Convergent Dwelling - Graduate Thesis By Andrew Jacobs

CONVERGENT DWELLING: NEIGHBORHOOD IDENTITY + THE LANDSCAPE NARRATIVE

ANDREW JACOBS

CONVERGENT DWELLING

Copyright Š 2014 Andrew Harrison Jacobs All rights reserved

Convergent Dwelling: Neighborhood Identity + the Landscape Narrative

A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Landscape Architecture degree in The Department of Landscape Architecture at the Rhode Island School of Design, Providence, Rhode Island.

By Andrew Harrison Jacobs 2014

Approved by the Master’s Examination Committee

Scheri Fultineer, Department Head, Landscape Architecture

Suzanne Mathew, Critic, Landscape Architecture, Primary Thesis Advisor

Eric Kramer, Critic, Landscape Architecture, Secondary Thesis Advisor

Marguerite Graham, Critic, Landscape Architecture, Secondary Thesis Advisor

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the following people for their support throughout this project: Colleagues: Max Scoppettone, Rachelle Crosby, Haoyuan Feng, Jian Bao Advisors: Suzanne Mathew, Eric Kramer, Marguerite Graham My family: Sally Harrison, Terry Jacobs, Steven Jacobs

TABLE OF CONTENTS 8 10 12

PREFACE INTRODUCTION ANNOTATED PRECEDENTS

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INVESTIGATION I BOUNDARY TERMS POLITICAL BOUNDARIES CITY STREETS HOUSEHOLD INCOME LAND + BUILDING VACANCY COLOR STUDIES NEIGHBORHOOD EDGES PATH MAPPING

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INVESTIGATION II THE TRANSECT DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLIC SPACE THE SHIFTING GRID THE NEIGHBORHOOD CENTER

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INVESTIGATION III FRONT STREET LANDUSE ALONG THE EDGE AGGREGATING INFRASTRUCTURE EVALUATING THE EDGE DIMENSIONS OF THE STREET DECONSTRUCTING THE EL

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OCCUPYING THE EDGE EXTEND STITCH ESTABLISH

66 68

CONCLUSIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY

PREFACE PREFACE

As a designer, I advocate for new tools of dialogue intended to address

Well the real question should be, where does everyone who moved out

and tiresome in the academic and professional world, and is among the

certainly profit, that is if you are property owner, but a large majority are

or equivocal term. It has become a loaded word that carries a social bias

greater burdens, and less familiarity.

economic and city planners, and community activists seem to either

When Al Gore brought the issue of climate change to the table with

interdisciplinary dialogue about the real time impacts of gentrification, and

believed that, yes, climate change is a problem, which human beings

we define urbanism, how we value community and neighborhood, and how

acknowledged that yes climate change is happening, but we are not the

and quality of life within a city. As landscape architects we are responsible

balance itself out. And there were those who denied the claims that the

an existing place, or we are rebuilding and creating a new one. It is not to

a strategic political tactic, and in some cases a religiously insensitive

are not deeply critical about this question in the beginning, then our ethos

part of the “plan.” Ultimately, the world has accepted to some degree, that

the issue of gentrification head-on. The word itself has become cliché

of the neighborhood really end up? Some native neighborhood dwellers

ranks of “sustainable,” “green,” or “socially responsible,” as a generality

hurled into a cycle of uprootedness only to land in a place plagued with

and defensibility on both sides of the argument. Developers, designers, stand for or against it, and have yet to develop a more progressive,

“An Inconvenient Truth,” this country was immediately divided. Some

the future consequences (both positive and negative) it will have on how

are responsible for, and we need to do something about it. Some

committed we are to a long-term strategy for dealing with urban poverty

facilitators, and that the planet, as an organism, will figure out a way to

for being transparent about whether we are reinforcing and strengthening

climate has changed at all, and that the threat of climate-change was

say that either is right or wrong, and sometimes the two overlap, but if we

assumption and that whatever was happening in the atmosphere was all

as designers, planners, and place-makers is trivialized.

we need to do something about it, and as a result landscape architects are

There is no question that the phenomenon of gentrification is complex,

strategies for rethinking infrastructure and public spaces for coastal and

and physically vibrant neighborhood over that of a destitute or blighted

and prevent the harm and displacement of our established populations, as

now being commissioned, at a much greater rate, to propose and design

and that in some cases it would seem obvious to support an economically

riverine cities. And all for what goal? Well, ultimately, to protect our edges

one. This phenomenon poses the question: does gentrification signal a

well to sustain a culturally inscribed way of living in our urban centers.

that it is not “place-making” but “place-taking,” but others vow that

So why do I bring forth the issue of climate change and designing for

to neighborhoods that have suffered for decades. Less crime equals

see the two as synonymous in terms of the overall goals. We design for

cultural centers, and dead commercial corridors are reborn as bustling

same edict should be applied to how we think about citizens of our cities

reduction of poverty, or simply a displacement of poverty? Some argue gentrification brings economic stability and revitalized urban centers

ecological protection when introducing a piece about gentrification? I

fewer problems, right? Underutilized public parks reemerge as active

people, and whether it is for protecting and adapting coastal edges, the

restaurant and shopping districts, so what is there to complain about?

and the importance of protecting culture, social structures, and those

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vulnerable to inherent forces of economic disparity that is, proverbially,

flooding our cities. This is not a Robin Hood proclamation that sees the

poor merely as victims and the wealthy as opportunistic invaders. Cities have ebbs and flows, and the currents of development, industry, and

culture have historically shifted and changed course overtime, which I do believe is part of the natural process of a city, not unlike ecosystems that

exists in nature. But I believe that the rapid migration back into cities and the current patterns of shortsighted investments results in a replacement

of existing social practices in already established neighborhoods, and thus poses a threat to the overall future stability of cities.

The difficulty in defending this stance is that there are very few ways to

quantify the social and cultural value of a neighborhood – it is something that we acknowledge and appreciate as a critical thread in the urban

fabric, but struggle to clearly prove it’s essentiality. What metric do we

use to evaluate these factors? Do GDP, poverty rates, average incomes, and property values determine whether a city, or neighborhood, the true indicators of success in a city, or not? Any landscape architect would

argue that no, that’s not all - that place and public space is an underwritten currency that is an essential physical and experiential element to society.

