative police and personal experience of 1984

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Delhi riots, with day-to-day analysis about the role and predicament of Delhi Police. It divulges the intricate connections of communal and other riots within the political and social environment of the time, giving some clarity to the readers regarding the causal factors of the developments while getting into the historical roots of the happenings. The trajectory of my experiential narratives moves from the description of the riots to the directly connected accounts of the horrifying terrorist cases rocking the country for several more years after 1984. In quick succession, I investigated transistor bomb blast cases claiming over 80 lives, followed by the political assassinations of Lalit Maken, Arjun Das and General AS Vaidya. This period of 1980s not only witnessed the worst phase of terrorism in Punjab and Delhi, it also simultaneously plagued the society with drugs scourge; I had myriad occasions to deal with this most lethal organised crime, Delhi becoming one of the focal points. When you have a ringside view of history in the making—and your uniform assigns you a major role in the events as they unfold—then it becomes your duty to record it. This book had been in the making for a long time but started to take shape when

• Title: Khaki in Dust Storm: Communal Colours and Political Assassinations (1980–1991) Police Diaries Book 1 • Author: Amod K Kanth • Publisher: Bloomsbury, India • Pages: 368 • Price: Rs 799

‘Bloomsbury India’ took keen interest. I have tried to give some of the so-faruntold accounts of the earth-shattering events of our times in this series of Police Diaries.

This book begins with the narrative of the early 1980s going through Punjab extremism— Operation Blue Star, Indira Gandhi’s assassination and my heart-wrenching transformative police and personal experience of 1984 Delhi riots, with day-to-day analysis about the role and predicament of Delhi Police

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It is not just tabulating the events but also the factual behind-the-scenes of the investigations. I have also brought out my ideas on policing, the socio-political impact on crime and terrorism, and the unholy nexus that exists between lawmakers, lawenforcers and those who take the law into their own hands. I also hope ‘Khaki in Dust Storm’ helps in the continuing evolution of our police organisations from being ‘forces’ to become ‘services’. A senior police officer on duty, handling law and order, crimes or crisis situations, is not expected to conduct a research, though often it may turn out to be far deeper; one is required to study the situations, since at the senior level she/he is not only an active participant but also someone who is able to introspect and narrate the events or happenings in much wider perspectives. The police officer is expected to examine the legal nuances and relate the same to other stakeholders, colleagues and partakers in the criminal justice system, victims, perpetrators and the community at large. An attempt has been made to contemporaneously examine all these and to understand the changing role of the Indian Police to better serve the needy in the community and to appropriately respond to the changing requirements and legal demands on them. Part of the story is about my own cathartic evolution as a police officer since I decided to take up police work as a service and not as a member of the force. It only means that the Indian Police by its very character—as it is being practiced and remains in operation in the country—is decidedly not in the mode of a service provider doing good or justice for the people.

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AUTHORSPEAK non-fiction amod kanth

During my service, like majority of my colleagues, I found the role as defined within the legal system and within its governing law, the Indian Police Act 1861, something different. The Indian Police was a direct outcome of India’s First War of Independence 1857, called Sepoy Mutiny, intended to serve the British Empire and to keep India under subjugation. Unfortunately, till date, the conventional policing in India is being managed through the 1861-vintage Indian Police Act and the troika of criminal laws, i.e. CrPC, IPC and Evidence Act, which do not support the police as a service meant for the poor and the socially deprived. In the light of people’s changing aspirations and the so-called social legislations, I attempted to employ the police service for the people, a gateway to my cathartic evolution. Prayas Juvenile Aid Centre Society came on my call of duty as an extension of Delhi Police and developed to amalgamate the social work within the police set up. Such experiments have been carried out by several police officers across the country by way of community policing programmes for better interface with the people at large. But, I have always considered this kind of policing with the people not as a peripheral but as the main-stream police work providing direct services, which now appear to be moving towards the centre-stage through media and changing aspirations. Through these memoirs I have also attempted to explain how neither the profession nor life can be compartmentalised and there has to be harmony and continuity between the two. My hardcore work in Indian

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

Part of the story is about my own cathartic evolution as a police officer since I decided to take up police work as a service and not as a member of the force. It only means that the Indian Police by its very character—as it is being practiced and remains in operation in the country—is decidedly not in the mode of a service provider doing good or justice for the people Police very much co-existed with my so-called ‘social work’ for nearly 20 years and they developed together, complementing each other. The time has come when the so-called ‘Community Policing’, which may

seem to concern the ordinary people and function as bulwark against atrocities on the weak and vulnerable, is already becoming the outcry for long-awaited changes along with reforms in the police. g

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vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

birthdays IAS officers’ birthdays Feb 20, 2021 — Mar 19, 2021

IAS officers’ birthdays Feb 20, 2021 — Mar 19, 2021

J Nivas

Sanjay Kumar Singh

Barun Mitra

Ashish Gupta

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

CADRE: Bihar

CADRE: MANIPUR

CADRE: RAJASTHAN

jnivas.ias2010@ias.nic.in

sk.singh@ias.nic.in

mitrab@ias.nic.in

ashishgupta.raj@ias.nic.in

Bandana Preyashi

Mukesh Kumar

Ajeet P Shrivastava

Katru Ram Mohana Rao

CADRE: Bihar

CADRE: JHARKHAND

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

bpreyashi@ias.nic.in

mukeshkumar.ias09@ias.nic.in

sajeetp@ias.nic.in

raokr3.up@ias.nic.in

Rajesh Sharma

Teeka Ram Meena

Ravindra Pratap Singh

Salim PB

CADRE: Himachal Pradesh

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: ODISHA

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

rajeshsharma.hp@ias.nic.in

meenatr@ias.nic.in

rp.singh@ias.nic.in

bsp@ias.nic.in

Amit Meena

RA Rajeev

Raj Kamal Chaudhuri

Wazeer Singh Goyat

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

CADRE: Punjab

CADRE: HARYANA

amitmeena.ias11@ias.nic.in

rajeevra@ias.nic.in

rajkamal96@ias.nic.in

wsgoyat.ias03@ias.nic.in

Afsana Perween

Sushil Kumar Patel

Arvind Kumar Poswal

Chandan Sinha

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: NAGALAND

CADRE: RAJASTHAN

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

afsana.perween@ias.nic.in

sushilkpatel.ias09@ias.nic.in

arvindkumar.poswal@ias.nic.in

sinhac@ias.nic.in

Namit Mehta

Nikunja K Sundaray

Ponnambalam S

AB Gor

CADRE: Rajasthan

CADRE: Odisha

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: GUJARAT

namit.mehta@ias.nic.in

sundaray@ias.nic.in

ponnam.balam@ias.nic.in

ab.gor@ias.nic.in.