We design these places; we strategize for how people inhabit these

places; we ultimately strive to create better environments for co-existence.

We have all the tools to address gentrification, so lets start talking about it.

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INTRODUCTION

ABSTRACT

INTRODUCTION

This thesis explores the phenomenon of neighborhood identity and its

The story of every place is woven into the physical environment that we

Currently neighborhoods that were victim to the blight of the industrial

the nearest grocery store are part of a narrative of place, providing insight

and the cultural atmosphere that is inherent in city dwelling. Gentrification

position within the shifting socio-economic landscape of Philadelphia. As a way to equip landscape architects with the language and tools needed to stabilize the other factors that add value to a neighborhood, this body of research seeks to identify the spatial characteristics that establish

neighborhood identity in Philadelphia. It investigates how gentrification and the migration of different social groups across neighborhood

boundaries inform the cultural and physical landscapes that are embedded in the built environment.

This body of research is divided into three investigations. Investigation I explores the neighborhood at the city scale. It examines the varieties

of ways that neighborhood boundary is established in Philadelphia, and catalogs the terms and factors that contribute to defining neighborhood

parameters. Investigation II focuses on the neighborhoods of Fishtown

and West Kensington, north of Center City Philadelphia. The goal of this phase is to determine how the two neighborhoods function internally.

It documents how social practices, the use of public space, and the

physical organization of two conjoining neighborhoods operate differently.

Investigation III explores Front Street and the Market Frankford Line - the seam that connects Fishtown and West Kensington. It reveals where

and how the intersections of infrastructure, culture, and neighborhood

identity collide, emerge, or dissipate. Ultimately, as result of the findings,

the investigation concludes the thesis research by proposing three design strategies for occupying the Front St. corridor.

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inhabit. The height of a building, the width of a road, and the location of into the historical development of culture, people, and the growth or

recession of the cities we live in. The narrative is not always transparent – it is often embedded in the landscape, on the street corners, or in the

households of those who live there. The landscape architect is a social, ecological, and anthropological archaeologist. It is his or her role to

unearth the patterns of place, analyze how the old influences the new, and to determine through analysis how adding to, subtracting from, or

manipulating the existing environment will contribute to improving place.

A new chapter is unfolding for cities across America. After a sixty-year

period of de-industrialization and disinvestment that devastated economies and led to massive declines in urban populations, cities are growing again.

People are reinvesting in the physical and cultural landscapes that are

unique to these places, particularly those that flourished in the industrial

era. Presently the return migration to post-industrial cities is contributing to economic growth, improvements in infrastructure and public spaces, and an increase in the living cultural value of a city. Unlike urban migrations

in the past, which were driven by immigration or large labor forces moving from farm to factory, this migration signals a large demographic shift of those who are reoccupying cities.

collapse are now destinations for newcomers – they offer affordable living is the term that is commonly used to describe this phenomenon. It is defined by the process which central urban neighborhoods that have

undergone disinvestments and economic decline experience a reversal, reinvestment, and in-migration of a relatively well off middle - and upper – middle class population (Smith, Neil, and Peter Williams, 1986). The

implications of gentrification, or displacement, though difficult to discern, are certain for some people. “Evidence of what happens to outmovers paints a picture of mixed hardship. Some outmovers appear to find

satisfactory, even superior, housing without harm. Many others judge

their units to be the same, and a substantial number judge them to be

worse. Costs almost always rise, sometimes severely… those with the

lowest income tend to fare the worst in the process (Legates and Hartman, 1986).” The uprooting from a familiar place, the abandonment of a social

network, and the financial instability put strain on families and individuals.

The sense of a shared public environment, which in some cases evolves over generations, and a deep cultural connection to place can dissolve overnight.

CONVERGENT DWELLING: NEIGHBORHOOD MOBILITY + THE LANDSCAPE NARRATIVE

http://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/archive/category/john-hepp/

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recedents

ecedents ANNOTATED PRECEDENTS ora Carter Group

ora Carter SouthGroup Bronx Community Greenway unity/Urban Design Project Type: Community/Urban rfront greenway, 8.5 milesDesign greenstreets, 12 acres waterUnits: 1.5 miles waterfront greenway, 8.5 miles greenstreets, 12 acres unity/Urban Design waterfront Financing Structure: rfront greenway, 8.5Public/Private miles greenstreets, 12 acres waterPublic/Private Client: City of New York Estudio Teddy Cruz ork Architect: Landscape Architect: Mathews/Nielson Landscape Architects Planners: Jonathan Rose Companies Public/Private Other Agencies: Sustainable South Bronx ork The South Bronx Greenway Project is part of the Greening the Ghetto ddy Cruz initiative created by Majora Carter in 2005. The overall goal of the project is to create 1.5 miles ofLandscape waterfront greenway,Architects 8.5 miles of inland green Mathews/Nielsen streets, and nearly 12 acres of new waterfront open space throughout ddy Cruz Rose Companies Hunts Point and Port Morris from the Hunts Point neighborhood to the Mathews/Nielsen Landscape Architects ainable South Bronx Bronx River, which is currently occupied by industrial complexes and municipal treatment center for the city’s waste and water. The series of Rose Companies enway social, economic, infrastructural, and programmatic interventions, which ainable South Bronx are currently in process achieve the following gaols. 1) Support safe enway the design green streets to protect pedestrians enwayconnections projectthrough is part of ofthe Greening the Ghetto initiative from heavily used industrial truck routes. 2) Foster community economic r in 2005.

The overall goal of the project is to create 1.5 development by intervening in proximity to small businesses as a way enwayto project is part of 3)the Greening the Ghetto initiative stimulate activity and Improve environmental quality by eenway, 8.5 miles ofgrowth. inland green streets, and nearly 12 restoringThe and creating new ecosystems to support suffering upland and create 1.5 r in open 2005. overall goal of the project is to ont space throughout Hunts Point and Port Morris riparian habitat. 4) To improve health standards by providing access to 8.5 miles of green streets, nearlyoc12 seenway, neighborhood theinland Bronx river, which isand currently public spaces andto encouraging out-of-house recreation.

5) Encourage long term stewardship and community investmentPoint into projects. ont open space throughout Hunts andfor Port omplexes and municipal treatment centers theMorris city’s se neighborhood toeconomic, the Bronx river, which is currently ocseries social, The of short, medium, and long term phasesinfrastructural of this project are being and programomplexes andbymunicipal centers for the city’s implemented a diverse oftreatment partners, investors, and participants. which are currently in group a phasing implementation process, Oneof of the highlights economic, of this project is theinfrastructural range of collaborators included egoals. series social, 1) Support safe connections throughand theprogramdesign of in the development of the Greenway. Although Carter is responsible for which are currently in heavily a phasing implementation the conception offrom this project, the list ofused collaborators include landscape ect pedestrians industrial truckprocess, routes. developers,safe environmental scientists, economic consultants, goals.architects, 1) Support connections through the design of economic development by intervening in proximity to community organizers, and civic leaders. ect pedestrians industrialenvironmental truck routes. timulate activityfrom and heavily growth.used 3) Improve economic development by intervening proximityupland to nd creating new ecosystems to supportinsuffering http://www.nycedc.com/project/south-bronx-greenway timulate activity and growth. 3) Improve environmental 12 4) To promote urban health by providing access to public nd creating new ecosystems to support suffering upland

Bumbogo Rwanda - Toponymic Urbanisim George Pericles

Indeed, with rapid urbanization the need for innovative ideas rooted in Rwandan culture, traditions and context provides opportunity for

practical and locally appropriate solutions in the quest for infrastructure

development. Particularly in such a critical moment as this, with the rise

in new developments and neighborhoods in cities such as Kigali that are built with little to no consideration of Rwandan context, George Pericles

has raised the critique that these solutions fail to meet the local populace’s everyday needs but will also give rise to more problems in the future.

Rather than applying a tabula rasa, they are looking to blend culture and

advanced technologies to create a progressive urban fabric importing rural cultural values where applicable.

In their latest project Bumbogo Rwanda : Toponymic Urbanism design office George Pericles have taken up this challenge. They propose an

innovative if not ambitious project designed to produce an adaptable future matrix that responds to both economic and cultural factors beginning with Kigali.

Bumbogo decries the superimposition of a master plan or vision from

elsewhere, a cardinal tenet. As such the urban matrix uses building blocks that blend regional culture with advanced technologies to produce a vision for an up-to-date urban fabric. To this end, the “Umurenge” or smallest

administrative subdivision in Rwandan governance plays an integral role to provide basic services such as water, education, health care and markets.

From there George Pericles envision a notion they term ‘Fair-Urbanism.’

Essentially a joint public and private cooperative structure employed

to built urban infrastructure such as roads, water and waste collection

systems. In the case of Addis Ababa, such local initiatives have been in operation where residents of a given neighborhood would cooperate to

pave local ‘secondary’ roads. With ideas such as this, Guilliame Sardin, lead designer behind the project affirms his point stating that.

http://cargocollective.com/georgepericles/Bumbogo-Rwanda-Toponymic-Urbanism

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INVESTIGATION I

SYNOPSIS This body of research investigates the phenomenon of neighborhood

identity in Philadelphia and explores the various elements embedded in

the urban landscape that define, delineate, and characterize the physical, cultural, and social compositions that constitute neighborhood. In Phase

1, this investigation explores neighborhood boundaries and borders, and asks how they are defined and contribute to shaping and informing the

scale and character of a neighborhood. It seeks to answer this question by creating a methodology for cataloging the physical, visual, sensory,

perceptual, eidetic, and informational factors that compose boundary and edge through mapping and photographic documentation at the city and neighborhood scales.

Conclusions: •

The organization of neighborhoods is not established by one

system of boundary, rather by multiple systems, which function both independently and in conjunction with other determinants. Common

overlaps were infrastructure and natural systems and demographic and political boundaries.

•

The study demonstrated that boundaries are not necessarily linear,

opaque, or static, but can function as zones or perceptual markers of

transition (large vacant lots, industrial landmarks, monuments, building facades, and street art).

•

The extent to which a neighborhood is characterized or identified

is not constricted to boundary. There are physical, cultural, sociological

indicators of neighborhood identity that transcend boundary (race, crime, vacancy, building surfaces, property value, income).

Quantifying and measuring the parameters of neighborhoods, and the

elements that characterize such neighborhoods requires a more fused

understanding of perceptual, experiential, and physical factors, and a more efficient graphic method for establishing these patterns (transect).

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PHILADELPHIA, PA

Google Maps 2014

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BOUNDARY TERMS

Grounding is a process implying successive layers, both visible and invisible. Sometimes the most important

aspect of a given site is almost intangible. It is not necessarily what remains visible to the eye that matters the most, but those forces and events that undergrid the evolution of place.

Christophe Girot “The Landscape Urbanism Reader,� 2005

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c raphi g o dem value perty c o r i m e p o m ence o on c afflu c n i e hip t ers c d i r lea st al

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perceptual

NEIGHBORHOOD

PHYSICAL

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POLITICAL BOUNDARIES

NEIGHBORHOOD JURISDICTION + THE POLITICS OF BOUNDARY COUNCIL DISTRICT

P

COUNCILMAN DISTRICT Mapping neighborhood boundary is a layered and multi-faceted process.

These maps demonstrate the various scales and typologies of boundary dictated by the city, many of which can only be understood by a line on a page.

Google Maps 2014 and ARCGIS data from RIGIS

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POLICE WARD

POLICE DISTRICT

P

N

POLITCAL WARD

POLITICAL WARDS

NEIGHBORHOOD BORDER

NEIGHBORHOOD BOUNDARY

Google Maps 2014 and ARCGIS data from RIGIS

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CITY STREETS

CITY STREETS The implementation of the street system

in Philadelphia is an ongoing and layered process that dates back to the late

17th century with the original grid plan for the city proposed by William Penn.

The different scales, orientations, and

uses of streets, boulevards, drives, and

highways that link the city also contribute

A.

to the organizational patterns of

HIGHWAY + LOCAL ROUTE INTERCHANGE - 95 + 90

neighborhoods. Broad Street is an example of a unique axis street that runs the length of the city (12.5 miles) and is a symbolic landmark connector that centers and

unifies the Philadelphia city grid (fig. D).

While some neighborhoods are identified or characterized by a certain typology or

layout, others can be divided or fractured

by it depending on scale and its integration into the neighborhood structure.