V Shobana

Pankaj Kumar Bansal

Pankaj Yadav

Vijayendra

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

CADRE: HARYANA

CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA

v.shobana@ias.nic.in

bansalpk@ias.nic.in

ypankaj@ias.nic.in

vijayend@ias.nic.in

Hemant Rao

Anil Kumar

Avinash M Rajendran

B Udayalakshmi

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: Uttar Pradesh

CADRE: KARNATAKA

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

raoh@ias.nic.in

anilkumar.up@ias.nic.in

avinash.menonr@ias.nic.in

ulaxmi@ias.nic.in

Ajit Roy

Arvind Kumar Mina

ICP Keshari

Vikas Shankar Kharage

CADRE: UNION TERRITORY

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

ajit.ut13@ias.nic.in

arvindkumarmina.ias2010@ias.nic.in

icp.keshari@ias.nic.in

kharagev@ias.nic.in

Sujeet Kumar

Pradyumna PS

Sandeep Verma

Saidingpuii Chhakchhuak

CADRE: GUJARAT

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

CADRE: RAJASTHAN

CADRE: GUJARAT

sujeetkr.ias2010@ias.nic.in

pradyumnaps@ias.nic.in

vsandip@ias.nic.in

saidingpuii@ias.nic.in

Sumeet Kumar Jarangal

Arvind Kumar Verma

Ishita Roy

Rippudaman Singh Dhillon

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: BIHAR

CADRE: KERALA

CADRE: HARYANA

skjarangal.ias09@ias.nic.in

ak.verma12@ias.nic.in

royi@ias.nic.in

rippudaman.dhillon@ias.nic.in

Mannan Akhtar

Pushpendra Kr Meena

Priyanka Mary Francis

Anil Mahadeo Kawade

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: chhattisgarh

CADRE: KARNATAKA

CADRE: Maharashtra

mannanakhtar.ias11@ias.nic.in

pushpendrak.meena@ias.nic.in

pmfrancis.ias09@ias.nic.in

am.kawade@ias.nic.in

Devola Devi Das

Samir Kumar Biswas

Mohammad Tayyab

Lalit Jain

CADRE: ASSAM-MEGHALAYA

CADRE: MAHARASHTRA

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: HIMACHAL PRADESH

devola.das@ias.nic.in

biswassk@ias.nic.in

m.tayyab@ias.nic.in

Lalitjain.ias11@ias.nic.in

20-02-1982

21-02-1974

21-02-1966

22-02-1985

22-02-1988

24-02-1985

24-02-1967

25-02-1964

25-02-1983

26-02-1984

26-02-1979

27-02-1986

27-02-1961

28-02-1977

28-02-1984

01-03-1962

01-03-1961

02-03-1980

02-03-1963

03-03-1970

03-03-1965

04-03-1978

04-03-1980

05-03-1983

05-03-1988

06-03-1962

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

06-03-1962

07-03-1961

08-03-1977

09-03-1964

09-03-1986

10-03-1985

10-03-1977

11-03-1984

11-03-1962

12-03-1970

13-03-1966

13-03-1984

14-03-1978

14-03-1983

15-03-1963

15-03-1973

15-03-1963

16-03-1963

16-03-1964

17-03-1963

17-03-1961

17-03-1968

18-03-1981

18-03-1971

18-03-1964

19-03-1983

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IPS officers’ birthdays Feb 20, 2021 — Mar 19, 2021

Debasish Roy

Rajesh Tripathy

Abhash Kumar

Rupin Sharma

CADRE: WEST BENGAL

CADRE: Bihar

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

CADRE: NAGALAND

droy@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

tripathy.r64@ips.gov.in

abhash@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rupinsharma@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Balakrishna KT

Vijay Katariya

Shikha Goel

Ram Kumar

cadre: Karnataka

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

bkt@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

vijaykatariya@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

shikhagoel@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ramkumar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

JR Mothaliya

Sanjiv Kumar Kalra

Meenu Kumari

Rajesh Kumar

CADRE: GUJARAT

CADRE: PUNJAB

CADRE: Bihar

CADRE: ODISHA

sp-pan@gujarat.gov.in

sanjivkalra@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

mkumari@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rajeshkumar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Sangeeta Kalia

Lupheng Kailun

Ashutosh Singh

Vineet Khanna

cadre: Haryana

CADRE: Manipur

CADRE: CHhattisgarh

CADRE: Madhya Pradesh

skalia@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

lkailun@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

asingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

vkhanna@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Raj Karan Nayyar

Ningshem Vashum

YB Khurania

Anupam Agrawal

CADRE: West Bengal

CADRE: Manipur

CADRE: ODISHA

CADRE: Karnataka

rknayyar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

nvashum@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ybkhurania@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

aaggarawal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Rekha Lohani

Umesh Kumar

Ratan Kant Pandey

Putta Vimaladitya

CADRE: ODISHA

CADRE: KARNATAKA

CADRE: Uttar Pradesh

CADRE: Kerala

rekhalohani@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ukumar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

rkpandey@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

putinv@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Amit Lodha

Sunil Kumar

Kailash Chandra Bishnoi

Atul Singh

CADRE: BIHAR

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

CADRE: Rajasthan

CADRE: Madhya Pradesh

amitlodha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

sunil_kumar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

kailashcb@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

as@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Amit Chandra

Simardeep Singh

Saiyed Mohd Afzal

Narasingha Bhol

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: Haryana

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: ODISHA

amitchandra@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ssingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

smafzal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

narasingha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

AP Maheshwari

Brajesh Kumar Jha

Disha Mittal

B Dayananda

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: GUJARAT

CADRE: Tamil Nadu

CADRE: KARNATAKA

apmaheswari@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

bkjha@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

disham@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

bdayananda@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Adarsh Katiyar

Jai Narayan Pankaj

Kulwant Kumar

N Sanjay

CADRE: MADHYA PRADESH

CADRE: Odisha

CADRE: Maharashtra

CADRE: ANDHRA PRADESH

adarshkatiyar@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

jainp@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

kulwantk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

nsanjay@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Rajendra Pal Singh

Aslam Khan

Mahesh Kumar Aggarwal

CADRE: UTTAR PRADESH

CADRE: AGMUT

CADRE: Tamil Nadu

rpalsingh@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

aslamk@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

mkaggarwal@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

Binay Kumar Mishra

Ganesh Kumar

Mohd Faiyaz Farooqui

CADRE: Assam-Meghalaya

CADRE: BIHAR

CADRE: PUNJAB

bkmishra@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

ganesh.kr77@ips.gov.in

faiyaz@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

R Samuthirapandi

Mukesh Kumar Shrivastava

Vivek Kishore

CADRE: TAMIL NADU

CADRE: Madhya Pradesh

CADRE: AGMUT

samuthirapandi@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

mkshrivastava@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

vivekkishore@mail.svpnpa.gov.in

19-02-1966

02-03-1964

19-02-1963

27-02-1965

20-02-1965

28-02-1966

20-02-1980

01-03-1967

21-02-1987

01-03-1967

22-02-1973

01-03-1968

22-02-1974

02-03-1961

23-02-1968

02-03-1981

24-02-1961

03-03-1973

24-02-1968

05-03-1976

25-02-1963

05-03-1975

26-02-1963

05-03-1977

26-02-1961

www.gfilesindia.com

06-03-1967

07-03-1965

07-03-1969

08-03-1981

09-03-1986

09-03-1966

10-03-1961

10-03-1979

11-03-1964

12-03-1980

13-03-1963

15-03-1967

15-03-1969

15-03-1971

17-03-1965

17-03-1982

17-03-1981

18-03-1968

18-03-1971

19-03-1967

13-03-1972

14-03-1967

14-03-1969

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

birthdays Lok Sabha Members Feb 20, 2021 — Mar 19, 2021

Lok Sabha Members Feb 20, 2021 — Mar 19, 2021 BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

Sirajuddin Ajmal

Biren Singh Engti

MB Rajesh

AIUDF (Assam)

INC (Assam)

CPI(M) (Kerala)

sirajuddin@sansad.nic.in

birens.engti@sansad.nic.in

mb.rajesh@sansad.nic.in

Vishnu Deo Sai

Boora Narsaiah Goud

Rajesh Kumar Diwakar

BJP (Chhattisgarh)

TRS (Telangana)

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

vishnudeo.sai@gov.in

bnarsaiah.goud@sansad.nic.in

rk.diwaker@sansad.nic.in

Krishna Raj

Innocent

Feroze Varun Gandhi

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

Ind. (Kerala)

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

krishna.raj19@sansad.nic.in

innocent.mp@sansad.nic.in

ferozevarun.gandhi@sansad.nic.in

JC Divakar Reddy

Birendra Kumar Chaudhary

Vasanthi M

TDP (Andhra Pradesh)

BJP (Bihar)

AIADMK (Tamil Nadu)

jcdr.tdp@gmail.com

bkumar.chaudhary@sansad.nic.in

vasanthi.m@sansad.nic.in

Udayanraje P Bhonsle

Prakash Babanna Hukkeri

Vinayak Bhaurao Raut

NCP (Maharashtra)

INC (Karnataka)