The implementation of I-95 in the early

1960’s is an example of how a highway

B. NEIGHBORHOOD + RIVER DIVISION - FISHTOWN + DELAWARE (VIA 95)

system divided and segregated many

neighborhoods from the Delaware River,

and created swaths of undefinable spatial

C. TRANSIT + PARK SYSTEM INTERSECT-SCHUYKILL + ROOSEVELT EXPWY’S

conditions and artificial boundaries

that are inconsistent with the grain of the existing neighborhoods (fig. A + B). In

other cases, there are areas of overlap where highway and local routes create

new boundaries and follow existing ones in the case of parks and natural systems (fig. C).

Google Maps 2014 and ARCGIS data from RIGIS

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D.

PENN CITY GRID AXIS - CITY HALL

THE EVOLVING IMPACT OF INFRASTRUCTURE The intersections of street, boulevard, highway, and rail create different access points or boundaries for the two neighborhoods. Fishtown is unique for its street grid which developed organically from the river and meets the Penn grid at Front St (fig. A + B). It is one of many neighborhoods whose connection to the Delaware River was severed by I-95.

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HOUSEHOLD INCOME + GEOGRAPHIC MARKETS HOUSEHOLD INCOME Demographic and socioeconomic boundaries

4

provide an information-based visualization of how neighborhoods or regions

in cities are categorized and represented.

CHESTNUT HILL

It is a form of information mapping that is

$60,000 +

necessary for recognizing patterns of poverty

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and wealth in cities, and offers a alternative method applying physical scale

NORTHEAST - TORRESDALE

to a statistic. Although important, these

$50 - 60,0000

boundaries are represented as clear lines

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when in reality they are porous and constantly shifting. How do we understand

what informs the geography of wealth and

NORTHEAST - FOX CHASE

poverty? How effective are these maps

$40 - 50,0000

12

without a more indepth understanding of

the physical and visual environments that are confined to these boundaries?

SOUTH PHILA.

$30 - 40,0000

10 NORTH PHILA.

< $30,0000

436,358

2012

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379,975 2004

Google Maps 2014 , ARCGIS data from RIGIS Philadelphia 2013: State of the Cityâ&#x20AC;? The Pew Charitable Trusts, 2013.

LIVING BELOW POVERTY LINE

PERCEIVING CRIME + BOUNDARY The visual and physical queues that indicate whether a neighborhood is safe are controversial, and depend on the familiarity and experience of the user with that place. Crime boundary is a phenomenon that we understand through information and intuition, therefore the borders that determine a safe neighborhood from a dangerous are very nebulous.

Google Maps and Google Street View 2014 and ARCGIS data from RIGIS

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POPULATION DENSITY POPULATION BOUNDARIES Philadelphia is a city of over 1.5 million citizens with over 11â&#x20AC;&#x2122;000 per square

mile on average. Population density is

a phenomenon that has both spatial and social implications and transcends the

typical understanding of how boundary is defined. It is difficult to perceive how

A.

MUNICIPAL LAND AREA - NORTHEAST PHILA. AIROIRT

many people live in a neighborhood by

walking down the street, and physical indicators of what shapes the neighborhood

is often difficult to gauge at the human

scale. This map explores a method for

understanding another scale and typology of boundary that connects information,

perception, and physical space in order to understand patterns of inhabitance

and the shaping and organization of city neighborhoods.

B. BURIAL GROUND UNDEVELOPABLE - CEDAR HILLS CEMETERY

C. PHILADELPHIA PARKS + RECREATION - WEST FAIRMOUNT PARK

Google Maps 2014 and ARCGIS data

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D. INDUSTRIAL REFINERY ZONE - PHILADELPHIA ENERGY COMPLEX

Racial boundaries between neighborhoods is

a phenomenon that is experiential, visual, and cultural. This map indicates a clear division

and organization of neighborhoods in terms of race, but is it that apparent when walking down the street? Understanding how these divisions are informed and where there is

overlap requires a more scaled in mapping approach.

This map represents distribution of race between Fishtown and West Kensington, with blue representing white, orange Hispanic, green black, and red Asian.

Google Maps 2014 and The Racial Dot Map: One Dot per Person for the Entire US

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LAND + BUILDING VACANCY LAND + BUILDING VACANCY Over 15% of Philadelphiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s land is vacant with an average of $3.6 billion in lost

wealth annually. Vacancy assumes many forms, and can be a detriment as well as an opportunity for many neighborhoods.

Although certain neighborhoods are

A.

defined by the large swaths of unmaintained

RESIDENTIAL MULTI-PARCEL - HUNTING PARK

land or derelict buildings, many

communities are finding use for these lots through community farming, agriculture, and informal gathering for picnics and

block parties. The scale and accessibility to vacant lots often determine their use.

B.

INSTITUTIONAL BUFFER - TEMPLE UNIVERSITY

C. INTEGRATED INDUSTRIAL ADJACENCY - WEST PHILADELPHIA

D. RIVERFRONT INDUSTRIAL EXPANSE - SOUTH PHILADELPHIA Google Maps 2014 and ARCGIS data from RIGIS

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VACANCY: OPPORTUNITY OR OBSTRUCTION?

Google Maps 2014 and ARCGIS data from RIGIS

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COLOR STUDIES

Neighborhoods project their identities in

many forms, and between Fishtown and Kensington the buildings tell their own

stories about the character and culture of the built environment and those that

inhabit it. The spectrum of industrial/rustic colors of Fishtown juxtaposed with the

vibrant tropical colors of the Puerto Rican community in Kensington demonstrate how neighborhoods project their own

FISHTOWN

histories, cultures, and characteristics

through material and color. This visual

and experiential symbol of identity distinguishes two adjacent neighborhoods, but

does not act as a boundary or divider. It

is an example of the nuance of physical,

visual, and cultural indicators of neighborhood identity that are non-linear and

embedded into community narrative.

KENSINGTON

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NEIGHBORHOOD EDGES

Historically the Front Street El has been the dividing line between

Fishtown and West Kensington. These photo studies explore the humanscale perspective and experience of neighborhood edge. The El is the

infrastructural landmark boundary, but is more symbolic than obstructive.

People can pass beneath, but spatially it still functions as a barrier.

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PATH MAPPING

The next phase of this thesis will focus on mapping through

path and transect as a way to understand the more complex

nuances and relationships in the landscape that characterize neighborhoods and more clearly represent what boundary means in the city.

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INVESTIGATION II

SYNOPSIS This project examines boundary, and the multitude of physical and social factors that create a real or perceived edge, limit, or transition between the neighborhoods of Fishtown and West Kensington in Philadelphia.

Although close in proximity, the composition of Fishtown and West

Kensington are uniquely different in how their edges are defined, and

how the center or heart of the neighborhood operates. The social and

cultural factors are key determinants in the distinction between the two areas – race, socio-economy, and the elements that define community

are embedded in the daily and weekly rituals of the inhabitants of each

neighborhood. This phase observed how some of these factors occur on

the ground, and did so by conducting a transect study that recorded street activity, physical and social thresholds, and the perceived center of each neighborhood.

Fishtown’s center is made up of a composition of nodes that do not have

clear hierarchy or physical central space, but operate as an assemblage of individual conditions. The symbolic gathering center of the neighborhood is Penn Treaty Park, but it is a peripheral center with a singular use

(gathering and recreation). The edges of the park are strong, but are inactive due to the fact that it is surrounded by the river, highway, an abandoned factory, and a casino.

West Kensington is defined by Norris Square – a large hard-edged public

park located in a dense urban environment adhered to the grid plan. The edge of the park is constantly active, between residents who live there,

a retirement home, restaurants, community organizations, gardens, and vibrant Puerto Rican community as its critical users.

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FISHTOWN + WEST KENSINGTON

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THE TRANSECT

This transect documents the intersections of active public centers, street activity, and physical thresholds that define transition and edge within

and across the neighborhoods of Fishtown and West Kensington. This

documentation was conducted through on-site observation over the course

W. KENSINGTON

of three days, and uses visible and experiential qualities and indicators to draw conclusions about social and physical patterns within each

FISHTOWN

neighborhood. The map highlights three major factors : •

Public space as destination + public space as center.

•

The decentralized vs. aggregated center

•

The grid shift- what it allows, prevents, and its transition

There are a variety of ways that people use the street and public amenities within the two neighborhoods. The density and types of activity are

mapped to demonstrate how Fishtown is composed of a series of nodal

centers, that act independently of one another and create a dispersal of

active zones and programs (bars, cafes, recreation, stoop dwelling, etc.).

West Kensington is defined by Norris Square, and is separated by a shift in the grid and a prominent edge at Front St.

The threshold drawings provide a visceral understanding of the varying degrees to which infrastructure acts as an identifiable boundary, and in some cases is occupiable and active, while in other cases it is uninhabitable and impervious.

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TRANSECT AREA

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DISTRIBUTION OF PUBLIC SPACE

The distribution of public space within Fishtown and West Kensingtondecentralized and dispersed -directly reflects the social and physical

patterns within each neighborhood. Fishtown parks are nodal and have

isolated uses, versus Norris Square in Kensington which is the foundation and catalyst for commercial, social, and spatial integrity within the neighborhood.

Penn Treaty Park operates as a destination center that is dependent on climatic conditions, season, day of week, and time of day. It is a

successful public space that draws a range of users, both in within and

outside of the neighborhood, but its location between the river and the I-95 barrier sterilizes the edges of the park. Due to the lack of an active edge,

Penn Treaty functions as a more singular use park, which is predominantly recreation. Its open, but isolated spatial quality is reflective of its role as

COLUMBUS BOULEVARD (PENN TREATY)

a social/cultural asset to the neighborhood. It is an appreciated venue for gathering, and a symbolic public center for the neighborhood, but is an ulterior thread in the social and physical fabric of Fishtown.

Norris Square functions as an active central public space that is

fundamental to the social and physical organization of the neighborhood.

Its mixed-use residential and commercial edges provide constant activity

within and surrounding the park, which resonates throughout the physical

and cultural environments of the neighborhood. Community organizations, gardens, restaurants, churches, and various other programs convene at this square - the experiential, programmed, and physical qualities

(primarily the square) of this space create a true sense of center and orientation within the neighborhood.

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DIAMOND + HOWARD ST. (NORRIS SQUARE)

PENN TREATY PARK

NORRIS SQUARE

DECENTRALIZED

CENTRALIZED

Bing Maps

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THE SHIFTING GRID FISHTOWN

WEST KENSINGTON

A.

B.

At the intersection of a shifting grid pattern, there is a palpable shift in the physical and visceral orientation of the neighborhood fabric. This zone, which occurs along Front Street, represents a transition in the

infrastructural, social, and economic characteristics of two neighborhoods - from an affluent, white community in Fishtown to a low-income, Latino

community in West Kensington. Front St., which is highly active in some

locations, and desolate in others, acts as a proverbial DMZ zone, and has a surficial quality to it with no clear understanding of the organization or

hierarchy of space beneath the el, and no dominant physical and cultural thread or connection to the adjacent neighborhoods. If anything the

physical and behavioral patterns of Front St. represent a growing tension between Fishtown and West Kensington, as development moves north across this well established neighborhood border.

As the grid moves from the older, small scale streets (fig. A) that extend

from the river to a larger, industrial scale block (fig.b), there are noticeable changes in the built environment - mainly the scale of buildings, vacant lots, and widths of streets- but there is also a perceptual shift in ones

understanding of direction and spatial orientation within the neighborhood.

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FRONT ST.

WEST KENSINGTON FISHTOWN

41

THE NEIGHBORHOOD CENTER

STREET ACTIVITY

FISHTOWN

WEST KENSINGTON

Due to the orientation of the grid and the non-existence of a dominant

commercial corridor or center, or a central public space, Fishtownâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s center does not have a definable edge. The center is dispersed throughout the neighborhood. In addition Fishtown is growing by filling in blight.

Its expansion is about opportunity â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the growth is scattered therefore the patterns of centers and nodes are dependent on proximity to new development, rather than an established center that grows outwards.