SS (Maharashtra)

udayanrajebhonsle@gmail.com

mpchikkodi3290@gmail.com

vb.raut@sansad.nic.in

Sanjay Shamrao Dhotre

Dharambir Singh

Rajveer (Raju Bhaiya) Singh

BJP (Maharashtra)

BJP (Haryana)

sanjaysdhotre@gmail.com

dharambir.mp@sansad.nic.in

Konda Vishweshwar Reddy

Kapil Moreshwar Patil

Abhishek Manu Singhvi

Ram Nath Thakur

TRS (Telangana)

BJP (Maharashtra)

INC (West Bengal)

JD(U) (Bihar)

kvishweshwar.reddy@sansad.nic.in

km.patil@sansad.nic.in

a.singhvi@sansad.nic.in

ramnath.thakur@sansad.nic.in

Virendra Kumar

Abhishek Singh

Chh. Udayanraje Bhonsle

Ghulam Nabi Azad

BJP (Madhya Pradesh)

BJP (Chhattisgarh)

BJP (Maharashtra)

INC (Jammu & Kashmir)

vkumar@sansad.nic.in

abhishek.singh19@sansad.nic.in

Udayanraje.bhonsle@sansad.nic.in

azadg@sansad.nic.in

CR Chaudhary

Vinod Chavda

Anil Jain

Seema Dwivedi

BJP (Rajasthan)

BJP (Gujarat)

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

cr.choudhary@sansad.nic.in

chavdav.lakhamashi@sansad.nic.in

dr.aniljain@sansad.nic.in

Seema.dwivedi@sansad.nic.in

Pon Radhakrishnan

KH Muniyappa

Maharaja S Leishemba

Ahmad Ashfaque Karim

BJP (Tamil Nadu)

INC (Karnataka)

BJP (Manipur)

RJD (Bihar)

ponrk@sansad.nic.in

khmuni@sansad.nic.in

Maharaja.sle@sansad.nic.in

ashfaque.karim @sansad.nic.in

Yashwant Singh

RP Marutharajaa

Ram Vichar Netam

Derek O Brien

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

AIADMK (Tamil Nadu)

BJP (Chhattisgarh)

AITC (West Bengal)

yashwant.singh19@sansad.nic.in

r.p.marutharajaa@sansad.nic.in

ramvichar.netam@sansad.nic.in

derek.ob@sansad.nic.in

Kirti Vardhan Singh

Sadhu Singh

Mir Mohammad Fayaz

Dr. M Thambidurai

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

AAP (Punjab)

J&K PDP (Jammu & Kashmir)

AIIDMK (Tamil Nadu)

kirtivardhan.singh@sansad.nic.in

singh.sadhu@sansad.nic.in

mir.fayaz@sansad.nic.in

m.thambidurai @sansad.nic.in

Prabhubhai Nagarbhai Vasava Shashi Tharoor 01-03-1970

09-03-1956

MC Mary Kom

Chandrapal Singh Yadav

BJP (Gujarat)

INC (Kerala)

NOM.Nominated

SP (Uttar Pradesh)

prabhu.vasava23@sansad.nic.in

shashi.tharoor@nic.in

mary.kom@sansad.nic.in

chandrapal.yadav@sansad.nic.in

21-02-1958

21-02-1964

22-02-1967

23-02-1944

24-02-1966

26-02-1959

26-02-1960

27-02-1954

01-03-1948

01-03-1952

01-03-1962

01-03-1966

02-03-1945

02-03-1959

04-03-1948

04-03-1953

05-03-1947

05-03-1955

05-03-1961

05-03-1981

06-03-1979

07-03-1948

07-03-1963

09-03-1941

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

12-03-1971

13-03-1980

14-03-1962

15-03-1954

15-03-1959

rajveersingh.mp@sansad.nic.in

Radheshyam Biswas 16-03-1954

AIUDF (Assam)

radheshyam.biswas@sansad.nic.in

CR Patil

16-03-1955 BJP (Gujarat)

cr.patil@sansad.nic.in

DV Sadananda Gowda 18-03-1953

BJP (Karnataka)

sadananda.gowda@sansad.nic.in

Raosaheb Patil Danve 18-03-1955

BJP (Maharashtra)

raosaheb.danve@sansad.nic.in

Rajesh Pandey 19-03-1959

BJP (Uttar Pradesh)

pandey.rajesh@sansad.nic.in

Rajya Sabha Members Feb 20, 2020 — Mar 19, 2020 24-02-1959

24-02-1954

25-02-1960

01-03-1972

01-03-1961

01-03-1977

01-03-1983

03-03-1950

07-03-1949

11-03-1972

12-03-1956

13-03-1961

15-03-1947

19-03-1959

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October-December’20

www.gfilesindia.com

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

Tracking DS DHESI

cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, Department of Health & Family Welfare.

The 1982-batch IAS officer (retd) of the Haryana cadre and former Haryana Chief Secretary has been appointed Chief Principal Secretary to Chief Minister, Haryana, against a newly created post.

SUNIL KUMAR BARNWAL The 1997-batch IAS officer of the Jharkhand cadre has been appointed Joint Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA).

P RAVI KUMAR The 1984-batch IAS officer of the Karnataka cadre has been appointed Chief Secretary, Karnataka.

AMITABH JAIN The 1989-batch IAS officer of the Chhattisgarh cadre has been appointed Chief Secretary of Chhattisgarh.

SUNIL KUMAR GULATI The 1984-batch IAS officer of the Haryana cadre has been appointed Chief Resident Commissioner, Haryana Bhawan, New Delhi.

ALOK VERMA The 1989-batch Indian Forest Service Officer has been appointed Chairman of the Haryana Public Service Commission.

UTPAL KUMAR SINGH The 1986-batch IAS officer of the Uttarakhand and former Uttarakhand Chief Secretary has been appointed Secretary General of the Lok Sabha.

V UMASHANAKR The 1993-batch IAS officer of the Haryana cadre has been appointed Principal Secretary to Chief Minister of Haryana.

ADITYA NATH DAS

DINESH SINGH

The 1987-batch IAS officer of the Andhra Pradesh cadre has been appointed Chief Secretary of Andhra Pradesh.

The 2004-batch IAS officer of the Nagaland cadre has been appointed Director in the Ministry of Defence under Central deputation for a period of five years.

VISHAL CHAUHAN The 1988-batch IAS officer of the Sikkim

Moving On: IAS officers retiring

Oct 2020

RAJESH SHARMA The 2008-batch IAS officer of the Himachal Pradesh cadre has been appointed Director, Public Finance & Public Enterprisescum-Special Secretary (Finance) to the Government of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla and Examiner, Local Audit Department, HP, Shimla. He will also hold the additional charge of the post of Registrar, Cooperative Societies, HP, Shimla.

KUNAL KASHYAP The 2008-batch IRS-C&CE officer has been relieved to join as Additional Deputy Commissioner in North Delhi Municipal Corporation (NDMC).

RANI NAGAR The 2014-batch IAS officer of the Haryana cadre has been appointed Additional Secretary, Haryana, Citizen Resources Information Department (CRID).

SURENDRA PAWAR The 1987-batch IPS officer of the Odisha cadre has been appointed Special Director General, BSF.

BHUPENDRA SINGH The 1987-batch IPS officer of the Rajasthan and outgoing DGP of Rajasthan, has been appointed Chairman of the Rajasthan Public Service Commission (RPSC).

SUNIL KUMAR BANSAL

ASSAM

KARNATAKA

TAMIL NADU

Kumar Sanjay Krishna (1985)

AB Ibrahim (2003)

M Vijayakumar (2003)

BIHAR

MAHARASHTRA

TRIPURA

RR Jadhav (1998) NK Poyam (2000)

Amit Barman Ray (2006)

ASHOK KUMAR

MADHYA PRADESH

UTTARAKHAND

The 1989-batch IPS officer of the Uttarakhand cadre is DGP of Uttarakhand.