The ways in which residents between the two neighborhoods occupy

the street is also reflective of the difference in the intention and definition of engaging the public domain. There are two notable ways in which

Fishtown residents use the neighborhood. Public, commercial destinations are where many of the younger generations convene - in contained

BAR + CAFE GATHERING

PUBLIC CENTER + ACTIVE EDGE

STOOP DWELLING

STREET + SIDEWALK GATHERING

environments that are on (or off) the street (bars, cafes, beer halls, etc.), while older neighborhood members use the stoop and sidewalk as their venue for being in the public realm. In West Kensington, the street is

incredibly active. Often the sidewalk and the street are synonomous with on another, and is the domain for gathering and recreating.

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DISPERSED VS. AGGREGATED CENTERS

WEST KENSINGTON FISHTOWN

DEFINING CENTER + EDGE

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INVESTIGATION III

SYNOPSIS The third and final phase of this thesis project grounds itself along the

Front Street corridor – the seam between West Kensington and Fishtown that embodies the infrastructural, social, and cultural elements of

boundary, edge, and border that are examined throughout this document.

This investigation develops a set of criteria for creating a methodology

for reinforcement and porosity along and adjacent to Front Street. The objective was to identify where and at what scale locations along the

corridor perform as joints between the two neighborhoods, and conversely where they function as barriers. The impetus for the investigation was

to determine if there are strategies for intervening along or across Front St. for the purpose of either aggregating and/or protecting the interests of the conjoining neighborhoods. It poses the questions: Is there an opportunity for counterbalancing, catalyzing, or stabilizing the

growth and development of Fishtown and West Kensington along the Front St. corridor?

Observations: •

Infrastructure plays a large role in the division of the two

neighborhoods, yet is still a generator for activity and commercial use

along the corridor. It dictates the spatial quality and character of the street – in some places it acts as a barrier while in other places it is a generator.

•

The spatial conditions along Front St. vary in scale, light/dark

patterns, and density of active commercial program, vacancy, and openings where the conjoining grid patterns meet.

•

The pattern of dispersed zones of growth + development in

Fishtown, addressed in Phase 2, will inevitably transgress the Front Street corridor, and in some cases already has.

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FRONT STREET: THE ELEVATED EDGE

45

FRONT STREET

Front Street runs north-south, parallel to the Delaware River, and is one of the oldest streets in Philadelphia. Constructed in 1682 as part of

William Pennâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s original plan for the city, Front St. continues to function as an important thoroughfare for transportation and hosts three train stops located above the street along the Market-Frankford SEPTA line. It is

also the seam that joins the grid of Philadelphia with the later Penn Plan grid centered on City Hall. The elevated train infrastructure defines the

segment of Front Street that divides the neighborhoods of Fishtown and West Kensington, which this investigation focuses on.

FRONT STREET STUDY AREA

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47

LANDUSE ALONG THE EDGE

These maps highlight the spectrum of land use typologies along and in

proximity to the Front St. corridor. It

is a highly active commercial corridor

in close proximity to dense residential areas to the east (Fishtown) and the

west (West Kensington), and retains

some of its historical industrial activity, but in many cases these vestiges of

the past are left abandoned and vacant - a characteristic of the area that is

easily identifiable as you make your way up or down the street.

www.phila.gov

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VACANT

RESIDENTIAL

COMMERICIAL

INDUSTRIAL 49

AGGREGATING INFRASTRUCTURE

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THE VACANT MOSAIC

CONJOINING STREETS

THE CORRIDOR NETWORK

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EVALUATING THE EDGE

This study examines three prevalent conditions in which the el influences and emphasizes the phenomena of edge and boundary along Front St., and its role as a dividing element between Fishtown and West

Kensington. Figures A illustrate the locations where cross grain circulation occurs, primarily at the grid intersections, and demonstrates how the

linearity of the el reduces the userâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s awareness of east-west cross grain

A.

circulation between the neighborhoods. Figures B demonstrate the shear infrastructural mass that the el exhibits in certain locations, and how it

can truly function as both a physical and experiential barrier. Figures C

highlight Front St. as a corridor and reveal that the elevated infrastructure actually enhances activity on the street, as seen in this active commercial scene. In conclusion, this study reiterates that the street responds in

varying ways to the elevated infrastructure, and that in some cases its

presence improves the culture of the street, while in other cases it detracts from it.

B.

C. 52

A.

B.

CROSS GRAINS

C.

VISCERAL BARRIER

CORRIDOR + ENCLOSURE

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DIMENSIONS OF THE STREET

Although the el provides a consistent and monolithic frame for Front St., the spatial conditions of the street vary in scale, light/dark patterns, and

density of active commercial program, vacancy, and openings where the

conjoining grid patterns meet. The patterns of use, activity, and scales of

building + space demonstrate the nuanced conditions that exist along the

corridor. The strong north-south linearity is often interrupted or enhanced by the built environment (or lack there of), extending and retracting, and is perforated by the cross-grid circulation of pedestrians and vehicles.

Understanding how and where these conditions operate provides a more

articulated reading of the street in relation to the adjacent neighborhoods, and reveals the strengths and weaknesses of the corridor in regards to active, passive, or underused as well as cross-connections.

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septa stop

12’

shifting grid intersection

24’

48’

30’

13’

8’

septa stop

pedestrian cross circulation sidewalk + street market

pedestrian cross circulation

enclosed vacant garbage accumulation

enclosed vacant

shifting grid intersection

garbage accumulation open vacant

open vacant

through block sight line septa stop

open vacant

open vacant

through block sight line pedestrian cross circulation

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sidewalk + street market

DECONSTRUCTING THE EL This study demonstrates the

physical and spatial impacts of the el as a barrier/edge by composing a series of comparative images

that illustrate the elevated rail in its existing conditions and how

the street would look if the piece

of infrastructure was removed. It highlights the prominence and dominance of the el over the

street and adjoining intersections.

The study is not a proposal for

removing the elevated train, but it

tests and proves that infrastructure plays a large role in defining the

edges of the two neighborhoods,

and impacts the users orientation

and sense of directionality across the north-south corridor.

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57

OCCUPYING THE EDGE

58

RESPONSIVE STRATEGIES FOR REINVENTING OR REINFORCING NEIGHBORHOOD IDENTITY

59

EXTEND

FRONT STREET This is a small-scale strategy for extending use and program out from the el and creating new rooms and pockets by appropriating vacant space in order to improve and/or sustain the street activity along the corridor.