Atul Kumar Gupta (2009)

Shobhendra Kumar Choudhary (2018)

CHHATTISGARH Chhattar Singh Dehre (2004)

GUJARAT Sangeeta Singh (1986) Sunil M Patel (2004) AJ Shah (2008)

JHARKHAND Ramakant Singh (2006) Binay Kumar Roy (2006)

Mathuresh Babu Ojha (2001)

UTTAR PRADESH

The 1987-batch IPS officer of the Odisha cadre has been appointed Special Director, Intelligence Bureau (IB) in Mumbai.

HEMANT PRIYADARSHY

Ishvari Prasad Pandey Bijaya Kumar Nayak (2007) (2008)

The 1992-batch IPS officer of the Rajasthan cadre has been appointed IG in the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF).

RAJASTHAN

WEST BENGAL

ANANT KUMAR SINGH

Rajeeva Swarup (1985) Shyam Singh Rajpurohit (2004)

Hari Ramulu (1987) Nityananda Mandal (2002) Syed Sarwar Imam (2005) Sailes Mukhopadhyay (2006)

The 1994-batch IPS officer of the Madhya Pradesh cadre has been appointed CVO, Indian Oil Corporation Ltd.(IOCL), Delhi.

ODHISA

TELENGANA Bibhu Prasad Acharya (1983)

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | oct-Dec 2020

RATNA SANJAY KATIYAR The 1998-batch IPS officer of the Bihar cadre has been appointed Inspector General, Purnia range in Bihar.

https://twitter.com/gfilesmagazine https://www.facebook.com/gfilesmagazine www.gfilesindia.com

KULDEEP DWIVEDI The 2005-batch IPS officer of the Jharkhand cadre has been appointed DIG in the IndoTibetan Border Police (ITBP).

Moving On: IAS officers retiring Nov 2020 ASSAM

GUJARAT

PUNJAB

The Lt Gen has been appointed new E-in-C in Indian Army.

Kumud Chandra Kalita Anuradha Mall (1988) (2004) Shri Gaurav Bothra (2004) HIMACHAL PRADESH Rupak Kr. Mazumdar (2004) Arvind Mehta (1984)

Kalpana Mittal Baruah (1985) R Venkat Ratnam (1990) Jaskiran Singh (2005)

MOHAMMED RIZWAN

BIHAR

KARNATAKA

RAJASTHAN

The 2004-batch Indian Revenue Service (IT) officer has been appointed Director in Department of Higher Education, Delhi.

Shyamal Kishore Pathak (2005) Arun Prakash (2005) Pradeep Kumar (2006)

DV Prasad (1984) Ganga Ram Baderiya (1989)

Somnath Mishra (2003)

The 2005-batch IFS officer has been appointed as the next Ambassador of India to the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria.

CHHATTISGARH

Ravindra Kumar Mishra (2002) Bhagat Singh Kulesh (2005)

ROHIT TIWARI

Moving On: IAS officers retiring Dec 2020

Lt Gen HARPAL SINGH

GAURAV AHLUWALIA

The 1993-batch IFS officer of the West Bengal cadre has been appointed Inspector General of Forest (IGF), Ministry of Environment, Forest & Climate Change.

SOMA MONDAL The Director (Commercial), SAIL, has been appointed as the first woman Chairperson, Steel Authority of India Limited (SAIL).

Rajendra Prasad Mandal (1987)

WEST BENGAL Sudipta Chatterjee (2003)

MADHYA PRADESH

ASSAM

HARYANA

RAJASTHAN

Saraswati Prasad (1985) Ravi Kapoor (1986) Julie Sonowal (2002) Hubert B Marak (2005)

Sumedha Kataria (2005)

Kailash Chand Verma (2002)

ANDRA PRADESH T Babu Rao Naidu (2005)

KERALA Dr. Pradeep Kumar (1987) N Padmakumar (2008)

KARNATAKA

UTTAR PRADESH Dr. Gurdeep Singh (1985) Hemant Kumar (2008)

BIHAR

TM Vijay Bhaskar (1983) Naghath Tabassum Abroo Chandra Shekhar Singh (2006) (2008) Bivekanand Jha (2006)

UNION TERROTRIES

The 1984-batch IRAS officer has been appointed Member (Finance), Railway Board.

PK Rawat

CHHATTISGARH

The 1990-batch IFS has been appointed the next Ambassador of India to the Kingdom of Netherlands.

GUJARAT

ODISHA

Bidyut Bhattacharyya (2005) Bimal Kanti Das (2005) Shomit Ghosh (2007)

CJ Patel (2007)

Asit Kumar Tripathy (1986)

HIMACHAL PRADESH

PUNJAB

Dev Dutt Sharma (2007)

Chhabilendra Roul (1985)

NARESH SALECHA

BIMBADHAR PRADHAN The 1987-batch IAS officer of the Bihar cadre has been appointed Secretary General, National Human Rights Commission (NHRC

NAGALAND

Imjung M Panger (2002) Trilok Chand Mahawar (2000) Senti Ao (2006)

GS Meena (2001) R Mihir Vardhan (2003)

WEST BENGAL

KESANG YANGZOM SHERPA

MANOJ KUMAR BHARTI

NEERAJ KUMAR

The IRS-IT officer has been appointed Member Secretary, Department of School Education & Literacy, Delhi.

The 1988-batch IFS officer has been appointed as the next Ambassador of India to the Republic of Indonesia.

RAHUL SHRIVASTAVA

SUNITA SANGHI

The 2013-batch IFS officer of the Himachal Pradesh cadre has been appointed Special Secretary (Forests, Urban Development and Town & Country Planning), Himachal Pradesh.

The 1999-batch IFS officer has been concurrently accredited as the next Ambassador of India to the Republic of Albania, with residence in Bucharest.

The 1984-batch IES officer has been appointed Principal Adviser, Ministry of Skill Development & Entrepreneurship after promotion to Apex Scale.

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AMAR SINGH The 1984-batch IES officer has been appointed Principal Adviser, Development

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gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | oct-Dec 2020

Tracking The Appointments Committee of the Cabinet (ACC) has approved the following appointments:

SANJAY MALHOTRA, lAS (RJ: 90), Additional Secretary, Ministry of Power as Chairman and Managing Director, REC Ltd., Ministry of Power in the rank and pay of Additional Secretary. VIJOY KUMAR SINGH, lAS (PB: 90), Additional Secretary and Financial Advisor, Ministry of Textiles as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Textiles. ATUL KUMAR TIWARI, lAS (KN: 90), Additional Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship by temporarily upgrading a post of Joint Secretary in the Ministry. KAILASH CHAND GUPTA, lAS (MP: 92), Joint Secretary, Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Road Transport & Highways. CHANDRA SEKHAR KUMAR, lAS (OR: 92), Joint Secretary, Department of Higher Education as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Panchayati Raj. VINEET JOSHI, lAS (MN: 92), Director General, National Testing Agency, Ministry of Education as Additional Secretary, Department of Higher Education, Ministry of Education by temporarily upgrading the post. HUKUM SINGH MEENA, lAS (BH:92) as Additional Secretary, Department of Land Resources. VL KANTHA Rao, lAS (MP: 92), Additional Secretary, Department of Defence Production, Ministry of Defence as Additional Secretary and Director General (Acquisition), Ministry of Defence. SANJAY JAJU, lAS (TG: 92), Joint Secretary, Department of Defence Production as Additional Secretary, Department of Defence Production. V.L. KANTHA RAO has been appointed as Additional Secretary and Director General (Acquisition), Ministry of Defence. MANOHAR Agnani, lAS (MP: 93), Joint Secretary, Department of Health and Family Welfare as Additional Secretary, Department of Health and Family Welfare. VIVEK KUMAR DEWANGEN, lAS (MN: 93), Joint Secretary, Ministry of Power as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Power. SANJAY MAIHOTRA, AS (RJ: 90) upon his appointment as Chairman and Managing Director, REC Ltd. NEERJA SEKHAR, lAS (HY: 93), Joint Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Information & Broadcasting. VISHVAJIT SAHAY, IDAS (90), currently in the cadre, as Additional Secretary & Financial Advisor, Department of Science & Technology. The officer will also hold charge of Financial Advisor, Department of Biotechnology and Ministry of Earth Sciences.

of Agriculture, Cooperation & Farmers Welfare.