The presence of vacancy often detracts from the quality of the street

and surrounding programs, and functions more as trash collection zones than open space. The proposed bench scheme is a simple way to take advantage of the proximity of the vacant parcels to the sidewalk, and

provide an easy, affordable, but effective method for responding to the vulnerabilities of Front St.

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61

STITCH

FRONT + NORRIS STREETS This strategy addresses the intersections along Front St. and how they are potential venues for creating a cross cultural dialogue between Fishtown

and West Kensington residents. Periodically closing down the intersecting streets and implementing temporary and flexible programs that reflect

the traditions and practices of each community will create transparency

across the ever present barrier of the el and catalyze an awareness of how different cultures and socials groups use and occupy neighborhoods as a way to create both inter and cross communal conversations.

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63

ESTABLISH

FRONT + DIAMOND STREETS This strategy proposes reclaiming underutilized parcels at the edges of Front Street by implementing program for a community table, an open

market, a path system that links the two grids, and stoop/tree planters.

This scheme is driven by the concept of reclaiming the edge and bringing awareness to the significance that Front St. has on the Norris Square

community as a defensible edge. Re-appropriating the vacant lot as a

commemorative and active extension of Norris Square creates spatial and cultural authorship of vulnerable areas along the Front St. corridor.

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CONCLUSIONS

INVESTIGATION I:

The research conducted in phase one set up a comparative context for

but can function as zones or perceptual markers of transition (large vacant

by the Delaware River and the I-95 corridor. Its clearly defined, sterile

respond to the cultural and social patterns that define a neighborhood and

The color studies indicate that neighborhood parameters are not always

and therefore functions a single use park, which is predominantly

understanding how applied, or predetermined, boundaries interact and district. It explored the variety of ways that neighborhoods distinguish

themselves from one another, at what scale they operate, and through what medium they are established. The catalog of boundaries in this phase include political, infrastructural, socio-economic, cultural, and historical, which are mapped at the city and neighborhood scales.

By simply overlaying the maps, it is clear that the organization of

neighborhoods is not established by one system of boundary, rather by

multiple systems, which function both independently and in conjunction

lot industrial landmarks, monuments, building facades, and street art).

revealed at the edge, but are distributed throughout its center. Indicators

of leaving one neighborhood and entering into another may manifest as a

patterns within the built environment that transcend the edge – an example of this is the change in building façade colors from the vibrant Puerto

Rican colors in West Kensington to the industrial era tones in Fishtown.

INVESTIGATION II:

with other determinants.

In summary, the question of “what is boundary,” or “how does boundary

There is no conclusive definition for what a boundary is or how an edge

resolved solely through information mapping at the edge. It requires

operates – it functions as a set of organizational indicators for how

neighborhoods, districts, regions, and cities define themselves. They are porous in regards to social and cultural practices, socio-economic shifts, and development. Throughout researching the idea of conventional boundaries, there were few instances where boundary prohibited or

operate,” at the city and neighborhood scale cannot be answered or

another dimension that reveals the cross grains of how neighborhoods, not boundaries, operate and how the social and physical patterns that make

up the body of such places inform where a neighborhood ends and a new one begins.

deflected socio-economic migration patterns – but there are certainly

The investigation in Phase 2 conducted a transect study to reveal the

or areas within the city. Infrastructure, such as streets, highways, and

in order to understand how they inform, or are informed by, the spatial

circumstances where boundary characterizes elements of neighborhoods transportation systems, are physically inflexible properties that in some

cases act as an edge – but even a four-lane highway over pass can still

be occupied at street level. A political boundary, such as a police ward or

councilman district, overlap with physical boundaries such as parks, rivers, or roadways in some cases, but there is not a consistent pattern from

social patterns and practices throughout Fishtown and West Kensington organization of each neighborhood. The study documented the patterns of street activity and urban ritual, publi¬¬c space networks, boundary

thresholds, and perceived neighborhood centers. The conclusions drawn from the transect study reveal three main findings:

neighborhood to neighborhood, or region to region.

The two main public spaces, which are Penn Treaty Park (Fishtown) and

When zooming in to the neighborhood scale, the phase one study

how they are integrated into the fabric of each neighborhood. Penn Treaty

demonstrated that boundaries are not necessarily linear, opaque, or static,

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Norris Square (West Kensington), are different in how they operate and

Park is a symbolic destination public space for Fishtown that is bordered

edges limit its physical connectivity to the interior of the neighborhood, recreation. There are a series of smaller parks in the neighborhood

that cater to localized residents and provide areas for dog walking and

passive recreation, but there is no single public space or public entity that embodies Fishtown’s center.

Conversely, Norris Square is the heart of the Puerto Rican community in West Kensington and is fundamental to the social and physical

organization of the neighborhood. The diversity of program along its active edges extends deep into the community. Residential units, community

organizations, religious centers, and small-scale commercial outfits line

the edges of the park and reinforce a strong, identifiable, and highly active

neighborhood center. Norris Square exemplifies the critical role that public space plays as a multi-functional facilitator for neighborhood identity and cohesion.

The convergence of two different grid systems at the border of Fishtown

and West Kensington create a unique juxtaposition in the physical patterns of the built environment in both neighborhoods. The oblique angles of the blocks and streets of Fishtown are symbolic of the original growth of the city from the late seventeenth century along the banks of the Delaware River. Although the City Plan was drafted during this period, it was not

until more than a century later that the Penn grid was finally implemented.

The small scale, angular streets in Fishtown reflect an intimate, local

atmosphere, in which the building heights and sizes vary from block to

block and the strong east-west, north-south orientation of the grid system is anything but noticeable. As the grid moves from the older, small scale streets that extend from the river to a larger, industrial scale block, there are noticeable changes in the built environment - mainly the scale of

buildings, vacant lots, and widths of streets- but there is also a perceptual

widths of streets- but there is also a perceptual shift in ones understanding

grids, the mosaic of vacant parcels along its edges, the active shops and

the neighborhood. Vestiges of a once active industrial era are reflected

of a once active industrial era are reflected in the large-scale vacant

cast a constant shadow over the street demonstrate the flexibility that a

shift in ones understanding of direction and spatial orientation within

in the large-scale vacant parcels and abandoned factories. There is a

strong sense of orientation and directionality, both visible and experiential that is anchored in Norris Square. As a low-income neighborhood that has noticeably suffered from disinvestment and economic blight over

the past half-century, the grid system is both a blessing and a burden

for West Kensington. While some vacant blocks and parcels have been appropriated for community gardens and small art centers, and prove to be opportune venues for projecting culture and identity throughout the

neighborhood, there still remains vast, underutilized areas that speak to another narrative â&#x20AC;&#x201C; that of a place which suffers from a economic blight and a tattered urban landscape.