Air Marshal RJ DUCKWORTH The Air Marshal has taken charge as Air Officer in charge Personnel at Air Headquarters Vayu Bhawan, Indian Air Force.

GURDEEP SINGH The tenure of Chairman-cumManaging Director of NTPC Limited has been extended from February 4, 2021 to July 31, 2025.

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | oct-Dec 2020

SUBBA RAO The 1985-batch IES officer has been appointed Principal Adviser, Department of Rural Development.

Lt Gen HARINDER SINGH The Lt Gen has taken charge as the 50th Commandant of the Indian Military Academy (IMA), Dehradun.

Vice-Admiral RAJAT DATTA The Vice-Admiral has been appointed Director-General of the Armed Forces Medical Services.

NEW ADDITIONAL OR EQUIVALENT SECRETARIES

The Appointments Committee of the Cabinet has approved the empanelment of the following officers of 1994 batch of Indian Administrative Service for holding Additional Secretary (AS) level posts at the Centre at the level mentioned against their names: AP DAS JOSHI AM AS/AS Equivalent, NIRAJ VERMA AM AS/AS Equivalent, SAMIR KUMAR SINHA AM AS/AS Equivalent, SANJAY LOHIYA AM AS/AS Equivalent, ATISH CHANDRA BH AS/AS Equivalent, MANOJ KUMAR PINGUA CG AS/ AS Equivalent, NIDHI CHHIBBER CG AS/AS Equivalent, RICHA SHARMA CG AS/AS Equivalent, VIKAS SHEEL CG AS/AS Equivalent, ANURADHA THAKUR HP AS/AS Equivalent, RAJESH KUMAR SINHA KL AS/ AS Equivalent, SANJAY GARG KL AS/AS Equivalent, ARVIND SHRIVASTAVA KN AS/ AS Equivalent, VENNECAGANTI RADHA MH AS/AS Equivalent, RAJESH AGARWAL MN AS/AS Equivalent, PIYUSH GOYAL NL AS/AS Equivalent, SANTOSH KUMAR SARANGI OR AS/AS Equivalent, ALOK SHEKHAR PB AS/ AS Equivalent, TEJVEER SINGH PB AS/AS Equivalent, ROLI SINGH RJ AS/AS Equivalent, KAKARLA USHA TN AS/AS Equivalent, P AMUDHA TN AS/AS Equivalent, AMAR NATH UT AS/AS Equivalent, SRIVATSA KRISHNA KN AS Equivalent, PALLAVI JAM GOVIL MP AS Equivalent, VIVEK AGGARWAL MP AS Equivalent, G MATHI VATHANAN AS Equivalent, RANJANA CHOPRA AS Equivalent, LEENA JOHN UP AS Equivalent, PARTHA SARTHI SENSHARMA UP AS Equivalent

RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN DELHI

PRINCE DHAWAN is Special Commissioner, Trade & Taxes; HIMANSHU GUPTA is Deputy Commissioner, North DMC; SONAL SWAROOP is Deputy Commissioner, South DMC; HARLEEN KAUR is Special Secretary, PWD with additional charge of Special Secretary Vigilance and Secretary, Sahitya Kala Parishad; YVVJ RAJASHEKHAR is Deputy Commissioner, East DMC; RAHUL SINGH is Commissioner, Excise; and CHESTHA YADAV is Deputy Commissioner North West, Revenue Department.

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gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | oct-Dec 2020

in-situ upgradation upgradation to ADDITIONAL SECRETARIES level

The ACC has also approved in-situ upgradation of the following officers to the level of Additional Secretary, as a measure personal to them, by temporarily upgrading the posts held by them: SAMIR KUMAR BISWAS, lAS (MH: 90), Joint Secretary, Department of Chemicals & Petrochemicals as Additional Secretary, Department of Chemicals & Petrochemicals. TK RAMACHANDRAN, lAS (TN: 91), Chairman, V.0. Chidambaranar Port Trust, Tuticorin, Ministry of Shipping as Chairman, V.0. Chidambaranar Port Trust, Tuticorin, Ministry of Shipping in the rank and pay of Additional Secretary. SUMITA DAWRA, lAS (AP: 91), Joint Secretary, Department for Promotion of Industry & Internal Trade as Additional Secretary, Department for Promotion of Industry & Internal Trade. Pankaj Agrawal, lAS (MP: 92), Joint Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat as Additional Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat. RAJAT KUMAR MISHRA, lAS (RJ: 92), Joint Secretary, Department of Economic Affairs as Additional Secretary, Department of Economic Affairs. ASHISH SRIVASTAVA, lAS (MP: 92), Joint Secretary, Ministry of Women and Child, Development as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Women and Child Development. ASHISH KUMAR BHUTANI, lAS (AM: 92), CEO, Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana, Ministry of Agriculture & Farmers Welfare as CEO, Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana, Ministry of Agriculture & Farmers Welfare in the rank and pay of Additional Secretary. PUNYA SALILA SRIVASTAVA, lAS (UT: 93), Joint Secretary, Department of Home, Ministry of Home Affairs as Additional Secretary, Department of Home, Ministry of Home Affairs., AMIT AGRAWAL, lAS (CG: 93), Joint Secretary, Department of Financial Services, Ministry of Finance as Additional Secretary, Department of Financial Services, Ministry of Finance. SANDEEP PONDRIK, lAS (BH: 93), Advisor, National Disaster Management Authority as Advisor, National Disaster Management Authority in the rank and pay of Additional Secretary. SUKRITI LIKHI, lAS (HY: 93), Joint Secretary, Department of Heavy Industry, Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises as Additional Secretary, Department of Heavy Industry, Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises, ALOK, lAS (RJ: 93), Member (Admn.), National Highways Authority of India as Member (Admn.), National Highways Authority of India in the rank and pay of Additional Secretary. NAGARAJU MADDIRALA, lAS (TR: 93), Joint Secretary, Ministry of Coal as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Coal.

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | oct-Dec 2020

Judges appointed Judicial Members, NGT

Justice BRIJESH SETHI Delhi High Court, B AMIT STHALEKAR, Judge, Allahabad High Court, M SATHYANARAYANA, Judge, High Court of Madras and SUDHIR AGRAWAL, retired judge, Allahabad High Court. NEW CHIEF JUSTICES OF STATES

Justice RS CHAUHAN, Chief Justice of Telangana High Court, has been appointed as Chief Justice of Uttrakhand High Court, Justice JK MAHESHWARI, Chief Justice of Andhra Pradesh High Court, has been appointed Chief Justice, Sikkim High Court, Justice MOHAMMAD RAFIQ, Chief Justice of Orissa High Court, has been appointed Chief Justice, Madhya Pradesh High Court. Justice AK GOSWAMI, Chief Justice of Sikkim High Court, has been appointed Chief Justice, Andhra Pradesh High Court, Justice HIMA KOHLI, Judge, Delhi High Court, has been appointed Chief Justice of Telangana High Court. Justice PANKAJ MITHAL, Judge, Allahabad High Court, has been appointed Chief Justice of Jammu & Kashmir High Court. Justice SANJIB BANERJEE, Judge, Calcutta High Court, has been appointed Chief Justice of Madras High Court. Justice S MURALIDHAR, Judge, Punjab and Haryana High Court, has been appointed Chief Justice of Orissa High Court. Justice JOYMALA BAGCHI Judge, Calcutta High Court, has been appointed Judge, Andhra Pradesh High Court.