INVESTIGATION III: The neighborhood center: aggregated vs. dispersed The convergence of

two different grid systems at the border of Fishtown and West Kensington create a unique juxtaposition in the physical patterns of the built

environment in both neighborhoods. The oblique angles of the blocks and streets of Fishtown are symbolic of the original growth of the city from the

late seventeenth century along the banks of the Delaware River. Although the City Plan was drafted during this period, it was not until more than a

century later that the Penn grid was finally implemented. The small scale, angular streets in Fishtown reflect an intimate, local atmosphere, in which

the building heights and sizes vary from block to block and the strong east-

of direction and spatial orientation within the neighborhood. Vestiges

parcels and abandoned factories. There is a strong sense of orientation and directionality, both visible and experiential that is anchored in Norris

Square. As a low-income neighborhood that has noticeably suffered from disinvestment and economic blight over the past half-century, the grid

system is both a blessing and a burden for West Kensington. While some

vacant blocks and parcels have been appropriated for community gardens and small art centers, and prove to be opportune venues for projecting

culture and identity throughout the neighborhood, there still remains vast,

underutilized areas that speak to another narrative â&#x20AC;&#x201C; that of a place which suffers from a economic blight and a tattered urban landscape.

The third and final phase of this thesis project grounds itself along the

Front Street corridor â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the seam between West Kensington and Fishtown that embodies the infrastructural, social, and cultural elements of

boundary, edge, and border that are examined throughout this document.

This intended to develop a set of criteria for creating a methodology

for reinforcement and porosity along and adjacent to Front Street. The objective was to identify where and at what scale locations along the

corridor perform as joints between the two neighborhoods, and conversely where they function as barriers. The impetus for the investigation was to determine if there are strategies for intervening along or across Front St.

for the purpose of either aggregating and/or protecting the interests of the conjoining neighborhoods.

west, north-south orientation of the grid system is anything but noticeable.

The Market-Frankford elevated train line encapsulates historic Front Street

the river to a larger, industrial scale block, there are noticeable changes

corridor is unique in that it acts as both a barrier and an independently

As the grid moves from the older, small scale streets that extend from

in the built environment - mainly the scale of buildings, vacant lots, and

and emphasizes the division line between the two neighborhoods. The

functioning neighborhood of its own. The convergence of the intersecting

vendors that pour onto the sidewalks, and the low lying train tracks that

boundary can assume. The analysis studies conducted during this phase reveal the spectrum of spatial conditions that exist along and across the

corridor. The strong north-south linearity of the street is often interrupted or enhanced depending on the street activity, building density, or

abundance of vacant parcels, for example. By removing the elevated train

platform in a series of studies significance of the structure as a boundary is revealed.

The three design strategies purposed in this phase are derived from three

concept terms: extend, stitch, and establish. These terms outline positions that designers can take in order to address the spatial implications of

gentrifying neighborhoods. Let it be clear that these are not defensible strategies or solutions for solving such a complex phenomenon; rather

they are venues for creating a dialogue within and across communities to

bring awareness to the issues. Front St. presented itself as an opportune location for testing these ideas. Its proximity to Norris Square, the center

of West Kensington, is alarming because there are very few indicators that this essential neighborhood center is so close. In addition, the chosen

stretch of Front St. is underutilized and relatively inactive in comparison to

locations further north. The initial questions that surfaced from the findings were: how can this edge be occupied in a way that counterbalances the

interests of both communities? What design strategies can respond to the spatial opportunities along the edge and what programmatic elements are lacking along the street? Where are there opportunities for public space

to mend this division between neighborhoods? And where is it appropriate to reinforce or protect the edge, specifically for the constituents of Norris Square?

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SUMMARY CONCLUSION This thesis project initially set out to explore certain social, cultural, and

stakeholders obviously provides obstacles. Assertions about how people

identity in order to create a framework for understanding how the socio-

low-income community and a middle-upper-middle community were based

physical elements of the urban landscape that embody neighborhood

economic phenomenon of gentrification manifests in the built environment.

Its purpose was to initiate a dialogue about how we, as landscape

architects, value and define neighborhood; provoke a conversation

about gentrification and its impact the social and physical integrity of

cities; develop a metric for evaluating the relationship between culture,

identity, and place in a transforming urban landscape. Where this thesis concludes is where the real investigation begins. Philadelphia was an

effective testing ground because it is a city of neighborhoods, that have

operated within the two neighborhoods and the growing tension between a on observation, interviews, and conversations with community organizers.

In one sense it limited the depth of research, but in another sense it

allowed for a more empirical study of social and spatial relationships within and across Fishtown and West Kensington. Consequently the research

was able to develop criteria for investigating the implications of boundary, providing a more nuanced approach to what a neighborhood is and how social patterns are linked to the physical organization of a place.

deep cultural and historical ties, and is in the process of redefining its own identity as a city. Philadelphia has big plans for itself in the future – its

2035 Citywide Vision slogan states: “Philadelphia 2035 is our blueprint for a 21st city that thrives with new growth and opportunities, connects to the region and the world, and renews its valued resources for future generations.” This is no small feat, and the city is certainly putting

into action this plan through its innovative storm water plan, its land

management initiatives for tackling the vacancy problem, its economic

development plans that seek to increase jobs, tourism, and neighborhood centers.

Although Philadelphia was an ideal testing ground, conducting a research thesis on neighborhood identity in a short period of time, with limited onsite access, and limited partnerships with community organizations and

“To plan prudently is to transform problems into opportunities and liabilities into resources, and to intervene at the appropriate scale. To design wisely is to read ongoing dialogues in place, to distinguish enduring stories from ephemeral ones, and to imagine how to join the conversation.”

-Anne Spirn, 2005.

Anne Spirn “Restoring Mill Creek: Landscape Literacy, Environmental Justice and City Planning and Design,”

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Smith, Neil, and Peter Williams. Gentrification of the city. Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1986. Print.

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