Allahabad High Court 28 Judges

The following 28 additional judges were promoted as judges in the Allahabad High Court: PRAKASH PADIA, ALOK MATHUR, PANKAJ BHATIA, SAURABH LAVANIA, VIVEK VARMA, SANJAY KUMAR SINGH, PIYUSH AGRAWAL, SAURABH SHYAM SHAMSHERY, JASPREET SINGH, RAJEEV SINGH, MANJU RANI CHAUHAN, KARUNESH SINGH PAWAR, DR. YOGENDRA KUMAR SRIVASTAVA, MANISH MATHUR, ROHIT RANJAN AGARWAL, RAM KRISHNA GAUTAM, UMESH KUMAR, PRADEEP KUMAR SRIVASTAVA, ANIL KUMAR, RAJENDRA KUMAR, MOHD. FAIZ ALAM KHAN, VIKAS KUNVAR SRIVASTAV, VIRENDRA KUMAR SRIVASTAVA, SURESH KUMAR GUPTA, GHANDIKOTA SRI DEVI, NARENDRA KUMAR JOHARI, RAJ BEER SINGH and AJIT SINGH. IAS OFFICERS GET NEW JOBS IN MP

ABHAY KUMAR VERMA has been appointed Collector, Ashoknagar; PRIYANKA DAS was made MD, Madhya Pradesh State Seeds and Farm Development Corporation, Bhopal; B VIJAY DUTTA is Deputy Secretary, Industrial Policy and Investment Promotion Department; SANJAY KUMAR has been appointed Collector, Datia; and MAYANK AGRAWAL is Additional Collector, Indore.

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gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | oct-Dec 2020

Tracking IAS OFFICERS RESHUFFLED IN RAJASTHAN

NEELABH SAXENA has been posted as CEO, Udaipur Smart City Ltd., Udaipur; NISHANT JAIN is Director, Tourism Department, Rajasthan, Jaipur; TINA DABI is Joint Secretary, Finance (Tax Division), Jaipur; AMIT YADAV will be Commissioner, Municipal Corporation, Jodhpur South, Jodhpur; NANNUMAL PAHADIYA ais District Collector, Alwar; RAJENDRA KISHAN is District Collector, Sawai Madhopur; HRIDESH KUMAR SHARMA is Secretary, Jaipur Development Authority; ALOK RANJAN is Managing Director, Rajasthan Medical Services Corporation Ltd; RAJESH SHARMA is Divisional Commissioner, Jodhpur; SAMIT SHARMA is Divisional Commissioner, Jaipur; and SIDDHARTHA MAHAJAN, Secretary, Health & Family Welfare Department, gets additional charge of Secretary, Ayurveda and Indian Medicine Department. RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN WEST BENGAL

UJJAINI DATTA has been moved to the P & AR Department; DHAVAL JAIN is Member Secretary, West Bengal Valuation Board; MUKTA ARYA has been appointed District Magistrate, Howrah with additional charge of Commissioner, Howrah Municipal Corporation; SUJATA GHOSH is Commissioner UD & MA Department; MOUMITA GODARA BASU is Collector of the District of Jalpaiguri; SUMIT GUPTA is Collector of the District of North 24 Parganas; SHASHANK SETHI is Collector of the District of Darjeeling; VIJAY BHARTI is Collector of the District of Purba Medinipur; and VIBHU GOEL has been posted as Executive Magistrate in charge of the District of Purba Medinipur. MADHYA PRADESH OFFICERS AWARDED IAS CADRE

KEDAR SINGH, RAJESH BATHAM, SANTOSH KUMAR VERMA, DINESH KUMAR MAURYA, VIVEK SHROTIYA, RAJESH KUMAR OGREY, ARUN KUMAR PARMAR, BHARTI JATAV OGREY, VIKAS MISHRA, AJAY SHRIVASTAVA, MEENAKSHI SINGH, KAILASH WANKHEDE, AMAR BAHADUR SINGH, MANISH SENTIYA, NEERAJ KUMAR VASHISHTHA, KISHORE KUMAR KANYAL, ROOHI KHAN and PAWAN KUMAR JAIN.

IAS officers reshuffled in Chhattisgarh

SUKUMAR TOPPO has been posted as Secretary, Revenue Division, Bilaspur; NEELAM NAMDEV EKKA, Special Secretary, Tribal, SC, Backward Classes and Minorities Development Department was given additional charge of Special Secretary, Public Grievance Redressal; CR PRASANNA, Special Secretary, Public Health and Family Welfare, was relieved of the additional charge of MD, Chhattisgarh Medical Services Corporation; DOMAN SINGH was posted as Collector, Mahasamund; KARTIKEYA GOYAL is MD, Chhattisgarh Medical Services Corporation with additional charge of Joint Secretary, Public Health and Family Welfare; DHARMESH KUMAR SAHU is Collector, Narayanpur; Abhijit Singh is MD, Chhattisgarh Textbook Corporation with additional charge of Deputy Secretary, School Education; EFFAT ARA is IG, Registration and Stamps and handed over additional charge of Mission Director, Clean India Mission (Rural); Namrata Gandhi is Collector, Gaurela-Pendra-Marwahi; and AJEET VASANT is CEO, District Panchayat. IAS OFFICERS RESHUFFLED IN BIHAR

SENTHIL KUMAR is Commissioner, Kosi Division, Saharsa; BALAMURUGAN D is Director, Rural Livelihood Project and given additional charge of Special Secretary, Rural Development and OSD, Disaster Management; GOPAL MEENA is Special Secretary, Minor Water Resources; SANJAY KUMAR SINGH is Director, Bihar Education Project Council with additional charge of OSD, Disaster Management; RANJEETA is Commissioner, Labour Resources Department with additional charge of Director Planning and Additional CEO, Bihar Skill Development; VINOD SINGH GUNJIYAL is Director, Animal Husbandry; AMRENDRA PRATAP SINGH is Special Secretary, Industry Department; and B KARTIKEY DHANJI is Inspector General of Registration-cum-Excise Commissioner with additional charge of MD, Beverage Corporation

IAS officers reshuffled in Bihar

ARUN KUMAR has been posted as Secretary, Bihar Technical Service Commission, Patna; RAM ANUGRAH NARAYAN SINGH is Joint Secretary, Governor Secretariat; OM PRAKASH PAL will join as Secretary, Bihar Staff Selection Commission; Nivedita Rai is Deputy Director (Administration), Agriculture; JAI SHANKAR PRASAD is Joint Secretary, GAD; NEELAM CHAUDHARY is Director, Directorate of Provident Fund of Bihar; VIJAY RANJAN is Director, Panchayati Raj, Bihar; PANKAJ PATEL is District Land Acquisition Officer, Patna; and MANOJ KUMAR JHA is Joint Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | oct-Dec 2020

IAS OFFICERS OF AGMUT CADRE TRANSFERRED

KIRTI GARG, GEETIKA SHARMA, ASHOK KUMAR J, RUPESH KUMAR THAKUR, HP SRAN, BHUPESH CHAUDHARY and SHASHANKA ALA have been posted to Delhi. ARUN KUMAR MISHRA and YVVJ RAJASEKHAR were posted to Goa and Pankaj KUMAR G SUDHAKAR get posting to A&NI. A NEDUNCHEZHIYAN has been posted to Puducherry and NAZUK KUMAR has been posted to Mizoram.

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IAS OFFICERS POSTED AS BANDOBAST OFFICERS IN BIHAR

The Bihar Government has allotted new postings to Bihar Civil Service officers who were awarded IAS cadre against Select List of 2016 and 2017 and appointed them as Bandobast Officers of various districts: SATISH KUMAR SHARMA was appointed Bandobast Officer of Biharsharif, Nalanda, JIUT SINGH of Begusarai, Rishidev Jha of Purnia, OM PRAKASH YADAV of Saharsa and SURESH CHAUDHARY has been made Bandobast Officer of West Champaran, Bettiah.

IAS officers transferred in Chhattisgarh

SUBRAT SAHU has been posted as ACS, Housing and Environment Department and handed over additional charge of posts of ACS, Water Resources and Chairman, Chhattisgarh Environment Conservation Board, MANINDER KAUR DWIVEDI, PS, Village Industries Department, gets additional charge of PS, Science and Technology Dept, GAURAV DWIVEDI was made PS, Commercial Taxes (excluding Excise and Registration) Department with additional charge of PS, Planning, Economics, Statistics and 20-point Programme Implementation Dept. SHAHLA NIGAR was appointed Secretary, Woman and Child Development Dept and given additional charge of Commissioner for Persons with Disabilities; PRASANNA R is posted Secretary, Panchayat and Rural Development and given additional charges of Development Commissioner, MD, SIRD and Secretary, Skill Development Dept; and ANKIT ANAND is Special Secretary, Energy Dept with additional RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN MAHARASHTRA

STATE CIVIL SERVICE OFFICERS 0F 2013-2018 SELECTED FOR IAS IN RAJASTHAN

Naresh Kumar Sharma, Suraj Bhan Jaiman, Narendra Kumar Gupta, Shyam Singh Rajpurohit, Pradeep Kumar Borad, Bhanwar Lal Mehra, Prem Chand Berwal, Kailash Chand Meena, Sube Singh Yadav, Gajanand Sharma, Modudan Detha, Suresh Chand Gupta, Vinita Srivastava, Jitendra Kumar Upadhyay, Dinesh Kumar Yadav, Durga Joshi, Urmila Rajoriya, Shakuntala Singh, Vinita Bohra, Snehlata Panwar, Chhagan Lal Shrimali, Nannu Mal Pahadiya, Kailash Bairwa, Dr Pratibha Singh, Ram Chandra Dhenwal, Rakesh Kumar Jaiswal, Indra Singh, Veerendra Singh Bankawat, Yagya Mitra Singhdeo, Chauthi Ram Meena, Prakash Chand Pawan, Sanwar Mal Verma, Mahesh Chandra Sharma, Nirmala Meena, Shyam Lal Goojar, Pawan Arora, Deepak Nandi, Dinesh Chand Jain, Dr Manohar Lal Yadav, Dr Kunj Bihari Pandya, Mahendra Soni, Vijay Pal Singh, Shelly Kishnani, Kishor Kumar Sharma, Sushma Arora, Chetan Ram Deora, Renu Jaipal, Rajendra

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ASHWANI KUMAR has been posted as Managing Director, Maharashtra State Financial Corporation, Mumbai; N Nawin Sona is Member Secretary, Rest of Maharashtra Statutory Board, Mumbai; A B Unhale is Managing Director, Maharashtra State Cotton Growers Marketing Federation, Mumbai; A S Ranga Naik has been posted as Joint Chief Executive Officer, Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation, Mumbai; M B Warbhuwan is Joint Secretary, General Administration Department, Mantralaya, Mumbai; D B Halde is Director, Other Backward Bahujan Welfare, Pune; Shanmugrajan S is Collector, Washim as Collector, Washim; Manisha Khatri is Director General, VANAMATI, Nagpur; Buvneswari S is Chief Executive Officer, Smart City, Nagpur; and Bhagyashree Vispute has been posted as Chief Executive Officer, Zilla Parishad, Buldhana. Reshuffle of IAS officers in Tamil Nadu

B GANESH has been appointed Director, Country Town and Planning; MS SANGEETHA was made Deputy Secretary, Higher Education Department; M ARUNA is Additional Director of Agriculture; P PONNIAH has been posted as Collector, Tiruvallur District; MAGESWARI RAVIKUMAR is Collector, Kanchipuram District; M ARVIND is Collector, Kanyakumari; V SANTHA is Collector, Tiruvarur District; P Sri Venkata Priya is Collector, Perambalur District; T ANBALAGAN is Collector, Madurai District; T G VINAY is Director of Sericulture, Salem; S MALARVIZHI is Collector, Karur District; SP KARTHIKAA is Collector, Dharmapuri District; AJAY YADAV is Joint Secretary, Health and Family Welfare Department; A SIVAGNANAM is Project Director, Tamil Nadu Health System Project; T ANAND is Joint Secretary, Agriculture Department; Apurva Varma is Additional Chief Secretary to Government, Youth Welfare and Sports Development Department; L NIRMAL RAJ is Chairman, Teachers Recruitment Board; P Shankar is Inspector General of Registration; T CHRISTURAJ is Vice Chairman and CEO, Tamil Nadu Maritime Board; R BRINDHA DEVI is Managing Director, Tamil Nadu Magnesite Limited; PRASHANT M WADNERE is Joint MD (Finance), Tamil Nadu Generation and Distribution Corporation Limited (TANGEDCO) and Tamil Nadu Transmission Corporation Limited (TANTRANSCO); SRAVAN KUMAR JATAVATH is Joint Managing Director, Tamil Nadu Water Supply and Drainage Board (TWAD); B JOTHI NIRMALASAMY is Managing Director, Tamil Nadu Corporation for Development of Women Limited; K BASKARAN gets additional charge of Additional Chief Secretary / Chairman and Managing Director, Tamil Nadu Urban Finance and Infrastructure Development Corporation Limited (TUFIDCO).

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gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | oct-Dec 2020

MAJOR RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN HARYANA

SUNIL KUMAR GULATI has been appointed Chief Resident Commissioner, Haryana Bhawan and ACS, Printing & Stationery; DHEERA KHANDELWAL was made ACS, Public Relations, Environment & Climate Change; MAHAVIR SINGH is ACS, Labour; ANURAG RASTOGI has been appointed Principal Secretary, Excise & Taxation, Irrigation & WRD; VINEET GARG is Principal Secretary, School Education; G ANUPAMA is Principal Secretary, Medical Education & Research; V UMASHANKAR is Principal Citizen Resources Information; D SURESH is Principal Secretary, Art & Cultural Affairs; RAJEEV RANJAN is Commissioner, Gurugram division; NITIN KUMAR YADAV is MD, Haryana Vidyut Prasaran Nigam Ltd & DG, Supplies & Disposals; PANKAJ YADAV is Secretary, Home-I; AMNEET P KUMAR is CEO, Ayushman Bharat Haryana Health Protection Authority; T L Satyaprakash is DG, Development & Panchayat Haryana and Secretary, Haryana Development and Panchayat Department; MOHAMMED SHAYIN is MD, Haryana Power General Corporation, Dakshin Haryana Bijli Vitran Nigam Ltd; AMIT KUMAR AGRAWAL is Deputy Principal Secretary to Chief Minister; WAZEER SINGH GOYAL is Secretary, Human Rights Commission; ASHOK SANGWAN is Chief Administrator, Haryana Shaheri Vikas Pradhikaran, Panchkula; VINAY SINGH is Secretary, Personnel, Training, Vigilance and Parliamentary Affairs, Inquiry officer, Vigilance; CHANDER SHEKHAR is Commissioner, Hisar Division; SANJEEV VERMA is Commissioner, Karnal Division; ANITA YADAV is Commissioner, Rohtak Division; BALKAR SINGH is DG, Elementary Education & Secretary, School Education; Ramesh Chander Bidhan is Director, Social Justice; Bhupinder Singh is Secretary, Haryana Public Service Commission; ASHOK KUMAR MEENA is Director, Urban Local Bodies and Special Secretary, Haryana Urban Local Bodies; Atul Kumar is Special Secretary, Home-II; Pankaj is CEO, Micro Irrigation Authority; RAM SARUP VERMA is MD, Haryana Tourism Corporation, Director Tourism; RAJNARAYAN KAUSHIK is Managing Director, HARTRON; VINAY PARTAP SINGH is Additional Resident Commissioner, Haryana Bhawan; PRADEEP KUMAR is Deputy Commissioner, Sirsa; SUSHIL SARWAN is Additional Secretary, Finance Department; and VIKRAM has been appointed CEO, Karnal Smart City Limited, Karnal.

RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN MAHARASHTRA

PRAVIN DARADE has been posted as Managing Director, Maharashtra Small Scale Industries Development Corporation, Mumbai; ASHWINI JOSHI has been posted as Managing Director, MPCL, Mumbai; MS KALSHETTI is Director, Groundwater Survey Development Agency, Pune; R B Bhosale is Collector, Ahmednagar; HP TUMMOD is Commissioner, Dairy Development, Mumbai; KH KULKARNI is Director, Municipal Administration, Mumbai; CK DANGE is Project Director, M.S.AIDS Control Society, Mumbai; MB WARBHUWAN is Chief Executive Officer, Mahtma Jyotiba Phule Jan Arogya Yojna Society, Mumbai; RS KSHIRSAGAR is Chief Executive Officer, Zila Parishad, Ahmednagar; BB DANGADE is Secretary, Fee Regularity Authority, Mumbai; RK GAWADE is Chief Executive Officer, Zila Parishad, Nandurbar; PALLAVI DARADE is Joint Secretary, Home Department, Mantralaya, Mumbai; and SUDHAKAR SHINDE has been posted as Deputy Secretary, General Administration Department, Mantralaya, Mumbai.

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | oct-Dec 2020

RESHUFFLE OF IAS OFFICERS IN HIMACHAL PRADESH

NISHA SINGH, Advisor (Health), Govt of HP at New Delhi, has been handed additional charge of post of ACS (Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Fisheries); SANJAY GUPTA has been posted as ACS (Social Justice & Empowerment); RD DHIMAN is ACScum-FC (Revenue); KAMLESH KUMAR PANT, PS (Labour & Employment & Transport), gets additional charge of PS (Environment, Science & Technology) and Chairman, HP Pollution Control Board; AJAY SHARMA will be posted as Secretary (Ayurveda, Technical Education and Printing & Stationery); S S Guleria is Secretary (Youth Services & Sports) with additional charge of Chairman, Appellate Tax Tribunal at Dharmshala; RAKESH KANWAR was given additional charge of Director, Public Finance & Public Enterprises-cum-Special Secretary (Finance); AMIT KASHYAP was posted as MD, HP Power Corporation Ltd.; J M PATHANIA as Director (Personnel), HPSEB Ltd. with additional charge of Director (Finance), HPSEB, Shimla; RAJESH SHARMA is Registrar, Cooperative Societies, HP; RAKHI KAHLON, Special Secretary (Education & Housing) gets additional charge of Special Secretary (Health & Family Welfare); CHANDER PRAKASH VERMA, Director, HP Institute of Public Administration, was handed additional charge of Special Secretary (Industries) and Commissioner, Departmental Enquiries, HP; SANDEEP KUMAR joins as MD, HRTC, Shimla; NEERAJ KUMAR is Labour Commissioner-cumDirector of Employment, HP; ABID HUSSAIN SADIQ is Director, Food, Civil Supplies and Consumer Affairs with additional charge of CEO-cum-MD, Smart City Ltd., Shimla; and ANUPAM KASHYAP has been appointed as Director, Transport, HP.

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...by the way Modi’s man in UP

Pressure on DoPT

Political scene heats up

Where are all the IAS officers?

JP leaders in Lucknow were bewildered when former Secretary MSME and long-time associate of the Prime Minister, Arvind Kumar Sharma, a 1988batch IAS officer of the Gujarat cadre, came all suited and booted to file his nomination as Member of the Legislative Council (MLC). Uttar Pradesh is a very important state for the BJP and Modi is all too aware of this. Nripendra Misra, former Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister, is said to have reported back to Narendra Modi about UP. Sunil Bansal, the State General Secretary (Org.) of BJP and close to Amit Shah, is reportedly the controlling head of the party and de facto head of the UP government. Sending Arvind Sharma to UP indicates that the power balance is under threat and damage control is required. A Bhumihar from Maunath Bhanjan District of UP, Arvind Sharma’s entry into politics seems indicative of Modi’s future moves. UP is a politically volatile state and as per sources, the phenomenal rise of Yogi Adiyanath is disturbing the powers that be in Delhi’s corridors. As per sources, Delhi was not getting very encouraging reports from Lucknow. There is reportedly a vertical divide among Brahmins and Thakurs, whether they are in politics or in the civil services. As Sharma’s batchmates inform, he is a very shy and low-profile sharp individual. He understands the mindset and working style of Modi as he has been associated with him since 2001. Apart from politics, the Ram Mandir too has to be constructed and massive infrastructure projects are likely to be launched in UP ahead of the assembly elections. The BJP has 310 out of 403 MLAs in the UP assembly which will have elections in March 2022. Whatever may be the reasons for Arvind Sharma’s entry into politics, from now on Lucknow will be directly reporting to Modi. g

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rime Minister Narendra Modi has to take some tough decisions in the days to come. The cabinet expansion is long overdue as there are many ministers who are holding charge of more than one ministry. Not only this, there are some secretaries who were holding additional charge of the ministries. A case in point is Home Secretary Ajay Bhalla who is holding additional charge of Department of Personnel and Training. Though Bhalla is efficiently clearing the files in no time, but observing the nature and pressure on DoPT a full-time secretary has to be appointed. Meanwhile, some IAS officers of the 1988 and 1989 batches are still waiting to be empanelled as Secretary. Covid-19 has created another problem: Most IAS and IPS officers are not enthused about seeking deputation with the central government. It has been observed that the tenure of most officers in the central government has been extended. Of course, officers who have served for seven years with the government, barring some exceptions, have been repatriated to their parent cadres. The paucity of officers has created an opportunity for IRS-IT, Customs, Indian Railways Services, Indian Defence Account Services, Indian Postal Services, etc., officers to be appointed in the core ministries as Joint Secretaries. Earlier most of the ministries were full of IAS/IPS officers were deputed as Joint Secretaries, Deputy Secretaries and Directors but now the allied service officers are occupying the coveted posts. As per DoPT data, the total sanctioned strength from states for central deputation is 903 whereas on January 1, 2020 the total number of officers deputed from the states was 421, so 482 officers from other services are currently deputed in the central government. Raisina Hill observers are questioning, if this is a deliberate attempt by the competent authorities to minimise the dominance of the IAS or is the IAS fraternity really not wanting to join the central government. In both scenarios, the situation is worrisome. g

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gfiles inside the government

vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

...by the way

Talk of Cab Sec tenure Is this the need of the hour?

here are rumours in the media that the post of cabinet secretary may be made coterminous with the tenure of the Prime Minister! Meaning thereby, as and when the term of the Prime Minister is over, the term of the incumbent cabinet secretary would cease along with it. No doubt, the Prime Minister is the boss of the administration and he can do it any time if he wishes to do so. But is this really the need of the hour? Let us first understand the importance of the post of cabinet secretary and his secretariat. The cabinet secretary is arguably India’s most powerful bureaucrat and the right hand of the Prime Minister of India. The Cabinet Secretariat is responsible for firstly, secretarial assistance to the Cabinet and Cabinet Committees, and secondly, administration of the Rules of Business. The Cabinet Secretariat comprises three wings: Civil, Military and Intelligence. The Civil wing is the main wing and provides aid, advice and assistance to the Union Cabinet. The purpose of having the Military wing is to have better coordination in Intelligence and to provide secretarial assistance to the Defence Committee of the Cabinet and the National Defence Council. The Military wing is represented by an officer of the rank of major general, or its equivalent, who is designated as a joint secretary. The Intelligence wing deals with matters pertaining to the Joint Intelligence Committee of the Union Cabinet. The chief of the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW) officially first reports to the Cabinet Secretary and is designated Secretary (R) in the Cabinet Secretariat. The Cabinet Secretary also acts as the chairman of Senior Selection Board, which recommends postings of officers of the rank of joint secretary in the Union Government to the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet. One former Cabinet Secretary told gfiles, “the Prime Minister can keep extending the tenure of the Cabinet Secretary. It has been done earlier, there have been cab-secs who had a tenure of more than four years. Still the PM is within his powers to make the post coterminous.” But after observing the US power transfer scenario, insiders feel that the post should not be made coterminous with the tenure of Prime Minister as the cabinet secretary is the main interface with the government and needed for smooth transition of power. g

gfiles inside the government vol. 14, issue 7-9 | Oct-Dec 2020

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